LIFE ANL> TIMES

'' THE RIGHT HONOURABLE

SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD,

K.C.B., UC.L., &c.
PREMIER OF THE DOMINION OF CANADA.

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LIFE AND TIMES

THE lUGIIT IIONOURABLE

SllUOHNA.MACDOMLD,

K.C.li., D.C'.L., Ac,

niEMIER OF THE DOMINION OF CANADA.

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PREFACE.

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]^ canvass of the country has been made for opinions to put
-^ ' in this book. We have approached our subject in cold
blood, banishing sympathy from our heart; neither have wo
experienced the slightest tinge of remorse for the pain that we
must have frequently occasioned through these pages. The
historian or the surgeon with a soft heart is not of much bene-
fit to his race. This book may seem to have taken a party trend.
Perhaps it has. But the trend was with the Reformer till
he turned Tory, and then with the Conservative who had
turned Liberal. We most unhesitatingly give our preference
to the Conservatives now because of their more vigorous and
liberal policy ; though we should have for that political body
a vastly increased admiration, did it accept Mr. Blake's doc-
trine concerning treaty-making, and commit itself to an ex-
tinction of that legislati\ e scare-crow, the Senate. This volume
has been written hastily, so that several clerical errors have
crept in ; but the opinion of the book must be taken exactly
as it is found on the page. Let us here express our gratitude
to Mr. G. Mercer Adam for information, guidance and numer-
ous hints while at our work, and for his revision of the sheets
as they went through the press ; but this assistance, it is proper

viii PREFACE. •

to say, was purely of <a literary nature, and he is in no way
responsible for the opinions in the book. Mr. Adam, with the
modesty which is only ecpialled by his courtesy and merit, de-
sired, in consequence of his connection with the sheets, that
no mention should be made of him, save casually, in our
chapter upon Canadian literature ; but we have not allowed
this to interfere with a sense of duty. We fire under obligations
to Mr. J. Watson, of the legislative library, for attention and
courtesy while making research among the very limited collec-
tion of documents in that institution.

Wo have no apology whatever to offer for the book. It must
now fight its own way.

THE AUTHOR.

Toronto, 24 th May, 1883. ' • .

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

l-AOK

I'arentiige of Sir Ji)hn A. Macdonald — His Boyhood and School Days — Choice
of a Profession — Defence of Slioultz- -His liaw Office— "Nest of States-
iiiun"— Incidents and characteristics of his Early Life— The battle at Wind-
mill Point ■ • - - - • - - - • 17

CHAPTER II.

Political Upheavals— ('auses leading to Political Discontent in Canada— Glance
at Development of Popular Freedom in England—The Family Compact-
Struggle between Liberalism and Toryism- The llebellion in Lower Canada
—Gallows Hill — Canadian Goverpors — Sir Francis Bom' Head — Lord.s
Durham— Sydenham— Bagot— Metcalfe. • • ,, . 32

CHAPTER III. /^

Growth of Maedonald's Pojmlarity — " If I were only (irepared now I should
try for the Ijegislature" — " Yes, yonder on that Sitonny sky, I .see my star
of Destiny" — Political Tumult— Metcalfe plays the Hindoo — Macdonald
elected to the Kingston Council -( 'ailed out to oi^pose Manahan — Address-
ing Violent Mobs— Sketch of the Time. 50

CHAPTER IV,

From the Hustings to the House— Macdonald's Early Toryism -The Character
of his Opponent— Blood and Whiskey flow at tlie Election— The Fountain
of Honour a tainted Well, the Mirror of Justice a Mirage — Mr. Macdonald's
First Appearance in the liegislature —Historical Sketch of the Time. - 02

CHAPTER V.

Draughts from Tory Fountains— Macdonald's First Si)eech in the House, and
its EflFeot— Persona. Sketches— His Appearance and Address— Supports
the Law of Primogeniture —But for this Law Pitt and Fox would have
been "mere countiy squires"— Apparent inconsistencies— Explanation —
"A man is not born wise"— Zig-zag early careers of Disraeli and Gladbtone
— Metcalfe's Conscience begins to sting him— Cancer drags him to the
Grave — Macaulay's Epitaph— Franklin sails away to his Doom in the
North.

X CONTENTS.

CHAPTER VI.

/ PAOB

The liights of '44 -William Henry Draper— Kobert Baklwln —Louis Hypolite
liftfontaine— Sir Allan MacNab— Dominick Daly— Robert IJaklwin Sulli-
Tan— Mon. D. B. Viger— John Samlfield Macdonaltl. - • » ^

CHAPTER VII.

The Last Days of Toryisir.-The Tractarian Movement at Oxford — Keble and
Newman— The llepeal Movement in Ireland— The Great O'Connell — RiHe
and (Collapse of his Movement— The Giant O'Connell totters and falls—
The Irish Famine — Immif^ration to Canada — The Oregon-boundary Dis-
pute— Macdonald's Star Climbing— He "can afford to wait" — Toryism's
Last Api)eal — Lord Pjlgin — Macdonald enters the Cabinet. ... <»<»

CHAPTER VIII.

Ruling in Storm— Sketch of Rebellion Losses Measure— L. provokes a Tory
Howl— The Storm Bursts — Mob rises and burns Parliament Buildings —
Divers Figures seen through the Storm — Sketch of the Troubles — Jf)hn A.
Macdonald seen through the Tumult—" The British North American
lieague" — " Children of the Sun" — Parliament removeil from Montreal. - 114

CHAPTER IX. ,

Fall of the "Great Ministry" — Causes producing the Catastrophe -Mac-
donald seen through the Situation— The Pope Gerrymanders England —
Canadian Echo of British Rage — George Brown attemjits to overthrow the
Papacy — He Fails — Brown and Gavazzi and the Gluhe—WiWmm Ijyon
Mackenzie— Sketch of — Defeats George Brown— Figure of John A. Mac-
donald at these Sessions— The Ministry Tumbles — " The Weed had slain
Balder" — The Hincks-Morin Ministry. 135

CHAPTER X.

Proposal for Secularizing the Clergy Reserves -History of Reserves— History
of Feudal Tenure in Lower Canada— Agitation for Abolition of Tenure —
Francis Hincks -Augustin Norbert Morin— John Macdonald become-* c<.n-
troversial— Character of George Brown's first Speech in Legislature -
General Sketch of the Period, l.W

CHAPTER XI.

Birth of Jjiberal-Conservatism— England declares War against Russia— Con-
clusion of Reciprocity Treaty — Hincks-Morin Ministry becomes Honey-
combed—Mr. John A. Macdonald's Part in the Strife- " Steeped to the
very lips in Infamy"— The " Bond of Common Plunder"— John Sandfield
Macdonald's Revenge on Mr. Hincks— George Brown coquets with Con-
servatives—He is ignored and flies into violent hostility— MacNab-Morin
Ministry — Mr. John A. Macdonald becomes Attomey-General-West—
Exit Lord Elgin — Dies in the Himalayas. 161

CONTENTS. si

CHAPTER XII.

PAOB

Sir E<lmuncl W. Head— Taclu' succeeds Morin -Denominational Sch )ols— Paw-
sage between George Itrown and Hon, John A. Macdonald— Tilt between
Mr. John A. Macdonald and Col. Rankin—The Conservatives dr p Sir
Allan MacNab— Hon. John A. Macdonald succeeds the Knight— Close of
the Crimean War— General Historic Record of the Time. ... IS.'i

CHAPTER XIII. .

The Double Shuffle —Brown's " Vaulting Ambition overleaps itself, and falls
on t'other side" — Mr. John A. Macdonald's part through the transaction —
Discretion matched against Impetuosity going Blindfold— Protection to
Home Industries —Death of Robert Baldwin— General Events. - - 202

CHAPTER XIV.

Transition— ITie Dark Hour preceding the Dawn— Causes at work producing
desire for CJonfederation- Embroilment of Upper with Lower Canada
anent Rei)resentation by Population— Bitter Party Strife, and the chief
Actors — Mr. John A. Macdonald seen through the Tumult —Instability of
Ministers — " The Fatal Balance of Parties" — Condition of Things in Nova
Scotia and New Brunswick— Secession of Southern States —General His-
toric Outline— Domestic Incidents. 224

CHAPTER XV.

Fruits of the American Civil War — Seizure of the Southern Commissioners —
Southern Refugees raid American Territory from Canadian Frontier-
Privateering— Cruise of the Alahnnin and her Confreres— Public feeling in
Canad.*— The Fenian Raid— General Historic Incidents— Domestic Events 257

CHAPTER XVI.

The Coalition— Oil and Water Unite— Canadian Delegates at the Charlotte-
town Conference —The Quebec Scheme— Canadian Delegates in England-
History of the Confederation Movement from Deadlock to Union- Hon.
.Tohn A. Macdonald's Part through the M ivemant— Domestic an! Foreign
Events. 277

CHAPTER XVII.

Prominent Members of the First Dominion Cabinet— (Jeorge E. Cartier— A.
T. Gait— H. L. Langevin— S. L. Tilley— Peter Mitchell— W. P. Howland
— Alexander Campbell. 321

CHAPTER XVIII.

The New Regime— Two Reformers Read out of the Ranks— M. Cauchon's
" Rank" offence— Sketches of Thomas D'Arcy McGee ; his assassination. 338>

CHAPTER XIX.

The Red River Rebellion- Causes of the Outbreak— Col. Dennis and the Sur-
veyors— Hon. Wm. McDougall on the Scene- -The Brutal Murder of Scott

xu CONTENTS.

i-Aoa
— The Uishop doakinif the Murderer — Governor Aruhilwld'o Foul * 'oni-

jiuct. - 3')3

CHAPTER XX.

WiUuh'iiwal of British Soldiers — The Wrestle between Tupper and Howe -
Sketch of Tupiwr— The Reciprocity Treaty— Sir Jolin among the Cotnmis-
iniHsioners ; his Defence- J. H. Cameron's Defence of Sir Tohn — Tlie New
IJruuHwick School Hill ; and John ( 'ostigan- -Sketch of Lord Dufferiu — A
Bomb flung on the Floor of the Houwe of Commons. 3(55

CHAPTER XXI.

The Pacific Railway— Companies formed for Construction of the Road -Sir
HuKh Allan and the Government— The General l^lections— Tlie Scandw. ;
hist'iry of Kanie — Sir John and the Country throu^di the Storm. - - iMj6

CHAPTER XXII.

Sir John Resigns— The Mackenzie Goveriunent-Glance at the new Premier as
a Leader — A Murderer in Town — British (Columbia in Ferment Mr. Mac-
kenzie's Stru,:,'gle for Dominion Rights —Stagnation in Trade— Proposal of
a National Policy -The Political Tornado ; Mackenzie swept from Power ;
Sir John Reinstated: the Pacific Scandal Condoned —The New Tariff -
Governor Letellier— Recent Developments in New Brunswick — The Pacific
Railway Syndicate Sir John again Victorious— Sketch of Hon. A. W.
McLelan ; Hon. John Costigan ; Chief Justice Sir W. J. Ritchie ; Hon.
Edward Blake. 407

CHAPTER XXIII.

Thought and Literature of Canada— The Future of Quebec ; Future of the Do-
minion— Frencli Canadian Litterateurs— The English-Canadian Writers-
Canadian ''Prose and Sung — Sketch of Work of Leading Writers-
Canadian Independence. 435

CHAPTER XXIV.

Summing up of Sir John's Work— The Premier seen on the Hustings : in the
House of Commons ; in the Domestic Circle ; his Influence upon Public
Life— Lady Macdonald in the Social Sphere — A Retrospect. - - - 499

APPENDIX.

CHIEF SPEECHES DELIVERED BY SIR JOHN SINCE HIS ENTHV INTO PUBLIC LIFE. 511
EXl'lACTS FROM LORD DURHAM'S REPORT. i. . 621

LIFE AKD TIMES

THE RIGHT HONOURABLE

SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

CHAPTER I.

PARENTAGE AND EARLY LIFE.

IN the summer of 1820, a vessel neared the coast of Canada,
and among the many anxious eyes that saw for the first
time the blue, hazy hills of the new land wherein they were to
try their fortunes, was a small family group, one of which was
a bright-eyed little boy of five years old, with a merry face and
a wealth of dark curly hair. That were a prophet with a keen
insight, indeed, into the great, dark future who could foretell
that the child who clung to his mother's arm and looked glee-
fully towards the sho'e was one day to rise to a place of
the highest distinction in this strange land and become the
most conspicuous figure in her history. At this time the
mother country was full of wondrous stories concerning
Canada ; how men going thither without a shilling in
their pockets gi'ew rich in half a dozen years ; that land
pregnant with all the luxurious things of the earth was
to be had for the taking, and that much of what was needed
sprang spontaneously out of the soil. If the winter's frosts

18 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

nnd snows were mentioned it was but to j,five ar added beauty
to the picture; for the listener saw wide blue-glintin<,' lakes
and frozen windini^ streams over which tlie skater skiiinned \
and adown the snow-clad slo{)es came gleeful parties with
ringing laughter and merry songs, upon their sleds. Above
all, there blew over this fresh, fair land the breezo of
liberty ; here every man was eciual, and the position of the
father was not a ladder by which his son rose to place above
worthier men. It was no wonder, then, that the old land
where the tyrant Custom had so long oppressed and galled
the people, opened her loins and sent out the flow which so
rapidly converted our vast wildernesses into thriving agricul-
tural districts.

Among others came Mr. Hugh Macdonald, who could trace
his clan backward through nearly six centuries, till the great
figure of Donald, in the thirteenth century, looms up as Lord of
South Kintyre and the Island of Islay. He, the old annals
tell, had been a powerful chief, and was not sparing of his clay-
more when he met the foe. But as years began to tame hi.s
fire, he repented of his ways and set out for Rome, where,
footsore and weary, he besought absolution of the Pope for his
transgressions. He returned from Rome a subdued man, and
gave much of his wide lands to Holy (Jhurch. He had a
son, named Angus, more fierce and strong in the fight than
himself, and this son rallied his clan about him, when the Nor-
wegians came, to lend assistance to the strangers against the
Scottish king. Angus left two sons, one of whom was Alex-
ander, a name we trace down through some of the most
noted members of the clan, and find borne to-day by the
subject of this biography. Alexander was not less bold in war
or aggressive in politics than his ancestors, and, as will be re-
membered, joined his forces with those of Lord Lorn against
Robert Bruce. But the Bruce proved stronger than the united
chiefs, and Macdonald was cast into Dundonald Castle, where
he died. Angus, the son of Alexander, was the greatest of the

PA It ENTAOE A ND EA HL Y LIFE. 19

clan of which Scottisli .'.tory, up to thi' time, tells us ;
ho had all the military aiiloui- of hi> an"estoi>; w'^h more tact
and foresight. Ho was lot less respected than feared by
Bruce — am wo can fancy the calihro of nhe man whom
Bruco would respect and fear — who gave to liim the
lands of Glencoe ; (fated between three and four centuries
afterwards, to bo the shambles of so many of his gallant clan)
the islands of Mull, Tyree, and many others. The wisdom
of these grants to a chief already too powerful, and who
bojusted through the legend in his arms a power unlimited
" "per mare, per terras^ might have well been doubted.
Later on, we find this haughty chief meddling in the affairs
of the king, showing "just the edge of his steel" to the
sovereign; and then forming an alliance with the house of
Stewart, by marrying a daughter of Robert, who became
Scotland's next king. The history of this haughty isl.and
king and his successors forms exciting reading, and we pause
in wonder at the mighty clansmen grappling witli the full
strength of the kingdom. Through all the turmoil of the story
we see ambition striving at nothing short of a displacement of
the sovereign power upon the main land, sometimes working
its way through intrigue with the foreign foe, and again send-
ing in fierce warriors, clad in tartans, and wielding thirsty
claymores, to grapple with the royal enemy in his own strong-
holds.

The student of Highland story has read of the treachery of
James the First towards the clan. Despairing of subduing the
untamable chiefs, the King sent out a message of peace, with
words of good-will, to Alexander the island prince, and asked
him to come, as a brother, with his most prominent followers
and kinsmen, to Inverness, where he with his nobles would
hold a parliament. Earl Macdonald came, and with him his
mother, the Countess of Ross, Alexander MacGodfrey, of Gar-
moran, and others. The great chief soon found that the King
wanted him not for parley ; for the royal soldiers seized him-

20 LIFK OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

self and his inothor, both of wlioin were cast into n dungeon;
and put MacCiodfrcy to deatli. This chieftain lias a descend-
ant and namesake whom wo know of who wouKl not liave
walked open-eyed into the trap of tlie Scottisli King ! Alex-
ander, how(!Vcr, was released upon promise of submission, but
he had no sooner reached his sea-girt fastness tlian ho buckled
on his " wailike gear." He was overwhelmed, and compelled to
beseech the royal clemency. It is told that he went to Edinburgh;
and on the occasion of a solemn festival celebrated in the Chapel
of Holy rood, on Easter Sunday, 142!), that the unfortunate chief,
whose ancestors had treated with the Crown on the footing of
independent princes, appeared before the assembled Court in
his shirt and drawers, and implored on his knees, with a naked
sword held by the point in his hand, the forgiveness of the
monarch. The King was partly mollified, and sent Macdonald
to Tantallon Castle, but later set him free, and conferred upon
him all his old dominions. The direct line of the Lords of
the Tsles ended with Donald Macdonald, grandson of John
Macdonald. This was a powerful chief, and he rallied four
thousand men, and a hundred and eighty galleys, in his
island dominions. After his death the unity of the family
became broken, and its patrimony divided among several sub-
families of the original stock. In later generations the Mae-
donalds of Garragach and Keppoch became the Clanranald
clan, and spelt their name Macdonnell, while the Glengarry
Macdonald adopted a similar spelling, taking a new arms, with
the motto of the Lord of the Isles — Per mare, per terras.
The acknowledged representative of the original Macdonald
clan is now the Macdonald of Sieat, though many deny his
right to the title, and him Mr. Hugh Macdonald, who came of
the same stock, recognised as his chief, as does his son.
Sir John Alexander Macdonald, the subject of this book.
The legend in the crest of Mr. Hugh Macdonald, as in that
of his son, differs not from that of the family progenitor.

I'A /.' h:N TA <; h: a xd fa n i. v lifk. • t|

the L(»i(l of the Islos, which proudly tells of rlominion throii<,'li
land anil sea. .

Mr. Hugh Maedotmld was horn in tlio parish of Doriioch,
Siitherlnndsliire, I mt early in life moved to CJlasgow. He mar-
ried Helen Shaw, of Hadenoch, Invtirness-shiro.hy whom he had
five children, of which three were hoys, William, John
Alexander and Jamos ; anc' two girls, Margaret and Louisa.
The birtliplaco of Canada's future statesman, as of the other
members of the family, was George Street, Glasgow. William,
the oldest of tlie children, diiul in Glasgow ; Janies, tlio younger
of the boys, died while a lad in Canada ; Margaret, who married
professor Jrunes W^illiamson, of (.Queen's University, Kingston,
has been dead for some years ; and Louisa, wlio never married, is
still li V ing at Kingston. When the emigration movement began,
Mr. Hugli Macdonald and his family, Jolm Alexander being
then in his fifth year, took passage for the inviting land of
Canada. The early immigrants settled, whenever possible,
convenient to the lakes or great rivers, for here the inhabitants
clustered together ; little schools sprang up and rude highways
connected one village with the other. Mr. Macdonald settled in
Kingston, then the most important town in Upper Canada, near
the historic fort of De Courcelles and Count Frontenac in suc-
cession, and next to Halifax and Quebec, the strongest fortress
in British North America. This city ottered many inducements,
in the form of excellent schools and churches, besides social ad-
vantages not existing in other parts of Upper Canada. After
residing here for upwards of four years, the family moved to
Quintd Bay, leaving John Alexander, then in his tenth year,
at school in Kingston. The lad was placed at the Royal
Grammar Schooi, under the tuition of Dr. Wilson, a fellow of
Oxford University, and subsequently under that of Mr. George
Baxter.

The most important settlement upon the Bay at this time
was Adolphustown, and here Mr. Macdonald took up his
abode, leasing a saw, grist and fulling mill at the Lake

tt LIFE OF SJIi JOHN A. MACDONALD.

of th«» Mountain, aliout a milo tlistant. A<l()l|)hu.st(»wn,
tliout^'li only a (jiiit^t villa'^'i now, wlicro the touri.st lovo«
to ling r in tin; .sinninor clays, is historic ground, and in the
early history of tho province was a centre of much business
activity. Here it was that forty yiiai-s before the Hagornians,
the Ruttans, and Mncloan-, hcad'sd l)y Capt. Van Alstine in a
fleet of sevtsn boats, guarded by the brig //o/w cairying
thirty guns, settled after their flight from the New England
Colonies. From this township, though only three and a half
miles sJiuaro, have gone to the legislatures of (Canada no fewer
than eleven representatives, every one a Loyalist. 'J'he history
of the early settlers' struggles in the backwoods would be
long to tell, and reveal some strange inctmgruities. Not
the least of these would bo the recollection of Captain Van
Alstine, Dr. ])ougall, and the Macleans in their tight knee-
breeches and silver buckles "piling fallow," or dragging home
firewood to the shanties. Women reared in the midst of
elegance and luxury were soon reduced to the straits of wearing
the skins of wild animals for clothing ; and she were a happy
maid who could procure a calico dress for her bridal day.
Money even among the gentlemen living there was a commodity
scarcely ever seen, and many a shabby toiler turned away sor-
rowing from the bateau with its load of goods, because he could
not buy a shirt or a pair of breeches ; and i.iany a mother
sighed as she saw, and could not purchase, a p'ece'of muslin that
would make a dress for baby. All these honest hearts have
long since ceased to beat ; and he who travels around the lovely
shores of Quints Bay in summer sees here and there a group
of grassy mounds shaded by cypress trees or the weeping
willow, where many of them lie buried. Among the Dutch
refugees the custom prevailed of selecting a family burial plot
upon the farm, and frequently the spot chosen was that where-
on the weary wanderers first rested upon their arrival, or put
up their tents.

1 AH KNTAGK AND EARLY LIFE. M

One of the lovoluiHt HitjiatioriH on tlio l»ay was ho La'ce
of t) u Mountain. From tlio snnnnit you hco, ftm' at)j)arcntly
«() near that yon niiglih tosH a stone into it, th ■ deai bhio wa-
torH of tho inlot. About a milo distant are the rich low-lyin<^
lantis of Adolphustovvn, witl trinj cottaj^'es and waving' fujlds,
and to tho right ovt" Ernosttown tho Upper Oap, where tho
still waters of tho bay coinniingle with tho boisterous waves
of Lake Ontario. It was n these lovely wilds that tlie
future Canadian statesman was often seen with a mnnbor
of other Uids, during his holidays, a Hshing-rod in his hand, at
one of the many streams that flowed into Quintd Bjiy, Imt
rnany of which, stripped of uhe forest tliat then clothed their
banks, have since run dry. We should have wondered less had
the music of the rushing streams, and the inspiration which
tho lad miglit have cauglit when the sunnner wind blow in
from tho picturesque bay, produced a poet instead of a states-
man.

Tho lot of tho immigrant, even about the time of Mr. Mac-
donald's arrival in Canada, as Mrs. Moodio relates in her
delightful book, " Roughing it "n the Bush," was by no means
80 charming as the trans-atlan;jc pictures showed, with their
skaters and sleds in winter, ant nought but plenty and wild
flowers in summer; but above all, the hardships were most
keen to those who had been bred in easier ways, and who in
coming to the wilds of Canada found themselves obliged to
adopt rude and hard measures for an existence. Writing of the
immigration flow, Mrs. Moodio, who was of gentle birth her-
self, and had a highly cultivatf d and observant mind,
remarks: "A large number of the immigrants'were officers of the
army and navy, with their families — a class perfeetly unfitted
by their previous habits and standing in society for contending
with the stern realities of emigrant life in the backwoods. A
class formed mainly from the younger scions of great families,
naturally proud, and not only accustomed to command but to
receive implicit obedience from the people under them, are not

34 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

men adapted to tlie hard toil of the woodman's life." The Mac-
donald family were among this. better emigrant class, and had to
contend with their full share of the privations that fall to the lot
of theimmigrant. Like most others,Mr. Hugh Macdonald wasnot
enamoured of the new country or its occupations. But having
come to make his dwelling in it, he resolved to do the best he
could. He was shrewd and intelligent, but lacked much
experience in his new employment. It is not strange that his
success was doubtful almost from the first, and that eventually
he gave the business up, by no means a gainer. From Quintd
Bay, in 1830, with his family, he moved to Kingston. Here
he leased the Kingston mills, situated a few miles outside of
the city, and these he operated for a number of years, simul-
taneously carrying on business on Princess street.

Those who remember young Macdonald in his school-days
describe him as having " a very intelligent and pleasing face,
strange, fuzzy-] ooking hair, that curled in a dark mass, and a strik-
ing nose." From a very early age it seems that his father intend-
ed him for the legal profession, remarking to a friend that the
province was jet only in its infancy, was rapidly growing, and
would soon need a horde of professional men. In preparation
for his entry upon legal studies it was that he was sent to the
grammar school. In school he displayed a marked talent for
mathematics, as did one of the most appalling nhcrr ^ters in
history fifty years before at the Military Colle["' of Biieane.
For classics he showed no special talent, tho igh in thin study
he was up to the average in his class always Theve may have
been much omen in his marked talent for Euclid. "The uni-
verse," says a great thinker, " is run by reason and mathe-
matics;" R.ad Napoleon's generals did not fail to remark, after
some of the battles had been won that startled the world, "He
hasn't all these mathematics in his head f r nothing." " When
visitors came to the school, Mr, Baxter, in showing his classes
off to the best advantage, nearly always," says an old gentleman
who was a schoolboy then in Kingston, "called on Macdonald

PARENT A GE AND EARLY LIFE. 9fr

to go to the blackboard and demonstrate the propositions." In
those days copybook exercises formed a Nvg^r portion of the
school work than they do now. Mr. Baxter frequently ex-
hibited the clean kept books of young Macdonald to some
careless student for emulation, and as often selected specimens
of the neat peiimanship of the boy to put to shame some of the
slovenly writers in the class.

After he had entered his sixt(^enth year, his fither took him
away from school and articled him iu the office of Mr.
George Mackenzie, where lie ajiplied himself diligently to a
study of the law. Mr, Macdoiiaid was of the opinion that the lad
might as profitably begin upon his studies at once after leaving
■i<? school as go to college. At the present day a young man
who itS not taken a degree at a college or university is con-
siderec indifferently qualified for a study of the law. There is
a good deal of force in the contention, but not so much as is
generally supposed. A degree, it is true, is a very worthy
badge, but is not unfrequently a sort of false light — a kind
of guinea-stamp put upon a worthless coin. Some writers
who know little about Mr. Macdonald's early career, de-
scribe hi& breaking off from school in his sixteenth year as
fatal to thoroughness. But what Macdonald did really do,
admits of a different deduction. He spent six years studying
law, instead of three years in college reading Grecian fables in
a dead tongue, and puzzling his poor young brain over the in-
tegral calculus, and three years at the law. It is hard to under-
stand how a wail of Jocasta or a cooing scene between Calypso
and Ulyspes could have been a better training or more useful
knowledge for the young lawyer than the very law itself, since
he already had a knowledge of classics and mastered six books
of Euchd. At his studies Macdonald was an exemplary lad .
More than once did Mr. Mackenzie speak of " that young
Macdonald" as "the most diligent student" he had ever see".

Before he was quite twenty-one he came up for admission to
the bar, and he afterwards used to tell jocularly how he per-

26 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

suaded his father that he was of full age, though he was really
some months short of it. He opened an office at Kingston, and at
once began to practise his profession. An old resident of the town,
who had been a school-mate of his, thus describes the young
barrister at this period : " He was an exemplary young
man and had the good wishes and respect of everybody. He
remained closely at his business ; never went about spreeing or
losing his time with the young men of his own age and stand-
ing ; did not drive fast horses, but was always to be found at
his office, courteous, obliging and prompt." Through his own
natural ability and the influence of friends he secured in a short
time all the business to which he could give attention. Besides
obtaining some of the most important local cases, he becf»,me
solicitor for the Commercial Bank, founded by Mr. John S.
Cartwright, and also for the Trust and Loan Company ; and on
the death of Mr. George Mackenzie, received most of the busi-
ness of that old practitioner.

When he began to practise law there were heard the first
mutterings of the storm soon to break over the country: and
the year following numbers of disaffected persons in Lower
Canada under Papineau, and in Upper Canada ^- ^der William
Lyon Mackenzie, rushed blindly to arms. Every county in
Canada had its radicals to take up muskets or pitchforks
against their political oppressors ; every county, too, had its
loyal men so full of zeal for the welfare of the Crown that they
would, and often did, sit in grave and awful state hearing evi-
dence against men arraigned for saying that Papineau was
^' handsome," o» that Mackenzie was " sturdy." One day, Mr.
Augustus Thibodo,now one of the oldest residents of Kingston,
was out in the field with his servant-man ploughing. As they
stopped at the end of the furrow, Mr. Thibodo said to the man :
" Go fetch me that rifle ;' and when the man had brought it
from where it stood by the fence, he remarked, " I wonder how
far it would kill a man ? " Later in the day he observed inci-
dentally, " Papineau is a fine fellow ; I believe he will soon

PARENTAGE AND EARLY LIFE. 27

be up here." Through the serving man tlie words reached
the ear of Mr. Smith, a zealous magistrate, the next day ;
time and circumstances were abolished ; the two observa-
tions were put together, and Thibodo was arrested and
thrown into prison. There was many a ca.se like this in
those days, and John A. Macdonald, though a tory, always felt
and expressed deep sympathy for the men who incurred penal-
ties by their resistance to oppression ; and many a one who
was a marked man in the eyes of loyal zealots came to his
office for advice, and received it readily and without pay.
" What would you advise me to do ? " said Augustus Thibodo,
who was beset by Government spies one day and had received
advice which was not satisfactory from several other quarters.
" I am held in heavy bonds for appearance and good behaviour,
but I cannot escape calumny ? " " It is very hard ; these
times are trying, and from my heart I pity you and such
as you," said Macdonald, " but my advice is, get away
from the city as quickly as you can, and never mind the
bondsmen. You are not safe here. When the Habeas Cor-
pus is restored come back. That can't be long ; for affairs
are now intolerable." v

He had yet won no important laurel in his profession, but
his opportunity was fast approaching. During the autumn of
1838 along the American frontier adjacent to Canadian towns,
hung an ominous war-cloud. The autumn previous the militia
had scattered the gathering on Montgomery's farm under Wil-
liam Lyon Mackenzie, and the ill-starred leader and a portion
of his broken host had fled for safety into the republic. From
these refugees, and their .sympathizers in the republic, sprung
up the dark associations all along the border which bore the
name of Hunters' Lodges. The secrets of this mysterious
gathering no outsider could accurately gather, but the lead-
ing motive, an invasion of Canada, was surn\ised by everybody.
In the early part of November, 1838, large numbers of the
Hunters began to congregate at Ogdensburg, and anxious eyes

28 LIFE OF SIR JOUN A. MACDONALD.

were turned thither for many days from the Canadian shore.
On the 11th of the month a noted Hunter, named S. Von
Shoultz, a Pole by birth, put liimself at the head of upwards
of two hundred men and crossed over to Prescott. Here he
hinded his force, taking position at Windmill Point, beyond
the range of Fort Wellington's guns and behind the mill, a
building with strong stone walls. Here ' e expected to be
joined by large numbers of Canadians and reinforcements from
the Lodges. But as the days went by and no reinforcements
came, the heart of the Pole began to sink, and he saw that he
had fallen into a snare. Retreat he found when too late was
impossible, for armed steamers patrolled the outlet from his
position ready to sink his boats ; and now nothing remained
for him but to bide the bitter issue with his little force. On
the thirteenth the enemy under Col. Young, about five hundred
in number, came against him and opened a brisk fire of mus-
ketry. As the stag fights at bay, with a heroism such as de-
spair alone begets, so fought the Pole and his followers under
the hail of bullets which sang among them. Two of their
officers and eleven men had fallen, a large number were wound-
ed and thirty-two taken prisoners. Then the doomed band
went further into the death toils, entrenching themselves inside
the heavy stone walis of the mill. Here they were safe from
musket balls, and here they remained three days longer till the
enemy brought artillery from Kingston and began to batter
down the sides of the building. Then the luckless host, to the
number of about a hundred, surrendered and were taken off" to
Kingston by the enraged soldiers. Fifty of the Hunters, it is
estimated, were killed, but this is not certain, as a great many
of the dead were burned in the building. The Canadians in
the two engagements lost two officers and seven men and had
a large number wounded.

Courts -martial were now established at London and Kings-
ton, and at the latter city Von Shoultz and his accomplices
were tried ^or their crime. For counsel the unfortunate leader

PA II EN T A GK AND EARL Y LIFE. 29

had the brilliant young banister, Mr. John A. Macdouald.
This was a time of intense ( xcitement, and crowds thronged
to see the prisoners and he^ir the trials. Every one was
struck with the masterly character of young Macdonald's de-
fence, and though they knew it lay not in the power of human
tongue or brain to save the prisoner, they admired the skill
with which he led up his arguments, the tact with which he
appealed to the inexorable judges, and above all the soul-felt
interest he seemed to have in his client. But as effectually
might the wandering winds make appeal to some stern hill, as
the young lawyer sue these grim judges for mercy to the dar-
ing stranger. There is no doubt Mr. Macdonald felt a deep
personal, as well as professional, interest in his client. He
had been closeted with the unfortunate man, and learnt his
story. Only eight years before the prisoner's own beloved
Poland had made a last desperate effort to burst her fetters ;
only six years before she — one of the noblest nations on the
face of the earth — had been blotted from the map, and fallen
into the grasp of the tyrant. At the time the Hunters
were planning the invasion of Canada, Shoultz was told
that the people here chafed under a yoke more galling than
ever Poland wore ; that they only wanted to see among them
the glint of friendly steel, when they would arise and over-
throw their oppressors. It needed no further fuel to fire
the misguided Shoultz with the devoutest zeal. Here was a
cause similar to his own Poland's ; and then he remembered
that when the American colonies were rising against a like op-
pression his illustrious countryman Kosciusko had come over
and thrown his fortunes in with the cause of liberty.

But no power in man's persuasion, as we have seen, could
save Shoultz. He was foredoomed to die, and, with nine
others, was executed at Fort Henry, Kingston, on Saturday
morning, Decembar 8, 1838.* The following letter, written by

* Mr. Dent and other writers Btate incorrectly that the executions took x^lace
late in the year of 1839.

M LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. 2JACD0NALD.

Shoultz to his friend Warren Green, of Salina, New York, the
(lay before his death, shows how he had been duped by Mr.
Mackenzie and the others who led him into the enterprise. It
shows, too, that he is by no means the ruffian and brigand
which our historians flippantly describe him: "When you
get this letter I am no more. I have been informed that my
execution will take place to-morrow. May God forgive tliose
who brought me to this untimely death. I have made up my
mind and I forgive them. * * » * I wrote to you in my
former letter about my body. If the British Government per-
mit it, I wish that it may be delivered to you to be buried on
your farm. * * ♦ * My last wish to the Americans is
that they may not think of avenging my death. Let no fur-
ther blood be shed ! And believe me, from what I have seen,
the stories told about the sufferings of the Canadian people
were untrue. * * * ♦ i further beg of you to take care
of W. Johnson, that he may find an honourable bread. Fare-
well, my dear friend ; God bless and protect you ! "

Neither does he seem to have been a mere " adventurer,"
for in another letter, published after his execution, it was
found that he had left £400 to the widows of the Canadian
militiamen killed in the raid.

But though Shoultz died, young Macdonald at a bound
placed himself in one of the highest places as a forensic orator.
Then it was that careful listeners saw the first evidence of
his wonderful grasp of constitutional questions. When the
trial was ended he received warm congratulations from the
eloquent Mr. Forsythe and all the members of the local bar,
as well as from a host of friends. And in an editorial note
appended to an account of the trial, the editor of a Montreal
journal said that the defender of the unfortunate general would
soon be recognized as one of the first men in the country.

Shortly after the execution of the invaders, a young man
well known in Canada now, Alexander Campbell, then in his
eighteeenth year, entered upon the study of law with Mr. John

PARENTAGE AND EARLY LIFE. 81

A. Macdonakl, who had opened, in the words of an old resident
of Kinj^ston, "one of the most wide-awake and business-like law
offices then to be found in Canada." In later years there
came to the same office one day a chubby little lad witii large
prominent eyes and a methodical walk and manner of speaking
stating that he wanted to stud}'^ law. His father had been
at one time a soldier, had come from Caithness, and was
now engaged in business in Kingston, The firm took the
lad; he is to-day the premier of Ontario. There was a
home in England which produced so many poets that it
was called "the nest of nightingales." With much rea-
son might this law office of J. A. Macdonakl be called the
nest of statesmen. It is told that there used to be a good deal
of chaffing in the office about the handwriting of members of
the firm and the students. Macdonald, during his school-
days, wrote a hand of striking beauty and form — and to-day
he boasts of being the best writer in his cabinet. Mowat
wrote " a tidy, conscientious little fist," and in after years Mac-
donald would say jocularly that the one strong point he ad
mired about Mowat was his handwriting.

In the midst of the law duties, one day it was told in the
office that the seat of government would soon be moved to
Kingston. John A. Macdonald took the pen from behind his
ear, wheeled his chair around, and in deep thought looked out
of the window.

CHAPTER II.

POLITICAL UPHEAVALS. ^

PERHAPS it were well to pause hero and take a back-
ward glance at the causes which brought about the
troublous times referred to in the foregoing chapter. Half a
century before the British Parliament divided the Province of
Canada into Canada Upper and Lower, each division corres-
ponding with what is to-day Quebec and Ontario. By this
partition it was hoped that each pi'ovince would enjoy consti-
tutional peace and bound forward in the paths of progress.
Burke, indeed, who had been caught and flung back into the
most abject toryism by the influence of the French Revolution,
saw a golden peace in the future for the Canadas now, and re-
garded as guarantees for the abiding principle of the system
the restrictions upon popular liberty placed in the Constitution.
But many statesmen shook their heads, and Fox predicted that
these vaunted safeguards of peace and an abiding constitution
would prove the seeds of discord and disruption. And so it
proved ; though the evil laid in the marrow of the system did
not break out into an active soro for many years afterwards.
To each province was given a constitution supposed to reflect
the virtues and the liberties of the constitution of the mother
land. There was an elective chamber where the sturdy yeo-
man and simple habitant clad in their homespun came to legis-
late upon their allotted questions. There was an upper
chamber, supposed to be a reflex of the House of Lords, the
members of which were appointed by the Crown for life. To
these were given the prerogative of altering or rejecting bills
which came up from the k wer chamber. The councillors

POLITICAL UrUE AVALS. 33

were men of high aocial standing including even prelates and
judges. Then camo the executive; a mimic privy council,
composed of men elected hy the viceroy to advise with him
on all matters of public administration. The members of this
body were drawn from the legislative council, or from the
house of assembly, were not obliged to have a seat in the
popular branch, and were responsible only to the head of the
government. The governor was a mimic king, and in those
days had all the ways of a sovereign. " I am accountable to
God only for my actions," said Charles the First, when presented
with the Petition of Right. " I am accountable to the King
only for my actions " said the little Canadian mock-sovereign,
when meekly reminded of what was due to the people.

These were not t!ie days of darkness, neither were they
the days of light ; rather both kings and commons lived
in a sort of twilight where the liberty of the present seemed
to merge in the oppression of the past. Since before the time
when the barons wrung from John at Runnymeade, the Charter
of their liberties, everyone had talked about the " right of the
subject " and the " prerogative of the Crown ;" but none seemed
to know where the one began or the other ended. Under the
reign of the Prince of Orange, men who remembered the tyr-
anny of the profligate Stuarts, thought they lived in the noon-
day of constitutional liberty. But it remained yet for George
the Third to set up a tyrant who did not rival the author of
*' Thorough," only because he lacked ability for anything but
profligate intrigues, and the additional and self-sufficient reason
that Englishmen having tasted of a liberty unknown in the
days of Charles, would not be driven again into abasement by
a cleverer tyrant than Straflford. Truly, for tyranny was the
spirit of those Georges, willing, but the flesh was weak. " I
will die rather than stoop to opposition," said George the Third ;
but opposition was better than revolution, and he stooped. Tor
years he retained ministers in defiance of the House of C '~'-
mons, resisted the entry of good men, of whom Fox was one,

M LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

into tho ('abinet, and niaintainod a s^stoiii of wron^-headoJ
personal government that cost the country a hunched inilliouH
of pounds, thirteen provinces, and tlio lives of a thousand
subjects.

His son William tho Fourth, though called "Tlu; People's
Frieiv ," still dismissed or retained a minister " when he pleased,
and because he pleased ;" but with him, wo may well l>elievo,
disappeared from the royal closet forever the last vestige of
personal government. A flutter, it Is true, went througii tho
breasts of the jealous guardians of constitutional liberty not
many years ago when the coumions discussed the " Question de
jupons ; " when a minister of whom the nation had grown sick,
a man who dandled cushions and played with feathers while
momentous questions of tho state were hanging, resigrted tho
seals and two days later crept back again to power behind
the petticoats of the ladies-in-waiting. But if anything were
needed to give assurance of constitutional rule, it surely must
have appeared, when, with girlish frankness, the young Queen
told Peel, " I liked my old ministers very well, and am very
sorry to part with them ; but I bow to constitutional usage.'^
It is not written in the constitution where the power of tho
sovereign shall begin or end in retaining or dismissing minis-
ters ; but he would be a bold ruler indeed who should ever
again attempt personal rule in England. Should such an
attempt be made, it were not nece^ary to fear for the people.
It would be only the worse for that sovereign.

But while the principles of liberty were growing broader
and deeper in England, the people of the colonies were chafing
under a yoke as intolerable as that felt in England at any time
during the reign of the Stuarts. In the provinces of Canada
the long heard cry of discontent had grown deeper and more
ominous towards the close of the reign of William the Fourth.
Wise men looked into the future then as they look ever, but
we wonder that they could not havo foreseen the consequences

VOUTICAL UPHEAVALS, 35

of .such govonuncnt as was now imposed upon tlio oanadiau
pooplo.

Each province, as wo have seen, had its numic king, and
this creature generally rnle<l with the spirit of an autocrat. It
mattered little that the man was good when the system hy
which he governed was so very bad. There existed at this
time in every province a condiination which bore the hateful
name of " Family Compact." This comjjact was composed of
men who were lories by profession, and who came, by virtue
of the preference they had so long held above their fellow
colonists, to regard their right to public office as prescriptive.
They filled the legislative council, which l)ecanio the tool of
the Crown to thwart or strangle any objectionable measure
sent up from the chamljer of the people. They filled every
office of emolument from the Prime Minister to the sergeant-
at-arms ; from the chief justice down to the tip-staff. " Nor
did Israel 'scape the infection," for they were found in the
church which in turn furnished mitred heads to the council.
They looked upon the large bulk of the colonists as inferiors,
and viewed with alarm the movement in favour of what
was called Popular Rights. Every point gained by the people
they regarded as something lost to the Crown ; and when a
governor came to the colony they generously surrendered
themselves to his pleasure. If he were .some haughty autocrat,
who looked upon the colonists as the owner of a plantation in
Jamaica regarded his slaves, they seconded his opinions and
zealously assisted him to rule as he would. If he happened to
be a generous man, and was disposed to listen to the de-
mands of the people, they poured poison into his ear, and grad-
ually led him to regard the most worthy popular tribunes who
asked for reform as dangerous demagogues. It seemed to be
the fate of every man who in these days came out to govern us
to turn tory the moment he set foot upon our soil. The whigs,
w^ho in England set themselves up as the redeemers of our
liberty, outdid their opponents when they came to Canada.

88 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD

When tlio tory canio hero he outdid liiiiiMolf. But tlio toryism
which ^Tomul down tlio people of this country for ho njany
dark years was not the toryisni that wa.s known in En;dand.
Had it Wen, the history of our own titne.s would have formed
a more turbident chapter.

From tills Family Compact the j,'overnor, whether whig or
tory, drew a circle of advisees which he called "The Executive;"
but he did not feel Idmself bound to Hcek the advice of its
members, unless for courtesy, or when beyond his depth. Ihit
whtro the council were of the same nii;ul as the governor, re-
straints were not nejdful ; and in the executive for many a
year the viceroy found a willing tool to aid him in governing
accordir"" *"> his conviction or caprice. In Quebec the wheels
of government rolled on with an incessant jar whicli threatened
a disruption. It was liard for the French to forget that they
were a conquered people, even under the most liberal foreign
rule ; but the intolerable oppressions of the dominant clique
brought or.t all the race prejudices, and, not unnaturally, gave
an alarming magnitude, sometimes, to the smallest grievance.
But thenj was enough of weighty grievance. The homo
government had fostered and kept uj) a British party, a little
clique which threw themselves in with the governor and ruled
in defiance of the vast majority. The upper cliamber was
filled with this clique, and they sat with eagle eyes watching
to destroy any measure opposed to their interests coming from
the lower chamber. It was a long and fierce wrestle, that,
between the two houses, but in every contest the habitant
went to the wall. From the ranks of this clique, too, was
filled the executive council, puppets of an autocrat governor,
and the demoralizers of a man of fair play. Again and again
would the house of assembly declare it had no confidence in
a minister ; but it was coolly recommended to mind its own
affairs, and not to meddle with those which were only the
governor's. For nearly half a century the French had worn
this galling yoke, and now determined to cast it off. Finding

POLITICAL urn E AVALS. 37

how hollow a thing to thorn was rosponsiblo govemniont, in
18.S2 ihoy suddenly stopped tho supplies. Then came about
" the otHcnals' f:in»in(!," and for four yours judges walked tho
land in shabby erinino, while "every <lescription of official be-
gan to put his corporosity off'." This was a Imrsh kind of
revenge, but surely it was not unprovoked. A ptioplo goaded
for half a century cannot be much blamed if they, as a last
resort, .seize a weapon of resistance lawful and constitutional.
We know that son»o of those upon whom tho heavy hand f€ll
were not responsible ; but they wore tho servants of an atio-
cious system. While t)ij world camo to look full of ruin to
tho otHeial, Louis Joseph Papineau, a nuin of honourable char-
acter and much energy, ottered a series of ninety-two resolu-
tions to the legislature to y)resent to tho imperial parliament.
These resolutions contained a formulary of grievances against
the homo government and its agents in Lower Canada. Tho
counts sot forth, in bricif : " Arbitrary conduct on the part of tho
Government; intolerable compo.s'*'on of the legislative council
(which, the}' insisted, ought to be eleci >' ) , illegal appropriation
of tho public moneys, and violer.t proro;.:i: uoi. of the pro /incial
parliament." They pointed out, likewise, that tho French people
had been treated with contumely ; that they had boon shut out
from office by tho favoured Bi itish ; that their habits, customs
and interests wore disregarded, find they now demanded that
the doors of office and emolument be thrown open to all — or
they would rebel, the resolutions hinted between the lines.

The little British party, alarmed for their beloved flesh-poi^,
sent to the imperial parliament a set of counter resolutions.
The Commons pevusod both without much emotion, and sent
out Lord Gosford and two commissioners to clear up affairs in
the confused colony. Lord Gosford came out with a large stock
of that material with which it is said the road to a certain place
is paved ; but ho fell into (he hands of the compact, and chose
to walk according to tradition rather than to the impulses of
right.

88 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MAODONALD.

Meanwhile, Papineau liad allowed magnificent ^'isicn.s of a
future republic along the banks of the St. fiawrence to lure
him away from the path of sober, unambifious reform, in which
he had earlier trod. He had to deal wiih a people, too, who
have more than once in history become the slaves of a blind
enthusiasm ; and in those speeches at whicli the monster crowds
cheered the loudest could be heard the first breathings of re-
bellion. The two commissioners who had come out with Lord
Gosford presented their report to the imperial parlir.ment, and
the outcome of this was Lord John Russell's Ten Kosolutions.
By one provision of these resolutions the Gove; nor wac author-
ized to take £142,000 out of the funds in tlie hands of the
Receiver-General to pay the arrearages of civil salaries. In
vain Lord John was told that his re.si>lutions would drive the
people into rebellion, and perhaps into the arms of the Republic ;
but that haughty little statesman did not anticipate any trouble
from the Republic, and as for the Canadians, they were very
lightly taxed, he said, and had really but little to grumble
about.

As had been ■■predicted, the resolutions brought the discontent
to a head. It is hard now to believe that Papineau did not
really rejoice at the coercive spirit of those measures, for they
gave him an ample pictext for soaring oflf towards that new re-
public of v'hich he so fondly dreamed. The people became
enraged, and from hot reformers changed into flaming patriots.
The)' resolved to use no more goods that came through the
custom house, and to smuggle rather than pay duties. Monster
meetings were held by Papineau, at which the habitants were
told to strike now for liberty. Men who knew anything, of mili-
tary tactics began to drill large bodies of the inhabitants, while
every man provided himself with some weapon that would
kill. Then the outbreak came, and the poor habitants, in wild
e'^thusiasm, rushed upon the cold bayonets of Lord Gosford.
I*) was only the history of political tyranny the world over,
again — lashing the people into rebellion by bad laws and worse

POLITICAL UPHEAVALS. 89

administrators, and driving them back again into allegiance
with cruel steel. We are told that the blood of a man who
falls by the violence of his fellow will cry to heaven for ven-
geance; a heavy account, then, must be that of tho,'f> men by
whose oppression these poor habitants were driven away from
their humble toil to meet death at the hands of the soldiers.

The flame having burst forth in Lower Canada, it was soon
communicated to the ready material in the upper province.
There, too, did the Family Compact furnish an irresponsible
executive to an autocrat governor. The people dreamed of
constitutional freedom, for the light which now was shining
across the Atlantic was dawning here. Great men are usually
the offspring of an important crisis; and now a party of superior
men, all of high character, and many of good social standing,
had grown up ; and they demanded that the government of the
province should be taken out of the hands of the favoured, ir-
responsible few, and handed over to the majority of the people
through responsible ministers. This change would purge
away the long train of evils of which the people had so long
complained. In those days there was no popular check upon bad
administration, or even upon corruption. Many a minister grew
rich upon his peculations, because the eye of the puolit :ould not
reach him. But some journalists now boldly int:.'iided upon the
sacred privacy of the ministry, and revealed to the public many
instances of official mismanagement and corruption. Then it
was that the history, in which we read of the disgraceful per-
secution of Wilkes by a tyrannical sovereign, was repeated in
Upper Canada. Then came prominently upon the stage the
ill-starred Lyon Mackenzie, a man whose name in his day
served to hush the babes of loyal mothers to sleep. We perse-
cuted him then in every conceivable way. We sent the most
loyal and respectable of our young men to scatter his types
and wreck his printing presses. We five times expelled him
from the legislature, after he had been five times elected.
Finally we drove him into rebellion, and set a price of £1,0()Q

40 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

upon his head. Now, we are about erecting a column to his
memory.

J' was galling enough to see a mimic king come over here
to govern us, as if God had made us only to be governed ; but
it was unbearable that the political adventurer, besides be-
ing an autocrat, should be also a blockhead. To quell the
fast-increasing tumult in Upper Canada, the British govern-
ment set about to select a man. They found one in a poor
commissioner's office in Kent, surrounded with prayers for
relief and heroic poems. This v/^as an extraordinary man, and
had done things in his day which, in the eyes of the gov-
ernment, qualified him well to rule a colony. He had writ-
ten several pamphlets, extraordinary for their style, and in-
stinct with "fine frenzy." Twice he had dashed across the
South American pampas, from Buenos Ayres to the Andes, on
the back of a mustang. Upon this man the home govern-
ment let the mantle of authority fall, and dispatched him to
Upper Canada. He came amongst us with the pomp of an
Alexander, and the attitudes of a Garrick. The band of perse-
cuted men who had fought sd' long for popular rights be-
seeched him to redress their grievances, but after a few dramatic
revolutions on his own responsibility', poor Sir Francis Bond
Head fell into the fatal circles of the Compact maelstrom.
Naturally, with a colony in the incipient throes of revolt, we
might have expected the home government to send a man with
some fitness, natural or acquired, to govern and make smooth,
but at this day we are unable to see what special training in
this direction could have been conferred upon an enthusiastic
tragedy-reader by galloping about the pampas on a wild pony.
It is not necessary to add that the action of the new gov-
ernor drove the impatient seekers for reform towards the
brink of rebellion. In the house of assembly the Speaker
read a letter from Joseph Papineau, urging the Upper Can-
ada reformei's in covert terms to rebel, and hinting that, in
case of need, republicans would come over and help them. Here

POLITICAL UPHEAVALS.

was an opportunity for the dramatic governor, and he seized
it. " In the name of every militia regiment in Canada," he
exclaimed, with a tremendous wave of his arms, as he closed
the parliament, " I promulgate, let them come if they dare."
There was then nothing for the reformers to expect from Sir
Francis. He was threatened with rebellion, but treated the
threat with seeming scorn, and sent all the soldiers out of the
country. In an evil moment, and without taking counsel of ^
prudence or philosophy, Mackenzie and his followers rushed
to arms. Then brother rose against brother, and after a con-
flict in which smoke predominated, the government demon-
strated its strength, and the cause of the rebels ended in
panic* V

, Lord John Russell could not have heard the news from Can-
ada with much astonishment, for he had been told that just
those things would happen, and he seemed coolly to court the
consequences. In the commons some made light of the rising,
and spoke of " a Mr. Mackenzie," concerned in the rebellion.
Mr. Hume replying, cited the declarations of Chatham on the
Stamp Act, instancing them as the sayings of " a Mr. Pitt."
They had queer opinions in England then about colonies, and
equally odd notions about how they should be governed.
Some stc^esmen claimed that the executive should have the
Gonlidenc«i of the house of assembly, but Lord John Russell
and otbfcr whigs held that to make the executive responsible
to the popular brancli would bo to reduce the governor to a
cipher, end to virtually proclaim the independence of the colo-
nies.

In this emergency Lord Durham was sent out to Canada
with extraordinary powers. He proclaimed his Ordinances
from Quebec, but had scarcely begun to carry ont his pro-

• All n-.r hiatoriea make the inexcusable blunder of stating that a large nu-!iber
of perei ns were killed and wounded at this battle ; even Mr. Lindsey, son-iu law
of Mr. Mackenzie, rejieats the fiction in his book many j'eare after the battle. To
the Toronio World the public are indebted for ferreting out the blunder,

42 LIFE OF SIR JO UN A. MACDONALD.

gramme when many voices began to clamour for his recall.
Undoubtedly there was a disposition to judge Lord Durham
in England on the scantiest evidence. His emotional nature
was not unknown to the public. Men had not forgotten how
often he had terrified his father-in-law, Earl Grey, and ap-
})alled the council bj his outbursts at their cabinet meetings.
They had heard him '. i the House of Lords describe the speech
of the Bishop of Exeter, against the Reform Bill, as " coarse
and virulent invective, malignant and false insinuation, the
grossest perversion of historical facts, decked out with all the
choicest flowers of pami)hleteering slang." They did not be-
lieve that a man with a head so hot was fitted to grapple with
such a problem a,s was now presented in Canada. But every
day added fresh rumours to those already current in England.
The famous Ordinances of the Earl seemed to astound every-
body. They were sweeping measures, to say the least, and in
England were regarded as revolutionary. An amnesty was
granted to all political offenders, Papineau, Mackenzie and the
other leaders, excepted. These were banished to Bermuda,
from which they were not to return under pain of death. The
colonists were cordially invited to aid in organizing a libe-
ral and enduring plan of government ; and, attended by his
suite, the High Commissioner made a progress through the
country with all the pomp and splendour of an Eastern king.
But Lord Durham was not allowed to put his Ordinances to a
trial. His course was assailed in England by a storm of hostile
criticism ; it was shown that in nearly every important respect
he had transcended his constitutional powers ; that he coald
not transport to Bermuda, for the reason that he had no author-
ity over that island, and that he had no power to order that
any one breaking his exile and returning to Canada shon.ld
suffer death. One of the most fierce of his critics was Lord
Brougham, but the whole cause of his bitterness was not the
Quebec Ordinances. Five years before, at a dinner given ]>y
Earl Grey, ho had imprudently provoked Lord Durham and

POLITICAL urn K AVALS. 43

called down upon \\\n liead a torrent of wrath. The govern-
ment, who first stood like a weak man in a strong current
feebly facing the stream, supported tlieir Commissioner for a
time, then faltered and gave way. In an American newspai)er
the Earl read for the first time that the goverinnent had for-
saken liim ; and he tendered his resignation. The resignation
and the disallowance of his Ordinances crossed each other on
the Atlantic, and a few days later the proud and great Lord
Durham learnt tluit he was a disgr.'ced man. With constitu-
tional impulsiveness he issued a proclamation which was sim-
ply the justification tliat a lofty spirit, too noble and too sensi-
tive for the rude shocks of party strife, sought before the
country he had so earnestly striven to serve. Humiliated
})eyond the length that a mean mind can imagine, he returned
to England, his proud spirit broken.

It has been said that he went beyond his constitutional
powers ; but surely he did not do so unknowingly. No better
justification of his conduct can be given than is afforded in
his own words, when he asks with just scorn : " What are the
constitutional principles remaining in force when the whole
constitution is suspended ? What principle of the British
Constitution holds good in a coun\;ry where the people's money
is taken from them without the people's consent ; where rep-
resentative government is annihilated; where martial law
has been the law of the land, and where trial by jury exists
only to defeat the ends of justice, and to provoke the righteous
scorn and indignation of the community." But it remained
for posterity to do justice to Lord Durham. While he lay
gasping away his last breath by the sea shore at Cowes, cartie
the tidings, but all too late, that even his bitterest foes bore
tribute to the wisdom and broad statesmanship in his Renort.
This was the document that first set forth the scheme by which
our struggling provinces afterwards became united in one con-
federation ; which traced the causes of colonial discontent, and
pointed out the cure. Toward the close of July, 1840, the earl

44 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

breathed his last. Two days before he died he said : " I would
fain hope that I have not lived altogether in vain. Whatever
the tories may say, the Canadians will one day do justice
to my memory." They have done justice to his memory ; and
one of the foremost names in their affections and their history
is that of the great, the high-minded John George Lambton,
first Earl of Durham.

The Government were not satisfied, it appears, with what
they had done for Upper Canada in sending over Sir Francis
B. Head, but on his being recalled, endeavoured to do better,
and sent out Sir George Arthur. He was deemed to posses*
the very acme of governing powers, for he had already ruled
two colonies. He governed 20,000 negroes and several whitea
in Honduras, and when selected for Canada had just returned
covered with glory from Van Diemen's Land. This latter was
a colon}' to which, about thirty years before, the home
government had begun to send the most violent and aban-
doned characters. Armed with the experiences of Honduras
and Tasmania, Governor Arthur began to rule Upper Can-
ada. It took a great deal to fill up his bill of duty. In tu-
mult he stamped every rebellion splutter out with the heel of
a Claverhouse ; in peace he was busy with the halter. It nigh
drove him mad when a reformer approached him to state a
grievance, or ask a mercy for the misguided men who had
fallen into his hands. Reform, he said, had been too long the
cloak of treason — therefore he would talk only of stern justice
now. And the governor chose a bloody justice. He hanged
Lount and Matthews in Toronto, to the horror even of many
tories. It is due, however, to the governor's memory to say,
that he was not entirely guilty of the blood of these men ; as
it is understood that the deed was strongly recommended by
the officials of the Family Compact. We know not to what
extent the goverru/r would have used the rope, had not Lord
Glenelg aroused himself from his languor to stay the fell work
of the hangman.

POLITICAL urns AVALS. 40

In Lower Canada, affairs were in cliaos. The constitution
had been suspended, and the affairs of the colony were being
administered by a special council. The British population,
who now found themselves more than ever estranged from
the French, prayed for union with Upper Canada, for freedom
from French laws and French dominion ; and beseeched all the
legislatures of British North America to assist them in attain-
ing these things. The French inhabitants had felt the yoke
of a few British sit so heavily upon them that they regarded
with horror a proposal which they believed would utterly
absorb them into the English system, with its uncongenial
customs and political oppressions.

In 1839, Sir John Colbome went home, and the British
Government, finding that the most unsuitable men did not
ma^e the best governors, selected a plain merchant, Mr. Charles
Poulett Thompson, who was known to have a clear, cool head,
much suavity and tact, and an enormous capacity for business.
The great drawback to him was that he possessed no title, an
inferiority keenly deplored by the tories ; but the government,
though partial to titled men themselves, overcame their sci aples
and sent him out. His first duty was to act on r suggestion
made by Lord Durham, whom the tories had s] iidored and
the whigs deserted. That duty was to unite Uppei o nd Lower
Canada.

The new governor-general promptly convened the special
council of Lower Canada, and obtained its assent to a draft
bill providing for the Union. It was known that the French,
who comprised the great bulk of the population, were hostile
to the scheme, and they were not consulted. The measure was
foreshadowed in the Speech opening the legislature of Upper
Canada. Subsequently, a message was sent down to the assem-
bly, embodying, among other matters, the chief points of the
proposed Union Bill. This message gave some hope to the
reform politicians, but one of its most important statements
was a lie. " So far," said the governor-general, " as the feeling

46 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

of the inhabitants of Lower Canada can be obtained the meas-
ure of re-union meets with approbation." The governor very
well know that nothing could be more hateful to the bulk of
the inhabitants than this same measure ; and for this very
reason ho had refused to consult them. The Bill was intro-
duced in due course and was opposed by the Family Compact.
But the governor-general was in earnest, and what was better,
he was master of the situation. They might pass the bill or
submit to worse. So they ate their leek with all the grace
they could command.

In July, the next year, a measure was introduced into the
imperial parliament and passed with slight amendments. The
Union Bill provided that there should be one legislative
council and one assembly. Each province had equal represen-
tation in both branches. The legislative council consisted of
twenty members, who held their seats for life ; the Assembly
consisted of eighty-four members, who were to be elected
every four years. The executive council was to consist of
eight members, and any of those who had a seat in the assem-
bly had to go back for re-election on taking office. A perma-
nent civil list of £75,000 was established, but the control of
the revenues was vested in the assembly. In 1841 the Act
went into ftirce by proclamation. To the reformers the race
was not yet, though the tone of Lord John Russell's despatches
had favoured responsible government.

Mr. Thompson had all the qualities of an excellent ruler, but
he needed moi-e light. Our historians, we believe, have quite
overrated him. It is hard to doubt that, had he been spared
to the limit of his term, the crisis which came under Metcalfe
would have come under him. Though the first ministry after
the Union was a coalition, he stubbornly refused to admit
deserving French-Canadians to a share in the government,
and though the reformers were in a majority in the house,
only one of their number, Mr. Robert Baldwin, was called to
the executive. And the governor's subsequent refusal to do

POLITICAL UrnEAVALS. 4!J

justice to the reform party forced Mr. Baldwin out of the
govei'nment and into opposition.

On the death of Mr. Thompson, who, while dying, learnt
that he had been created Baron Sydenham of Toronto, Sir
Charles Bagot was appointed to the governorship. Now, Sir
Charles was sent out by a tory government, and was a tory
himself. The reformers turned blue when they heard of his
appointment, and believed that the evil days of the Heads and
the Arthurs had come again. But the tory proved himself more
liberal than the liberal. Ho was the only governor, Durham
excepted, who roally understood what was due to the colonists
under constitutional government. Lord Sydenham would not
traffic with pitch lest he might defile himself ; but the old tory
understanding that he came to carry on responsible govern-
ment, invited leading members of the French party in Lower
Canada, and Mr. Baldwin and his followers in Upper Canada,
to form a ministry. " The Crusader has turned Turk," gasped
the Family in horror, as the "Republicans crowded to the
cabinet."

Towards the close of the year Sir Charles's health began to
fail him, and he asked to be recalled. Then Sir Robert Peel
cast about him to find a man to send to Canada, and his choice
fell upon one whose name afterwards became hateful to all
lovers of constitutional liberty. Sir Charles Metcalfe, Peel's
baneful choice, had begun life as a writer in the Indian civil
service. By the sheer force of his abilities he had scaled the
steepy w6,ys of fame, till in 1834 he found himself acting
Governor-General of India. Sir Charles was both astute and
cunning; and besides these qualities his bravery was with him
a point of honour. In his day the military held in contempt
the soldierly prowess of civil servants in India, and Mr.Metcalfe,^
hearing that among the rest his intrepidity was called in ques-
tion, resolved to aflSrm the valour that was in him. So when
the British troops were before Deeg, armed with a walking
stick, he headed an attacking party, rushed into the town, and

M LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

retrieved lils reputation. In 1839, he entered the imperial
privy council, and shortly afterwards bocaiiie j,'overnor of
Jamaica. Hero, it is said, ho won golden opinions, but we are
told by his biographer, whoso aim seems to have been to cover
him with glory, that during his rule there "some outbreaks
occurred, but they were speedily crushed and their instigators
punished, some capitally." This was not, it will be frankly
admitted, an indifferent training for a man who looked upon
refractory reformers as he did upon rebellious negroes. Added
to this, during his long contact with the wiles and treachery of
oriental craft, ho had grown incurably suspicious, and would
trust any man who differed from himself as he would "an adder
fanged." He came to Canada, and to his amazement found a
system of responsible government which did not need a gov-
ernor, and, as some of the advisers of the Crown, men who had
given sympathy or aid to rebellion. He was disgusted, too,
with the manners of his councillors, who approached him with
a brusqueness and familiarity that was revolting to a ruler of
nabobs. With the cunning of a Nana Sahib, he sent out his
confidential secretary, who wormed out of the ministers over
their wine their opinions on the powers of the governor. The
truth is, Sir Charles was like a captain who in a storm and
amidst the breakers sets himself down for the first time to
learn navigation. He knew nothing about the governing of
a colony under responsible government: few governors in
those days did. It was not the men who had sat in cabinets
and saw how people are ruled under constitutional forms, that
they sent out, but some one who had ridden mustangs great
distances, or coerced Hindoos or negroes with the strong arm
of the autocrat.

When Sir Charles learnt the opinion of ministers about his
prerogative, he became incensed. He saw that his prerogative
was in danger, and the point of prerogative to him was the
point of honour. And how high with him was the point
which he regarded the point of honour will appear from his

POLITICAL UrUE AVALS. Hi

exploit with tho walking stick. Then began the syatein of wily
and treacherouH di[)loniacy which l»o had learned in tho East;
With utter disregard for constitutional decency, he outraged
tho privacy of his cabinet, and took tho opponents of the
ministry into his coiifitlence. Day after day ho planned and
set snares for his own ministers. A close friend of his, who
knew his ways and wrote his biography, thus glories in tho
governor's shame: "Ho saw that tho feet of tho council wore
on tho wire, and ho skilfully concealed tho gun." Many an
appointment was then made that tho ministry knew nothing
about till they read it in tho public prints of their opponents.
It was galling to bo treated as ciphers by the head of tho
government — to feel that the position of adviser was only a
mockery ; but it wau unbearable to hear the sneers of opponents
who were tho real advisers of tho governor. The ministry
resigned, and one wonders how they could have lived down
contempt so long. For nine months now there was no ministry
save Dominick Daly, tho " perpetual secretary," who as a poli-
tician had boon all his li/o at once " everything and nothing."
This political merman assisted the Dictator till a provisional
ministry was formed, after which, in a whirlwind both parties
rushed to tho polls.

It was at this crisis that Mr. John A. Macdonald, with his
judgment much ripened, emerged from his law office, and be-
gan the stormy career of a politician.

CHAPTER III.

FROM THE BAR TO THE HUSTINGS.

THOSE who enjoyed the confidence of Mr. Macdonald say
that after his defence of Shoultz, his aim was to win a
still more prominent place in his profession. As wo have
already seen, his defence of the Pole gave him more than a local
reputation ; it was, as his friends used to say, " a feathor in his
cap" of which a veteran member of the bar miglu. ii.ive been
proud ; and persons coming to Kingston with difficult teases
from di: tant points Ithereafter inquired for "the yrtung lawyer
who d :fended the Pole, Von Shoultz." These were thu deya
of exclusiveness and snobbery, when it was ah lOst as liii oult
to uppmach the august person of a Dodson or a Fo-. • as the
Sleepin^'. Beauty overhung with alarum bells and guarded by
fiery diagons. There was a population of over half a million,
and the immigration tide poured constantly upon us from the
mother countries through the summer, but among this influx
came few educated persons, and but rarely a member of the
learned professions ; so that the doctor anii the lawyer were
not in proportion to the population, were much sought after, and
hence garrisoned round with importance. But no client, how-
ever poor, came out of Mr. Macdonald's office complaining of
snobbery ; rather telling of the courteous' and gentlemanly
young lawyer, " quick as a flash," who understood his case
better than the client himself before he had " half told it." Ii
those days, more than at the present time, which produces law-
yers and stump orators " not singly but in battalions," when a
young man discovered brilliant talents, or the power, by his

eloquence, to carry his hearers, his friends invariably said,

FROM THE liAIi TO THE HUSTINGS. ft

" Wo must send him to tlio TIouso." Wo aio told that in many
a case which Mr. Macdunald pleaded, even strangerH in the
Courts, not knowing tho young lawyer, but observing his
grasp of principles, the ease with which he led up all his argu-
ments, and the power he had of compiilling juries to take, by
sympathy as well ns by reason, his view of the case, wore
heard to exclaim, " the House is the place for bira."

Standing by the ocean as the dark storm-cloiKls gather over
it and the tempest breaks, a man with poetry in his soul feels
spirit exalted and impelled to sing as nature in no other mood
his can move l.im : and so, too, looking upon the political storra-
cJouds gather, and darken the sky, if a man have a yearning
for Mio ways of public life, it must be quickened as it can be
at nu other tinu At the date of which we write the air was
full of the sound.! of political strife, and the clouds deepened
and grew movr> ominous. We cannot wonder if the situation
quickened the desires of the young barrister, or if we heard
him say, as he glanced through his office window out upon the
political scene, where men wrestled and many won prizes for
Avho e abilities he could have no feeling but contempt;

•' Yes, yonder in that stormy flky
I see my star of destiny."

But it was not known now, nor for some years afterwards, that
he looked to a political career. During the elections for the
first parliament under the Union the strife was higii and
confusion general. One day, sitting among friends in } Is
office, Mr. Macdonald daid, " If I were only prepated now I
should try for the Legislature," and then added, " but it does
no harm to wait." The removal of the theatre of politics to
his own city, in 1841, go .'e impulse to his yearnings for poliUcal
life ; and thereafter he began to equip himself for the sphere in
which he longed to move. But he did not, like too v lany empty
young men of our own day, go noising through the country to
attract the people's notice ; he did not, indeed, woo the con-

62 ' LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

Btituency at all, but decided to have the constituency woo
him. During the time Parliament sat at K ngston he made
the acquaintance of leading public men, and long before it wan
known that his eye was turned to the ))aths which tliey them-
selves were treading, they prized the friendship and respected
the opinions of the young barrister, Macdonald. He attended
much to the debates of the House, and many a keen and
judicious piece in criticism those who sat with him in the gal-
lery heard fall from his lips. Though ho devoted umoh time
to his profession, and was always to be found in his oflico and
ready to take up a case, he was profoundly engaged in j/jti'i^^iar-
ing himself for his ideal sphere. While most of those who
knew him thought his'ambitions bent towards logal distinc-
tions only, he was acquivinr \.i\i knowledge of constitutional,
political and parliaiueufiirv history, which so early in hi.s pub-
lic career gave weight to his opinions and standing to himself.

In 1843, in an evil hour, as we have already seen, came over
to Canada Sir Charles Metcalfe. The y^bellion clouds had
rolled away, and the province set out once more, it was
hoped, in the ways of political peace ; but the new governor-
general had no sooner begun to make " his growl hoard at the
council board" than the political heavens began to grow
dark again. Rumours of dissension between the governor and
his council began to be whispered abroad, and it was not
made a secret that Sir Charles despised and distrusted his
council, and had thrown himself into the arms of the Family
Compact. We can fancy the feeling among the tribes of ani-
mals known as the Seven Sleepers when the genial warmth of
spring visits them in their icy abodes : with some such thrill
the tories, lying politically dormant, must have received
the news that Sir Charles had come t© an open rupture
with his "rebel advisers" and now sought the confidence
and advice of "loyal men."

At this time Kingston was not enamored of her late mem-
ber, and it was plain that an opportunity was arriving for

FROM THE R Alt TO THE HUSTINGS. 53

Horue one wholiad the respect nnd good-will of the constituency.
Mr. Harrison, the representative then, wus only a make- shift
for Mr. iMaruihan, who had, in the words of an old Kingston
newftpapf^r, "sold his cOiistitncncy to the enemy for a billet for
his son-in-law." Young Macdonald now saw his opportunity
coming, and so did his friends, lor tlvcy waited upon him towards
the close of the summer of 1843, and invited him to come out
for election to the Kingston council. The city had been lately
in'-orporated, and the divisions differed from those of the pres-
ent, but ^tacdonald stood for that section which now forms
the western part of St. Lawrence Ward. An eye-witness of the
election, and a friend of Macdonald, says : " The contest was
a fierce one. At very tavern you found crowds of persons
drunk and figl^ing. Capt. Jackson was the candidate against
Macdonald, ai.d hi had all tlio noisy and drunken Irishmen in
the town on his side. I w^s passing b}' one of the booths,
and I happened to hear a ruffian of a fellow, named Sullivan,
plotting with a large crowd of his own description to go in
and p"ovent Macdonald from speaking, and 'go through' his
supporters. They knov/ me well, and I told them I had my
eye upon them. This prevented a great row. I went in, and
found everybody inside fairly orderly, for Macdonald had a
wondurful way of casting oil on troubled waters." Jackson
was overwhelnungly beaten, and a portion of the field, for
higher purposes, 'wan- won .0 Macdonald. So in the folio v\ in^-
year, after the rupture between Metcalfe and his council had
come, and the delegation waiie 1 upon him and told him they
now expei^ted him to take the field against Manahan, Mac-
donald da not woud>.^r at receiving tj.e call, for he had been
long prep. Hug himself for the occasion, and was «"^v ready.
Neithc did anybody wond',r when it was told that he had
come irco the field, though he had not proclaimed his coming,
or talked about it at all, for it was known that there was
no one else so capable.

M LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

The country was now fairly out of its head, and perhaps it
was not strange. , A ministry having the confidence of a major-
ity of the people had quarrelled with the governor-general
on constitutional questions of vital importance, and resigned.
It was a battle between prerogative and the power of the
people. In prerogative the tories saw the stability of orr
institutions, and the maintenance of our connection with tlie
empire. In the power of the people they saw a democracy
that to-day might rush into republicanism and to-mc/row into
chaos. In prerogative the reformers saw the mc.sr, hateful
engine of political oppression, the evil which had convulsed
the province in rebellion and uiood, a something which was
nut even a prerogative, but a system by which a large luajor-
ity of the people were ruled according to the interests of a
favoured and irresponsible few. In the power of the people
they saw not a privilege but only a birthright, and went to
the polls defending that right. While the story of dissen-
sions between the governor and his late ministry was the
property of everybody, few seemed to understand the real na-
ture of the issue between them. A large portion of the people
believed that Mr. Baldwin and his colleagues had been forcing
measures upon the governor that would eventually lead to a
separation of Canada from +hs mother country, and that it
was in resisting these encroachments the discord arose. It was
told at public meetings, too, long before the elections, that
Messrs. Baldwin, Lafontaine and Hincks were aiming at Sepa-
ration ; and all these rumours were susceptible, more or less, of
confirmation. The liberal party, while including a vast body
of earnest men who aimed only at the establishment of consti-
tutional government, comprised all the blatant demagogues
and rebels of the time. Men who were. in open hostility to
British connection, and who loved anarchy better than order,
men who were aforetime American citizens and now longed
for annexation, were found upon the reform platforms, each
faction proclaiming vehemently itt own set of doctrines.

FROM TUJ': BAR TO THE HUSTINGS. 06

Few, as we have said, at this time really understood what
responsible goverriment was, or what had been the issue be-
tween the governor and his ministry. But now, as the elec-
tions drew near, those before inclined to moderate reform came
to think about it, and remembered that some of the men in the
late ministry had come thither out of the rebels* camps. They
did not wonder that men who six years before were pitted
against the soldiers were pitted now against the governor.
And during the many months that the autocrat had ruled with-
out a government, ominous muttenngs were heard from large
bands of the more impatient and radical reformers. They
said anarchy had come again, and professed their readiness to
take up arms and once more strike for a republic. All this
was remembered now, and was yet to be used with tremendous
effect by the governor and his party. The question, therefore,
by skilful tory arrangement, came to be, not one between
conservatives and reformers, as our histories have it, but be-
tween the reform party and the crown, — a party who the
tories claimed had furnished rebels to the rebellion, who had
threatened of late to rebel again, who alarmed the governor
with measures which would be fatal to the constitution, and
who from their hustings even now were calling for separation.
The Crown, in the person of governor Metcalfe, had been out-
raged by the reformers, and all men who loved peace and
British rule were asked to rally round the representative of
the Queen.

In a country yet in a crude state of civilization, where the
reverential and emotional are the strongest sides to the
character of men, we need not wonder how talismanic proved
the mention of the Crown. " Next to my God, my king," was
the rule of men for over a thousand years, when to touch the
hem of the royal garment made the sufferer whole. Aye, and
"' More than my God, my king," was jften the maxim too,
and it is avowed us by the statesman-prelate gasping his

M LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

last in the Abbey of Leicester, It is hard to hvQvk. the

bonds which

" The Queen of Slaves,
The hood-winked angel of the blind, and dead,
Custom,"

has during a thousand years bound about us. The sword of Alex-
ander cannot cut that woof; but when the man stands up, full
of that better light which is purging the world, the thrall snaps
easily as the flaxen withes that bound Sampson. The blind
reverence of the province was aroused at this election ; but Sir
Charles and the tories said it was the British Lion that was
abroad. We fancy they had the lion in the wrong place. The
emotional reverence of the people was abroad blind-fold, and
not the lion which cowered in his covert. The British lion is
not a cruel monster that lives in the closet of a tyrannical king
or an autocrat governor, but he is the noble beast that goes
abroad and vindicates the rights and the manhood of the peo-
ple. He was heprd at Runnymede, and his roar was louder
than the cry of Straflbrd's butchers.

The fury was not alone the property of the hustings
during this campaign, but it blew a hurricane through the
prints as well. Every editor dipped his pen in gall ; every
column reeked with libel. Those who had no newspapers is-
sued handbills, that might have fired the fences upon which
they were posted. Had poor Mr. Potts been in Canada, in the
midst of this ink-cyclone, he would have sighed for the tame-
ness of his Eatonswill Gazette. But there was a class of men
who considered the poster too low a medium, and the news-
paper not high enough for the formal conveyance of their
loyalty or the spread of their radicalism, and these flew to the
pamphlet. The most noted of the pamphleteers was Rev.
Egerton Ryerson, who did not add anything to his reputation
for usefulness or integrity by becoming the abject flatterer and
slavish defender of Sir Charles Metcalfe. It is pleasing to note,
however, one good feature in this questionable transaction.

FROM THE BAR TO THE EUSTINOS. fit

Tho governor was grateful, and the following year the doctor
was assured the chief superintendency of education for
Upper Canada. If in this, though, we find no reparation by
the governor for his oppression of the people, we do find in it
an excuse for the divine in lending himself to tho autocrat.
Self-interest ia the strongest passion among mortals ; and Dr.
Ryerson was mortal. His pamphlets are not worth much
notice, save for their literary form, !which is good, although
Hon. A. Mackenzie says in his "Life of George Brown" that
it is not good. This hardly amounts to a contradiction, how-
ever, as Mr, Mackenzie is not a judge of literary stylo. The
doctor was a fiery and terse writer, and generally made the
most of his material, though he had a passion for running into
bombast. He was not satisfied with defending his master on
one or two points, but led up his defences in battalioas. It
was a crushing reply to tho charge of autocracy to be told
by the reverend defender that Sir Charles was " not a, fortune
seeker, but a fortune spender," and that he was " good to the
poor." Nevertheless, in the governor's cause these pamphlets
were as strong as armies, for they were spread among the dis-
senters, a class outside the charmed circle of the aristocracy, and,
-hence, stoutly given to reform. They transfigured the governor
from a monster " mounted on an elephant, the despotic ruler of
oriental slaves," as the fiery and terse Francis Hincks styled
him, into a " benevolent man," whose whole life was " an un-
ceasing round of good works." Mr. Sullivan, under the name
of " Legion," appeared on the other side with pamphlets which
would have been more impressive had they been less flippant.

About this time, Mr. George Brown, a young Scotchman for
some time resident in New York, came over to Canada, can-
vassing for a little weekly newspaper called the British
Chronicle, belonging to his father, Peter Brown. He went
about among the politicians to see if he could get encourage-
ment to establish a political newspaper. It would have been
natural to him to have allied himself with the tories, as both

«8 LIFE OF SIR JO UN A. MACDONALD.

lio and his father had been more intensely British and anti-
Auierican in Now York than Metcalfe had been in Canada.
The tories, however, had plenty of organs, and were never
over-anxious to share confidence with adventurers. But young
Brown was more lucky among the radicals, and the ultimate
outcome was the establishment of a new radical organ, the
Globe. This paper was launched on tlie eve of the contest, and
at once began the battle with much earnestness. Its style was
vigorous Imt extremely uncouth, and would be rather rough
reading in the light of our present newspaper culture. This,
however, was not a grievous fault then, for not a very large
bulk of its readers enjoyed much more literary culture than
the editor himself. Its more serious fault was the frequent
crude and undigested form of its thought which was the result
of a spontaneous outpouring of impatient and indiscreet enthu-
siasm. There was no manijeuvering in Mr. Brown's advances ;
he attacked always in charges. It was on seeing his impatience
and impetuosity, his lack of tact and the inability " to wait for
the morrow till the morrow came," that men said, "Another
William Lyon Mackenzie has come amongst us."

Once it is recorded in Holy Writ that in troublous times
fierce horsemen were seen riding through the clouds shaking
their shields and spears : to those who looked out upon the
political sky as the summer of 1844 wore away, and autumn
came, the spectacle could have been scarce less full of fore-
boding. Chaos virtually had come, for the governor had now
unlawfully ruled eight months without a constitutional govern-
ment. Mr. Draper had proved the friend and counsellor of the
governor all along ; but as August arrived, and yet no progress
in forming a ministry had been made, he one day waited upon
his excellency and told him he saw grave danger in further
delay. Mr. Draper was a tory of a dye almost pre-historic, yet
he was a wise man and a patriot. The governor took his sharp
and, we may say, imperious advice with wonderful grace for an
autocrat, and set himself to work to form a cabinet. Evidently

FROM THE BAR TO THE UUSTINOS. 59

Mr. Draper had frightenod him, for ho went hastily at his work,
as if he fancied a tempest were shortly to break, and he feared
being caught in the storm. In a few weeks it was known that
a cabinet had been patched up as follows :

James Smith _ . - . Attorney-General, East
Wm. BuAPEii - - - - Attorney-Oeneral, West.

D. J. Papineau - - - - Com. of Crown Lands.

William Morris Receiver General.

M. ViGER - - . . President of the Council-

Dominick Daly - - - - Provincial Secretary.

The capture of Mr. Papineau was the most important move
the governor had made ; for he was a brother of the notorious
agitator and rebel, and his accession to the cabinet fell like a
wet blanket upon some of the more radical of the reformers.
M. Viger was another French Canadian. He had boon a bo-
som friend of Joseph Papineau, had aided in the rebellion, and
been imprisoned for his treason. While lying in the gaol ^ tory
paper had objected to his being " fattened for the gallows."
The same journal with other tory organs now pointed to him
with pride as a leading representative Canadian, and an honour
and a strength to the government. But after all M. Viger was
not a man of much consequence. He had not constancy enough
in his character to be much of anything. He was a weak rebel
and an indifferent patriot. He was on the market when Met-
calfe began to play the despot, and was speedily bought up.
His absorption into the new cabinet had no effect upon any-
body but himself and those who profited by his salary and
honors.

But those who knew the old man were moved to sorrow ra-
ther than to anger at his defection. " I assure you that no oc-
currence in my political life," says Robert Baldwin, in a private
letter to a gentleman in Kingston, " has ever occasioned me a
tenth part of the personal pain than the position which our
venerable friend thought proper to assume, has inflicted upon

60 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A, MACDONALD.

me. ... I honoured him as a patriot, I loved him as a
man, and I revered him as a father. ... In fact his course
is one of those enigmas that baffle mo quite in every attempt
to upravol it, and I can still really designate it by no other
term than an hallucination."

The necessiity of appealing to the country went sorely against
the governor's grain, but he was assured that there was no
hope for the ministry in the existing house. When he found
that a dissolution was inevitable, ho folded his sleeves for the
contest, and stooped to artifices and meanness in forwarding tho
cause of the tory p.'u-ty to which an average ward politician
would hardly descend. He felt however sure of victory. Cir-
cumstanc'^..i stronger than tho strength of parties were in his
favour ; ho lacked not the aid of friends who were influential
and unscrupulous, and had the satisfaction, above all, to know
that his opponents were alienating sympathy by their excesses.

Tho contest came on in November, in a very hurricane of
umult. At more than one hustings blood was shed, and mu-
tual massacre on a general scale only prevented by bodies of
soldiers and special constables. The worst fiend known to man
■was loose in those days during the elections, the demon of
whiskey. Near every booth were open houses, where the ex-
cited mobs drank intoxicants furnished by the candidates till
they became mad. For days before polling, ill-favoured look-
ng persons poured into Montreal, some carry in'{ dirks and
slung-shots, and others pistols. Regiments of soldiers, aided by
hundreds of special constables, were on constant d^xty during
the elections in this riotous city, but could not prevect some
of the most brutal collisions, and even bloodshed. The suspi-
cious strangers with the dirks and pistols did not come into the
city for naught ; and in the riots gave many a bloody account
of themselves.

In Kingston the passions of the mob were scarce less brutal,
or party feeling less bitter. Recent sittings of the p^%rliament
there had called the staid political principles of the people into

FliOM THE BAR TO THE HUSTINGS. 61

activ.'ty, and now tho crisis which liad come fanned that ac-
tivit}' into a fierce flame. Some were extreme radicals, who
declared at their gatherings that " the British system ouglit to
be pulled out by tho roots," others were uncompromising in
their torylsm, and prayed that Metcalfe " might hold fast, and
fight the good fight bravely to the end ; " while, perhaps, a
party as large as the two extreme ones, took the middle grcund,
and was neither so radical as the out-and-out reformer, nor so
conservative as the ultra tory. To the moderate conservative
party John A Macdonald belonged, though when it was told
through tho streets of Kingston that he was coming to oppose
Manahan, the extreme tories, as well as members of the great
middle party approvetl of the choice, and, with ringing cheers,
followed the young Alexander of politics to the hustings.

CHAPTER IV.

FROM TIIF HUSTINGS TO THE HOUSE.

A TORY, however, Mr. Macdonald was, and as a tory he
wimt to the polls. But what he professed was not^'that
slavish toryism which believed that the nation and the people
were made only for the sovereign. Neither did he go to the
hustings " talking prerogative, the alpha and ouiega of the
compact," but at once came to the political condition of the
people. With prerogative, indeed, he did not concern himself
at all, unless whore it bore on the constitutional status of the
province. These were turbulent times in many parts of Upper
and Lower Canada, and for several months preceding the
elections monster meetings had been held by the party leaders
at various parts of the province. It was not unusual to see
proceeding to one of these gatherings, a hundred teams, each
carrying a dozen stalwart voters to stirring music, with flags
flying, and every man armed with a club. ViDlent collisions
often occurred, and the polling places were frequently the
scenes of the maddest and most brutal party strife.

Of a similar character were the crowds that gathered at
Kingston before the elections were held, some cheering for Mr.
Manahan, others for Mr. Macdonald. Manahan was an Irish-
man, and all the bullies of the city were on his side. The
number of these was comparatively small, but thoy cculd
terrorize over a much larger number of peacably disposed men.
But the election had not proceeded far when the repute of
Manahan had grown so odious that his followers began to drop
away in flocks. The man's past career, the worthlessness of

his moral character and his mean abilities had much to do with

FROM THE nUSTINOS TO THE HOUSE. 6»

tliis ; but the chief reason was tho hapj)y addresH, the .skill and
tact of tho youn^ lawyer, who opposed him, and who grew from
day to day in tho good-will of tho voters. •

Macdonald addressed several niootings in the open air, meet-
ings composed of riotous men, inflamed with whiskey and the
worst passions of party. At one of those meetings lie had
much difficulty in getting an opportunity to begin his speech,
as several adherents of Manahan came there to obstruct him.
" Never," says an eye-witness, " did ho loso temper, but good-
naturedly waited till there was a lull in tho disturbance."
When .silence was restored, ho said he knew most of the elect-
ors, and they were all manly foUow.s — too manly, indeed, to
refuse another fair play. They were opposed to him, he said,
and they had a right to bn, and he would not give nu:ch for
them if they would not stand up for their own candidate ;
but if they had a right to their opinions — and he would bo
glad to listen to them at another time — he had also a right to
his. He only wished to present his side of tho case, and if his
hearers did not agree with him they might afterwards voto
for whom they chose. . ; •

Here was something more than soothing speech ; liere, in-
deed, was the genius of a Mark Antony, that could by the
very force of subtle knowledge of character, turn a hostile
mob into friends upon tho spot. The stroke told, and at
every point which appealed to the manliness and fair play of
his opponents — for every man, however mean, respects both
these qualities — the crowd cheered again and again, and the
cheers did not all come from his own friends. It need hardly
be said that during his speech there were no more interrup-
tions, and that he had completely conquered his opponents be-
sides charming his friends. A very intelligent Irishman, who
had just arrived in Canada, called at Macdonald's office the
next dnv, and said to a student there that he had heard
O'Connell the year before making a speech in Kerry. " The
speech last night," he said, " was not as forcible as O'Connell's,.

<J4 LIFE OF Silt JOHN A. MACDONALD.

but it was just as effoctivo." Mr. Mncdonald's spoechos, how-
ever, were far from consisting of sweetness and suavity alono ;
lie had a tongue that could suourge, hut it was rarely an unruly
fnn;^ue. Mnnahau received more than one castigation heforo
that memorable campaign eiided ; but tho ex-ministry and thoir
pa'ty came in for the lion's share. We have already Khown
that the crisis was one where party feeling was calkd into
tionc activity ; that in many places tho active tory became a
tirobrand, and tl)o moderate one a zealot — that hosts of re-
fonners rallied around the governor, and only tho most pro-
nounced of tho party stood by thoir guns. Wo do not wonder
at Mr. Macdonald being loud in his cry against the ousted
ministry. Ho had been brought up a conservative, and tho
young men with whom he first mingled wore of tho same po-
litical school. So, indeed, were nearly all, if not all, of his
close friends, up to his entry into public life ; and tho first
chapter of political history ho road, in equipping liimself
for his career, he saw through conservative glasses. It was
impossible that ho could have been other than a tory, taking
into consideration his birth, early training and associations.
In and about Kingston everything was on tho side of conserv-
atism ; — the wealth, the influence, in great measure the intel-
ligence, tho social standing, and tho prospects. Had Macdon-
ald been the son of a whig father, and grown up in Toronto,
instead of Kingston, he might have struck a different chord
when he came upon his first platform. But to condemn hira
for being a 'ory, as circumstances were, would ba to see " an
example and a shining light " in the hero in Pinafore, who
" might have been a lloosian, a French, or Turk, or Prooaian,
or perhaps an Italian," but who " in spite of all temptations to
belong to < U er nations," became "an Englishman." Friendly
historian!., couii .anting v-pon Mr. Macdonald's entry into pub-
lic life, i-pjak of his ton nm, not as a set of irresistible opin-
ions, but as if the y : sng politician were troubled with lame
bade oi a club foot, f . r they considerately describe it as " his

FROM THE irUSTINOS TO THE HOUSE. 66

iniisfo'-hine rather than hi.s fault." The fact is, lio ought, like
Richanl tin; Tliiid, to have come into the world a liorriMo pro-
<ligy, feet first, and bristliiig with teeth, and instead of crying,
as most babies do when fii-st stranded upon tins eold and cruel
world, begun with a rattling stump speech on Reform. It
matters little how John A. Macdonald set out. It is Ids career
in the trying path of public life in which wo arc interested.
If there he did his duty history will )»e satisfied.

Macdonalil did not lack material to incite, from his .^tand-
V<oint, the most scathing speeches. While we all have sympa-
tMes with the struggles of a just cause, v ith tho excesses of
that cause we cannot have any sympathy. Some of the most
brazen demagogues had gone about the country for two years
before the election pluming themselves on their disloyalty and
the aid they had given to rebellion. They openly declared
that lienceforth the government should consist of men who
had been either rebels in act or in open sympathy. Then many
close friends of the ex-government had gone ranting al)out the
country declaring that the government intended to proclai in Can-
ada a republic, and that we had had enough of British connexion.
The ex-ministers had to bear the brunt of all this mischievous
noise ; indeed, they took no pains to repudiate the wild sayings
of their followers. Then, during the closuig session of parlia-
ment, it is said that cabinet secrets were the property of every
knot of reform loafers who gathered in the bar-rooms of
Kingston. It is undoubted that there was a painful lack of
ministerial dignity, and that scores of persons of indifferent
social standing enjoyed the confid^n:3 of ministers upon coun-
cil affairs and government measures past and prospective. It
was generaliy believed, too, that *he collision between Metcalfe
and the executive was less due t,o a spii-it of constitutional
imfairness on the part of the governor than to the factious
And intolerable attitude of the council. They were, therefore,
to blame that the country had gone nina months without a
constitutional government, her peace exposed to the gravest

66 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

dangers. There is no reason why Mr. Macdonald should nave
believed differently from the large majority of conservatives,
and there was no sham scorn, we may be sure, in his denuncia-
tions of the lack of ministerial dignity, and the reproaches
which he hurled upon the late government for the disloyalty
of themselve;i and their folio p'ers.

Taverns were open in K ngstcn as elsewhere during the
contest, and whiskey and : lood froui cut heads flowed as freely
as at Doneybrook t'air- Ic was ir.'possible for two opposing
factions to meet without a collision, ni; I the candidate Avho
escaped violence or gross insult was a man of more tha-i ordin-
ary popularity. It was tlie custom, too, at some of the public
halls where meetings were held, fur member,, of the opposing
faction to make a sudden rush and extinguish the lights, when
the most indescribable confusion ensued, which ended in the
b^eak-up of the meotiug. Though this was done during this
election at many rn assemblage i^i Kingston, Mr. Macdonald
scarcely ever had a noisy inten iption at his gatherings. His-
tact and suavity disarmed hos tility, and when he was dealing
some of his most effective bU-ws to his opponent, he adminis-
tered them with such good natui'e that the listener was remind-
ed of the hero in the song, wiio " met with a friend and for
love knocked him down." Instead of provokmg hostility his.
aim was to disarm it, and this he accompUsiiod while making
many a crushiKf^ pcj.nt against hid opponents. Every day the
contest lasted ^^"^',13 popularity grow and that of his op-
ponent d(v .,? j. iid, at lencfth, a day before the polls closed,
the latter rutL*. i out of the .it, 1 m despair, while in the midst
of the wildest enthusiasm t.i j^ cloi^t^j Mi. Macdonald was-
.arried th^^ough the city on a haii', thi victor by an ovcr-
v/htiuung majority of votes.

There remains little moro f . be toid of the 3tory of poor
Manahan. He dropped ou+ of publi-i life i broken man. From
stage t.'^ (ago of t^ho 'own roa ij vuin he went; his
frienan fcisook him iis ','bu:jb ^ur>>;d him with candle, bell

FROM THE HUSTINGS TO THE HOUSE. 67

and book, and aftei* he had died from cold and misery, a
v.'retched outcast, she refused Christian sepulture to his remains.
Perhaps he rested after all, poor fellow, as comfortably in his
little unconsecrated plot as in the shadow of the Roman fane.
But Manahan was not a good man. His ways were evil, and
like his ways his end.

The country was not proof against a united Compact where
all was staked upon the issue ; against public money scattered
broadcast to debauch constituencies, and a governor-general
in his shirt-sleeves pleading for tbd crown. The result was
that the tories were sustained by a majority of three, though
the governor-general, in a fit of jubilation, before the returns
were all in, wrote a despatch to the colonial secretary. Lord
Stanley, setting forth a difFei'ent result. Forty-six for the
government, twenty-eight in opposition, and nine afioat, was
his representation. Both the governor and the colonial sec-
retary held that drift-wood went with the current, and un-
officially counted the nine in with the forty-eight. This would
show a sweeping victory for Sir Charles, and plead trumpet-
tongued in justification of his pre-election course. That de-
spatch, however, was false, but it was important. It deceived
the home government, and got a peerage for the governor.
The session opened with a wrangle over the appointment of a
speaker. By a clause of the Union Act, the official use of the
French language had been prohibited in the legislature, but
with nearly half the members in the house of French origin,
it was deemed well by all fair-minded men that the occupant
of the chair should know both languages. Two candidates
were proposed — Mr. Morin, an ex-Minister, who understov d
both language:!, and Sir Allan MacNab, who understood no
language but English, and that not very well. The latte'-
was chosen by r, majority of three votes, which showed the
strength of parties, and the reckless despatches tnat governors-
general will sometimes write to the colonial office.

B8 LIFE OF SIR J0Ii:7 A. MAGDONALD.

The Reform party now held a caucus, at which it was decided
that Mr. Lafontaine should introduce resolutions later on in
the session, praying the home government to remove the em-
bargo put upon the official use of the French language. In
those days goverror Metcalfe did not creep about in person to
listen at his opponents' doors. He would not be above doing this,
however, if the enterpri:se were a convenient one ; but he main-
tained instead a pimp or a listener at every window and key-
hole w^ben the refoi:mers projected a movement which it was
his peculiar interest to tli^^vart. In the proposed resolutions of
Mr. Lafontaine he saw danger to the French votes he had pur-
cliased. Messrs. Viger and Papineau had been bought in the
political shambles, it is true, and could be purchased again, but
it would be too much even for them to face the storm of ob-
loquy that would follow their support to a government which
as a body opposed the resolutions of Mr. Lafontaine. On the
other hand, did they and the government as a whole support
the resolutions, the French pec ;jle would ask. Can justice come
to us only from opposition ? Thu . was there a dilemma, one
horn not more inviting than the ; t.her. The governor, there-
fore, once again, decided to play the Hindoo. One day, as
reform members sat listlessly a': their desks, Mr. Papineau
arose and moved a set of resolutions prs.ying for the rela:sation
of restrictions upon an official use '. f the French language
" Once more has the subtle Indian," whispered Mr. Baldwia to
the member who sat beside him, "delved a yard bviow O" r
mines." No one was astonished now when tlfC cunning or ; he
meanness of the governor camo to the surface. There was
only the feeling of mortification that he should hfive been per-
mitted to delve below the mines.

Parliament had no sooner opened than petition"^ " thick as
leaves that strew the brooks at Vallambrosa," be,ira"i to pour
into the house, some setting forth that one memhtr had ob-
tained his seat by the hybrid sin of " bribery and corruption,"
others that perjured returning officers and partisan magistrates

FROM TEE HUSTINGS TO TEE EOUSE. 69

had turned majorities into minorities, and sent the defeated
candidate of the government to the legislature. Some of the
ministerial supporters affected to disbelieve these charges ;
others said they were intolerable if trne, but not a few coolly
maintained that whether they were true or false was of little
consequence. The contest had been between rebellious sub-
jects and the authority of the Crown, they said, and in main-
taining connection with the glorious mother-land, and subor-
dinating our colonial functions to the jurisdiction of the Fans
Honoris and Speculum Justitice what their opponents were
pleased to call corruption and bribery, they were proud to
recogn -e is loyalty and zeal. It is not, perhaps, to be won-
dered at ohat when the Fountain of Honour was spoken of,
men k )l id cynical, and wondered why a governor drinking
from 'h .!. sacred source could do deeds so very dishonourable;
and lA- >■ i.he Mirror of Justice should reflect those atrocities
s^iiich hi' been so long a scourge upon the country. The fact
is but t<.( many regarded the fountain as a tainted well, and
ihe msr ^r as a mirage.

Yet, with all the intriguing of the governor, and tae pur-
chaseableness of some members, the government was like a
crazy r- .'p hat creaked under the pressure of every squall,
and gr.vc promise of going to pieces in the first storm. And
the old ship's position was made worse by the helplessness of
the crew in the lower house, who seemed to be navigating
their way through all the shoals that surrounded them without
captain or compass. The captain, Mr. Draper, was in the leg-
islative council, and could no more preserve unity and concord
among his followers below than a mother could rule a family
in the basement while she kept to the attic. It would give
much scandal to the conservative of this day who prizes loy-
alty to his party as not among the least of the political virtues
to walk back fifty years into the ages, and from the gallery
of the Canadian assembly see the discords and disloyalty of
the conservative party then. No day passed during which

70 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

some prominent reformer did not ask a question which set the
hearts of the headless party there palpitating. Sometimes the
question was answered parrot fashion, or with that hesitation
with which an errand boy repeats over the message of the
sender. But the chief reply was that the government was
either considering, or would " consider the matter," though the
visible government, it came soon to be understood, was
only a sort of Mr. Jorkins, and the real government Mr.
Draper. Sometimes, indeed, a minister would burst " from
vulgar bounds with brave disorder," and answer an un-
decided question upon his own responsibility. But woe speed-
ily overtook him, for he was snubbed before the house ere
he had well settled into his chair, by a brother councillor. If
he had any retort in him, a scene generally ensued that scan-
dalized the party and set the opposition chuckling. The gov-
ernor's spies made notes of all these indiscretions and duly-
reported them. When the situation at length became intoler-
able it was decided that the head of the Family should come
down stairs. In the early part of February, therefore, Mr.
Draper published a card soliciting the jufFrages of the people
of London, asking them to reiterate their intention now " to
support the government of Sir Charles Metcalfe." Fancy Sir
John A. Macdonald, at this day, going up to the Forest City
and asking the people to reiterate their intention to support
" the government of Lord Lome ! " The impartiality of the
governor's character, we fear, would scarcely be an offset to
the offence. -And having spoken in one breath of the govern-
ment of Sir Charles Metcalfe, in the next Mr. Draper uttered
this lumbering sentence : " I am determined not to retain
office under responsible government under circumstances which
would cause a minister of the Crown in Great Britain to re-
sign." The Londoners swallowed Mr. Draper, contradictions
and all, and the government was saved for the time.

The faces of several prominent members of the old house
were missed from their places in the new. Mr. Francis Hincks

FltOM THE HUSTINGS TO THE HOUSE. 71

was defeated in Oxford, but instead of playing Othello, he at
once turned his great energies and ability to his newspaper, the
Pilot, which he had established a few months before in Mon-
treal. The Pilot thereafter till the downfall of the Govern-
ment was the greatest newspaper power in the land.

John S. Cartwright, too, an uncompromising Conservative,
who probably believed that the rain would refuse to fall and
the corn to spring in a reform country, and that east w^ids
find every description of bad weather were sent by Providence
upon the reformers, was also missing from his place, It is not
recorded, however, that the earth ceased spinning, or the sun
to shine the day he stepped out of the political sphere.

The faces of many members destined to play a prominent
part in political life were seen there for the first time. Among
these were Mr. Ogle R. Gowan, the fiery Orangeman, Joseph
Edouard Cauchon, on whose political regis there yet appeared
no tarnish, and, above all the rest in ability and promise, the
member for Kingston, Mr. John A. Macdonald.

CHAPTER V.

DRAUGHTS FROM TORY FOUNTAINS.

THE session, as we have seen, commenced with much wrangle,
and all the batteries of the opposition, who possessed the
heaviest guns, were opened upon the government. Nearly
every member who " could talk " took some part in assault or
defence; but Mr. Macdonald sat unmoved at his desk while the
fray went on, " looking," says a gentleman who remembers
having seen him there, " half careless and half contemptuous.
Sometimes in the thick of the mSlde, while Mr. Aylwin acted
like a merry-andrew, and Colonel Prince set his Bohemian lance
against members indiscriminately, Macdonald was busy in and
out of the parliamentary library. I scarce ever remember see-
ing him then about the house that he was not searching up
some case either then impending or to come up at a later date.
He was for a great part of his time, too, buried in a study of
political and constitutional history." With Mr. Macdonald we
have already seen the faculty to conciliate and harmonize con-
tending factions was born, as well as assiduously cultivated;
and we may be sure he had no little contempt for a ministry
which every day paraded the mutual jealousies and antagon-
isms of its membei's before their opponents and the public.
This, indeed, was the very reason why he abstained, with not
a little silent scorn, from engaging in the debates ; this is why
he chose rather to store his mind with knowledge that would
endure, while others wrangled •r played the merry-andrew.

Some, who see a similarity in life and character from the re-
semblance of two locks of hair, have employed themselves in

drawing parallels in these later years between the subject of

DRAUGHTS FROM TORY FOUNTAINS. 73

this biography and a young politician who had now begun to at-
tract attention in another parliament, that one reading the pour-
trayab could think of nothing but Martin and " the other
Martin " in " The Two Dianas." At the time of which we-
write, Mr. Disraeli had published books and got into parlia-
ment, but had shone with an uncertain light which so much
resembled a will-o'-the-wisp that no man would have cared to
follow it. With an overmastering love of Oriental display, to
him a suit of clothes was of more moment (han a set of princi-
ples, while the particular cut of a myrtle-green vest transcended
in importance the shape given to a bill of reform. " Clothes,'*
he tells us by the mouth of Endymion, when his race waa
nearly run, " do not make the man, but they have a great deal
to do with it." But there was in the beginning, and indeed to
the end, little resemblance between the two, as we shall see in.
the progress of our story.

The young member who has the affliction of being^
"smart" is generally as great a nuisance as the boy com-
ing home from high school, to whom all knowledge is a. ,
novelty; but Mr. Macdonald was as reserved as the staidest
veteran in that whole house. He assumed no airs when ho
arose to speak, and never attempted dramtatic or sentimental
flights, as did the man to whom he has been likened, in tho
outset of his career. He never spoke merely for the purpose
of talking, but only when that which he had to say threw
more light upon the discussion, added force to an attack, or .
strength to the defence. It is nou uninteresting to note that
the beginning of his long executive career was his appointment
on the 12th of December, 1844, to the standing orders com-
mittee. On the 21st of December there was much turmoil in
the assembly. During the elections held at Montreal, owing-
to the corrupting facilities in the hands of the govern-
ment, Hon. Geo. Moflfatt and Mr. 0. S. De Bleury had been
returned to the legislature. One Peter Dunn, and others, ac-
cordingly drew up a petition setting forth the irregularities.

Ti LIFE OF SIP JOHN A. MACDONALD.

of the election, and Mr. Ay I win, a reformer, and a gentleman
possessing a most flippant and annoying tongue, moved that
the election of the two members be declared void. The soli-
citor-general, Mr. Sherwood, held that the petition was insuf-
ficient, inasmuch as it was not competent to any person, not an
elector at the time of the election, to petition against a mem-
ber's return, and that t' «> law in Lower Canada required that
ten of the persons signing such a petition should take an oath
declaring their right to vote under the Act. But this petition
omitted to show these vital points, for which reason it was not
a valid subject for legislative action. Mr. Aylwin, in a deluge
of words, said the government was unnecessarily tied to techni-
calities. Mr. Baldwin, the leader of the reformers, said the
mere technical question with respect to qualification was en-
titled to no weight. The question now was not whether the
acts alleged in Dunn's petition were true or false, but whether
the legal formalites had been observed which Lower Canada
required. " Will any one tell me," quoth Mr. Baldwin, " that
if I had only obtained my elective franchise yesterday, I am
not interested in the manner in which the town or country
"where I reside is represented ? " Then Mr. Baldwin folded his
coat and sat down. Up to this time the young Kingston mem-
ber had uttered no word in the house save yea or nay. Many
members had heard of the clever Kingston lawyer who defend-
ed Shoultz, and overwhelmed Manahan, but he had sat there
so unobtrusively at his desk that many thought, really, but
little about him, regarding him as a quiet, lawyer-like politi-
cian, who seemed very industrious — for he was always reading
or searching books — and that was all. Now he arose, cool and
collected, to put an old member right ; not, indeed, some indif-
ferent member, but the renowned Mr. Baldwin, with whom
few, save the " know-nothing, fear nothing," members of the
government would care to have measured swords. He glanced
first at the speaker, then at the leader of the opposition. In
" reply to that gentleman's observations he would say that the

DBA UOUTS FROM TOR Y FO UNTA INS. 75

hon. gentleman was mistaken in supposing thft the law did
not require partieS petitioning to bo resident at the place where
the elections took place, and that if they afterwards became
residents it would be sufficient. The hon. and learned mend)er
for Quebec did not adopt that line of argument because he
saw that it was an unsoimd one. The whole oi" the argument upon
the subject used by Sir William Follett, which had been referred
to, was sustained, and it was a principle not only of law, but of
conunon sen.se, that parties not residing at the place of election
cannot be aggrieved by the return. It could not be contended
that they had sustained a wrong, and it would be out of their
power to make the affidavit, required by the statute. The first
giound of objection was not answered in any way, because the
law of Lower Canada on this point was the same as the law of
England, and the arguments used must apply with equal force
in the one case as in the other. The second ground of objection
was equally unanswerable. It was true that the magistrate
had taken upon himself to state that the oath which had been
taken was according to law, but the house was the only com-
petent judge as to whether the oath had been so administered.
It seemed to him, therefore, upon these grounds that the peti-
tion could not be supported ; and to settle the precedent he
would move that the further consideration of the question be
deferred until the 11th day of January next."

A writer who draws an amusing picture of the phoenix-like
member for Megantic, Mr. Daly, and a not flattering portrait
of Mr. Sherwood, was present in the house when Mr. Macdon-
ald made his first speech. He tells us that " when Mr. Mac-
donald stood up to reply to the contentions of the opposition,
he addressed the house with as much ease as if speaking
there were nothing new to him. He had an air of confidence,
and was as truly master of his subject as if he had been
prime minister. Every eye was upon the young member as
he spoke, and as I saw the respectful attention that was paid
to him, I felt proud of Kingston." This gives us an idea of the

76 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD:

manner of Mr, Macdonald on first addressing the house, but
the speoch itself tells us a much fuller story. It is not often
that the beginner in fence courts conflict with a master of
the sword. It is not often that a young politician, standing
up for the first time in parliament, courts issue with a veteran,
the leader of a great party, and a debate*; against whom none
save the reckless would have cared to match himself. But
this weight in his opponent was the very incentive that hur-
ried Macdonald to the conflict He had sat since the opening
of the house silent, often with scorn upon his lips, while
a series of little tempests raged about him, till now, he saw an
opportunity to worst the greatest opponent on the other side,
to end a wrangle, and establish a precedent. It is not to be
wondered at that the austere x*eformer glanced darkly from
under his brows at this young man whom he had not seen till
yesterday, who now stood up coolly rebuking him and expos-
ing his errors, as if the ex-minister were the novice, and the
novice the vetei*an. But the speaker spoke on indifferently.
For days he liad heard the house wrangle about these Mon-
treal seats, and now he fplt the time had come when the
brawling ought to cease, lie had looked for some member of
the government to end the turmoil, but had looked in vain.
The spirit of confusion had taken the bit in its teeth, and the
government was completely at its mercy. What old heads had
failed to do, at laat he did. He made a motion that at once
brought the barren strife to an end, and established a prece-
dent. His motion ended the disorder, a»id the house set free,
proceeded with its work. It is doubted by no one now that
both Messrs. De Bleury and Moffatt won their seats through
fraud and perjured instruments, but it was not Mr. Macdonald's
aim or concern to shield them in their ill-got places. To reach
them was made impossible by a fatal informality in Dunn's
petitions. His speech was a triumph for higher reasons — a
diff'erent speech from the first flight taken by the gaudy young
statesman in the British commons.

DRAUGHTS FROM TORY FOUNTAINS. 77

From this time on to the first of FoUruary, wo moot not liis
name again in the mass of verbiage that fiowed from the
House. His silence during this period and the following ses-
sion has been much commented on, but we have already seen
that during a great portion of his time, while the wrangling
went on, he sat with bent head at his desk, poring over a book,
or was found searching, or making memoranda in the lil)rary.
But we suspect he was as deeply engaged in another direction ;
that then began the system of personal influence upon political
associates which has been such an important factor in the se-
cret of his success as a pprty leader. With most men noise is
one of the necessary accompaniments of advancement, but with
him it was different then as it has been since. He did not
gain the attention and admiration of the conservative party
by sounding his trumpet ; and later on, when he entered the
cabinet, he went in, so to speak, in his stocking-feet. Neither
did he accomplish this in the fashion of a Machiavelli, but
was sought after upon merits he had manifested without in-
trigue or display, and through a system of what we must re-
gard as something higher than mere tact, as indeed an ait
born in him with his birth, and a phase of only the rarest
genius.

On the first of February, Mr. Roblin introduced a Bill pro-
viding for the proper distribution of intestate property in
Upper Canada. He set forth that the law of primogeniture
was an evil tree to set growing in our country ; and drew a
touching picture of an expiring father dying intestate, whose
baby son wondered at all the faces gathered about his papa's
bed. Would the house believe, Mr. Roblin asked, that the
father was less anxious for the welfare of this infant son
thrown upon the cold world, than for the oldest son who might
have reached the years of manhood ? He therefore believed
that what Canada wanted was gavelkind. Such was the law
in Kent, and under it the children of the intestate inher-
ited in equal proportions. Mr. Baldwin believed that the Bill

78 LIFE OF SIR JOUN A. MACDONALD.

was very defcctivt', but as the people of ITpper Canada desired
it, lie would vote for it.

Mr. Baldwin luul no sooner sat dorn, than tho provokingly
cool young lawyer from Kingston rose .igain ; onor luor i Ictoked
at tlu* Speaker, and from the Speaker to tho lead*v of tho
op|)osition ; then told " Mr. Speaker " that he " heard with .sur-
prise antl regret tho hon. ineniber f )r the fourth ridin<; of
York, after deeluring that the system now attempted to be in-
trodueed was open to great obj('ctions, state his intentitm to
support it. Pl(! had, indeed, always porsuailed himself that tho
hon. geTitleman's motto wa.s ' Flat jud'itla ruat ctvlam.' Ho
would vote for a measure whieh ho knew to be defective and
declared to be a bad one, simply because he had taken it
into his head that the people of Upper Canada required it,

, . . . How did ho know they did re(piire it ? There
were but two legal and parliamentary ways of ascertaining
what were tho opinions of the people, petitions and i)ublic
meetings, and then; had been neither of these in its favoJir. . . .
It was folly to raise a monarchical structure upon a republican
foundation Tho measure ought not to be intro-
duced here for i\v^ very reason that it was adoi)ted in tho

United States It violated the laws of political

economy, and was calculated to make the poor poorer ; to
make that which was a conifortable farm-house in one genera-
tion a cottage in *he second, and a hovel in the third. They
had heard that p •. mogeniture was a son of toryism, but surely
they would ace j[ I. the dicta of Blackivood's Magazine, a jour-
nal not much tr;d to toryism, against tho cutting and carving
up. . . . lu was the younger sons of England that had
made her great in peace or war. What would have been the
younger Pitt and Fox if instead of being sent forth to seek
their fortunes, the estates of their fathers had been divided ?
They would have been mere country squires. It was fortunate
for the Duke of Wellington and for his country that he was
left with his sword in his hand, and that sword all he had."

DRA UGIITS FROM TOR Y FO UNTA INS. 19

Wo do not (jiioto theso extracts in admiiution of nil their
(loctrineM, but to sliow how deftly the young politician could
turn away the point of an opponent's 'irguiuent.and that oppo-
nent in the rij^ht ; and how he had yet to escape from his strong
tory shell. How ashanied of him his party would now be to
hear him from his placid in the Dominion parliament (kfi;nd
what (Jihbon calls the " insolent prerogative of primoj^'eniture."
How ashamed of him his party and the country now would bo
to hear him oppose a measure here "for the verv reason that it
was adoi>ted in the United States." But these opinions, held *
for some years later, were as the vapours that hang about the
face of the morning, but which are purged away Jis the strength
of the day advances.

We know that Mr. Macdonald's public life has been described
as " a series of contradictions," but in what statesman do wo
find " ttie morning song and evening song always correspond ?"
Mr. Gladstone, the very fountain of liberal virtues and great-
ness, for years after his first appearance in public life, bore
the nickname of " Pony Peel," and was regarded as an " Ox-
ford bigot," before the better light began to dawn upon him.
Because his father owned slave plantations in Demerara, ho
took ground upon negro emancipation that will not givo
a halo to his picture ; he opposed Jewi.^h emancipation, the
reform of the Irish Church, the endowment of Maynooth, and
several other just and liberal measures. He began his pub-
lic career, in short, not only as an obstructive tory, but as a
narrow bigot. Yet we sec not even the bitterest tory organ
in England describe his career as " a series of contradictions,"
though it has been far more contradictory than John A. Mac-
donald's. Mr. Disraeli, during all the time he was prominently
before the public, was regarded at worst, as a sort of fantastic
tory, yet strange and contradictory was his beginning. He
began as a visionary radical, and formed one of the joints in
O'Oonnell's tail , iu his earlier books he evoked a clapping of
hands from relormers by his advocacy of free trade ; but won

80 LIFE OF SIB. JOHN A. MACDONALD.

pa. ty leadership by becoming the champion of protection. In
" Lothair " he sneered at the aristocracy, and then knelt l>cfore
its shrine. He denounced it as a " Venetian oligarchy," and
then described it as comprising " the dignified pillars upon
which order and liberty rest." Yet in after yeans when the man-
tle of rule descended upon him, even his opponents forgot these
things, for they had been done and said when there was nei-
ther responfr'ibility nor experience.

A man is not born wise, but the way to wisdom lies open to
every man, and he is furnished with a light to guide him by
tliat way, and that light the understanding. If he falter by
the way ortui-n into the crooked bye-i)aths, then does he be-
come accountable to his fellow men and receive the judgment
of history. A man who first sets foot in the bewildering paths
of public life is like unto one who has just begun to learn a
trade. Experience is his school, and there must be many a i-
fective blow dealt, many a wrong ^tt p made before the appren-
tice comes out a master of his craft. We have no training
schools unfortunately where we can send candidates for public
life, but are obliged to accept the unfit and unready, and leave
them to learn their trade while they are doing our journeymen
work! It is not surprising that the "botches" seen in our
egislative halls are so many and the handicraft often so very
bad. Neither, unfortunately, is it always the ablest and most
suitable students in the political trade that we send at the poli-
tical journey-work ; but often men of a low intellectual stamp,
who never read a suitable book in their lives, who know noth-
ing and really care less about great political questions, and
whose passport to public favour is joviality in the bar-room
or at the billiard table, and the ability to talk blatant vulgarity
on the " stump " at election times. Few of the really worthy
men, those who watch the trend of events, who read and think,
can be induced to enter into a field so degraded, but retire
away to their libraries; though probably, if one of these
men did come, he would find himself distanced far in the race

DRAUGHTS FROM TORY FOUNTAINS. 81

by some demagogue who excelled him in drinking beer, driv-
ing fast horses, and "treating" friends in the saloons. We
have a legion of reformers in this country, but will some of
thorn not come forward and begin to refv^rm here ? As well
may they wrangle with the winds as many of the questions
against which they have set their lances. If the people, after
hearing both sides of a plain question, put with clearness and
force, decide to have N. P. or N. C, let them have it It
is they alone who are concerned. But the question of the
intellectual and moral ca))acity of the candidate for legisle-
tive place touches the root of the whole political system.
If you elect to represent you a man with a low moral char-
acter, depend upon his turning corruptionist if he get the
chance; and it is but too often the case, in all parts of
our Dominion, that a man who has no moral or social stand-
ing, and who has failed at everything else — in commerce,
in law, in medicine, and not unfrequently in divinity — turns
politician, sells himself to the highest bidder, and ever after-
wai'ds makes it the aim of his life to get all of the public
funds he can, welcoming the means, whatever their character,
to that end. . ;

Well, Gladstone and Disraeli were not exceptions in being
" off with the old love." Peel, who began his career as a tory
of the tories, was not struck with the light till two years after
Mr. Macdonald had entered public life, and then suddenly an-
nounced to the house that he had changed his mind on the
whole subject of protection, on the policy that he had advo-
cated all his life, and was now converted to a belief in free
trade. Yet history relates the change without discredit to his
memory, although it came when he was in his fifty-eighth
year, the very meridian of his powers. Only a few days ago a
noble lord, whose toryism had been pronounced, and who
fought side by side with Disraeli in many a pitched battle
against Gladstone, entered the great liberal's cabinet as colo-
nial secretary. And really the torias whom he deserted had
F

82 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

less to say ubout the defection of the (listinguishcd peer than
some of our critics about the utterances of a student politi-
cian delivered durin*^ a reign of jrjiitical chaos, and in the twi-
liglit of opinion. We are noL apologizing for inconsistency
liere, but justifying a wliolesonioaiid honest change, of opinion.
Iv would be an evil i)rincii)lo thao required a legishitor to
Oj)pose tlio adoption of the locomotive because, b(!foro tho
in loduction of the steam engine, he had favoured the stago
coach. No; Lempora mutantur, at no8 mutamur in illia.
For tho remainder of the session, Mr. Macdonald sat uncon-
cernedly at his desk, save when he arose to make a motion or
introduce a measure. He had not grown less contemptuous
for Ins opponents or warmer towards his friends; but sat there
waiting, with cool pliilosophy, for that tide to come, which,
" taken at the flood leads on to fortune." Once indeed, on tho
2()th of February, he was aroused from his indifference by a
wrangle which seemed to be interminable. Mr. Aylwin had
persisted in interrupting Mr. Mofiatt till he was named from
the chair. But beyond the naming, no one on eitlier side
seemed to know how to proceed. Sir Allan was nonplussed,
ministers looked on bewildered, leading reform members arose
only to add to the confusion, while the merry-andrew who had
raised the squall, bandied words defiantly with tho house and
the chair, seeming to say in effect, " I have been named ; here I
am; what are you going to do with me ?" While the house
sat puzzled and confounded, there was a movement at a quiet
desk, and the cool member for Kingston arose. He looked
around the confused house, and from the house to the chair.
"The member for Quebec has been named," he said; "he
might now explain the cause of his being called to order after
which he must withdraw." And he took his seat. The words
threw light upon the house but a formality was yet needed.
Aylwin still kept the floor, hurled abuse indiscriminately, and
defied the chair. Members looked from one to the other, and

VII A .'^ aifTS Fli OM TOR Y FO UNTA INS. 83

laanyoycH were turnod to tho tl(3sk of £ho mcmhor for King-
scon. Again ho arose. " As tho niomV)er for Quoboo chooses
to continue in the same strain, 1 move tliat ho withdraw."
Tiiis punctured tho liubblo, and Mr. Aylwin apologized. Tho
incident goes to sliow tho cool prompitudo of tho young politi-
cian, when others who must have understood the formalities, in
tho confusion, had forgotten them.

It was hoped by Sir Charles that the appearance of Mr.
Draper in the lower chamber would secure tho harrnou ' of
the members, but the tendency was to disruption instead of
cohesion. With a loud flourish Mr. Draper had stated in the
beginning of the session that the government would stand or
fall with the University Bill ; with cynical faces the opposi-
tion saw him bring tho measure down ; saw his supporters
.shrink away ; saw him eat the leek, withdraw the Bill upon
the second reading, do everything, in short, but keep his word
and resign. They remembered, too, that only a few weeks
before he had told tho people of London that he would not
retain office under circumstances that would oblige a British
minister to yield up the seals.

At this date, it appears, the conscience of Sir Charles Met-
calfe began to sting him, in proportion as his government
lost ground he exerted himself by art and wile to prop it up,
till, eventually, as his biographer tells us, he began to fear
that he had lowered his honour, and appeared to himself
somewhat of a trickster. But, though he had degraded his
high office, the homo government considered he had done
his duty well, and wrote to him that he had been ennobled.
It is not surprising that when an address was moved in
the legislature, felicitating him on his honours, many a
member said tliat he could not congratulate either Baron
Metcalfe or the House of Lords ; and that instead of being
honoured with gauds and title he ought to have been re-
called and tried for high crimes and misdemeanors. If the

8* LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

denunciation was extravagant, it was certainly not without
its excuse.

Shortly after the prorogation of parliament a destructive
fire broke ou*^ in Quebec, consuming 1,G50 dwellings, two
churches, a ship-yard and several lumber yards. Neaiiy
2,000 persons wei turned penniless and a/lrift upon pubic
charity. Assistance ra[)idly poured in from every quarter, ai\d
the governor-general, who took active measures in soliciting
subscriptions, generously headed the list with 82,000.

The end of poor Metcalfe's mortal career was drawing close
to him now. His old malady, cancer in the face, had broken out
afresh, and was dragging him down remorselessly to the grave.
They sent out a physician from the colonial office with a
sovereign wash* for the disease, but thcpatient was beyond the
reach of human skill. During the early winter he crossed the At-
lantic to his seat at Basingstoke and died there. It is said that
in private life he was kind and courteous, aad good to the poor ;
and that many a tear was shed to his memory. His epitaph
was written by Macaulay, who makes the marble toll posterity
that," In Canada, not yet recovered from the calamities of civil
war, he reconciled contending factions to each other and to the
mother country," and that " costly monuments in Asiatic and
American cities attest the gratitude of the nations he ruled."
This, however, only lessens our faith in epitaphs. It proves,
too, that Byron was not all astray when he told us in the
" English Bards and Scoccli Reviewers," not to

" Believe a woman or an epitaph,
/ Or any other thing that's false."

It was during the spring of this year that the gallant com-
mander Sir John Franklin sailed away with high hopes from
England to meet his death among the thunders of ice in the
dismal North, 'ihereafter it was that many a whaling crew

• Chloride of Zinc.

DBA UGirrS FROM TOR Y FO UNTAINS. W,

at ni;,'lit in Northern Lays sang while the tempest howled and
icoborgs rumbled the touching song,

In Bantling Bay while the whale blows,

The fate of Franklin no one knows ; * ♦ *

and told, how, often in the wierd light of the aurora bore-
jilis the brave commander and two of his compaiiy, clad in
white, were seen gliding swiftly by bound for the frozen pole.

■ I • *

CHAPTER VI.

THE LIGHIS OF '44.

WILLIAM HENRY DRAPER, whose commanding pres-
ence and sweet silvery voice would attract anybody
who visited the gallery of the legislature, was born in Lon-
don, England, in 1801. His father was rector of a High Epis-
copal Church there, but the son yearning for adventure left
the parsonage when a mere lad and entered as a cadet on board
an East Indiaman. Here he had plenty of the adventure that
falls to the middy's share, but tiring of the " floating palace,"
as Marryat describes the East Indiamen of those days, and
even the allurement of a tiger hunt in the jungle after the voy-
age, the young rover, in his twentieth year, reached Canada,
and settled down to the less romantic employment of teaching
school in Port Hope. But this new occupation was only a
stepping-stone and did not detain him long. He studied law
and was called to the bar, taking up his residence in Toronto*
or what was then known as Little York. In 1836 Toronto
elected him to the legislature of Upper Canada, and the fol-
lowing year, at the invitation of Sir Francis Bond Head, he
took a seat in the executive without a portfolio. During
the battle of smoke at Gallows' Hill he was an aide-
de-camp to the governor ; became solicitor-general in 1837,
and attorney-general in 1840, succeeding, to the latter office,
Hon. Cliristopher A. Hagerman. Mr. Draper was a tory. He
staunchly upheld the union of Church and State, but did not
consider that any church, save his own, had the right to an offi-
cial existence. Dear to him, above every f eatui'e of government,

THE LIGHTS OF 'U. ■ 87

was the prerogative of the Crown, which he looked upon as a
constitutional safeguard, never indeed regarding it as a tyranni-
cal engine, even when it kept the majority under its heel
and domitted the governing power to the minority. Yet, ac-
cording to the light he had upon political liberty, he was a
good man, and loved his country well. The fact is, he regarded
"popular riglits " as a doctrine so full of evil, that, it would,
if granted, undermine our stately systems and plunge the whole
governmental fabric into ruin. As all good and thoughtful men
to day regard the doctrines of communism, so did he regard
the principles of the reformers. During many a year he was
a brake upon the great-rolling wheel of progress, but in his
obstruction saw only the duty of the patriot. He possessed a
graceful form and a commanding presence ; and when he ad-
dressed a jury, in his earlier years, or his fellow legislators in
later life, so rich and courtly was his eloquence, so sweet and
insinuating were the tones of his voice, that he won for him-
self the name of " Sweet William." He had a subtle know-
ledge of human nature, an inexhaustible fund of tact when
beset by difficulties to mollify oppon-^nts, and "make the worse
appear the better reason " ; yet he ne\er had a large personal
following, and could not hold together the incongruous ele-
ments of the cabinets he led. It is not as a politician that he
endures in our memory now, but as the justice .of the dignified
presence and silvery voice that for thirty years adorned the
bench with his high character and great judicial insight. He
died on the 3rd of November, 1877, being then in his 77th
year, regretted for his lofty character and great abilities.

Robert Baldwin, the great Reformer, and son of Dr. William
Warren Baldwin, of Summer Hill, Cork, Ireland, was born at
Toronto in 1804. In 1789 his father and grandfather emigrated
to this country and settled in the township of Clarke, Ontario,
but removed afterwards to Toronto, where young Dr. Baldwin
betook himself to the dual profession of law and medicine, prac-
tising both for a time, and the law exclusively in later years.

88 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

with marked success. About six months oefore his death,
which occurred ia 1844, he was called to the legislative council
of Canada. In 1825 Robert, who was now twenty-one year?,,
entered upon the practice of law with his father, and the firm
was thereafter known as " Baldwin &; Son." In 1829 a va-
cancy occurred in the representation of York, by the resignation
of Chief Justice Robinson, and Robert Baldwin was called
out by the liberals to oppose the candidate of the Family
Compact, Mr. Small. Young Baldwin, like his father, was op-
posed to the outrageous system of government which then pre-
vailed, and being of a singularly lofty and honourable char-
acter, and of marked ability, his entry into the field of politics
created much attention. It was a time surely to fire any man
who had in him the love of fair play, and could rise above
personal or class interests. Of the twelve years from 1824 to
1836, the government was in a minority in the popular branch
for eight years, a fact which some of the tories declared at
the time to be " annoying, but not of much consequence." Mr.
Baldwin was elected despite the array of government strength
he found in the field ; and on his entry into the house at once
began to assail the odiousness of the existing system. In 183G
he went to England, and while there sought an interview with
the colonial secretary, Lord Glenelg; but that languid gentleman,
who reminds one of Frederick Fairlie in the " Woman in White,"
refused to see him, though he was good enough to intimate
that he would attend to communications in writing upon the
subject. Mr. Baldwin's efforts availed little then, but the prin-
ciples for which he strove were soon to triumph. The report
of Lord Durham not long afterwards, which set the tory world
aghast, was a powerful auxiliary. In 1840 Mr. Baldwin be-
came solicitor-general under Mr. Draper, with the approval of
the reform party, and the year following the union was ap-
pointed attorney-general for Canada West. This position he
retained till the meanness and tyranny of governor Metcalfe
forced himself and his party to resign office and make way for

THE LIGHTS OF '44. 89

a government by the minority. We may as well anticipate
the remainder of his career. He remained in opposition till
1848, when he again became leader of the government, which
position he retained till 1851. At this period he bade farewell
to public life, retiring full of honours, and surrounded by af-
fluence, to his seat at Spadi.na, Toronto. Here he died on
December 9th, 1858. Throngs of people from every surround-
ing part streamed in to his funeral, to attest their love and
respect for thifi good and noble-minded statesman.

Robert Baldwin married a sister of the late Hon. Edward
Sullivan, who bore him severr.l children. One of these enter-
ed the church, and another went to sea, while a daugh-
ter married Hon. John Ross. Mr. Baldwin was somewhat
above the middle stature, of stout build, and .slightly stooped
at the shoulders. As a speaker he was not captivating, but ho
was convincing, for every sentence seemed to come from a
deep well of conviction ; and though he hesitated as he spoke,
and broke and marred his sentences, his aims were so noble
and so good that he always received the ])rofound attention
and respect of his auditors. In disposition he was mild and
affable, but he could not woo popular favour by the smaller
arts which, in many men, are the passport to popularity.
Yet he was neither cold nor forma'l, and all who came to know
hini closely were captivated by the sweet sincerity of his
character. "We have seen a private letter that he wrote to a
friend in Kingston, who had decided to enter political life, and
from it wo gather that he was not enamoured of the public
sphere. " I confess," he says, " was I to put public inter-
est out of the question, it would be more the part of a private
friend to wish that you might be disappointed, for politics are
certainly a most thankless and profitless occupation. Do what
one will, sacrifice what one may, and his conduct is misrepre-
sented and his motives maligned, and the only consolation left
is the consciousness of having done one's duty." Well is it with
the statesman who, opening his heart, can say that he has done

00 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

his duty. Well has it been with the high-minded, the good
Robert Baldwin.

One of the most remarkable men in appearance and ability
in the house was Mr. Louis Hypolite Lafontaine. He was a
son of Antoine Menard Lafontaine, who had been a member of
the parliament of Lower Canada from 171)G to 1804, and was-
born at Boueherville, in October, 1807. He began life as a bar-
rister, and applied himself diligently to liis profession, accumu-
lating a handsome fortune. Wlien the oppressions of the little
Britisli cli(iue became intolerable, he was found among the
daring young spirits at whose head was Papineau, who
met to discuss ways of throwing ofi' the hateful yoke. Later
on he became the rival of Papineau, and put himself at the
head of la jeiine France ; " and the priests shook their heads at
his orthodoxy." He was on the search for liberty then and
often hinted at throwing ofi' the " ecclesiastical fetters " as well
as the yoke of the Compact. In 1837 he fled the country from
a warrant for high treason, passed over to England, and thence,
in some trepidation, silently slipped across the Channel to
France. There was no evidence against him, however, and an
ironical letter he had written to Mr. Girouard on the absurdity
of rebellion was taken literally, and went far towards i*emoving
him even from suspicion. His little tour had a wonderful ef-
fect upon him, for he came back, not only a good loyalist, but
a pious Christian. He went to mass ostentatiously, frequented
the sacraments, and muttered his Ave Marias aloud. The priests
killed the fatted calf on his return, and he became a pet and a
light of Holy Church. In 1842 he reached the goal of his po-
litical ambition, by being called to the cabinet as attorney-
general East, but the next year, with his colleagues, fell a
victim to the snares of the governor-general, and resigned. In
1848, when the tory fabric tumbled down, he again came in as
attorney general East, which position he retained till 1851.
Two years later he was appointed Chief Justice to the Queen's
Bench of Lower Canada, and in 1854 was created a baronet of

THE LIGHTS OF 'U. 91

the United Kingdom. Ho was married twice, first to AdMo,
only (laughter of A Berthelot, advocate, of Lower (.*anada, antl
Becondly to a widowed hidy of Montreal. Ifo left no issue.

Mr. Lafunt'iine was a man of a very commanding appearance.
He luid a strikingly handsome face and a magnificent forehead
■which was said to resemble strongly that of Napolecm the
First. " He was not," says the writer of WaHlnngton Sketches,
" an eloquent speaker, liis utterances being thick and guttural,
and Ids English, though good in structure, bad in pronunciation."
He was a close and very decided reasoner, never losing his
temper ; but having formed many of his ideas arbitrarily from
books he was tied to theories and dogmatical. He frecjuently
showed a passion for the impracticable in poHtics, and was vain
of liis knowledore of the British constitution, of which one keen
critic at least, said he knew nothing. He was an honourable
opponent, but his resentments were as undying as his attach-
ments. In liis judicial capacity he excelled, and down to his
death added a lustre to the dignity and efficiency of the Bench.

The Speaker of the Assembly, the Hon. Sir Allan Napier
MacNab was born at Niagara, in 1798. While a lad at school
the Americans attacked Toronto, and he was " one of a number
of boys selected as able to carry a musket."^ The lad then
entered the ship of Sir James Yeo, where he was rated as a
midshipman, and accompanied the expedition to Sacket's Harbor
and other points. Promotion being slow on ship-board, he joined
the 100th Regiment in which he saw some service, and subse-
quently entered upon the study of law. In 1825 he was called
to the bar, and some mouths afterwards began to practice his
profession in Hamilton. Up to this period he had been a victim
to irapecuniosity, having been " compelled to restrict his peram-
bulations within the charmed circles of the blue posts which in
these times marked the boundary that must not be passed by a
bailed debtor."f

• Morgan ; " Biographies of Celebrated Canadians."
•I- Dent's "Last Forty Years."

p LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

In 1829 he was elected to parliament for Went worth, hav-
ing created sympathy for himself among the tories. He was
speaker of the last parliament held in Upper Canada, and
when the rebellion broke out hastened from Hamilton to
Toronto with his men of Gore, and dispersed the deluded band
that Mackenzie had gathered about him at Montgomery's
tavern. Later in the year, he ordered the cutting out of
the Caroline, which was surrendered to Niagara Falls-.
"We have already seen that he was chosen by the tories as
speaker of the second parliament under the Union. We shall
meet his figure again, all important v/ith its gauds of honour,
and shall not anticipate his career. He was not of much con-
sequence as a politician. He had a good presence and could
make a ready speech, but he lacked all the essentials of an or-
ator, and the tact that charms one's friends and mollifies his
enemies. Though his speech was jagged and often lumbering,
he was always drawn up in the order of be tele, ready to level
a lance against any opponent, whether he know his mettle or
not, or to rush into the most intricate queslion that he knew
nothing about. Sir Allan would have been a better man had
they not spoiled him with their gauds and knighthood. It is
not every man who is equal to the carrying of a ribbon or a
star, or a C. M. G. to his name. Sir Allan was not. The mo-
ment that the title fell upon him, his usefulness departed ;
he seemed to feel that he had been absorbed bv the Crown,
and drawn out of the coarser and unholy atmosphere of com-
mon life in which he had formerly lived. Henceforth his duty
was to guard faithfully the interests of that Crown of which
he felt himself a part. Prosperity and honours are often con-
vincing tests of a man. They are what fire is to the metals.
From the ordeal only the gold issues unchanged. And, ., .;

Hearts that the world in vain have tried, .'- -,

And sorrow but more closely tied;
• _ That stood the storms when wat'os were rough,

Yet in a sunny hour, fell oflP,
Like ships that have gone down at sea,
When heaven was all tranquillity.

THE LIGHTS OF 'U, 93-

Dominick Daly, the son of Dominick Daly, by the sister of
the first Lord Wallscourt, was born in Galway, Ireland, in 1798,
and married in his twenty -eighth year the second daughter of
Colonel Ralph Gore, of Barrowmount, County Kilkenny. He
studied law, was, in due time, called to the bar; but not
caring for the legal profession, came out as secretary with
governor Burton to Quebec. Shortly after lus arrival he
became provincial secretary for Lower Canada; and on the
accomplishment of the Union became provincial secretary
for Canada, and a member of the board of works, with a seat
in the council. He retained the provincial secretaryship till
1848, when he was driven out of office by the reformers. He
sat in gloomy state three years longer for Megantic, and then
betook himself to Engla^id whsre he petitioned the govern-
ment for a substantial recognition of his twenty-five years'
faithilul service in Canada. In answer to his prayer he was
appointed successively to the governorship of Tobago, Prince-
Edward Island, and Western Australia, and received a knight-
hood. If ever henchman deaerved reward at the hands of the
Crown, Dominick Daly did. His idea of political duty was
to show unswerving fealty to the Crown, and support every
government that came to power. He was a body upon which
the political sun never set. When a government, of which he
was a member waxed strong, Dominick became full of party
sinew and vitality ; but as that party waned and the end
drew near, the colour faded out of him; he became a
sort of political jelly-fish, and calmly awaited the change of
parties, when he developed new affections, a new frame, and
fresh marrow and muocle. Like Mejnour of the Rosy Cross,,
he saw rulers come and go, and parties wax and wane, and
fall to pieces, and rally and grow great again ; but time nor
change affected him. In the best of nature he assisted the
successor of Burton and his clique to thwart and oppress
the French majority ; and he aided Durham in laying the
broad foundation of an enduring liberty. He strove with

«4 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

Sydenham to found the basis of an equitable political sys-
tem ; and he aided Metcalfe in strangling popular rights. He
was courteous and genial in private life, had strong personal
friendships, and was a pious adhei'ent of the Catholic faith. He
believed that the king could do no wrong, and that the duty
of the subject was to obey the sovereign or the vice-regent,
unquestioningly, under every circumstance. He would be an
odd figure upon the scene now, and even in his day was a
curiosity. He was the amarantus of the cabinet, its never-
fading flower ; but his enemies used harsher prose, and named
him the " Vicar of Bray," His preferments in after days to
high place and title, is an eloquent commentary on the wisdom
and discrimination of Downing Street.

Another noted man of this Parliament was Robert Baldwin
Sullivan. He v as born in Ireland, but emigrated to Little
York when only a lad, and studied law there in the office of
his uncle, Doctor Baldwin. While a student ho was appointed
legislative librarian, and, we are told, made the most of his
opportunity among the political records. He was admitted to
the bar about 1825, but not thinking himself qualified for
city practice, moved to the county of Middlesex. But his suc-
cess in two cases, especially in the libel suit of the demagogue
Collins, attracted much attention, and he was invited to remove
to Toronto. He accepted the invitation, moving thither in
1828. In 1834 he entered public life, opposing William Lyon
Mackenzie for the mayoralty of the newly incorporated town
of Toronto. Up to this period, his liberalism in politics had not
been doubted. But it appears he now became disgusted with
Mackenzie and his most zealous supporters, who, whatever their
political virtues, were noisy and coarse, and could easily be mis-
taken for demagogues. From this date an estrangement grew
up between him and the reform party, and when Sir Francis
Bond Head offered him a seat in the council, he readily threw
himself in with the Compact. He was a member of Sir George
Arthur's council, and lent his strength to putting the rebellion

THE LIGHTS CF 'U- 9$

down ; was also in the cabinets of Lord Sydenham, Sir Charles
Bagot, and Lord Metcalfe. Strangely enough, under the gall-
incf rule of the latter, he returned to his first love, retired from
office with his colleagues, and afterwards attacked Metcalfe in
a number of slashing letters signed " Legion." In the Baldwin-
Lafontaine cabinet, under Lord Elgin, he was provincial
secretary for a time, and was elevated to the bench in Sep-
tember, 18-t8. He died on the 14th April, 1853.

Mr. Sullivan's public career would not be a good model to
hold up to the aspiring politician. He was a brilliant and
powerful speaker, but he had no convictions, and upon the very
subjects, in discussing which, he lashed himself into the whitest
heats, he often felt the least. In every man is born a moral in-
stinct which I'eveals the difference between right and wrong, and
points out those principles that are the great highways in the
moral field ; but not to all men is given that perception in the
same degree. In some indeed the duty path is plain as the
lines that scar the brow, while to others so vague appears the
way that they are ever in doubt, and cross and recross the faint-
traced path unconsciously. Mr. Sullivan was one of this latter
<;lass. He had warm and generous impulses that came from
his soul, but he would tell you after he had made a speech
upon some great principle, that thrilled, if not convinced, every
one who heard it, that he did not believe a word of what he
had said himself, and that with as good or better reason he could
have made a superior speech upon the other side. Not un-
like Voltaire, when he said to the young infided, " You say I
have made it as clear to you as the sun in heaven, that there
is no God ? — then it is by no means so clear to myself !" In his
day Mr. Sullivan was the meteor of the political sky.

With M. D. B. Viger, at one time a noble patriot, we need
not concern ourselves at any length. He was bom in Lower
Canada, studied law, and at an early age took part in the
movement for political freedom. In 1834 he proceeded to Eng-
land, and laid the grievances of the French people before the

# LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD,

government ; and in 1837, rose with Papineau into rebellion.
He was arrested for treason and thrown into prison; hut on
being released was returned again to parliament by a sweep-
ing majority. He was also elected to the first parliament un-
der the Union, and took his place prominently among the re-
formers, Mr. Viger was a mild and venerable man, who no
doubt loved his country, but it is hard to resist believing that
he was somewhat jealous (as old men nearly always are of
young rivals) of the young French leader. He did not forget
that this leader, M. Lafontaine, had been once a lad in his
office, and from his lips learned his first political lessons.
Now the people had forgotten the master and rendered homage
only to the student. When the reformers were forced out
of the cabinet, Metcalfe, we need not doubt, had his eye upon
the venerable patriot, and, master of cunning that he was>
poured into the old man's ear a long tale of flattery, telling him
that he was the father of the French people, and their rightful
leader ; and that therefore it was he wished him to take a seat
in the council. Whatever the wily governor said or did not
say, the old man walked into the trap, and covered his lustrous
age with no little ignominy. He lived to a very old age, and
was serene to the parting moment. The account of his last
hours is touching reading, and we linger by the bedside to see
the glared eyes brighten for a moment, while the dying man
utters, with his parting breath, "J'aiTne mon Dieu, et faime
mon Pays."

Looking through the house among the opposition, we see
another figure deserving special notice. This was a man of
low stature, with a bright eye and an electric movement.
John Sandfield Macdonald was born at St. Raphael, in the
County of Glengarrj', Upper Canada. His grandfather, a
Scottish Highlander and Roman ('atholic, had emigrated
thither from Scotlan'l in 1786. There was a good deal of
romance in the youthful days of this politician. He left the
paternal roof at the age of eleven, we are told, resolved to do

THE LIGHTS OF '44. 97

for himself in the world. Discovered many miles from home,
he was taken back against liis will, but he soon took an oppor-
tunity to start off the second time. On this occasion, as he
was bargaining with an Indian at Cornwall to paddle him
across the river to the United States, the Indian demanding a
half a dollar, and the lad having only a quarter, his father
came up and again carried him home. He soon broke away a
third time, and hired with a store-keeper for three years at a
sliding scale of salary, £10 for the first year, £12 10s. for the
second year, and £15 for the third year. He removed after
two years to a store in Cornwall, but abandoned the position
in a few months, and entered upon a study of law with Dr. Urqu-
hart of the same town. Th(} following occurrence, it is related,
turned him from mercantile pursuits to the law : One day,
while out in the streets, ho was pelted with snow-balls by
urchins, who, at the same time, contemptuously called him
a " counter hopper." It was not for the snow-balls he cared,
but he was stung with the thought that the calling he had
adopted couid be flung reproachfully in his face.* In June,
1840, he was called to the bar, having completed his studies in
the office of Mr. Draper. He was first elected to parliament
after the Union, in March, 1841, and joined himself with the op-
position, though he had no love for Sir Allan MacNab, the leader
of that party. Up to this time Mr. Macdonald had loose
notions about political principles — by the waj , he always had
— but when Metcalfe developed into a political tyrant he
joined the ousted ministry ; and it was because political treach-
ery was revolting to his mind that we find him now sitting
among the opposition benches. Though we shall meet him
again, we may as well anticipate some of the events in his
career. Although a Roman Catholic, he opposed separate
schools ; and his clergy denoimced him from their altars. But
he was very dear to the affections of his brother Highlandmen,

* Morgan: " Biographies of Celebrated Cauadians."

98 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

whom he could address fluently in Gaelic ; and they voted for
him despite the dicta of the priests. At the election of 1844<,
there were 18,000 inhabitants in his county, Cornwall, and of
these nineteen- twentieths were of Scotch descent; while of
Macdonalds alone there were not fewer than three thousand
two hundred, all of whom spoke Gaelic. Four j'^ears before
this date Mr. Macdonald married a lady from Louisiana, the
daughter of a United States, senator and owner of a large
plantation of negroes. His after career is not uninteresting,
and we shall see this nervous man, with the bright eyes, often,
before our story closes.

ii^sIL.

CHAPTER VII.

THE LAST DAYS OF TORYISM.

WHILE ths struggle for constitutional government was
going on in this country, three great questions pro-
foundly stirred the rainds of men in the mother land. One of
these began thirteen years before within the hallowed walls of
Oxford, when the conviction dawned upon the" sweet and saintly
Keble," who has been likened to Goethe's star, a soul " without
haste and without rest," that the Church of England had wan-
dered from the apostolic road into the world's by-ways, and
that, while the body grew out into fair proportions and decked
itself in purple and fine linen, the soul within it languished to
the very gasp of death. And Keble, sore in spirit that his
beloved church should see such an evil time, told his sorrows,
and gathered around him some of the most sincere and lofty
spirits in England. Within the college walls, one evening, as
the wind murmured through the classic trees, with Richard
Hurrell Iroude, Dr. Pusey,John Henry Newman and others, he
inaugurated the movement that first became manifest by the
publication of the series of arguments contained in the " Tracts
for the Times." Bold and searching were the arguments in
these papers, startling, if not audacious, were their doctrines. As
tract after tract appeared, the thinking world became profoundly
stirred, and the bishops turned uneasily in their chairs. It
would have been easy to hush the voice of the skeptic or the
unbeliever within the walls of Oxford, and the church, whether
papal or episcopal, has never hesitated to enforce silence by
authority, while the nerve remained to her arm ; but here the

100 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

bench of bishops was met by the thrilling appeal of some of
the most pure and lofty spirits in the realm, men who neither
doubted nor disbelieved, who aimed not to pull down the
church, but to build her up, to make her better and not
worse, and who had disco veiod but too many unpleasant
truths which they dragged into the light by the aid of a
merciless and all-penetrating logic. So they calmly bowed
their heads before the storm, though their mighty fabric rocked,
and braved the rack till " No. 90 " came rolling from the press.
This was the most famous of the series, was written by New-
man, and was the climax to which the whole curr*^nt of the
argument had hitherto been tending. The bishops at once
took the alarm ; the vice-chancellor and the heads of houses
met ; they condemned the tract and censured the writer. The
voice you may still by force, but opinion you cannot stifle.
Newman had entered upon a vast field of speculation ; and
those who saw the trend of his thought, must have known that
only one church upon earth for him could be a staying-place.
He still taught in the college and in the pulpit, and, in the
words of Mr. Gladstone, was " all the while, without ostenta-
tion or effort, but by simple excellence continually drawing
under-graduates more and more around him." He went to the
continent, and wandered through classic cities like a man in a
dream. In these wanderings the whole world to him seemed
dark, and he, himself, as an infant groping hi>-i way to find a
home. It was then his spirit breathed, and he wrote, that
sweetest of our English hymns, that, pealed now upon ten
thousand organs through all Christendom :

" Lead, kindly Light, amid the encircling gloom,
Lead Thou me on ;
■ . The night is dark, and I am far from home ; —

Lead Thou me on."

He returned to England teaching with all the sweet earnest-
ness of his nature; and while he knew not where his haven lay,
or whither his footsteps tended, the eyes of observant men saw

THE LAST DAYa OF TORYISM. 101

that he was travelling fast to Kome. His secession staggered
the church of which he had been the most brilliant star ; and
twenty-five years afterwards Mr. Disraeli describes his separa
tion as having " dealt a blow to the church of England, under
which she still reels." While we do not believe that the falling
away of any one man could, to this extent, injure a church
with a throne and government forming two of its constant
bulwarks, we may suppose that the secession was a serious loss.
But Newman, in a simple surplice, preaching in a modest epis-
copal chapel, was a far greater menace to the episcopacy, than
Newman with a cardinal's hat, or thundering out of the chair
of Peter. When he went over to Rome the danger was past,
and the wildly agitated heart of the established church at-
tained its normal, sober beat.

While the divines saw with trepidation the movement in
the theological world, politicians were filled with interest in the
struggles of the giant O'Connell for a repeal of the union.
They had heard him say, and they knew the tremendous force
he would employ to keep his pledge, " The year 1843 is, and
shall be, the repeal year." They saw the whole of Ireland
rise as a man at his call and stream from the mountains and
out of the cities in thousands, headed by their priests, with
the regularity of soldiers, to attend his monster open-air meet-
ings. The fame of the agitator and his movements were known
over the world, and distinguished strangers visited Ireland to
hear the man in whose word, and voice, and gesture there was
some witching power, potent to move to tears or laughter, to
pity or indignation, the tens of thousands of his countrymen
who gathered in the fields at his call. When Lord Metcalfe
began the play the tyrant in Canada, O'Concell was addressing
surging crowds among the hills of Kerry, and appealing to
" yonder blue mountains where you and I were cradled " The
fame of O'Connell and the hopes of his followers were not un-
known in Canada ; and not a little of the zeal in the cause of
Metcalfe and the Crown was kindled on the hustings by the

102 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

reminder, from some wily tory, that the air was full of the
" spirit of this repeal," that they " wanted separation in Ire-
land, and less would not satisfy them in Canada." But the
great fal/ric that O'Connell raised was destined to pass away as
dissolves \ihe picture in a troubled dream. And almost as sud-
den as the fall of the movement, was the fall of its originator.
Now we stand spell-bound in the gallery of the commons listen-
ing to " the thunder of his eloquence ;" Charles Dickens, while
a reporter in the gallery, is so moved by the pathos of one of
his speeches that he has to lay his ^/oncil by ; the discerning
critic, Lord Jeffrey, r ^gards all other-, .vhom lie hears as " talk-
ing schoolboy " comp red with Uie ag'.tator. Yet a litde, yea>
in three short years and we see i.iUi i aking his last speech —
this giant who so took the fane- of L .>rd Ly tton among his
native mountains, that he made hem tbvi , i Lj i^t of a poem —
tottering feebly by a table. "His nppc \: ?..,:'■) was of great de-
bility, and the tones of his voice ver ve);, ,;till. His words,
indeed, reached only tijose who were , >tn"fM,T(,e]y around him,
tlie ministers sitting on the other f? .le of the green table,
and listening with that interest and re. tjoctful attention which
became the occasion. ** * It was a strange and touching
spectacle to tho.?e who remembered the form of colossal energy,.
and the clear and thrilling tones that had once startled, disturbed
and controlled senates. » » * jj^ ^^^ ^ performance in
dumb show ; a feeble old man muttering before a table."* He
longed now to get away to Rome, to soothe his spirit in the
shadow of her wing and there lie down to rest. He hurried
away just as the shadows of famine began to gather over
his beloved land, struggled to Genoa, on his way to the holy
city, and there died.

The most engrossing movement of the three, perhaps, was
that which stirred the whole commercial /Vame of Great
Britain — the question of a tax on corn. This movement had

* Disraeli.

THE LAST DAYS OF TORYISM. 103

been sec on foot and carried out with a force and a success be-
fore unequalled, by those unique and singularly honest and able
politicians, Richard Cobden and Johr. Bright. Those were the
two gifted men who could, in the words of Kinglake, " go
bravely into the midst of angry opponents, show them their
fallacies one by one, destroy their favourite theories before their
very faces, and triumphantly argne them down." Thii de-
scription helps us to understand how a government cho'en to
maintain the duty on corn tihould suddenly announce its con-
version to the doctrines of f 'ee trade ; and how Sir Robert Peel
could stand boldly up in the parliament four years after his
ebv^iion to maintain the duty, and fiankly tell the house : " I
will not withhold the homage wi ich \h due to the progress of
reason and truth by denjing that my opinion on the subj( ct
of protection has undergone a change." The sudden revolution
in English opinion on ihis quostion created much surprise
and some excitement here, but though Peel fell in the moment
of victory, and a young rival seized the occasion to raise him-
self to eminence, no hand has since succeeded in renewing the
life of the corn laws. They are dead, and, we doubt not, will
sleep now till the sound of the last trumpet.

In the autumn of 1845 a period of chilling winds and wet
prevailed in Ireland, and the potato crop, the mainstay of
the great majority of the wLrking people, began to rot in the
ground. The extent of this calamity will be understood when
it is learnt that large numbers of the labouring class received
no wages, but tilled the fields of the land-owner on the " cot-
tier-tenant system" ; that is, giving their labour for the use of a
patch of land in which to plant potatoes. Generations, in many
districts in Ireland, had grown up and passed away, and never
tasted flesh meat, unless fortune sent a rabbit, pei'haps once in
the year, through the hedge, when it was stealthily dispatched
wjth a pitchfork, conveyed home under the mother's cloak,
and eaten in uneasy silence. So when the long-continued,
drizzling days set in, am^ the potatoes began to rot in the

104 LIFE OF SIP. JOHN A. MACDONALD.

ground, a feeling of horror crept over the country. Not a
county escaped tho d'^vaatating hand, but the southern and
western districts faied the worst, and were soon plunged into
all the horrors of famine. Hundreds of persons, wandering
aimlessly along the roadside, searching in vain for f< > d, fell down
and died. To add to the horror of the famine, ar; epidemic,
known as " famine fever," set in, and with this a teniblv- form
of dysentery. Between these frightful scourges, and hunger,
thousands were carried away; thei»' dead bodies lay in the
ditches, and the towa authorities refused any longer to burthen
the living with expense in providing coffins for the dead. In
the early sta-^es of the mortality coroners held inquosts, and
juries often brought in verdicts of wilful murder agninst Lord
John Russell or tho lord lieutenant, either of whom, it was
believed, could have furnished relief to the starving popula-
tion. Crowds of girls and young women, tortured with hun-
ger, came from the mountains and the villages, and entering
the city, smashed the windows of shops, and committed every
possible act of destruction to property, in the hope of being-
sent to jail, where they could get food to oat.

The gloom of this reign of horror was somewhat enlivened
by the appearance upon the scene of a fashionable French
cook, M. Soyer, who appeared in silver buckles and shininj^
velvet, at the head of a soup kitchen in Dublin under the
patronage of the lord lieute. nt. The object of the cook's
appearance seemed to be less :o relieve the hunger of the suf-
fering th^or -3 than to demonstrate a nice scientific point over
whic' ho had long been 1 ooding; namely, that the extent to
vlii''!. the ii) habitants of the earth up to that time had eaten
was an exce'^y and a folly, and thn.t a strikingly su.itaining
f'l'iage jouhi l>e produced out of the thinnest and cheapest
articles of food. A character in one of Scott's novels had an old
mare upon which he applied the same principle, however, loqg
before the day of the dandy French cook. This individual
began by lessening the ral ion of hay to his poor old beast from

THE LAST DA TS OF TC R YISM.

day to day, aiming to bring the daily f'>>d down to one straw ;
and he would have been s'lccessful, wt , suppose, had not
the " puir naig" died the day before ho irade the final experi-
ment. Frightful though this famine was u\ all its conse-
quences of death, and riot, and crime, w , caii scarce help regard-
ing it as Goldsmith looked upon the French revolution — a
"blessing in disguise." From a pop ilation of six millions,
overcrowded in sties too filthy even for the brutes, the number
of Ireland's inhabitants foil to four millions. If that famine did
nothing but let in additional air and sunshine upon these re-
maining four millions it '^uroly cannot be called a scouige. But
it did better thtia this • it taught the peasant that there are
other lands besides his own dreary bogs and sterile itoantain-
sides, lands where there- is V^read to be had for honest toil, and
where rack-renting and the miseries of an organized pau-
perdom is not known. Thereafter, the inhabitants, with a new
hope, turned their faces to the setting sv/i, and there saw the
laud of their dcliveram x They poured into Canada daring
the dark year following f.he famine, 70,000 in the one iseasoii
alone. On the Atlantic voyage, hadflleJ together in worse
plight t)mn the cattle wc, now sliip'i, Briti.sb maxkt.ts, in j-lH the
filth and misery of a load of negroes under a s-aver'3 haltjhes,
they sickened of fever an<i dysentery ,uni3 died like sheep.
Through the summer long they poured in uporv (xro^se lale, till
the fever broke out with redouble I v',oloi.\ce RtAong the filthy
and pent-up hovels, and the very air tha^. biev. abo'.t. the island
was loathsome, and instinct with death. " Army after army
of sick and suffering people," McMullon tells us, " fleeing
from famine in their native land to be stri'^ken down by d;^«.th
in the \^illey of the St. Lawrence, stopped in rapid succession at
Grosse Isle, and then, leaving numbers of their dead behind
them, pushed upwards towards the lakes in overcrowded steam-
ery to burden the inhabitants of the western towns and villages."
The inhabitantf . without regard for race, colour, cr religion,
gave all the etssistance in shelter, food and clothing 10 the suf-

106 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

ferers that they could ; but there was a bitter feeling abroad as
ships carried in cargoes of Lord Palmerston's tenants to add to
the others already living upon public charity. The people could
have borne the load of sharing their own scanty store with
the sufferers, but it aroused their indignation to think that the
British Government should utilize Canada merely to get rid of
useless and burdensome subjects. No pen can describe the
horrors among the miserable and filthy mns^es that sweltered
in their fever and poisonous dirt under the summer sun on
Grosse Isle, or the anguish of mothers separated from their
babes and children in the wild hurly-burly on board the
ships and during debarkation. Scores of children who could
not yet lisp their own names were thus thrown upon public
charity, and at least one of these, a weakly infant, alone in the
fumes of the plague, exposed to die, was taken in by kindly
people, and is nov»^ a leading member in one of our Provincial
Cabinets. Like the child of Zanoni that smiled through all
the tumultuous horrors of the French revolution, we see this
infant deserted 'mid the pestilence of the rirer isle, and hear
the words, " See ! the orphan smiles. The fatherless are the
care of God."

When Metcalfe left Canada to die, the old dispute about the
Oregon boundary took on an alarming face, and our people ex-
pected grievous trouble. As early as 1818, an attempt had
been made to harmonise the claims of the British and the
United States governments to a portion of the territory lying
between the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific coast, but the
negotiations failed, and the disputed regions n ere left to a joint
occupation. For many years the debatable land seems to have
escaped the attention of both countries, till the fertility of the
Pacific slope and the value of some, of tne ports for naval sta-
tions came to be known, when the question suddenly assumed
a serious prominence. The joint occupation was continued
down to 1843, when the president of the United States peremp-
torily, if not insolently, called for a prompt settlement of the

THE LAST DAYS OF TORYISM. 107

question. The Monro doctrine must have been strong in the
minds of the quarrelsome party in the United States then, and
the call of the president in 1843 does not seem unlike a summon*
to the British nation, to show cause why her subjects should not
be swept off the continent, and on what grounds at ail they
claimed a foothold there. The C^anadians had not learned then
as well as they know now, that it takes a good deal of Ameri-
can bluster to make one cannoQ shot, and that a noisy presi-
dent or a party in warpaint d.os not represent the whole spirit
of the republic But the Canadians became alarmed at the
noise, nrd looked to their muskets. The British government
expet'ed to see the glove thi-own down eveiy moment, and
appomted a military governor, who had instructions to put the
frontiers in a state of defence, and make the country ready for
war. The governor chosen, Earl Cathcart, a brave soldier who
had seen fire in Holland and the Peninsula, and had three
horses shot under him at Waterloo, was an admirable selection
at such a cr' ',is. But the threatening cloud blew away before it
broke ; the compromise of Lord Aberdeen, the foreign secretary,
was accepted, and the treaty of Oregon made. This provided,
among other things, that the dividing line along the disputed ter-
ritory should be " the forty -ninth degree of latitude from the
Rocky Mountains, west to the middle of the channel, separating
Vancouver's Island from the mainland; thence southerly through
the middle of the channel, and of Fuca's Straits to the Pacific."
By this treaty Vancouver's Island remained to Great Britain,
as also the free navigation of the Columbia river. On this
basis the question rested for a time, to be disturbed again dur-
ing the framing of the treaty of Washington. Shrill war's
alarms having now subsided. Earl Cathcart was relieved of his-
civil responibilities, and a new governor sent out.

The da}' the evil genius of the tory government left Canada to-
die, the fate of the Family Compact was sealed. Removed from
the subtle charming of the gove mors voice, poor old Viger came
to see the unlovely place he held, and, smitten with remorse, re-

108 * LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

signed the presidency of the council, and pi-actically disappeared
from the political scene for ever. Mr. W. B. Robinson, who had
resigned the inypector-generalstiip a year before, became commis-
sioner of public works, and Mr. John Hillyard Cameron, one of the
most brilliant legal stars in the horizon, then in his thirtieth
year, became solicitor-general Instead of Mr. Sherwood, who
earned removal by having shown contempt for the government,
and hostility to Mr. Draper, Nearly every day brought a change,
or the rumour of a change in the cabinet, and the govern-
ment seemed not unlike the dying man, who, racked with pain,
now takes one end of his couch and now another in the hope
of bettering his condition. Weary of the tu-moil of public
life, and disgusted with the bitter fruit it brings, Mr. Draper
yearned to spend the remainder of his life in the rest and calm
of the bench ; but whenever he spoke of moving there was a
general rising at the cabinet seats, as if not one, but all, would
be the premier, and he was obliged to forego I'etirement till a
successor without a rival appeared.

It was during this time that many eyes were turned to the
member lor Kingston, as a rising hope of the declining party,
but he seems not to have been anxious to "go on board
a ship that was foundering." Yet the impression went abroad
and got into the public prints, that the membei for Kingston
was about to enter the cabinet. A Toronto paper, violently
opposed to the government, but an admirer, evidently, of Mr.
Macdonald, heard the rumour, and told its readers rather sadly :
" Mr. John A. Macdonald is marked for another victim ; he too
vrill speedily be a flightless bird." A Montreal journal, which
has not since ceased to support Mr. Macdonald, told its readers
something different. " The appointment of Mr. Macdonald,"
it said, " if confirmed, will, we believe, give universal satisfac-
tion. A liberal, able, and clear-headed man, of sound conserv-
ative principles, and unpretending demeanour, he will l-e an ac-
quisition to any ministry, an J bring energy and business habits
into a department of which there have been for many years.

THE LAST DATS OF TORYISM. 109

under the present, and still more under preceding manage-
ments, many complaints." But this was a time when govern-
ment was sustained only for plunder, and some of ui.ose-
who had worn the harness long in the tory cause — who had
voted for the good and the bad, and lent themselves to every
scheme of their masters — threatened rebellion if any more
" recruits " were taken into office. Macdonald took the dis-
appointment with philosophical coolness, told his friends that
he did not suppose the world was coming to an end very soon,
that he could " afford to wait," and added : " The condition of
our party must be worse, before it is better." During the pre-
ceding session he had sat, as usual, industriously at his desk ;.
but in one discussion which came up he took a part which ia
interesting to us now in view of an important act of legis-
lation of his later life.

On the first of May, Mr. Cay ley had a resolution before the-
house seeking to regulate a scale of differential duties on im-
portations in leather manufactures, which was bitterly oppos-
ed by some of the reformers. Among those who warmly de-
fended the resolution was Mr. Macdonald, and what he said is
interesting, because we have heard that in adopting the " na-
tional policy," as in o\ ler matters, he was only " the creature
of expediency," and din lot believe the principle of protection
to be good. But it will interest, if it will not discomfit, those
who say this, to learn that on the 1st day of May, 1846, Mr.
Macdonald stood up in his place in the Canadian parliament
and told " hon. gentlemen that there was no reason in their
opposition to these resolutions ;" that " had they studied the
question they must have supported them," that " the measure
of the hon. gentleman was really a protective one, and as such
deserved unanimous support;" for "it would prevent the
trade of Canada from being subject to the competition of Ame-
rican artisans, and not among the least to the artisans of Ame-
rican penitentiaries."

110 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

And now drew on the last days of toryisra in Canada. Its
sun was low in the sky, even when Metcalfe put his dignity
by and appealed to party in the name of the Queen. It lay
not in the power of man or any combination of men to bring
the life back again to its palsied limbs. Toryism is the policy
of stagnation, the force that opposes change and progress. It
<:annot live where the will of the people is supreme. It was
put upo.1 its trial in Canada, in the summer of 1848, and fell,
never again to raise its head. We know the term " tory " is
still applied to one of our great parties, and that we are told
^' toryism still lives;" but surely our informants are those who
are not acquainted with the history of public parties in the
past, or who understand the genius of political opinion in the
present. But after all, it matters really little what we call our
parties now, since there is not necessarily a connection at any
time between the name and the nature of any thing. It is not
so long ago since a profound and dogmatic thinker would be
styled a " duns," because he resombled the over-learned and
profound Scotus. Now, that name dunce we apply only to a
blockhead — and not more striking has the difference between
the Duns of six hundred years ago, and the dunce of now
become, than between the tory of 1840, and the tory of 1883.

In the autumn of 1846, Lord Elgin, the greatest of Canadian
governors up to his day, Durham excepted, arrived in Canada.
He was a member of the tory school, and the reformers became
sore afraid when they heard of his coming; yet they had already
learnt how really little there is in a governor's party name.
When Sir Francis B. Head came they posted proclamations upon
the fences, but before the little boys tore down the placards,
they began to learn how sorely they had been deceived.
When Metcalfe, " the great liberal," came, they had no letter
black enough in their type-cases to print their " Welcomes ; "
a day came upon them when ink was not dark enough to paint
his character. But when Bagot, ' the tory," came, they hunf^
down their heads in gloom ; and w^ere wearing mourning faces

TUE LAST DATS OF TORYISM. Ill

when he called their leaders to his cabinet. Lord Elgin was
a nobleman in the peerages of Scotland and the United King-
dom, and was a Bruce of the illustrious house which had for a
member the victor of Bannockburn. In 1842 he had been ap-
pointed governor of Jamaica ; and upon the change of govern-
ment in England in the summer of ]84G,and the establishment
of peaceable relations between the imperial and United States
governments, was sent out to Canada. Shortly before departing
for his seat of government he married his second wife, Lady-
Mary Louisa, the eldest surviving daughter of the late Lord
Duiham, but left his bride tc» follow him when the tempestuous
sea; on passed. lie arrived here in the early winter, and at
once threw his whole energies into the work before him. It
was plain to those who watched his movements with an intel-
ligent eye that he had studied the political condition of Canada
before he passed the Atlantic ; nay, more, he alarmed the apos-
tles of the Compact by telling the inhabitants of Montreal : " I
shall best maintain the prei'cgative of the Crown by manifest-
ing a due regard for the wishes and feelings of the people, and
by seeking the advice and asisistance of those who enjoy their
confidence." He had studied carefully the doctrines laid down
by his riustrious father-in-law and found they were good. He
soon masteied the condition of affairs in Canada, and saw, so
his biographer* tells us, that in the ruling party " there was no
real political life ; only that pale and distorted reflection of it
which is apt to exist in a colony before it has learnt to look
within itself for the centre of power." He frankly and heartily
assisted the effete and unrepresentative body he found in office,
but plainly told them that he should as cheerfully and not less
heartily assist their opponents. The governor was doubly tied
to his duty. Canada had long been looked upon as a stormy
sea, studded with breakers, where administrators were as likely
to meet with shipwreck as to win laurels ; and he was deter.

* Walrond.

112 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALV.

mined to avoid the rocks. Then, as dear to him as his own
success was the reputation or' his father-in-law, Lord Durham,
which still trembled in the balanct, and must so remain till
the principles he laid dov/n had been worked out for weal or
woe. He was here to win a reputation for himself in follow-
ing out the principles laid down by the father of his absent
bride : we may be sure most earnestly did he set himself to his
duty. His manly form was seen at several public meetings,
exposed to the ilerce winds of our Canadian winters, and he
had not appeared upon many platforms before it was learnt
that he was the most eloquent speaker in Canada.

In the spring following his arrival the dying man of the
tory cabinet shifted his place once again. Attorney-general
Smith resigned, and Hon. Wm. Badgley took his place. '' Your
turn has come at last, Macdonald," said Mr. Draper, as he wait-
ed on the Kingston member, and told him that the receiver-
generalship was at his disposal. Macdonald took the post, and
thenceforth the cabinet had the benefit of advice, which, if pos-
sessed at an earlier day, might have saved it froin a doom that
now no human hand could avert. Once again Mr. Draper
yearned to be rid of the turmoil of public life, and the com-
panionship of faithless friends, and offered the premiership to
John Hillyard Cameron; but staid supporters of the dying
ministry said the young lawyer had not yet won his spurs \
and Mr, Sherwood, who now appears to hav^ had a small fol-
lowing, threatened to secede. Cameron did not press his claims,
if it can be said that he had any claims, and Mr. Sherwood
saw the ruling aspiration of his life gratified. In the speech
opening the session, the governor announced the relinquish-
ment of post-office control by the imperial parliament, and the
repeal of differential duties, in favour of British manufacturers.
The old hull of the Compact ship, the vessel in which they had
sailed so long, and enjoyed the privilege of office with all its
spoils, was exposed to a merciless, we may say a murderous,
fire from the opposition guns, and though division after divi-

THE LAS": DAYS OF TORYISM. US

sion showed that the government was In. a sad minor ty in
the liouse, ministers said naught about resignatio. '. The sun-
set of Mr. Drarer's political life seemed to have given him
mystical lore, and the speech he made reviewing his own
career, and setting forth his opinion on tl.e duties of ministries,
might have been regarded as a valuable death-bed sermon.
Like Saul, the scales seemed to have fallen from his eyes of a
sudden, and that which he had never seen before, though he
must have heard it times without number, was instantlv re-
vealed to his vision. He told, in no boastful spirit, that he
liad always tried to serve his country to the full extent of his
powers, and dwelt with no little feeling — indeed, shed tears as
he spoke — n the ingratitude of men at whose hands he had
descT-ved better things than conspirac}' and calunmy. He gave
no uncertain sound when he came to speak of responsible go/-'
ernment. That, he said, was the only method by which the
country could be governed justly and well.

After the close of the session another shuffle was made of
seats in the doomed cabinet, and Mr. John Macdonald, whose
administrative ability commanded general attention, wp.s ..e-
moved from the receiver-generalship to the office of crcwn
lands, t'len the most important' department in the public ser-
vice, and one that in the past had been most shamefully, if not
criminally, mismanaged. Here he established a new and better
order of things, reducing confusion and delay to order and
promptness, till, during the brief tiiie his place was vouch-
safed to him, the report went abror.d that if the government
were effete and incompetent they iiad, at least, among them
one master business head.

In December a dissolution was granted, and for the last
time the cause of toryism app'^aled for support to the electo-
rate of Canada.

CHAPTER VIII.

EULINQ TN S.ORM.

THE reformers entered the contest with cheerful faces, and
the tories fought sullenly on the deck of their sinking
ship. A change had come over the country since the autumn
which saw the governor-general the leading spirit in one side
of a party contest. The public is sometimes an impulsive and
not too just arbiter between men or questions ; but it is possess-
ed of a broad generosity, and is certain to show sympathy
eventually, for that one to whom it discovers, on reflection, it
has done injustice. And, as Carlyle expresses it, since it is al-
ways " revising its opinion," it is certain sooner or later to dis-
cover if it has gone wrong. A demagogue may succeed for a
time in leading the public into extravagance, or gross error,
but sober, second thought, is sure to come and set its judgment
right. Percival Stockdale thought the public always wrong,
because as often as he gave them his verses, so often did they
cast them aside, after a hasty glance ; the author going back to
the country comforting himself on " the verdict of posterity."
But Percival lives now only among " The Curiosities of Litera-
ture." Whenever you see a man who has had an opportunity
of stating his case, whatever it maj' be, before the people, and
see them withhold their approbation, be assured that the pub-
lic is not stupid, or unjust, and that the man is another Perci-
val Stockdale.

By foul means, and through false cries, a verdict had been
wrenched from the public against Mr. Baldwin. He bore his
defeat with that proud patience which the gods love and me a

114

RULING IN STORM. 115

admire ; and now that he came before the peoplo, the same
lofty and upright character that they had always known him,
his principles unchanged by time, sincere and true, to ask of
them, in their sober, second thought, for a verdict again, near-
ly all the wholesome sentiment in the country rallied around
him. He went to the polls with ringing cries, cries that at the
Jate election were called the voice of treason. Once again he told
his hearers, who were now in an impartial mood, that " he was
not disloj'al, nor were his followers rebels ; but this they con-
tended for, nothing more, and nothing less, that what the Queen
would not be permitted to do in England, we should not per-
mit the governor to do in Canada. Tories had proclaimed
from their hustings that responsible government, as sought by
the reformers, would be insufficient, and unworthy of Canada ;
but he had unbounded faith in its adequacy." And some
writer used the apt figure that, as in the unfettered working of
the ocean, lay the secret of the purity of its waters, so in the
untrammelled operation of colonial government lay the secret
of its justice and purity.

In Lower Canada, the people, the great bulk of whom were
reformers, were loudly jubilant and lit bonfires before the
opening of the polls, in anticipation of a sweeping victory.
The question that most agitated public gatherings there was
that of recompense to persons who had suffered losses, either by
the rebels or the soldiers, during the uprising of 1837. The re-
bellion of 1837-38 had no sooner been put down than resolu-
tions were introduced into the legislature of Upper Canada
providing for the appointment of commissioners to investigate
the claims set forth by certain loyal inhabitants for damages
sustained during and by " the late unnatural rebellion." The
report of these commissioners was made the basis of further
legislation during the following session; while the special
council of Lower Canada had provided by ordinance a recom-
pense for loyal persons in that province whose property had
been injured or destroyed during the collision between Papi-

116 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD,

ncau's followers and the soldiers. But neither the act of the one
legislature, nor the ordinance of the other met the demands of
a large number who had sutlered by the rising. There came
from every quarter, demanding compensation, men whose pro-
perty had been injured or destroyed, not by the rebels, but by
the agents of authority. Nor can we wonder at the nature or
the number of supplications, when we take into account the
loyalty of the soldiers. Their zeal, we are told in the records
of this unfortunate time, did not end when thev had left the
poor habitant soaking his coarse homespun with his heart's
blood on the field where he fell, but they directed their might
against pioj)erty in tainted districts, tiring outbuildings and
dwellings, slaughtering cattle, and, it is not hai-d to believe,
only ceasing, like Alexanders, in sorrow, because there was
naught else to conquer. But in the most disaffected districts,
there were some whose adherence to authority had been un-
flinching, who deplored the uprising, and gave no counteny-nce
to the rebels ; and these came forward now asking lecouipense
for butchered cattle and demolished dwellings.

Accordingly, shortly after the union, an act was passed ex-
tending compensation for losses sustained at the hands of p< rsons
acting on behalf of Her Majesty in " the suppression of the s/ad
rebellion, and, for the prevention of further disturbances," but
the operation of the act curiously enough was confined to
Upper Canada alone. Lower Canada, where the conflict had
been the greater and the more bloody, where the trained sol-
diery had been let loose, and scores of the innocent with the
guilty, felt the weight of the arm of authority, was not admitted
within the pale of the recompense law. Therefore it was that
in 1845 the assembly passed another address praying Sir Charles
Metcalfe for a measure which would " insure to the inhabitants
of that part of this province, formerly Lower Canada, indemnity
for just losses during the rebellion of 1837 and 1S38." This
change of ministerial attitude is curious reading now, but the
wheel had gone round since 1 842. Here and there among the

RULINJ} IN STORM. Ut

remnants of the ancient party was a man who saw the drift of,
public opinion, and one of these w.as Mr. Draper. He saw that
his party was being every day pushed nearer the brink of the
precipice, that French votes and sympathies were on the other
side ; and, as drowning men will cUitch at straws, seized upon
the faint hope of wining Lower Canadian support by authoris-
ing commissioners to enquire inio the " losses sustained by
loyal subjects in Lower Canada during the rebellion, and the
If/sses arisinff and growing out of lh»; f <aid rebellion." The com-
misiioners were instructed to distinguish between rebels and
loyal subjects, but they soon found that every claimant on his
own showing, had always been unswervingly obedient to the
lav;. Men who had fired at soldiers out of flint muskets and
hacked at the law officers with scythes, came forward claiming
compensation for their losses as the reward of their loyalty.
The C(>mmissioners were non-plussed. They wrote on the 11th
of Feburary, 184G, to the governor-in-council. Earl Catheart,
for instructions as to how they might draw a distinction be-
tween the loyal and those who had rebelled. The provincial
secretary replied that it was not the intention of his excellency
that the commissioners should be guided by " any description
of evidence, other than that furnished by the evidence of the
courts of law." It was pointed out that the commissioners
were not to try cases, but merely to obtain a general estimate
of the rebellion losses, and that the particulars of the estimate
would form the subject of minute enquiry, subsequently, un-
der parliamentary authority. The commissioners presented
their report in the same year. This docunient set forth that
cotTimissioners were entirelv at the mercy of the claimants
vrhere there was no court sentence before them ; and they ex-
hibited a list of 2,17G persons who claimed damages amount-
ing in the aggregate to £241,965. An opinion was expressed
that £100,000 v;^ould cover all meritorious claims, for it had
been ascertainaci. that damages for .£25,503 were claimed by
persons who had actually been condemned by court-martial for

118 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A, MACDONALD.

complicity in the rebellion. But the intention of the ministry-
was not to close the question of these claims, but to temporize
and keep it hanging. The report of the commissioners was,
therefore, laid by, Mr. Draper, like Micr.wber, hoping that some-
thing would " turn up " by whicii he might be able to repudiate
the claims. Hence it was that another act was immediately
passed authorizing the payment of £9,986 to Lower (Canada
claimants, which sum had been recognised by patliament &.-i
due the second session ».fter the union. This £9,986 was not a
large amount, Mr. Draper reasoned, but it was a sop to the
French party, and a first step, while the k.rger instalment was
impending. But the premier outwitted himself. His instal-
ment was received with anger and contempt, and the gulf be-
tween him and the sup])orthe souglit became wider tliPi- ever.

From one end of Lower Canada to the other, during the
election of 1848, went up the cry demanding full compensiti a}
for rebellion losses. The reform candidates came into the field
pledging themselves to satisfy all jus*^ claims. Thus it was
that Mr. Lafontaine and his party were returned in overwhelm-
ing majority.

In Upper Canada the popular tide likewise sot with the re-
formers, though stubborn was the dyiag fight made by their
opponents. In Kingston John A. Macdonald, who was unspar-
ing in his attacks upon the reformers, and not full of tulogy for
his own party, whose tactics and ability he must have despised
at heart, was returned in triumph. The legislature met on
the 25th of February, and the tories proposed Sir Allan Mac-
Nab for the speakership. The vote for the speakership is
usually a test of the strength of parties, and in this case it re-
vealed that fifty-four of those present were in opposition, and
nineteen true to the government. Mr. Morin was then chosen
unanimously. Some happy exchanges had heea made at the
polls. Not among the least of these was tL re urn of Francis
Hincks for Oxford, and the rejection of the coarse ai^d noisy Ogle
It. Gowan for Leeds. Among the new faces f eau in the house

„__„- RULTNO IN STORM -=— ' |l9

were thoiis of George Etienne Cartier and Ai. xander Tilloeh
Gait, both destined to play high and honourable parts in the
history of their country. For tie first tin^e, Williani B. »me
Blake, one of the most remarkable r^en of his day. (cok his sent
in the house. He was born in 1^-09, at Kiltegan. County of
Wicklow, Ireland, where his father was u ci urcli of England
rector. He received his education at Trinity vJollege, Dublin,
and studied surgery under Sir Phliip Craraptoii. Not c; riiig for
surgery, he began a course of theology, v/hich seams also ^jO have
been unsuited to him, and he subsequently emigrated to Can-
ada, taking up his abode in the back-,* oods. But wilderness
life, separated from all the influences of civilization, wns no
more fascinating to Mr. Blake and his family than to that class
generally whose hardships Mrs. Moodi'o has described with
such feeling and vividness, and he moved to Toronto, where he
entered the legal profession, becoming in a few j^ears one of its
brightest ornaments, and eventually adding lustre to the bench
of his adopted i^rovince.

We shall see that as an orator he had no rival in that parlia-
memt, and that his eloquence was not of that icy, passionless
kind which comes from the trained intellect — never from the
heart— bat was instinct with celtic fire, now rising to a storm
of 'dithering scorn and invective, now launching *'orth arrows
of piercing sarcasm, and again mellowing do \v;i to uiisurpassed
deptho of pathos ao 1 tendei!iefi>!.

On the day foil vving the vote on the speakership, the go •
ernment resigned, and Lord Elgin called on M. Laibntaine to
form a cabinet. 4fter a short delay, the new min'".i/ry was
announced as follows : —

FOR CANADA EiST.

Hon. H. L. Lafontaine - - Attorney-General.
„ .1 AS, Leslie - - - Pres. Exec lUive Council.
„ II. E. Cahon ~ Speaker of the Legislative Council.

120 ' LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

Hox. E. P. Tache - - Chief Com. of Public Works.
„ T. C. Aylwin - - - - Solicitor-General.
„ L. M. ViGER - - - - Receiver-General.

FOR CANADA WEST.

Hon. Robert Baldwin - _ - Attorney-General.
„ R. B. Sullivan - - - Provincial Secretary.
,, Francis Hixcks - - - Inspector- General. ••
„ J. H. Price - - - Covi. of Crown Lands.
„ Malcolm Cameron Asst. Com. of Public Works.

The shade of MetcaUe could not have been unmoved when
the new cabinet ministers came to draw comparisons between
Lord Elgin and another governor-general. Now were they
met by a gentleman who could no more stoop to an act of
meanness in diplomacy than to a similar offence in private life ;
by one whose attitude towards them was that of a kind friend,
if not a father ; who knew the weakness inherent in party
ministers and the evils by which they are beset. He frankly
gave them his confidence and told them he wanted theirs ; and
that in all things which tended to a just and intelligent ad-
ministration of affairs they should have the best of his assist-
ance. Though he would scorn to lend his influence to further
the xL i-^vesia of any party, even it were the party of his choice,
he sa' )r Lours advising ministers to be firm with their mea-
sures, ut n ' h m of the rocks they had to encounter in their
way, and ^a mii ag out that they ought to set up high aims
and II' be tinned from these by the pressure of any circum-
stance, i he tHue was soon to come when bo*;h the ministrv
and the l vernor would need all the firmness that comes from
a conviction of right doing and from philosoT)hy,

Oncoming into pow , the new miristrf promptly intro-
duced a series of resolute is Jnfo th ass«:t ibly which was fol-
lowed by a bill "to provide ioi le x 3tr>aification of parties
in Lower Canada, whose property ha . been destroyed in the

RULING IN STORM. * l*f

years 1837 and 1838." The only reservation made in the al-
lowance of claims was in the case of those who had been con-
victed of rebellion and cither imprisoned or transported to
Bermuda. Five commissioners were appointed to carry out the
Act, and a sum of £100,000 was set apart to satisfy all claims.
The introduction of the measure was the signal for an ex-
plosion. Like the bursting of a long pent-up storm, arose a
cry of indignation from the tory members and their press. To
many it seemed that the day of doom had dawned upon our
monarchy. Two poor gentlemen shed tears over their liquor,
when mentioning the name of the Queen. The fact is, this bill
was onl}' the climax of a long series of outrages. The loyal
Family Compact had been driven from power, and superseded
by "radicals, rebels and republicans," a trinity of bad blood, but
apt alliteration. The head of the government was a French-
man, a former leader of the society La Jeune France ; a man
who had been, at one time, an infidel, and at another, a rebel,
flying his country from the wrath of the laws. It was no
longer deemed dishonourable to have rebelled against the au-
thority of the Queen ; nay, more, a bill had been introduced,
not only to^ondone the rebellion, but to ind<^' unify the rebels.
For of those who rebelled, it was held that not one in ten had
been convicted by the laws ; whereas everyone having a stile
broken down during the rising, who had not been imprisoned
or sent to Bermuda, came forward with claims which the gov-
ernment allowed. But the proudest spirit that chafed under
this galling ordinance, was the gallant knigl fc of Hamilton. He
must have felt with Solomon, as he glanced back upon all the
history which he had made, that the brightest trail a man may
leave behind him for the admiration of the world, is but a huge
vanity. To what purpose now had he marshalled his " gallant
men of Gore," levelling the taverns and dwellings of rebellious
owners, or on that dark December night, sent his soldiers to
seize the "piratical" Caroline, and give her to the cataract of
Niagara. Now that a premium ^ xl been put upon rebellion

122 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

he saw a sort of derision in the very spurs upon his heels, for
they had been given him in token of his loyalty. He resolved*
however, that the outrages should not be sanctioned, without a
struggle. He rallied his followers in their lodgings ; he told
them the crisis had come, when rebellion was to be stamped a.^
a crime or a virtue. In his loyal ears, we doubt not, as he trod
from alley to alley through the darkness on his mission of re-
sistance, rang the words of the couplet : - . ,

*• Treason does not prosper ; what's the reason ?
Why, when it prospers none dare call it treason."

But he would " dare call it treason," and, so, girt up his loins
for the fight.

His party, therefore, entered the conflict with a will. The
knight led the attack, and his invective was unsparing and in-
discriminate. He did not wonder that a premium was put
upon rebellion, now that rebels were rewarded for their own up-
risings ; for the government itself was a rebel government, and
the party by which it was maintained in power was a phalanx
of rebels. His lieutenants were scarce less unsparing and fierce
in the attack. But the government boldly took up their posi-
tion. Mr. Baldwin, attorney-general-west, maintained that it
would be disgraceful to enquire whether a man had been a
rebel or not after the passage of a general act of indemnity.
Mr. Drummond, solicitor-general-east, took ground which placed
the matter in the clearest light. The indemnity act had par-
doned those concerned in high treason. Technically speaking,
then, all who had been attainted stood in the same position as
before the rebellion. But the opposition were not in a mood
to reason. The two colonels. Prince and Gugy, talked a great
deal of fury. The former once again reminded the house that
he was " a gentleman " ; the latter made it plain that he was a
blusterer. Mr. Sherwood was fierce and often trenchant ; while
Sir Allan reiterated that the whole French-Canadian people
were traitors and aliens. At this date we are moved neither

RULING IN STORM. 12$

to anger nor contempt at reading such utterances as those of
the knight's, for it would be wrong to regard them as else than
infirmities ; and it is regretable that by such statements the
one party should allow itself to be dominated and the other
driven to wrath. But through all these volcanic speeches Sir
Allan was drifting in the direction of a mighty lash held in a
strong arm ; and when the blow descends we find little com-
passion for the wrigglings of the tortured knight. It was while
Sir Allan had been bestriding the parliament like a Colossus,
breathing fire and brimstone against every v>pponent, and fling-
ing indiscriminately about him such epithets as " traitor " and
"rebel," that Mr. Blake, solicitor-general-v/est, stung beyond
endurance, sprang to his feet. " He would remind them that
there was not only one kind of rebellion and one description of
rebel and traitor. He would tell them there was such a thing
as rebellion against the constitution as well as rebellion against
the crown. A man could be a traitor to his country's rights-
as well as a traitor to the power of the crown." He instanced
Philip of Spain and James the Second when there was a struggle
between political freedom and royal tyranny. " These royal
tyrants found loyal men to do their bidding, not only in the
army but on the bench of justice. There was one such loyal
servant, he who shone above all the rest, the execrable Judge
Jeffries, \?ho sent, among the many other victims before their
Maker, the mild, amiable and great Lord Russell. Another
victim of these loyal servants was Algernon Sydney, who«e
offence was his loyalty to the people's rights and the constitu-
tion. He had no sympathy with the spurious loyalty of the
hon. gentlemen opposite, which, while it trampled on the peo-
ple, was the slave of the court — a loyalty which, from the dawn
of the history of the world down to the present day, had lashed
.humanity into rebellion. He would not go to ancient history;
^ut he would tell the hon. gentlemen opposite of one great ex-
hibition of this loyalty ; on an occasion when the people of a
distant Roman province contemplated the perpetration of the

124 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A, MACl'GNALD.

foulest crime that the page of hi; tory records — a crime from
"which Nature in compassion hid her face and strove to draw
^ veil over ; but the heathen Roman lawgiver could not be in-
■duced by perjured witnesses to place the great founder of our
religion upon the cross. ' I find no fault in him,' he said. But
these provincials, after endeavouring by every other means to
•effect their purpose, had recourse to this spurious loyalty — ' If
thou lettest this man go, thou art not Caesar's friend.' Mark
the loyalty ; could they not see every feature of it ; could they
not trace it in this act ; aye, and overcome by that mawkish,
«purious loyalty, the heathen Roman governor gave his sanc-
tion to a deed whose foul and impure stain eighteen centuries
•of national humiliation and suffering have been unable to efface.
This spurious, slavish loyalty was not British stuff; this spuri-
ous, bullying loyalty never grew in his native land. British
loyalty wrung on the field of Runnymede, from the tyrant king,
the great charter of English liberty. Aye, the barons of Eng-
land, with arms in their hands, demanded and received the
great charter of their rights. British loyalty, during a period
of three centuries, wrung from tyrant kings thirty different
recognitions of that great charter. Aye, and at the glorious
■era of the revolution, when the loyal Jeft'ries was ready, in his
extreme loyalty, to hand over England's freedom and rights to
the hands of tyrants, the people of England established the
constitution which has maintained England till this day, a
^eat, free and powerful nation."

Again and again did Sir Allan, tortured by the merciless lash,
rise in his place, but still the long pent-up strea'm of manly
wrath and contempt poured forth. " The expression ' rebel ' "
<jon tinned the speaker, " has been applied by the gallant knight
opposite, to some gentlemen on this side of the house, but I can
tell gentlemen on the other side that their public conduct has
proved that they are the rebels to the constitution and their
country." It required but one taunt more to bring on the climax
— and that taunt came. " And there sit the loyal men," con-

RULING IN STORM. 125

tinued the avenging member, pointing deliberately at the oppo-
sition benches, " there sit the loyal men who shed the blood of
the people and trampled on their just rights. There sit the
rebels." Choking with rage, feir Allan arose once again and
repudiated the epithet rebel as applied to him, and asked Mr.
Blake to retract. This the honourable gentleman firmly refused
to do, whereupon a sudden uproar arose through the house,
which vras followed by a turmoil in the galleries, where spec-
tators had joined in the discussion. Several breaches of the
peace were committed, and men grappled and struck at each
other admidst the terrified screams of ladies. Many of the
disturbers were arrested and the galleries cleared, the ladies
seeking refuge in the body of the house. For twenty minutes-
the chamber was a scene of wild confusion, and remained with
closed doors. The sergeant-at-arms was sorely tried to prevent-
a collision between Mr. Blake and Sir Allan.

As the discussion on the bill drew to a close, Mr. John A. Mac-
donald, who had all along preserved a stolid silence, rose in his
place and told Mr. Speaker that this measure was not going to
pass without his protest, and that while his physical strength
endured he would ofier it resistance. Mr. Macdonald was one of
the few members of the opposition against whom the charge of
inconsistency for opposing the bill could not be brought, for when
Mr. Draper introduced the bill which was the parent of the pre-
sent measure, Mr. Macdonald had not yet entered the ministry,
and was only a passive, if not contemptuous, member of the
tory side of the house. Now, however, he became active, and
if we can believe the newspaper reports, "fierce." He brought
in a petition from his constituents, praying that the moneys of
the people of Upper Canada be " withheld from the rebels of
Lower Canada." He entreated the government to move slowly
and carefully with the bill, and when a minister remarked that
they were only waiting for him " to get done speaking to pass
it," he launched out fiercely against the promoters of the mea-
sure, charging them with utter disregard of the sense of the

126 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

country, and v/anton discourtesy to members of the opposition.
He affirmed that the country was aroused against them, and
that they were drawing down grave dangers, not alone upon
their own heads, but upon the peace of the provii ce. He de-
precated the surrender of the interests of Upper Canada into
the hands of the members of Lower Canada for party purposes,
and hurled no few epithets against Mr. Baldwin. But despite
this last effort to kill time, and hi? i eading a long roll of the
Mackenzie letters through the tedious night, the bill passed tho
lower house by a vote of forty -seven to eighteen. The next day,
speaking of the debate, the Pilot, the leading ministerial organ,
said : " In vain the hopeful ex-commissioner of crown lands, Mr.
J A, Macdonald, ranted about wanton and disgraceful lack of
courtesy, and thundered at Mr. Baldwin, the charge of having
sold Upper Canada to Lower Canada. It was all to no purpose.
Three-fourths of the house were buried in r'jfreshing slumbers.
* * * He made a last faint effort to prolong the discussion
by reading some thirty papers of Mr. Mackenzie's published
letters — and then the whole house was silent."

There only remains the sequel of tory consistency now to be
told to complete this chapter of disgrace. The bill had no sooner
passed the house than petitions (o ohe governor-general, praying
for its disallowance, poured in from every quarter. Lord Elgin
recoived petition after petition in his closet, read each one
carefully and thoughtfully pondered the whole question over.
He plainly saw that the pi^titioners, who were tojies, were en-
deavouring to force hinr into conflict with his ministry and to
act over again the part of Lord Metcalfe. And the longer the
governor pondered the deeper the impression grew that his duty
lay in assenting to the bill. His reasons for this conclusion
were abundant and irresistible; and since they were so, he
argued that it \70uld be unworthy in him to shift upon the
shoulders of the sovereign the onus of assent or disallow-
ance. In the first place di jsolution appeared tc him unwise
and uncalled for, as the ministry had been elected but a

RULING IN iL\^RM. UT

few months before on writs issued at liie r'quest of their op-
ponents. Then the measure was carricl i a the popular branch
by a vote of more than two to one ; and an analysis of this vote
showed that of the thirty-one representatives from Upper
Canada, seventeen voted for the measure and 14 against it ; and
of ten members of British origin from Lower Canada six voted
for and only four against it. Such logic as this was irresistible,
and though the governor saw the dark storm-clouds gathering
above his head, he manfully resolved to do the right and give
his assent to the bill.

On the afternoon of April 25th, he drove into town at the
call of the ministry, to assent to a customs bill, which in con-
sequence of the opening of navigation, it was imperative should
go into instant effect. The rumour having gone abroad that
assont was to be given to the obnoxious " rebel bill " as it was
called, a number of persons opposed to the government, and all
of them " gentlemen," packed the galleries of the assembly.
Th »y made no stir beyond taking snuff or shaking their cam-
bric pocket-kerchiefs till the governor nodded his assent to the
rebellion bill, when they arose as one man, and with much
pounding of feet went out of the building. His excellency did
not heed the interruption, and when his business was ended,
followed by his suite, passed out to his carriage. But he had
no sooner made his appearance outside tlian the body of loypl-
ist gentlemen who had left the building set up a storm ui
groans, hisses ftnd oaths. Some of the)n likewise 3eized brick.",,
atones or pieces of bottles, while other' took addled «^ggs oi t
of their pockets, and with these ^liissiles an attack was begti-i
on the governor and his party. The vice-regal carriage got
away, how er, before serioi;* injury was done to anybodj'.
But this wag. uly a small out' irsf of tory loyalty. Upon the
Champ de Ms 3 that evi nine/ gathered a large and turbulent
crowd. The iieetiag had been called by placard and Mr. Au-
gustus Hew;ud, nephew of the chief justice of Upper Canada,
and a society 6sau, was in the chair. This gentleman made an

128 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD,

inflammatory speech, and • as followed by Mr. Ersdale ; Mr.
Ferres, a newspaper editor ; Mr. Mack and Mr. Montgomerie,
another journalist, all "gentlemen." The chief subject of the
harangue was, " Now is the time for action," while frequently
above the din could be heard the cry, " To the parliament build-
ings." After the chairman had made the closing remarks he
shouted out, " Now boys, three cheers for the Queen ; ihen let
us take a walk." The cheers were given and the ,. Jk was
taken. Up to the parliament buildings surged he crowd of
gentlemen loading the names of Lord Elgin and the ministry
with blasphemous and obscene epithets. The w indows were
attacked with stones, after which some hundreds of the mob
rushed into the building. The assembly was setting in com-
mittee when the visitors burst through the doors. The members
fled in dismay, some taking refuge in the lobbies, and others be-
hind the speaker's chair. Then the rioters pass id on to their
work. Some wrecked furniture, others wrer ;hed ohe legs
oflf chairs, tables and desks, whi'e some demoli.hed the nan-
deliers, lamps and globes. One of the party, in the r.Jdst of
theweZeie seated himselfin the speaker's chair and cried oii,, "The
French parliament is dissolved." He was hurled from his place
and the chair thrown over and wrecked. The mace was torn
out of the hands of Mr. Chisholm, the sergeant-at-arm ., and sub-
sequently left as a trophy of victory in the room of Sir Allan
MacNab at the Donegani hotel. In the midst of tlie riot and
destruction there was a cry of " fire." Flames were then found
in the balcony ; and almost simultaneously the legislative coun-
cil chamber was ablaze. The party left the building which in
a few minutes was doomed. There wsis little tim 3 to save any
-of the contents, and out of 20,000 volumes not more than 200
were saved. A full length portrait of her majesty, which cost
£2,000 was rescued, but on being brought out of the building
one of the loyalists punched hw stick through the canvas.*

* This picture now hangs in the Senai 'Jhamber, facing the throne.

RULING IN STORM. 18^

Tlio fire compivnios promptly turned out on th 5 first alarm, but
on til Mr \Tay to the buildin'j fell into the hand: of the gentlemen
eiigas,aMl in the incendiarism, who detained th m till everything
had been devoured by the flames.

Through some misunderstanding the military were not on
lian<l, and the mob only left after the most brilliant part of the
confljigration was over, flown with victory, and athirst for new
contpiest. It was a direful night in Montreal Many a blanched
face was seen in the gleam of the contlagiation, and a deep
shudder ran through the connnunity at the simultaneous clang-
ing of the* bells. While the fires of the burning building shono
"n their windows the ministry held a cal)inet aJid decided to
meet the following morning in the Bonsjcours Market.

There are occasions when feelings lie ioo deep for words, and
the opening of the next day's session seemed one of these. Mr.
iJaldwin, who made a motion, spoke in a low voice, as if under
the Influence of some painful spell ; but tlio Aorthy Hamilton
knight to whom the mob had brought their choicest spoils was
in his primest talking coniiition. It is not worth while to re-
cord here what he said, but it is worth stating that Mr. Blake
took occasion to make cue last comment upon the quality of
the loyalty with wliich the ears of the buuse had been so long as-
sailed — "a loyalty " he said, " which oi") day incited a mob to
pelt the governor-general, and to d ?. roy the halls of parlia-
ment and the public records, and or. 'uhe next day sought to
find excuses for anarchy." It is I'ue indeed thai some of the
tories had tried to condone tlie outrages; but Mr. John
Wilson, Mr. Badglej'" and. other conservatives denounced the
pi.'rpetrators with unmeasured indignity.

Mr, John A. Macdonald 'vas one of those who deplored the
' : eurrences, but he cen.' red the Government for lack of pre-
caution when they musu have known that the outrages were
contemplated ; and he attributed all the disgraceful proceedings
to the bill they had forced upon the people. In the midst of
th>: general debate he rose and moved that Kingston be adopted

130 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

henceforth as the seat of govemment, hut his motion was lost
by a vote of fifty-one aj^ainst ton. And others as well as Mr.
Macdonald censured the fjoverrtment for not having adopted
measures of protection against the lawlessness of the rioters.
Ministers, in a timid sort of a way, explained the absence of
the soldiers, but read now, and in the light of the mob's after
deeds, their explanations do not seem satisfactory. It is much
to be able to say as we look back upon this turbulent time,
that there was no shedding of blood, but we have no reason to
congratulate anybody that for nights the mob held possession
of a great city without being confronted by an available mili-
tary, whether bloodshed would or would not have been the re-
suki-i the collision. When the mob will rise, take the bit in
tlieir teeth and trample upon the supreme law of peace and or-
'ler they challenge the worst consequences, and have no right
to complain of whatever may follow. Forbearance is a virtue
we know, but past a certain limit it becomes poltroonery. A
coward indeed Lord Elgin was called for submitting twice to
the indignities of the rioters without employing the military,
but taking all the circumstances into account, whatever
grounds there might have been for such a charge against the
govemment there was none whatever for the charge against
the governor. His forbearance was dictated by the highest
and most worthy of motives.

During the day detachments of the mob appeared where the
house was in session uttering hoots and groans, and assaulting
any member of the govemment party who exposed himself.
But when night fell over the city the stragglers came together
and began again the work of destruction. The houses of Mr.
Hincks and of Mr. Holmes, and the lodgings of Dr. Price and
Mr. Baldwin were attacked and the windows demolished with
stones. Then the mob turned to the beautiful residence of
M. Lafoutaine, but recently purchased, hacking down fruit
trees and burning the outbuildings ; then entered the house
itself and demolished the furniture and library. Just as the

RULING IN STORM. 131

torch was being applied to finish the work the cold but t.<rdy
fiteel of the soldiers was seen glittering in the moonlight and
the mob fell back rvith disappointed howls. Then the j-yal-
ists headed off for Dr. Nelson's but were met there again by
the bayonets and shrunk back. This too was another night
of terror in Montreal, for small detachments of the mob prowled
the city through the darkness wreaking their vengeance upon
the windows of houses belonging to known supporters of the
government.

In the morning placards addressed to " the friends of peace "
were posted around the city calling a meeting at the Champ
<le Mars. The chief speakers at this meeting were Hon.
Oeorge Moffatt and Colonel Gugy. They counselled order and
passed an address to the Queen to call Lord Elgin home.

On the Saturday following, an address was passed by the
house bearing testimony to the justice and impartiality which
had characterized his excellency's administration, and express-
ing deep sorrow and indignation at the recent outrages. On
Monday, his lordship, accompanied by his suite, and escorted
by a troop of volunteers, drove in from Monklands to recciive
this address. But they had no sooner entered the city than
they were assailed with insults and pelted with brickbats and
rotten eggs. A stone weighing two pounds crashed through
the coach, while a continuous f usilade of eggs and blasphemy
was kept up. The address was to be read in " governm«5nt
house," a building so called on Notre Dame Street ; and on ar-
riving here the governor found his carriage surrounded by a
violent mob. A magistrate read the riot act and the soldiers
charged, but the mob gave way, cheering for the troops. The
>vere anxious that their loyalty should not be misunderstood !
On the address being read and replied to, the governor set out
on his return to Monklands, going by Sherbrooke Street in-
stead of Notre Dame, by which he had coma The mob were
outwitted, and set up a howl of baffled i-age. They imme-
diately rallied, however, and, seizing cabs, calecb ;s, and "every-

182 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDOKALD.

thing th.'ifc would run," started off in pursuit. At Molson's
Comer they overtook the vice-regal party, av 1 at once began
the attack. The back of the coach was driven in with stones.
Col. BruvO, tlie governor's brother, was wounied in the back of
the head, and Col. Erniatinger and Capt. Jones received bodily
injuries. The governot' himself escaped ludiurt. Th^ party
eventually distanced the mob and entered the sheltering gates
of Monl- lands.

Meanwiiile the sjiiit of riot had elsewhere risen its head.
In sev(U'al Upper Canada towns where the ultra loyalists were
found in strongest force, hooting mobs paraded and smashed
the heads and windows of obnoxious persons. In Toronto a
number oF gentlemen gathered and lit bonfires v.ath all the
zeal of reiiij'ons executioners at Smithfield, and thei-e burnt
in effigy Mt syrs. Baldwin, Blake, and Mackenzie, The Iclgings
of the latti I-, who had just returned iVom exile, were attacked
and buttered, af icr which the rioters wreaked their vengeance
lipon the windows of warehouses occupied by Dr. Kolph and
George Bro"^' a. Cut this, after all, was o^lv the bad blood of
tlx' coiiuuunity. From all parts of (Janada iddresses poured
in upon the governor, commending the fear 'ess attitude he had
taken in defence of popular rights. Of a'l who prized polit-
ical freedom the governor was now the darling.

But while the masses rejoiced in the better constitutional
era wlich Lord Elgin had inaugurated, a British American
league, f-epresenting the tory discontent of the time, was
formed at Montreal, with branche-: in Kingston, I'oronto and
elsewhere. There were many planks in tlie platform of the
new association, one of which was a schenie for the union of
the British North American provinces. Mr. Alexander Mac-
kenzie, in his "Lire of Hon. George Brown," thus drily refers
to the organization : " Like King David's famous army at the
Cave of Adullam, every one that was in distress, and every one
that was in debt, and every one tliat was discontented, gath-
ered themselves to the meeting of the league. * * They

i M

RULING IN STORM, 133

were dubbed Children of the Sun. * * Tliey advocated ex-
tretuc toryism, extreme disloyalty, au'l finally threatened to
drive the French into the sea." Towards the end of July, a
convention from the league sat at Kingston for several daj's,
and one of the speakers there was Mr. John A. Macdonald.
Confusion and discord reigned through the gathering. Ogle R.
Gowan felt seriously disposed to liave Lord Elgin impeached
before ohe house of lords ; some other speaker proposed that
Ihe league declare for annexation ; another said independence
Avould be better, and each had an instant following. A.mong
the many disgusted at the riot of proposals was Mr. John A.
Jlacdonald, who, at an early date, separated himself from the
babe'. Other leading members followed suit, and the mam-
moth Family gathering fell to pieces. A few of the fragments
reorganized themselves into <tssociations whose objects were
annexation and independence.

The news of the outrages created a sensation in F-^'rland. Mr.
Disraeli declared the time to be " a moment of ho deepest
public interest." Mr. Gladstone, who like the whx!.e k.ight at
the cross roads had looked at only one side of the shield, and
said it was silver as he set his lance In the rest, declared that
Lord Elgin should have disallov.^ed the bill ; but Lord John
Russell, Sir Robert Peel and othei's defended the action of hi;;
excellency, and paid warm tribute to the unflinching manlii^ess
and broad statesmanship he had shown. In view however of
all that had happened, and while the a^ probation of the British
parliament was ringing in his ears, Lord Elgin felt it his duty
to signify that his office was at the disposal of the colonial
.secretary; but that ofTicial refust 1 to accept the resignation,
and took occasion in warm and generous terms to eraiorse the
course of his excellency.

The 30th of May was the day fixed for the prorogation of
pa lament, but Lord Elgin did not deem it well to expose
himself for the third time to the passions of the m >b without
taking means of ample defence ; so the commander of the forces,

134

ITPE OF SIR JO EN A, MACDONALD.

Maior jleneral Kowan came down, and the thunder of cannon
announced the ckse of the last pariiament ever to sit in Mon-
treal,

The summer sped i vay and autumn came, ' >ut tumult still
lived m Montreal. In August the r'ngleaders la the spring
ri'..t' ivert.' •i'/irrested and released again on bail, but the mob
il:;v to arms, an f' after ni?htfa]j ga bf r^. 1 like Uendsafiund M,
L,ii;L;.aincs .iwelliug. The inmates knew the fate in store "^ or
them should ilvj fall into the hands of that mob; and after due
warning iirod, wounding several cf the rioters. One of the
go,ng, Williaij Mason, was shot in the thigh, nnd as he fell his
associaf ' filed out, " The biood of a Saxon has been shec' by a,
I venchmai." Then, and, as it would seem, when tiie hoMse
and its inmates were about beir/g torn to pieces, the r lilitary
came and the mob went off, bearing with them the inserisible^
Mas( n who died next morning.

Since the burning of the parlian- eni buildings, the question
of removing the soat >f goverriQ >,;', from Montreal to some
other city had u i:. untitrthe gcvf;mcr*s consideration. The
protracted and outrageous disposirion o'C thr mob, which ap-
peared ready to rise to deeds of destrueJ'on at any moment out
of cold blood, now decided his coarse. It was therefore fixed
that the remaining two sessions of j >arllaraoni should be held
in Toronto, and that henceforth the sittings should bo h»*lf! <it
that city and Quebec, at each for four years alternately. Tiius
was the parliament driven out of Montreal, and thus was the
reputation of the city once again, as but too often since, smirch-
ed by the lawlessness of her mobs.

:^;^^

CHAPTER IX.

THE GREAT MINISTRY FALLS.

AFTER the wild paroxysm of loyalty had spent itself in
storm, many of the tories, who by their speeches had
stirred their followers up to the riot point, and afterwards
attempted to find excuse for their excesses, began to feel
ashamed of the part they had played and to be anxious about
the consequences. A conclave was held at which it was de-
cided to send Sir Allan MacNab and Mr. Cayley to England to
avouch in Downing Street the loyalty of the party who had
burnt down the parliament buildings, poked sticks through a
picture of the queen, and attacked the representative of the
sovereign with addled eggs. No one to this day knows what
reception these two got at Downing Street ; but as they have re-
mained so reserved upon the subject, it would not be hazardous
to say that their silence was probably judicious. Hot upon
their heels followed Mr. Francis Hincks, accredited by his
government to make known fully the causes of the disgraceful
outbreaks. We are not surprised that the colonial office
f bout this time took a good deal of our provincial business
into its own hands; for if two parties here had a dispute
about a jack-knife they ran to Downing Street to have it
settled. Why warf it necessary for Sir Allan and Mr. Cayley
to hurry ofi to England to apologize to an indifferent official
in the colonial office for the riots in Canada ? — and why was
it necessary for Mr. Francis Hincks to follow them there ? We
complained th«n, and murmur still about Downing Street in-
terference ; yet it is we who have taught the officials there how

135

136 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

to interfere. Even at this day, though we regarJ the authority
of the colonial office only a fiction, and lash ourselves into a
rage when it becomes a reality, we take sometimes the most
trivial cases from our own supreme court and refer them to the
judicial committee of the imperial privy councii. The persons
who proclaim the loudest that Canadians ougl t to II. supreme
in their own affairs, are among the veiy first, when a decision
contrary to their views is given in our liighest courts, tu hasten
away to the oracle at Downing Street. It eve y dis])uted
case, originating in a magistrate's court about the i.iying of a
municipal tax or the right of prosecution under a Dominion act,
is to be submitted for a decitiion to the wuperior wisdom and
higher justice of a coLi^k ve of English law officers, why per-
petuate the cost y ;.anokery hero of u. " supreme " court ?

Mr. Hincks returned fr-^.n Ei)gla:i.d, eiited as a sciioolboy who
had received the " well doi ;" of his parents. Dn-ing the autumn
the weather-cock in the colonial office tiescribed a revolution,
and the jjovernor-oreneral was raised to t!:e neerajie of the
United Kingdom for pursuing <i, course the .rccise opposite to
' that for which, five years before, Ijcrd Metcalfe had been en-
nobled. Though perhaps title conferred according to this
method of discrimination, does not fill our minds with awe
for the " belted knight, the duke and earl and a' that," that a
king can make, the honour was highly prized at the time by
Lord Elgin, and properly prized, for his conduct had been on
trial bef(<re the home government. He made an extended
tour of the province, and at every place was received with
evidence of admiration and gratitude. As he drove through
Toronto a party of gentlemen hurled a few eggs and some
bottles at him, but they fell short of the mirk. In Kingston
a few persons came down to the wharf at which lay the vice-
regal steamer, and gave some dismal howls, then slunk away
again. This trifling exhibition of tory manners was dictated
by fear, however, rather than by hate, for the rumour had got
abroad in Montreal that the seat of government was to be re-

THE GREAT MINISTRY FALLS. 137

moved ; whereupon the instigators of the riots in that city
promptly sent out emissaries whose duty it was to see that the
governor-general was insulted in any city that was likely to
be chosen as the capital.

In November the seat of government was changed to Tor-
onto, and the offices established in the dreary pile along Fnjnt
Street, which does duty to the present day. The government
met in all its strength, and he were a rash prophet who would
predict that it was not impregnable for many years to come.
But some shrewd eyes looking through the assemblage of re-
formers, saw in this semblance of strength irresistible evidence
of weakness. A large majority is to be coveted when parties
are divided by some w^U marked line, and each avows a set of
well understood opinions ; but the government whose party
doctrines are yet only in the formative process, is not to bo
enviv.J of the possession. One day a vote was taken in the
Ijwei- chamber which divided the house upon party issues ; and
as the reformei's stood up in all their appalling strength, John
A. Macdonald is credited with having observed to a member
Avho sat beside him, " That mighty fabric is soon to go to
pieces." His companion replied, " I suppose no government has
a perennial lease, but if numbers aud apparent harmony count
for aught, I think their prospects are good." " Ah, yes," said
Macdonald, " apparent harmony ! But we shall see."

As has been stated already, the reform party composed not
only moderate seekers for reform, but many who desired radical
changes, and not a few who thought we ought to fashion our
political system after the republican model. The advocates of
these innovations pressed their views upon the government, but
neither Mr. Baldwin nor Mr. Lafontaine seemed disposed to
move any further at once in the direction of reform, and inti-
mated that the change desired must come through gradual stages.
When the attitude of the leaders became known, a number of
the most prominent of the government followers met, laid down
a new political platform, and resolved to withdraw themselves

138 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

from the ^ efom party. The chief names in the new combina-
tion were David Christie, Dr. John Rolph, James Leslie, and
Malcohn Cameron ; and among the concessions they demanded
were, abolition of judges' pensions, biennial parliaments, uni-
vers.al suffrage, and election of all public officers. The name
given to the new party was the " Clear Grits," a term which first
appeared in the Globe. The appellation appears to have origi-
nated during a conversation between George Brown and Chris-
tie, the latter remarking that they wanted in the new move-
ment " men who were clear grit." The clear grits had no sooner
completed their organization in Upper Canada, than Louis
Papineau aroused himself and formed in Lower Canada " Le
Parti Mmige" a combination less radical than revolutionary.
We can fancy that member to whom John Macdonald had made
the prediction turning aghast as he saw the great fabric which
he had regarded as indestructible already split into three parts.
And we might fancy the astute observer telling him to wonder
not, that the " greatest was behind."

This double defection sot the government reeling ; but many
of those who stood fast in their allegiance waited upon minis-
ters and informed them that the time had now arrived when
they expected a settlement of the long-burning question of the
clergy reserves upon a new basis. Mr. Baldwin professed
himself hostile to a union of Church and State, but gave little
assurance of meeting the wishes of his supporters ; while Mr.
Lafontaine did not conceal his hostility to what he called a
" disturbance of vested rights." " When sorrows come they
come not single spies but in battalions " that luckless govern-
ment might have exclaimed. From every quarter evil seemed
to come upon them now ; every breeze that blew brought them
dark tidings. One of the staunchest ministerial organs hitherto
had been the Toronto Globe, but it now assumed such an atti-
tude that ministers felt themselves obliged to repudiate responsi-
bility for its course. In short, the Globe was endeavouring to
wipe popery off" the face of the earth.

THE GREAT MINISTRY FALLS. 139

In the year 1850, as many a nervous Englishman had cause
to remember, the conviction entered the breast of the Holy
leather that the Episcopal Communion of England were pre-
paring to follow Newman over to Rome. So he set about to
pn "cel off the land of protfstant Englishmen into ecclesiastical
districts, and created Cardinal Wiseman Archbishop of West-
minster. The ordinances declaring the districts were written
in Rome after the manner of the time when a sovereign pon-
tiff set an English king scourging himself before the tomb of a
' rebellious priest," shut up the churches and absolved subjects.
of their allegiance. " Datiim apud Romce sub anulo piacato-
ri-,^' wrote the rash papa in the palace of the Peters ; " " Given
at Home under the fisherman's ring ! " echoed the people of
Eri^^land, some in scorn and many in dismay. They had
lesH experience of " paper towns " in England then than
has fallen to our share in Canada since the inauguration
of the "boom," or they might have regarded the employment
of the pope in setting districts off on sheets of vellum, as of no
very serious consequence. Yet, alarmed thcusanc's of very
valiant Englishmen became, and we have it on excellent
authority that the "British Lion " stalked through the land.
Lord Truro called forth applause that nigh shook down the
building when he quoted, at the Lord Mayor's dinner, the
words from the play, " Under my feet I'll stamp thy cc^rdinal's
hat in spite of pope or dignities of church ; " and thun-
ders of applause were evoked by Kean the tragedian, when in
the theatre, he quoted the words from King Jolvr, STo Italian
priest shall tithe or toll in our dominion." I.t> good season,
however, the tumult died, and when the hurly-barly was done,,
it was found that the " country of protestant "^z iglishmen "
had sustained no serious damage.

After Englishmen had become heartily ashannvl .f their ex-
hibition of fear, the cardinal, the pope and the laifortunate
papacy fell into the hands of a wild protestanM ' aadian. This,
person was consumed with the idea that the • . vacy ought to

140 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

be rooted out of this country, and without calculating w he-
ther the object was a possible ore, began the crusade in the
columns of his newspaper, i\\cGlohe. He published the
pronunciamonto of Wiseman, leplying in his editorial columns
in language as rough and intemperate as it was intolerant and
illogical. Cardinals may be right or they may be wrong, but
it is not in writers of George Brown's stamp that they find
confuters. Having begun the discussion. Mi'. Brown used
every means to lash public feeling into tumult. He pictured
the Roman hierarchy in Canada as an odious system that
menaced the well-being of our social and political institutions,
and the public were informed that it was their duty to resist
the common enemy. Tliis indiscreet onslaught upon an un-
offending portion of the community was made with as }iiuch
noise and fervour as " temperance reformers " to-day employ
against the vice of drunkennefjs. But this was the manner of
Mr. Brown. He never moved without noise ; and whether it
was his entry into the legislature, or that he addressed a
meeting in a school-house ; introduced a bill, or presented a
medal to a school girl, the fact was annoii^red by a clatter of
kettle-drums and a bray of bugles. It has always seem fid to us
that the prominence he so suddenly attained, from being a
mere adventuring raw youth, to the adviser and hustler of
the reform party, was more than Mr. ] irown could stand. He
was ambitious, and had a great deal cf honest, worthy ambition
too. wo may be sure, but under his brusqueness, which was the
j-esult of a lack of refined atmosphere during the formative
period of iiis character and manntjrs, he was inordinately vain
of his powers and his position Early in the year 18.51 some
newspaper writer declared he was seeking the wardenship of the
Kingston penitentiary; but he announced, not bluntly but
vainly, in his own paper that he was* "seekiri', higher game
than that." Yet he had not the t''>resight to see that his
senseless and uncharitable crusade against a law-abiding and
inoffensive Christian denomination must prove a barrier be-

2 HE GREAT MINIiiTRY FALLS. 141

tween him and the "higlier game" he sought. And he J id not
injure his own piospects alone, but drove the ah-eady shattered
government to the alternative of bearing the responsil)ility of
the Globes fatally recl^'less course, or repudiating it, and thus
alienating its support and following.

Every age and country has produced its whitevvashei>, and
we see in a book lyiflg before us now, Hon. Alexander Mac-
kenzie, with a brush in his hand, bedaubing the dark s^ )ts in
this poi'tion of George Brown's career. Mr. Mackenzie, who
has 'evidently not informed himself about a period of m hich
1)0 writes, with some levity admits that harsh things were
said in this discussion by Mr. Brcn^n, but adds that " no arti-
cle ever ai)peared (in the Globe) which bore the character of
intolerance." " Unscrupulous politicians," he says, " of little or
no standing ('s public men, for years filled their scrap-books
with garbled extracts, torn from their context, and used them
as electioneering weapons." Through all this whitewash the
merciless types in the Globe itself will tell the facts. We liave
made a few "extracts," not " garbled," and not all "torn from
their context," and the whitewash v.i nnot hide their intoler-
ance. Is it tolerance, whether it be the truth or not, which is
not the question we are discussing, to be told that " the ad-
vance of education has been the death-knell of popery through-
out the worl-I ;" that " its mummeries have failed to stand the
test of free in;jtitutions;" that " civil despotism and the papal
delusion hani{ together ? " — or will it make the statements less
offensive to Roman Catholics to join them with the context ?
Will the printing of the context mako it less offensive to say
that 'popery binds all men in the most debasing thraldom;"
that ' this religion robs man of his noblest privilege, direct
communion with God. . . . and debases 1 im to the very level
of paganism " ? Or to ask with a note of admiration, " What
a frightful weapon of tyranny the confessional is ! " Perhaps
we have misunderstood what Mr. Brown's biographer means
by intoleri nee. George Brown was never the imperial dictator

142 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

of Canada, lioldi g the life and 1 ^erty of the subject in his
hand. It may be g^'ing too far, tli^n, to say he was not intol-
erant, because ho did not banish the Roman Catholics out of
the COUP try. But the spirit was v/illing if the flesh w i<s weak.

A pov ci'lul auxiliary of Brown was one Padre Gavazzi, who
had broken out of his Roman cage, and was now abroad
through (./hristondom breathing fire and smoke against the pa-
pacy. His mission, he said — as reported in the newspapers —
was " not * .1 protest against Rome ; — it is to destroy, to destroy.
It is nof » testantism at all, my dear brethren," said the in-
flamed T"m li't> " it is destruction ; the destruction of pope and
pop'^r^'. My mission is to destroy, to annihilate in my Italy
the pope and popery. T am no protestant. Call me destructor,
lor that ' i my name." It is hai'dly too venturesome to say,
that, had Mr. Brown not been "settled down" at this time to
politics, the laudable purpose of the Italian priest might have
lured him away into missionary work. Mr. Brown was a
warm admire • ol Gavazzi, for the Globe of June 16th, 1853, de-
scribed him as "the distinguished defender of the Protestant
faith." It is seldom two such distinguished defenders of any
faith get together and some harm does not come of it. It is
hardly necessary to add that the papacy withstood the shock
of the cleric and the journalist. Indeed, both the editor and
the ex-priest are dead, and Rome still lives, or did, at least,
*' up to the hour of going to press." It takes more than a
great newspaper and a small padre to destroy an institution
that may flourish when the traveller from New Zealand stands
upon the ruined arch of London Bridge.

The session of 1850 produced a number of important meas-
ures, and the most prominent of these referred to an extension
of the canal system, which gave to inland shipping an uninter-
rupted course of navigation from lakes Erie and Ontario by
the St. Lawrence to the ocean ; the control of post offices and
postal revenues by the Canadian government; and a met. sure

THE OB EA T MINISTR Y FA LLS, 143

for the (stablishinent of free trade between the provinces of
British North America.

Notwithstanding the plenitude of important legislation
achieved by the government and the latter's apparent impreg-
nableness, it was a house divided against itself, as we have
already seen, and soon must fall. Opinion was in a nebulous
state among reformci-s, and just as in the formation of our
stellar systems — as some scientists believe — masses of insubor-
dinate matter become detached from the main bulk and roll
away, each forming a sphere in itself ; so the great reform
body war. dissevered, one portion becoming rouge, another clear
grit, still another independent, the balance remaining true to
its original conditions. One might suppose that a party made
up of so many independent sovereignties as this would be a
helpless mass before the skilful af tack of the enemy ; but the
conservative party, which was then in its chrysalis state —
between a dead and effete toryism, and the coming conserva-
tism — was led by the indiscreet and offensive Sir Allan Mac-
Nab, who did not injure his opponents by his bad temper and
worse tactics and only disgusted his friends. So coarse and
so insolent were his attacks on Mr. Lafontaine, and even on
Lord Elgin, that Colonel Gugy, who had been an uncompro-
mising tory, arose in his place and disclaimed approval of his
leader's couise. He said he had borne the reproach of such
leadership too long, and announced his separation from the
party.

Several conpultations were held among the conservatives,
and when the government first began to show evidences of
division within its ranks, Mr. Macdonald proposed a course of
action, but Sir Allan broke so repeatedly beyond the lines
which had been laid down, that Macdonald despaired of suc-
cess by attack. He summoned philosophy however ; and at a
caucus in Toronto, held by his party to adopt " ways and
means," after it was decided that no ways or means could be
adopted her emarked, " We need not despair ; their sands of life

144 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

nre rajudly running them.selves out; they will die in due time if
we but lot them alone." As early as this date there were seve-
ral conservatives of the liberal Jjchool who wliispered among
themselves that so long as Sir Allan was the leader there was
little hope for a vigorous conservati\e party. " MacNab and
Sherv/ood were a pair of weights upon Macdonald's wings"
a conservative of that day tells us, "and some of our j»arty, T
for one, felt that there was no hope till we got a chavrjc, of
idea at the head of our party." It is true MacNab had l-cgun
to trim his sails to the popular breeze, so far as he could see
the direction in which blew that wind, but he belonged to a
past century, and was too old and too stubborn to bend to the
demands of the time.

During tho spring of the following yaav, a vr^cancy occurred
in the reprcnentation of Haldimand, and a numV)er of candi-
dates, among whom were George Brown and William Lyon
Mackenzie, offered themselves for the seat. We have already
introduced Brown, but have made only slight mention of Mac-
kenzie. William Lyon NLackenzie, whose figure seen down
the galleries of the past, seems in these latter years to the
careless student of Canadian history to be suffused with glory,
was born at Dundee, Scotland, about the year 1795. In 1824
he established a newspaper at Queenston, LTpper Canada, and
at once began a galling attack upon the Family Compact.
Though he was possessed of a sturdy, independent spirit, and
might under any circumstances have brought himself into col-
lision with the powers of the time, in declaring war against the
Compact, he had everything to gain and nothing to lose. After
a short journalistic career in Queenston, during which his de-
cisive and uncompromising way of dealing with offences against
freedom and public morality brought him to some notice, he
removed to York and began to issue flaming denunciations in
the very shadow of the enemy's camp. The oligarchs became
enraged at his attacks, and bitfori>' complained before some of
the young gentlemen of their own set, like Henry when pro-

THE GREAT MINISTRY FALLS. 145

voked by Becket, that they had no one to rid thorn of " this
fellow's annoyance." The genteel young men consulted about
the matter, and one June day in 182G, with canes and kid
gloves called at Mackenzie's office ; broke open the doors, bat-
tered the face off some of the types, and bore away a
(juantity which they threw in the bay. The persecution only
made a martyr of the bitter journalist, who thereafter became
a sorer thorn than ever in the side of the Family. Two years
later the county of York sent him to the assembly, but here he
violated privilege by publishing lengthy reports of the legis-
lative debates ; and was expelled. But after the expulsion he
was again elected, and again expelled; and the farce was con-
tinued till he had been four times elected and as often expelled.
In 1834 he was chosen for the second riding of York, and took
his seat without molestation. Two yeai-s subsequently, parlia-
ment was dissolved, and Sir Francis Bond Head and his coun-
cil adopted corrupt and unmanly ways to keep their opponents
out of the assembly. One of the victims was Mackenzie ; and
exasperated beyond all endurance, he turned his thoughts to
rebellion. The story of the farce on Gallows Hill has already
been told and need not be repeated. Mackenzie fled away
through the wintry woods and found an asylum in the re-
public for a time, but was afterwards arrested there and thrown
into prison. When a pardon was granted to the rebels he
made his way back to Canada, and living in the remembrance
of the people as a brave man, who with all his indiscretion and
impatience, had risked the all he had for popular liberty, he
was welcomed to the hustings of Haldimand with vociferous
cheers from a thousand lusty throats. But although he seemed
to be remembei'od gratefully by some of the people, he was re-
ceived coldly enough by Mr. Baldwin and o^-her members of
government. The following extract from an unpublished letter,
written by him in 1850, to Mr. Aug. Thibodo,of Kingston,will
explain his relations to the government, and show also, we
believe, why he put himself at the h :ad of a refractory party,

U6 UFE OF Slli JOHN A. MACDONALD.

after h i entry into the legislature. "Mr, Baldwin and his
frieudf' steadily st i'-; to keep mo down here in means anc"
infli.Lnce. T .'jiplied for three years assembly wages due —
refused. A] nlied for a jear'.. wa-^es;: due on the Welland Canal
— refused. Also for the money uh Randal's estate, £.500 —
rofuse(V In every possible way tliey liave striven to rrndei-
my residence, hero burthensoriie to me. Why is this? Are
the reformers of '37 the torie^ of ''0 ? Or does office and the
fear of 'Osing It coave. t. manly opj>ositioni,sts into timid and
croucliingplr einen ? I's* i tru-'t I'll never be 'led into temp-
tation. " Th: ai ti-papac'^ articles of Brown rose before their
author in t)j . Ilaldimaiid ol( tie like ^e ghost of Bannuo,
and iLcH'keuzie was elected ' a fair .ajov'iy. Brown went
rick to h* 3 newspaper to print ruiOro irdiscreet articles, and
Mackenzie went to the legislatur>' ^vhere, for the remainder o.
his public career, he was at best a na ty ci'itic with a narrow
view and lira ted conception of pubnc measures. Another new
face was seen at this last session of the third parliament under
the union, a man wlio, could he have cast the horoscope, would
ha\e se?n, down the years, political degradation — let us not say
dishonour — .hether his star showed he deserved that fate or
not. Perlia IS it is needless to sa,y that the new member intro-
duced to the house was M, Luc Letellier de '^v, .Just.

Parliamen / met in Toronto in the early spiing. The chief
measure of legislation >^ as a bill making- provision for the
constructic a of railways to supTiloiAicnt the canal system, and
pnn Oanada in a positiou to compet" with the c.irriers of the
Ui\ited States, wu jre i-ailroad iMiiidioi'^ had recently tiecome a
rria/ ia. A measure in':rod!ie. >l durin<i; tliu session bj' Mr Hincks
autr>orized the govurnor-ii -cc Lci! ,■•• take steps in concert
wi 1; the governments nf the r ari-'i ve pr.'inees towards the
coustniiction of ;;. rad'Au,y from lu.milton to Quebec, to make
c >tinect>.>ri theie with another line to run along the St. Law-
rence and through New B ;nsv. iok to Nova Scotia, terminating
at Halifax. A meeting of delegates was held in Toronto, and

THE GREAT MINISTRY FALLS. " 147

me.' . nres were adopted towards the construction of the lines.
But when the delcojate^ Mr. Hincks from Canada and Mr.
Chandler f'om New Br.irswirV, went to England to ask impe-
rial aid, thijy "ui ' .isLonished to find tliat Joseph Howe had
either beeii guilty of duplicity in leading them to hope that
help would be given, or that Earl Grey had deceived Mr.
Howe ; for Sir John Pakington infox med theiu that imperial
assistance could not be promised. Bat out of these projects
t ventuallv grew the Intercolonial and Grand Trunk railways.
Another Important measure of the .session was the abolition of
the law ot [n-imogeniture, in defence of which Mr. Macdonakl
]ia<l aired his early eloquence ; but he had grown wiser now,
and sat with supreme unconcern while the politicians swept
the ideal law of hlsyouth off the statute books. '

lilacdonald's attitude during the session was not more demon-
strative, and less scornful, than it was on his first appear-
ance in the house. On July 19th he brought in a bill relating
to the medical profession in Upper Canada, introducing it to
the House in a few tt^se sentences. The measure met with some
opposition, and the chief hostility, though for what reason it
is hard to tell, came from the Solicitor-General, John Saadfield
Macdonald, The arguments used by this opponent were very
paltry, and as some other members took up the same strain,
John A. Macdonald at ]a.st became annoyed. "Mr. Spt^aker,"
he said, " if the Solicitor-General is to be logical and consistent,
after he has opposed my bill, in view of what it aims to do-- -
and its ^cope and aims are not denied — he ought to introduce a
bill to legalize murder." How apt, not to say how crushing,
was this thrust must be apparent to those who will now try to
conceive of our great body of medical practitioners without ob-
ligations, organization, or protection.

When the simple brother in one of Matthew Arnold's poems
plucked the tiny plant to fling at Balder, the gods laughed at
his humour, but presently they saw the Father against whom
they had hurled their javelins in vain fall, pieicad by the fragile

148 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALV.

^veed. The country had seen Mr. Baldvan stand bravely
through the clangor of the fire bells, and iu the glare of the
burning halls of parliament ; saw him supreme when Sir Al-
lan MacNab tried once again to coax abroad the spurious Bri-
tish Lion ; now they see him, on a measure brought in by
William Lyon Mackenzie to abolish the court of Chancery,
stand up and declare that he will resign his place in the
government. The weed had slain Balder. The house rejected
Mackenzie's measure, but a majority of the Upper Canada mem-
bers voted for it; and though Mr. Baldwin was no advocate
Jfor " double majorities " he was cut beyond endurance at this
rebuke to his ideal court. His lofty spirit could not bend. It
was a time of wonders ; for almost immediately afterwards M.
Lafontaine arose at his desk and announced his intention of
retiring at an early day. "The two masts are overboard,"
Macdonald remarked in an undertone to Mr. Sht -wood ; " a
helpless hulk there is left now! "

In October, M. Lafontaine withdrew and the other miviisters
followed him. Lord Elgin, who was now at his lovely resi-
dence, Spencer Wood, upon the cliffs of Sillery, sent for Mr.
Hincks to form a government. Perhaps Mr. Hincks could not
see through the blank wall of the future; perhaps he did get
a glimpse through it, but made up his mind to follow the path
he had traced out. At any rate he did not send for George
Brown, who was burning to get into ctfice, but made up his
;jovernment as follows :

FROM CANADA WEST.

Hon. Francis Hincks Premier and Insp'r-General.

W.B.Richards Attorney-General West.

" Malcolm Cameron President of the Council.

" Dr. John RoLPH Com' r of Crown Lands,

" James Morris Postm ester- General.

THE GREAT MINISTRY FALLS. ■-— 149

FROM CANADA EAST. '

Hon. a. N. Morin Provincial Secretaiij.

" L. T. Drummond Attorney-General Ea8t.

" John Young Com'r of Public Works.

" R. E. Caron Speaker of Legislative Council.

" E. P. Tache Receiver-Gen<!ral.

But there was more than one jealous member when Mr. Hincks
made out his programme. Mr. John San Jfiolcl Macdonald, who
aimed to be attorney -general, was offered the commissioner-
ship of crown lands, but refused, and went away muttering
"curses not loud but deep." George Brown, as was his wont,
found vent for an angry spirit and disappointed hopes in noise,
and foamed more indiscreetly than ever through the Globe.
He had little denunciation for the tories — indeed, the tone of
his paper was complimentary to John A. Macdonald and many
other candidates of the party, — but he was unsparing of the
Government, he v/ho had lashed the clear gi-its such a brief
time before for their treachery in putting themselves in oppo-
sition to the "redeemei's of the country." But this all happened
before he got into the legislature, and, more than all, before he
was ignored in the making up of Hincks' cabinet.

Once asain Canada was in the throes of a general election.

CHAPTER X.

"BURNINQ QUESTIONS.

THE new government was pledged to the public to provide
measures for an elective legislative council, for increased
parliamentary representation, the abolition of seigniorial tenure,
and the secularization of the clergy reserves. Of all the ques-
tions which had agitated the public mind, this latter was the
most prominent, the most galling and unjust. Among the other
evils planted in the constitutional act of 1791, wex'e the provi-
sions for granting a seventh of the crown.lands in the provinces
of Canada, for the support of " the Protestant clergy," and the
establishment of rectories in every township or parish, " accord-
ing to the establishment of the Church of England." In the
early history of Upper Canada, the ett'ect of these grants was
not felt, but as the population began to spread over the public
domain, and it was found that the sanctified hand of the church
had £ ggregated her reserves in large blocks, to aid in the spread
of the gospel according to hei* way of teaching, a general cry of
dissatisfaction was raised. Well might the dissenters have cried
with Cassius, " Now is it Rome indeed, and Rome enough." It
was Rome without the ceremonies and canonical panoply, but
it was Rome monopolized. The heads of other protestant deno-
minations met to protest against the injustice. The words " a
protestant clergy" excluded the dissenters, whom all imperial
statutes ignored ; but the presby tei'ians stood boldly vp and
proved that they came within the meaning of the words. The
law officers of the Crown, on pondeiing the question said
the Presbyterians were correct in their view, and that the

150

*< BURNING" QUESTIONS. 151

benefit of the act should extend to " these persons so long as
there were any of them in the country." The language of the
officers might be taken to refer to i^oose or bears, but it really
did point to " the presbyterians." The sturdiest advocate for
the maintenance of the reserves was Dr., afterwards Bishop,
8trachan, one of the ablest men that has ever appeared in
Canada, and an uncompromising champion of the church of his
.second love. He resisted the claims of dissenting bodies — " pre-
tensions " he called these claims — and hurried away to Eng-
land to fortify the colonial office against the importunities of
the outraged denominations. In 183G, Sir John Colborne was
recalled to England, but before his departure endowed forty-
four rectories to the unspeakable amazement a;id indignation
of the province. To each such rectory was allotted about three
hundred and eighty-six acres of land. The law officers in Eng-
land promptly declared the endowment to be invalid, but Dr.
Strachan got together a bundle of documents which he packed
off to England ; whereupon the oracles reversed their decision.
It must certainly have been annoying to officials of the Bi'i-
tish Government to be pestered about every little colonial mat-
ter, but they brought the trouble upon themselves by arro-
gantly, not to say, impertinently, undertaking to deal with
matters which rightly belonged to the jurisdiction of the colo-
nial legislatures, in framing our constitutional acts. Nor had
they grown more wise, perhaps we should say less meddlesome,
in 1840. The Union Act provided that no further reservations
were to be made — as if the Canadian government were not the
best judge whether more reservations ought to be made or not —
Avd that, of previous sales of reserves, one-third should go to the
presbyteiian body and two-thirds to the church of England ;
and that of the future proceeds of sales, one-third should go to
the episcopalians, one-sixth to presbyters, and the remainder "for
purposes of public worship or religious instruction in Canada."
This latter citation was an insinuation in favour of the dissent-
ers; for the framers of the act could not be expected to name

Utt . LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACBONALD.

the Baptists, Wesleyans, Unitarians, et cjietera. But this settle-
ment of the question, proposed doubtless by the spiritual peel's,
was made without any regard for the census, and at once caused
n, ly of anger and dissatisfaction through the country. We
know not by what light went the peers when making the ap-
piopriation. It is their custom when choosing a bishop, we
know, to p'ay to be guided in the choice they are about to make^
and uhen to appoint the person named by the prime min-
ister. It is not certain that in apportioning the reserve
proceeds among the Canadian religious bodies they gave much
time to thought or prayer, simply setting down double as much
to the episcopalians, whether they numbered ten or ten thou-
sand, as to any other denomination. Four years afterwards,
discontent at the settlement had reached such a head that a
complete secularization of the reserves was demanded by the
reform party. The question was discussed on the hustings
and in the legislature with much passion, and Mr. Henry Price,
a congregatit^nalist, at his place in the house, described the
reserves, with not less justice than force, as " one of the great-
est curses that could have been inflicted upon the land." But
the tories showed no inclination to disturb the arrangement.
On the contrary, to them, like to the framers of the act of 1791,
establishment was one of the dearest features of our fjovern-
ment. When the reformers came into office in 1848, the
champions of secularization were filled with hope ; but as we
have seen, Mr. Baldwin, although opposed to the union of
church and state, or rather of God and Mammon, had enough
of high church prejudice to be content to let the settlement by
the union act abide. In Lower Canada tht ,£uestion was never
of any consequence, and for this reason M. Lafontaine was op-
posed to opening up the matter again. We shall discuss, in its
proper place, the influence it had upon parties, how it split
governments, begot coalitions, and changed the whole current
of our political history.

"BURNING" QUESTIONS. loS

But if the lower province was not concerned about tlie clergy
reserves, it had a grievance scarce less exasperating. In the-
seventeenth century the feudal system still existed in France,
and was transferred, though not in all its rigoura, to Canada.
Large blocks of land were granted by the West India Company
to families of the crown, army officers and religious bodies, who-
held them en seigneurie. This condition embraced the pay-
ment of fealty and homage to the king. On the day set apart
for doing homage, came the seigneur, or holder of the granted
lands, to the castle of St. Louis in Quebec, and kneeling before
the representative of the king, he there, in token of submission,
delivered up his sword; which was graciously returned. Nearly
all the fertile lands, stretching, for three hundred miles, along-
the banks of the St. Lawrence were granted to the seigneurs.
The latter enjo3'ed many rights and privileges, but they also
had their duties. Within their domains they had jurisdiction
over all offences against the laws save treason and murder.
When the seigneurie or any portion of it was sold, a fifth of
what it brought, called a quint, was paid to the crown. Boing
unable to cultivate his extensive grant, the seigneur divided it
into lots having a frontage of three acres on the St. Lawrence,
extending backward eighty acres. The holders of these lots.
which were granted en roture, were called censitaires. Several
annoying conditions were imposed upon the censitaire. He
was obliged* "to grind his grain at the seigneur's mill, bake his
bread in the seigneurs oven, work for him one or more days
in the year, and give him one fish in every eleven for the priv-
ilege of fishing in the river before his farm." He was also
obliged to pay a small yearly rental, to do military service, to
open up and repair roads, and build bridges. If he sold his lot
he was obliged to hand over lods et ventes, that is, the twelfth
part of the receipts, to the seigneur. The holding descended
to the censitaires heir, whose relations to the seigneur remain-

» Francis Parkman : "The Old Regime in Canada."

154 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

<id the same as during the original occupation. Some years
after the conquest the censitaircs became restive under the in-
creased obligations put upon them by the seigneurs, who, in
•consequence of the system of dividing the seigneurie among all
members of the family, were driven to sore straits to maintain
& living suitable to their rank. At the time reformers in
Upper Canada were demanding a secularization of the clergy
reserves, the wretched censitaire was praying to be released
from the yoke of his master. Accounts are given of the most
dishonest and harassing measures adopted towards the ignor-
ant habitant, who was not aware that he was being cheated —
only knowing that he was being oppressed — by the seigneurs.
Some hot-headed Frenchmen, without any instinct of justice,
•advocated the total^sweepingaway of seigniorial claims without
compensation ; others advocated a joint commutation of what
was called the cens et rentes by the state and the censitaires ;
and the legislature in 1849 passed an act providing for optional
commutation. This measure, however, did not satisfy the
habitant, who demanded that the system should be abolished
branch and root. .Thus the legislature had upon its hands at
the period to which our narrative has readied, two important,
or, to use the phrase of the time, two " burning " questions.

Mr. Francis Hincks, the leader of the government asked to
Ijrapple with these questions, was the youngest son of Dr.
Hincks, of Breckenborough, Yorkshire, England, and could trace
his ancestry far backward, finding a Hincks as alderman of
Chester in 1341. Dr. Hincks obtained a fellowship in Trinity
College, Dublin, and subsequently became rector of Killyleagh.
He was the author of a number of papers on the transactions of
the Royal Irish Academy, and on Assyrian, Persian, and Egyp-
tian archaeology. Some of his discoveries proved valuable
additions to the knowledge of Eastern lore, and chief among
these may be mentioned his determination of the value and
forms of the Assyrian numerals. After spending some years
at college, his son Francis entered a large business house, and

*' BURNING'' QUESTIONS. 155

.sulisequently sailed as supercargo to the West Indies, visiting
Jamaica, Trinidad, Demarara, and Barbadoes. In the hitter
city he met a Canadian gentleman with whom he visited Can-
ada, for the purpose of studying her commerce. He went back
to Ireland, M'ell pleased with the new country, married the
«econd daughter of Alexander Stewart, a merchant of Belfast,
and soon after returned to Canada, taking up hiy residence in
Toronto. He rapidly rose in the estimation of all with whom
he came in contact for his great abilities and integrity ; and
after the arrival of Lord Durham to Canada, established the
Exandney newspaper. As a journalist he was seen to possess
abilities of the highest order, and while he fearlessly sifted
every question to the bottom, his st3'le of writing always main-
tained the due dignity of the press. In 1841 he was "called
out " for Oxford, and defeated his opponent hy a majority of
thirty-one votes ; and was re-elected on going back to his
constituency after having accepted the inspector-genei-alship.
Three years later he was defeated by a son-in-law of Admiral
Vansittart for the same constituency, but in 1848 was again
elected by a majority of three hundred and thirty-five over his
old opponent Carroll. Again he entered the government of
his first friend in Canada, taking the same office he had held
before. In the autumn of 1851, as we have seen, oa the
retirement of Robert Baldwin, he was called to form a govern-
ment. He is to be an interesting figure for same years to
come, and we must not anticipate his career.

M. Augustin Norbert Morin, his " other half," as the second
government head used to be called in those days, was born at
St. Michel, district of Quebec, in 1803. He studied law in the
office of D. B. Vigor, and was called to the bar at Montreal, in
1828. In his twenty -eighth year he was returned to parlia-
ment, and was so brilliant as to till his friends with great hopes
for his future. He entered the Baldwin-Lafontaine ministry
as commissioner of crown lands, in October, 1842, retaining
office until December the following year, when, with his col-

156 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

leagues lie was forced out of office by the treachery of the
goveinor. In 1848 he was again retui'ned to parliament, and
elected to the speakership. On the resignation of M. Lafon-
taine, threo years later, Mr. Hinck's choice fell upon him as the
only suitable successor to the retiring statesman. Kaye, whoso
portraits are not always above suspicion, pays honest tribute
to the character of M. Morin. His administrative abilities, he
tells us, were of the highest class. He had vast powers of appli-
cation, rare conscientiousness, and a noble self-devotion, which
in old times would have carried him cheerfully to the stake.
His patriotism was of the purest water, and he was utterly
without selfishness and guile. And he was of so sensitive a
nature and so confiding a disposition, that it was said of him
he was as tender-hearted as a woman, and as simple as a child.
A prominent figure in the new cabinet, a man who as yet
had no clear notion of what his party leanings were, was
Etienne P. Tach^, receiver-general. He Avas the descendant of
an ancient and distinguished French family, and was born at
St. Thomas, Lower Canada, in 1795. When the war broke
out in 1812, young Tach^ entered the militia of Lower Canada
as an ensign in the 5th battalion, and dashed bravely to the
front in defence of his country. After the war had closed, ho
studied medicine and achieved much success in his profession.
He was elected to the first parliament under the union, and six
years later was appointed deputy-adjutant-general, which po-
sition he retained for rv/o years, when he entered the Lafon-
taine-BaJdwin ministrj^ as commissioner of public works. On
the resignation of L. M. Viger the following year, he became
receiver-general, and was allotted to the same office on the for-
mation of the Hincks' ministry. Henceforth Mr. Tachd began
to evince preferences for the conservative party, and was dur-
ing his term of office in the reform government a professed
admirer of Mr. John A. Macdonald. We shall see that he soon
boldly goes to the party whither his sympathies had been

''BURNING" QUESTIONS. 157

leading him, and stands at the head of a government with the
iiieinher whom it was liis wont so warmly to admire.

The election was held in the early winter, and resulted in a
return of all the new ministers. The position of parties was
little changed, save indeed that the only member of the once
mighty compact who took his place in the now house was Sir
Allan MacNab, and he only won his seat by repudiating many
of the principles which he had been in the habit of defending
with much fury. One of the surprises of the election was the
rejection of the honoured ex-leader of the reform party by the
electors of North York for a candidate who up to the time
had been unknown to the electorate. The fact is that the
public mind had beer excited during the summer about the
question of secularization, and the suspicion got abroad that
Mr. Baldwin looked upon the disturbance of the existing set-
tlement with no friendly eye. And so when he appeared at the
hustings a throng of his friends waited upon him, and bluntly
requested him to pledge himself to support secularization. It
is not strange that Robert Baldwin should receive a lequest
like this with scorn. He calmly told his supporters that he
came before them with no claim upon their regards save what
a record of his public career had given him; that he had always
acted unfettered by pledges, free to do what he believed was
right ; that he would not fetter himself now, and if they sent
him to the legislature he would go there free of pledges. They
rejected him, and took the unknown.

John A, Macdonald, whose popularity had flagged not since
his first election, was returned again for Kingston, but took
his seat not in that listless manner which was his wont, but
sat up at his desk, his eye vipon every movement that was
made. Mr. John Sandfield Macdonald, who was burning for
an opportunity to be avenged on Mr. Hincks, was elected
speaker. The Speech made reference to the proposed intro-
duction of decimal cun'ency, to railways, the attitude of the
imperial government towards secularization of the clergy re-

158 LIFE OF Sin JOflN A. MACDONALD.

serves, and the expediency of .settling the grievance of seignorial
tenure.

Some life was introduced into the debate on the address by

George Brown, who made his maidcMi speech — a slashing and

effective effort, and perhaps as forcible an array of raw material

as had ever been presented to that parliament. In after years

Mr. Brown's style of parliamentary speaking improved, but not

very much. This first speech of his revealed all his strength,

and not a few of his defects. He had a prodigious capacity for

ffettinij facts toy-ether, and these he flung with a tremendous

force in the face of his audience. Only the one ([ualification

of an orator had he, however, and tlmt was this force, a qnality

which was perhaps made better by having to it a nervous side.

It was a homely, blunt speech, strongly made, and that wa.s.

all. It lacked all the accomplishments and many of the gift*

which are essential to oratory. It was devoid of imaginatioiu

of sarcasm, of humour, of Irony, of pathos, of scorn. Wo kno\v

that facts can be honestly and effectually told without these

gifts and graces, but we are merely pointing out that it is a

delusion to suppose that Mr. Brown was an orator. He was a

man of much honest purpose, of rugged, strong intellect ; so

rugged PS to give room to the supposition that his muscle may

have been turned into brain without having undergone any

particulu" change. The true orator understands human nature,

the sym;;athies of audiences, and as he speaks keeps his hand

upon the pulse of his hearers. Mark Anthony subdued and

turned iato i-^eabius friends upon the spot a mob of turbulent

Romans, drank with tumult, b}'' appealing to all the better

instincts ol their humanity. That oration of his, hidden away

in the play, is, in our poor judgmont, the greatest speech, the

most effective piece of oratory that lives in any language,

though he who utters it declares (but in the disclaimer proves

the contrary), " \ am no orator as Bru us is, but, as you kiiow

me all, a plai >, blunt man il iit V)vos his friend;^. ' George

Brown was a 1' cidedly plain, 1 !' it man, but it ii doubtful if

•'JiURMNO" QUESTIONS. 150

he always loved his friends ; and it" he did he surely had not
alvays tact enou^di to tell them so. He plunged straight on,
without art or grace, believing it to be his duty to drive instead
of to lead.

Pa['ineau made an erratic attack upon the government, and
declared that he wanted annexation and au elective legislative
council. Mr, John A. Macdonald, who had informed some of
his friends that "at last he was ready for tho fray," adminis-
tered a long scourging to the government. Ho affirmed that*^
the ministry had outlived its principles, and thai its only bond
of union now was that of office. Frequent meetings of tho
conservatives were held at which it was agreed thi\t the party
should act in accord with Brown's stalwarts when any blo^r
was aimed to overthrow the government.

During the summer Mr. Hincks had visited England, and
while there made every possible eftbrt to induce the imperial
government to introduce such legislation as would give the
Canadian parliament authority to deal with the question of
secularization. Notwithstanding these facts, George Brown
charged him with having " sold himself to the enemy," and
upon this asseveration grounded his opposition to the govern-
ment. The truth is, Mr. Hincks' real offence was that he had
ignored Brown in forming his cabinet, and now stood in the
path of a man who had told the public with a flourish but a.
few months before that he was "aiming for high game." H
this is not the true interpretation, then it remains to be
explained why Brown had no censure for Messrs. Baldwin and
Lafontaine, one of whom, at least, was known to be hostile to-
secularization; why he scourged the clear grits in his news-
paper for jeopardizing the interests of the party, and saw
nothing censurable in the conduct of the government till he
found he had not been remembered in the formation of Mi\
Hnicks' cabinet. The interests of the reform party were
always dear to Mr. Brown, but not so dear as his own ambi-
tion. In the whole course of his public career, he never hesi-

1-60 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALL.

tated to crush any man who ci ossed his path. If tie 'i iterests
■of his party happened to be identical with the inte s ^ of hia
rival, then so much the worse tor the party. . .v is not
that he loved his party less, but that he loved Ge<r g Brown
more.

Owing to the prevalence of cholera in Quebec thi legisla-
ture was adjourned from No\ ember till I'cbruary. V few days
before prorogation, new? reached Canada that i\ Measure rela-
ting to secularization had }- -.ssed the imperial parliamer.t. The
act authorized the Can; lian legislature to repeal or amond the
act of 1840 as wa,'' leemod desirable, but prohibitea interfer-
ence with the annual stipends already allowed to clergymen.
Evident!}', up to this dat . , the impression had not got out of
i\ e heads of some of the law-makers that our legislature here
was largely composed of the barbarian element. They could
not trust the few clergymen interested in this legislation to
■our hands for justice !

During the summer, the celebrated Alessandro Gavazzi, of
whom we have already made mention, arrived in Canada for
the purpose of destroying the papacy. He lectured in Quebec,
but a number of lawless rutiians, defenders of the Catholic
faith we suppose they j^tyled themselves, broke up the meeting.
Thence Gavazzi passed r. Montreal, and while addressing an
audience in Zion Chui'ch ti:ere one evening, a mob of Roman
Catholic Irishmen, alsu on the defence of religion, endeavoured
to force its way into the building. This was prevented by a
force of police outside, but ar; the mob was drawing back, one
of them fired a piste- u This rioter was promptly shot down
by a protestant. Ihe lecture was hurriedly brou<.ht to a close,
but during tlie progreEs of the audience through the street it
was assaulted by the mob, ■'/hich was largely composed of
murderous and half-drunken navvies. Two women were struck
to the ground and trampled over ; and a child of nine years
had its arm broken. Mayor ^Vilson now appeared from behind
the scenes and ordered the military to fire. The order was

"BURNING" QUESTIONS. =-^— :tftS '

obeyed, but the balls went only airioiig the procession whose
offence had been that they attenil'Ml Gr/azzi's lecture. Five
men dropped dead from the vol'ey, aiiJ a large number were
wounded. In the excitement tlie mayor evidently lost his
head, though his action in ordering the soldiers to fire seems
like an appalling murder. Unfortunately for Mr, Hincka
he was on terms of great intimacy with Wilson, who was a
Catholic. The government was tardy in investigating the
occurrence, and its enemies told it on their trumpets through-
out Upper Canada that Mr. Hincks Avas in the hands of the
Catholics. The accusation seemed so much like the truth that
it contributed in no small degree to the premier's downfall.

Durincr the session Mr. John A. Macdonald was the most
prominent figure in the debates. Upon the bill to increase the
number of representatives, he took strong grounds, center ling
that the measure was a sacrilegious laying of hands up.n the
constitution, without the sanction or desire of the people.*
Against the Univei'sity Bill, he took a firm stand, -f but a
perusal of his speech shows that his objections are well taken,
and that much of his hostility to the measure was due to a
conviction that Dr. Rolph was personally interested in the
government bill. During the discussion on a measure to res-,
train the sale of intoxicating liquors, he took the position that
the government could no more legislate a man to be sober than
it could to make him religions.^ The law against duelling, ho
pointed out did not prevent " meetings," and the practice of the
duel existed till the moral force of the community frowned it out
of existence. The bill for indemnity to seigneurs he attacked
with fierce scorn, not that he believed compensation should not
be made for the confiscation of seigneuries, but that as the
measure was one of local interest only, the buit hen of indem-
nity ought not to be borne by the people of Ui!perCanada.§ "It

* See Appendix "A." t See Appendix " B." t See Appendix '* C

§ See Appendix " D."

162 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

was as much as saying," he pithily observed, " that Upper
C itiada should be bribed with her own money." The premier
se^'ixis to have been the chief object of his care during the
iessi .11. Scarce a day passed that there was not a passage of
arras between the two. One afternoon Mr. Hincks was asked
to disth!)\ite copies of the bill creating a bureau of agricul-
ture, among members, but curtly refused to do so. Macdonald
rose in his place: "Mr. Speaker, the inspector-general, in an-
swer to a proper request from this house, says ' we won't.'
Si:', it is absolutely hidecent." Mr. Hincks who was rather
surprised at seeing Macdonaki show any trace of peevish-
ness, arose and said that there was surely nothing indecent
in saying, "we won't." "Ah, yes," said Mr. Badgley, "but
it is the man;. 3r." " The manner," returned Macdonald, con-
temptuously ; " he has no manners." " Why, is it possible ! '
said several members at once, " that Macdonald has lost his
temper." " Nonsense," he replied, " I was never cooler in my
life." He seenrad to be in his e/ement glancing along the benches
of the doomed ministry and taunting its members. From being-
silent and lonchalant, he bad become active and provoking.
No joint ii, the enemy's harness escaped his eye ; the memo-
landum books were thrown aside, and he sat there another
Attila. /attorney -general Drummond, in defending the charita-
ble soc r,ie : bill, had wandered away from his text, and indulg-
ed insoine jubilation at the strength of the government. " Ah,
jros ; " Macdonald said, when Drummond sat down, " they had
much reason to be joyful about their majority. You have a raa-
jciity of cix votes," he went on ; "and you have at least eight
ministers. So deduct the votes of these eight gentlemen for
themselves, and there is a majority of two against them ! "
There was a time, he admitted, when he had some respect for
them, " but I have none now. The hon. member for Kent
(Georcre Brown), has ungritted you. You are now an unfortu-
nate incoherent mass at the mercy of everybody and every-
thing.'" We find the Kingston nriember attending a meeting held

BURNING" QUESTIONS.

liBS

at Montreal during the summer, by the protestant citizeas, in
relation to the Gavazzi riots, and observe in his conduct there
the caution that has always been part of his character. He
was called upon to speak, but said a few words only, assur-
ing the meeting of his sympathy with their object, but declin-
ing to say anything further, as '" the matter was to be brought
up in parliament." i

On the eighteenth of June, in this summer, the Glohe winds
up a dreary article with the earnest prayer, that " the country
may be saved from the darkness of Romanism." Mr. Mackenzie
has, however, said in his book that " no article ever appeared
in the Glohe, that bore the character of intolerance."

CHAPTER XI.

BIRTH OF "LIBERAL-CONSERVATISM.

""IF Russia should decline to restrict within purely diploma-
JL tic limits the discussion in which she has for some time
past been engaged with the Sublime Porte, and does not by
the return of the messenger, who is the bearer of my present
letter, announce her intention of causing the Russian troop*
under Prince Gortschakoff to commence their march with a
view to recross the Truth, so that the provinces of Moldavia
and Walkchia shall be completely evacuated on April 30, next,
the British government must consider the refusal or the silence
of the cabinet of St. Petersburg as equivalent to a declaration
of war, and will take its measures accordingly." Such was-
England's uiltimatum to Russia despatched on the 27th April,
1854. The messenger was informed by Count Nesselrode, four
days after he delivered his errand, that the Emperor did not
think it becoming in him to give any reply to the letter. A
few days afterwards, a large assemblage of excited persons eon-
gi-egated about the Royal Exchange to witness the most inter-
esting ceremony known in any country. The sergeant-at-
arms, accompanied by several city officers, ascended the steps-
of the Exchange, and therefrom read Her Maj<'sty's declaration
of war against Russia. Foreign capitals w .icli had so often
said with a sneer that " England had joined the peace society
and would never be seen in battle any more," stood aghast
now listening to the clangor of her arms. But that sentiment
sung by our first of Canadian singers, Mr. Roberts, still lived a-s-

164

BIRTU OF ''LIBERAL-CONSERVATISM." 105

the swords which had lain idly in their scabbards were buckled
on, and the great ships were warped out from their moorings :

" But let a great wrong crj' to heaven,
Let a giant necessity come ;
Then as of old she can strike,

She will strike, and strike home."

Tl'C Canadian government had been growing weaker day by
<1ay, and while the y;r(>at nations grappled with each other in
their murderous conflict at the Crimea, a violent newspaper
war was beiijg waged throughout our province. It was in
vain tiiat the ministry asked to be judged by their works, and
pointed out the valuable legislation they had called into ex-
istence. During the previous summer the Grand Trunk rail-
way had been opened to Portland, the Great Western from
Suspension bridge to Windsor, and the Ontario, Simcoe and
Huron, now known as the Northern, from Toronto to Barrio.
With the- declaration of war the prices for Canadian products
reached a fever point, labour was in brisk demand, and com-
mercial prosperity at the flood-tide. The fly in iEsop's fable
imagined that it was he who raised the dust-cloud, and not
unnaturally ministers believed that their policy was in some
measure the author of the extraordinary activity in trade ; but
it was not.

For some time past Lord Elgin and his government had been
conducting negotiations towards a treaty of reciprocity be-
tween Canada and the United States. In May, the governor
and Mr. Hincks v/ent to Washington to conclude the terms,
but congress was busy with questions of greater moment, and
our representatives were lost sight of for some weeks in the
bustle. Opponents of the government ridiculed their mission,
and prophesied the return of " our diplomats," as they contem-
tuously termed them, " with their tails between their leg.s."
It created no little surprise among the prophets, and rejoic-
ing through the commercial community, to learn that, on the

166 LIFE 01 SIR JOUN A. MACDONALD.

5th of June, the treaty had been signed by Lord Elgin on be-
lialf of Great Britain, and W. L. Marcy, secretary of state for
the United States, on behalf of the republic.

By the provisions of the treaty, citizens of the United States
were permitted to take fish of any kind except shell-fish on
the sea-coasts and shores, and in the bays, harbours and creeks
of British provinces in North America, at any distance from
the shore; and to land upon the shores to dry their nets
and cure their fish. In return for these privileges British
subjects were allowed the same concessions in all the watfrp
and upon the land of the eastern sea-coasts and shores of the
United States, north of the 36th parallel of north latitude.
Grain, flour, breadstufls, animals, meats, poultry, fish, lurabe) ,
hides, hemp, ores of metals, manufactured tobacco, and some
other articles were admitted into each country duty free.
The navigation of the St. Lawrence and the Canadian canals
was permitted to American citizens on the same conditions as
to British subjects ; and the latter were given similar rights
on lake Michigan. No export duty was to be levied on any
lumber cut in distiicts in Maine, watered by tributaries of
the St. John river, and floated down the latter to the bay of
Fundy for shipment to the United States. The treaty was
not to go into effect till it had i-eceived the sanction of the
imper* ..i and provincial parliaments on the one hand, and
of the congress of the United States on the other. It was to
continue in force ten years from the date of ratification, and
one year after either party had signified a desire to terminate
it. In Canada the treaty was received with a good deal of
favour, but the people of the maritime provinces perused its
terms with disappointment and anger. They charged Lord
Elgin with hurrying away to Washington without understand-
ing what were their most vital interests, 8,nd flippantly sign-
ing these away. '^ The objections raised to the treaty were,.

* Arnher : " A History of Canada."

BIRTH OF '' LIBERAL-CONSERVATISM." 167

that though the United States had nothing to exchange com-
parable in value to the priceless fisheries of British North
America, and though their ships were placed on an equality
with the ships of Great Britain, they still peremptorily declin-
ed to concede the only equivalent they could offer, the admis-
sion of colonial vessels to registry in their ports and to their
coasting trade. The treaty, it may be added, ran for thirteen
years ; and during this time the value of the aggregate of
commodities interchanged between the two countries rose from
an annual average of i!l4, 230,703, in the eight years previous
to tl e treaty, to $50,339,770, in its thirteenth year.

Parliament was called together on the 13th oi; June, the
last day to which convocation could be postponed. It was
impossible that the meeting could have been summoned for an
earlier date, as the governor and the premier had been detained
in Washington till the fifth of the i lonth. But the opposition
did not care about impossibilities, and declared that ministers
were afraid to meet the house, and had put off the evil day
to the utmo.st moment. . • . , '

Poiiticnl felling was once again at fever heat in Canada.
The opposition press had carried on a flaming crusade against
the ministry, charging it with treacaery to the public, and
hostility to secularization oi' the reserves and the confiscation
of ' .;igneuries. J he Globe, and all the journals that followed
ite lead contendcl tl.at it wajt the government's dutj- ?it the
impending session to /grapple with these questions; and Mr.
Brown wound up a \( vy rampmfc editorial in support of this
view by saying thio Mr. Hincks "must seculaiize or go out."
What the ministry N- intention was had not transpired; and
when the governor sat upon the throne to read the add'Cs-s
tiie house listened ii. breathless silence to hear what mea ure^
were promised. But it indicated only tw< ; and n( ither
of taese referred to the nisorves or seigniorial t jnure Thr
liouse v/as merely nfoinied that a bill would be prepiu-ed t'
give effect to the ' v^'ashinf.;' uti Ueaty, and another to regulati

168 LIFE OF SIR JOHN .1. MACDONALD.

the franchise and amend the election act, passed the preceding
session. We are unable to sec at this day what other measures
the ministry could have promised in the speech. During the
preceding session provision had been made for an increase in
the number of pai'liamentary representatives from 84 to 130.
Cleaily, then, from the moment parliament had declared for an
increase in the number of representatives, the existing legis-
lature was not faii'ly representative, and for a body, so de-
ficient, to enact legislation affecting the interests of the pub-
lie would have been a violation of the principle of respon-
sible got^ernment. Mr. Hincks defended the action of the
ministry on these giounds, and might huve cited the prece-
dent set by the imperial parlianxent, in 1832 after the passage
of the reform bill. We are unable to recall any instance
worth noting of a departure froui this doctrine in any country
under responsible government. It is only a few months ago
since Sir John Macdonald dissolved parliament after its fourth
session, because the census had shown that its representation
was not equitable. History by-and-by, when the party feel-
ing of the hour shall have passed away, will not fail to approve
his act ; yet had the country rustic who stood aghast at the
de*' iciation of Fox by a scurrilous hireling of the court ar-
ri\ .A in Canada after Sir John Macdonald had announced this
dissolution, he would have asked, as he asked in England,
" 'As 'e stole a sheep ? " Even Mr. Edward Blake so far forgot
the constitutional usage as to indite an extraordinary epistle
to his constituents, in which he told them that the government
having been beaten in a fair fight had resorted to " foul play."
Now that Mr. Blake's little fit of excitement has blown over,
he must bear to be told that it was no more correct to call a
desirable and constitutional act " foul play, chan to say that
the government,'agalnst whom he issued his manifesto, had
been " beaten " in any fight, fair or foul.

It was plain to the house that the intention of the ministry
was to hurry through its messures and end the session speed-

BIR TH OF" LIBERA L CONSER VA TISM. " 1 G9

ily. But the conservatives, led by Sir Allan MacNab, and in-
spired by John A. Macdonald, joined themselves with the clear
grits who followed George Brown, and the rouges who were a
set of political Mamelukes. The address was stubbornly op-
posed inch by inch, and Mr. llincks had the mortification of
seeing men who stood fast to their allegiance all along now
desert him on the ground that he had been unfaithful to his
pledge. The man who goes through public life without some
reproach clinging to his name, is as strange a spectacle as the
Hebrew children who passed scathless through the fiery fur-
nace. Rumour had a good many scandals upon her lips now,
and the conduct of ^Mr. Hincks in certain transactions were
said to be not above reproach. Ministers were therefore
charged with infidelity and corruption ; and the explanations
they made were not sufficient before the house or the country.
Beyond any comparison their most powerful opponent was
Mr. John A. Macdonald. His hostility was not shown to the
constitutional ground the government had taken, but to their
hesitancy in dealing with the questions which had set the
country aflame. He did not take a stand either for or against
the secularization of reserves and the abolition of tenure, but
contended that the duty of the government was to have said
yes or no to the public, and to stand or fall by their action.
Apart from the shilly-shallying of the ministry, he formulated
against them a number of grave charges of wrong-doing. As
he proceeded with his speech he grew warm, and at last lost
his temper. It was a strange sight to see him who never be-
forf had been stirred by discussion grow white with feeling,
and gesticulate wildly with his arms. The government he
said was now a reproach to the country. They had the con-
tempt not alone of the party by which they had always been
opposed, but by their own friends. " It was well known," he
continued, " that the system pursued by the present govern-
ment had been one of rampant corruption, appealing to tlie
most sordid and the basest motives of men * * * *

170 • LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD,

Even the postmaster-general had said at Perth, in reference to
the purchase of government ])roperty by members of the
government, that there had been a job perpetrated V)y his col-
leagues, with whom he continued to sit. Now, a government
should be free from suspicion and feel a stain on their escut-
cheon like a wound on their person. Especially should they
keep their hands clean of any sp'^culation in the government
property.* " All honour, he said, had departed from them,
and the only bond by which they were kept together now was
"the bond of common plunder." Nor were these short-com-
ings either confined to one, or two, or three odious transac-
tions ; " they were steeped to the very lips in infamy ; " were
" tainted with corruption, collectively and individually, both in
their public and private characters." During the delivery of
this speech the wildest excitement prevailed in the house, and
ministers " shivered at their benches." The attack was all the
more effective coming from a man whose balance of temper the
house never before had seen destroyed, and at an hour when
the staunchest supporters of the ministry were dropping off.
Fastidious critics censure Mr. Macdonald's " violent language "
in his early career, but our impression is that outbursts like
these have not been uncommon in debate among the staidest
of parliamerrthrians. The very year before, Mr. Disraeli h^.d
suffered his i",emper to get the mastery, wheT\, in <.i, discussion
with Mr. Gladstone, he informed Sir Charier^ Wood (Lord
Halifax) that petulance was not sarcasm, nor insolence invec-
tive ; and said that he " viewed Sir James Graham with regard,
but not with respect." Some years before, at a public meet-
ing, he denounced O'Connell as " a bloody traitor ;" and the
latter retaliated by characterizing Disraeli as the " true heir-at-
law to the blasphemous thief that died impenitent upon the
cross."

Among the amendments to the address were two by Messrs.
Caiichon and Sicotte — in the drawing of which it is said Mr.

* See Appendix " E."

niFTH OF "LIBERAL-CONSERVATISM," 171

Macdonald had a l»and. Mr. Cauchon's amendment expressed
regret that the government had not taken steps for the dis-
posal of the seigniorial tenure questioi. during tiie session, and
Mr. Sicotte's very adroitly added, " or one for the immediate
^settlement of the clergy reserves." Ina.smuch as " .settlement "
might mean a confirmation of the status quo, or an agreement
to the demands of the clear grits and rouges, these amend-
ments were supported by the two latter parties, and by the con-
servatives ; and the government found itself beaten by a vote
of 42 to 29. The vote being really one of non-confidence, Mr.
Hincks prompdy adjourned the house for two days, and the
ministry hunied together to discuss a way out of the dilemma-
The conservatives and clear grits each held its separate caucus
the following day, and at the latter's George Brown was jubilant
as he saw the "higher game" now almost within his reach. At the-
other meeting was no exultation ; but there sat the cool, shrewd-
headed Macdonald, pointing out that now since the crisis had
come, their party should move with more prudence and cau-
tion than ever. It was clear to him, he said, that no ministry
could bo fo'-rned, even after an appeal to the people, without
the coalition of some two of the parties. Sir Allan MacNab,.
as was his wont, became excited and talked extravagantly, but
Macdonald reminded him, that they could " afford now to sit
and see them flounder in the net." " There is no way for them
out of it," he assured his colleagues. Meanwhile no one outside
of those who sat at the ministerial conclave knew what the
government would do on Thursday next. When xhe day came
the house met at the stated hour, and members, some with
anxious, others with ourious, and not a few with giatified
faces took their seats at their desks. But the speaker had
hardly taken his place when the house was startled by the
booming of cannon ; and the conviction flashed upon unin-
formed members that the governor was on his way to prorogue
parliament. Sir Allan MacNab jumped to his feet and
asked the ministry if it was possible that the government had

172 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

(U'cidcd on an iminodiatc prorogation. Mr Moriii said yes, l>y
a .siiiijilc incliimtitni of hi.s head. " Then," icpiird the knight
trenililing with exc'tcnie if, ' I protest in the name of tlie op-
position against our being Lrok n up in this inanner. I declti. e,
on behalf of niysell rnd my frieuds, that we are ([uite prepared
to make a respectful reply to Ms excellency's speech, that we
are ready to pacs n bill b'mging the new franchise act into op-
eration, and to grant tl e necessary supplie? for the current
year." Sir Allan hfd m- sooner sat down than William Lyon
Mackenzie, almost ppoeohless with rage, arose and began
an attack upon ihe niiniitry. Aftei pouring out his wi-ath
upon the government he asked permission to introc- jce a biU
on the clergy reserves; nut. while in.sisting on htwing his mo-
tion put the knocking 1 1 bltick-rod was h( ard at the door,
and the seigeant-at-avn s ippoared V)efore the bar commu-
nicating the fact to A\. Speaker. Thin arose u general con-
fusion, a dozen n'onibors enrleavoured to make themselves
lieard at once. Soire j lembers could be un>V:rstood through
the din to say, tliat bl ick-rod must wait at the door till
the house was prepare- 1 io send him liis answer. Mr. Mac-
kenzie, who had mainiained hi.', place on tht, tloor the while,
now sat down, 2.w '. Mr. Macdonald arose, and began to speak
with great vehenio .ce. He declared, that of all the disgrace-
ful acts of whicli the govenimjnt ha<l been guilty, ^.his last
was the worst. It v» 'is, he aflim ed, an unlawful and indecent
use of the power i;i t leir hand* to pisvent the public from
investigating theii- corrupt a» dons before the election. While
he was yetspeak'ng, Mr. Maokenzie, taking the motion he had
written, from hia de.sk, walked with it to the speaker's chair.
Mr. Sherwood aro5e to a «iuestion )f cvder. The messenger,
he said, had been adniitto'i without ihe consent of the house.
Mr. Macdonald, ^vho sti'j remained standing said he stood
there to protect the libert" . . of the people of Canada. Here
the uproar, in the words of he newspapers of the day, became
tremendous ; Macdonald spxjalcing at the top of his voice, but

IIIR TH OF " LIB Eli A I. CONSER VA TISM:* 378

lieing quite inaudible, and the speaker standing,' up also as if
to speak. The sense of the house, liowever, Im^nn to return
to it, andtlie " faithful commons" eventually proceeded to the
court-house where the legislative council held session and the
governor was waiting.

While reading the incidents of this memorable morning many
will ask, But how could a dissolution be declared, since the pass-
age of at least one bill through both branches of tlie legislature
was necessary to c(mstitute a session? So (jueried, too, the
speaker in who.se eye.s now shone the light of triumph as he
nervously fingered a slip of [)aper he carried in his hand. Ho
had sat in the chair passionless and impaitial .since his election,
but there always ))urnt in his breast the desii'e to be revenged
on Mr, Hincks for liaving refused to him the attorney -general-
ship. As Speaker it was his duty to call attention to any
infringement of constitutional usage by the government or the
house, and he now saw the time at hand when he could take
revenge on the premier. The governor sat on the vice-regal
chair awaiting the appearance of the commons, and when tho
S[)caker reached the bar put out his hand to the secretary for
his speech. But he hesitated and a look of astonishment came
over his face, for the Speaker had unfolded the paper with which
his fingers had been nervously toying as he walked over to
the court house, and in a bold tone in which one could catch the
feehngof subdued triumph, read: " May it please your Excel-
lency, — It has been the immemorial custom of the Speaker of
the commons house of parliament to communicate to the throne
the general result of the deliberations of the assembly upon the
principal subjects which have employed the attention of parlia-
ment during the period of their labours. It is not now part of
my duty to address your excellency, inasmuch as there has been
no act pa.ssed or judgment of parliament obtained. The passage
of an act through its several stages, according to the law or
custom of parliament solemnly declared applicable to parliamen-
tary proceeeings by a decision of the legislative assembly of

m JJFE or sin JOHN a. macdonaj.d.

1S41, is liol(i to l)e neces-savy in order to constitute a session of
parliament. This we have been unr.ble to accomplish, owing
to the coin uand which your excellency has laid upon me to
luect 3<)u this day for the purpose of prorogation ; and at the
same time 1 feel called upon to i>ssuro your excellency, on the
part of her majesty's faithful commons, that it is not from any
want of respect to yourself or to the aujj;ust personage whom
you represent in these provinces, that uo answer has been
returned bv he legislative assembly to your gracious speech
from the i\\\\ ..j"

This addi<'.' > was also read in the Freucli language, and Mr.
Fennings Tnyict tells us that as his excellency listened to what
he regarded as an act of censure upon his ministers and a
reprimand to himself,liis countenaiAce rlisplayed deep displeasure
and annoyance. He recovered his calm, cool aspect very soon,
lio'Aevcr, and read a brief i-peech announcing an immediate dis-
sc 'ution of parliament.

Political affairs had now readied a puzzling state. There
were thr'o parties in the field, the ministerialists, led by Mr.
HIncks, che conservatives, by Sir Allan MacNab, and the clear
•grits, by George Brown. No one of these parties could Jiope
to be 1 eturned in sufficient strength to form a governiiient ; so
that to ch>He observers the only way out of ths difficulty was
in coalition. The choice of the cons(;rvatives was between
joining their forces wit i the Kninistei-ialists, whom they were
now savar^ely assailing >xi the hustings and through the news-
papers for corruption and incompetency, and the clear grits. To
the government no choice presented itself ; they could not seek
coalit'i»n with men who had told upon trumpets thatthf >' were
■" steep'Hi to the very lips in infamy," nor could they in « hi; other
hand Hu bruit bheniselves to the intolerable tyranny wiiici; Mr.
Brown had set up in his newspaper ; so they went to the polls m
a .sort of sullen despair. The most jubilant politician at that
election was George Brown, for he believed that the hour of
office was at hand. He was led away by the delusion that

BIRTH OF ■ J.'"' A , ALCONSEIiVATJSM." 175

cithr-r ou'- of the l .hor tn > parties in the f\eh\ w mil readily
join its torct'H with his uwn ; '-'t he did noi. rov. hi, iself as
others saw liiin. At '..h ; very /.irne that he wen p.oout among liis
f(jllowers in a storm of ju dilation, ; oiling them tN.i' t their day was
coming, both of the parties, eiilier of whom he thought would
<oalesce with him on the hint, v ere pondering h'.w they could
get into office without making such a compact I'anny 'iqueci^
supposed Nicholas Nickleby smitten of hev ^wcause hetalkci with
her over the tea; and she went abroad to announce an "engage-
ment," forgetting that it takes two parties to a contract. Much
like Fanny S({ueers wis George Brown at this ejection, Ho
was doubtful whether Mr. Hincks could be bullied or libelled
i-to submission to his will, and so concluded to ally himself with
tlie conservatives. To the astonishmerjt of the latter party and
everybody else he began to coquet with his ancient enemies
privately, and to support them in the Globe. Like Fannj Scjueers,
hj did not deem two parties to the engagement liocessary.
Because he was willing to form a compact with the ccnserva-
tives he believed they were ready to coalesce with hiii,. Mi-.
Brown may have been anxious to see a secularization of the re-
serves — no doO'u he was — but above all other things he desired
to (let iuto power. So ea,ger was he for office, and so little did
the hti'^viit? ry evils of toiv ism count compared with the capture
of Unsown " hi>»h or game," that he gave warm support in the
Globe and on the platform to no less 'conservatives than MacNab,
Ma'xloLald and (Jayley, opposing the ministerial candidates.
This portion of Mr. Brown's career Mr. Mackenzie finds the most
difiii;'ilt of all to whitewash over. But it needs only a few
extracts from the biographer s book to show how effectually it
resisted his treatment. " That Mr. Brown ever expressed an
unqualiiled wish for the success of the tories," he savs on p; ^j
i)2, '■ is not only without foundation but so palpably absurd as
to require no contradiction." On pa^^e 52, a contradiction comes,
and it is made by himself. He .says :" Mr. Brown gave his
support in certain cases to candidates of the conservative type

176 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

on the ground that there was nothing to be hoped from the
ministry." We have made the italics in the last quoted passage.
It would not have accorded with the opinions so strongly put
forward by Mr. Mackenzie, to have it stated that Mr. Brown
supported such conservatives as Macdonald, MaoNab andCayley,
so by a suggeMio falsi tlie Avriter trie« to leave the impression
that support was given only to some indifferent politicians *,vho
really might, — and this was a generous admission on the part of
the writer : — be regarded of the " conservative type." Keep still
in mind who were the " candidates of the conservative type,"
and then turn to the next page of Mr. Mackenzie's book : " The
new government was savagely assailed by the Globe. No one
could expect that a government in which the names of J. A.
Macdonald, Six Allan MacNab and Mr. Cay ley appeared, could
be other than hostile to the determined demands of the Upper
Canadian people ! " We are not dealing with Mr. Mackenzie as
an historical writer now : that is out of the question ; but we
are merely showing how unskilled he is, after all his attempts,
in the'use of whitewash. Were we to show the value of his
statements as an impartial historian, we would merely quote
from the page preceding that containing the extract just given :
" Mr. Hin ks was entitled to the discredit of forming a new
combination with the tories." In view of Mr. Brown's attempt
and failure to form "a new combination with the tories," the
discredit of having succeeded in doing so fell to Francis Hincks ?
That is it we suppose. Mr. Mackenzie also forgets that Mr.
Hincks waived his personal claims, and that Pobert Baldwin
wrote from his quiet retreat at Spadina strongly endorsing
Uie coalition and the course of Mr. Hincks.

Parliament was summoned for the 5 th of September. For
days before the opening intense excitement in political circles
prevailed at the capital ; and several caucuses were held, some
by each party alone, and others by the conservatives and clear
grits together. The plan agreed on by the latter was, that both
should unite to defeat the government. For the speakership

niRTII OF "liberal-conservatism:' 177

there were three can lidates, Geoige E. Cartier, put forward by
the ministry; John Sandiiekl Maedonald, by the clear grits, and
Mr. Sicotte, by the Lower Canada opposition. "When the gover-
nor-general had withdrawn, after saluting the new parliament,
tlie clerk of the assembly took the chair. The three candidates
were then named, and after some hot discussion on the merits
and claims of each, the clerk put the question. Shall Mr. Cartier
be speaker ? In reply, G2 said nay, and 59 yea. Mr. Sicotte
was proposed next, when the clerk told the yeas to rise ; but
only a comparative few stood up. It was plain to the house
that the speakership was to fall to John Sandfield Maedonald.
But there sat on a ministerial bench a member who, with all his
fire and feeling knew how to be cool, and he resolved that the
man who had read the rebuke to the government at the close of
the last parliament should not grace the Speaker's chair. The
clerk counted Mr. Sicotte 's supporters, and was about to call
for the nays, when Mr. Hincks, with flashing eye, sprang to
his feet. " Put me with the yeas," he said, and immediately
the entii'e body of his followers also stood up. Mr. Sicotte
was declared elected. When the buzz was over, Mr. Maedonald,
the defeated candidate, half hissed a " thank you " across the
house to the premier, and the latter answered him with an
ironical bow.

The vote showed that the ministry did not possess the con-
fidence of the house, yet, Mr. Hincks argued, as the vote had
not been taken on a question of non-confidence, he need not
Tesign till some other sign had been made. On the following
day the governor-general came down and delivered his speech
from the throne. Several important measures were promised,
but nothing that ink and pen could put on paper would have
.saved the ministry. The latter now saw that there was noth-
ing to be gained by postponing the evil day, and on Friday,
the 8th instant, resigned. From the mass of political timber
now afloat, the governor-general set about to select some one
to form a ministry, and his choice fell upon Sir Allan MacNab.

178 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

But John A. Macdonald's was the head that planned the course
to bo pursued. Mr, Brown and one or two of his lieutenants
•were almost bursting with anxiety for several hours a/ter it
was learnt that the governor had called upon MacNab, ex-
pecting to be " waited on " and invited to enter the cabinet.
But Mr. Brown was soon to find, like Fanny Squeers, that be-
tween himself and the conservatives there was no "engage-
ment." A caucus of MacNab's party was held, at which John
A. Macdonald was the most prominent figure. He pointed out
that the sentiments of the old tory party had been now out-
grown by the province, and that the true course was the
medium line between effete toryisra and the doctrine of the
radicals. Alliance, he said, with the clear gi-its — which num-
bered about forty strong — was not to be dreamt of. Their
policy was one of impetuosity and indiscretion, and their
leader would tyrannize with his newspaper if he could not
rule in the cabinet. With the liberal party, which had become
detached from the extravagant members of the reform side, ho
said, the conservatives could, without any sacrifice of princi-
ple, and with much pi'ofit to the country, unite. The secular-
ization of the clergy reserves, and the abolition of seigniorial
tenure were questions, he added, upon which the country had
expressed itself unmistakably; and it was the duty of the
government to give effect to the popular wish.

While the discussions went on, and messages passed between
Sir Allan and some of the ex-ministers, Mr. Brown's excite-
ment had grown to a very high pitch, and every one who ap-
proached him, he fancied, brought a letter from MacNab. At
last, to his utter consternation, he learnt that the conservatives
were in communication with some of the ox-ministera, and
later on, that a government had been formed, as followr;

FOR CANADA WEST.

Hon. Sir Allan MacNab, President of Council and Minister

of Agriculture,

niRTn OF ''LIBERAL-CONSERVATISM." ir9

Hon. John A. Macdonald - - - Attorney- General

" Wm. Cayley _ - - - Inspector-General.

" Robert Spence - - - - Postmaster-General.

" John Ross _ - - Speaker Legislative Council.

for CANADA EAST.

Hon. a. N. Morin - - Commissioner of Cro^un Lands.
" L. T. Drummond _ . - Attorney-General.

" P. J. 0. Chaveau - - - Provincial Secretary.
" E. P. Tache - _ - - Receiver-General.
" J. Chabot - - Commissioner of Public Works.

This was the famous MacNab-Morin government, the first
liberal-conservative ministrv formed in Canada, the combina-
tion in which were fused the staid and respectable liberal senti-
mont of the province, and the liberalized and broadened form
of conservative opinion. With this coalition disappeared from
the stage the historic reform party^ the apostate reformers or
grits, only remaining. Strictly speaking we have no "reformers"
now ; and those who call themselves such are the doscendauts
of the bathed grits who set up a cry of rage when liberal and
conservative sank a few imaginary differences, and blended into
a party liberal enough to keep abreast of public opinion and
conservative enough not to run into excess.

Meanwhile George Brown's excitement had passed away, and
as we have it on the authority of Mr. Mackenzie that he was
now anxious to see the reserves secularized, it is natural to
srppose that he held his peace till he learnt what the policy of
the new goveniment was. But he did no such thing. In the
words of Mr. Mackenzie himsel*', " the new ministry was sav-
agely assailed by the Globe." After parliament had met Mr. Mac-
donald promptly introduced a measure dealing with the clergy
reserves. This act abolished all distinctions between religious
denominations by providing that the proceeds arising from all
land-sales, after the deduction of expenses, be handed over

180 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

to the municipalities in proportion to population, the amount
to be applicable for ordinary municipal purposes. Another
bill was introduced abolishing feudal rights and duties in Lower
Canada, and allowing compensation to seigneui's in cas<.s where
vested rights had grown up under the tenure. Since the object
of George Brown, according to the Glohe and Mr. Mackenzie,
was to have a settlement of the clergy reserves made, and
since it was because of alleged dilatoriness on Mr. Hincks' part
in settling this question that Mr. Brown seceded from the
ministerialists, his support to a government which swept state-
churchism away ought to follow as a matter of course. But it did
not. On the contrary, the new ministry was still " savagely
assailed by the Glohe." It was not, after all, state-churchism
so much that Mr. Brown cared about, though Mr. Mackenzie
does not tell us so, but his failure to capture the " higher game."
There was some astonishment among the fossil tories at the
stand taken by the new ministry ; and John Hillyard Cameron,
John W. Gamble and Edmund Turner were utterly scandalized
and withdrew their august support. Some of the newspapers
of the conservative side expressed regret, and others wonder.
The Belleville Intelligencer said : " Who would have fancied
that the knight of Dundurn and the Hon. Mr. Cayley would
ever have surrendered their principles on the clergy reserve
question. That the Hon. John A. Macdonald should have done
so, does not astonish us, because we have long known his views
upon this question, and that they had undergone considerable
change, so far as its settlement would tend to allay the un-
natural excitement which has so long agitated the country.
Well, these men are to compose the ministry, with the French
members, who were part and parcel of the Hincks' administra-
tion. So that the changes are confined to the upper part of the
province, exclusively."

In the legislature the new ministry were subjected to some
scathing criticism, and some of those who had not learnt to
appreciate the force of the Duke of Wellington's maxim, that

niRTII OF "LIBERAL-CONSERVATISM." 181

"the Queen's government must go on," loaded conservative
ministers with reproach for sitting in the same cabinet with
men whom they had »o lately denounced, Mr. Macdonald, of
Glengarry, said, iunong other things, in a very long and windy
speech : " W ell, the house met after an adjournment of a year,
and amendments to the address hostile to the administration
were ,'i(li)pted. Charges of a very serious nature were bi-ought
against the administration. The honourable member for King-
ston (Mf. Macdonald), who had now gone over to the othor side,
and was io be the administration leader, stood up in his place
in this house and declared that the administration then in
powti were 'steeped in infamy to their very lips,' and that they
were ' tp inted with corruption collectively and individually,
both in their public and private characters.' And yet within
three months after, they found the gentleman who made use of
that language, almo it unparalleled in the annals of parliament,
amalgamating with the administration which he had thus de-
nounced ! Could anything have happened which would have
taken the people more by surprise ? "

The Globe in a calm mood made an estimate of the new min-
istry, and said of Mr. John A. Macdonald : "Then we have
Mr. attorney -general Macdonald, the only man of any working
(qualities in the government, the only one v/ho can make a set
speech in the house, the man who must be the leader in the
assembly. Has Mr. Macdonald ever shown any tendency to
reform principles ? Was he not one of the meet active mem-
bers of the Metcalfe cabinet, the opponent of resp>insible
government ? Is he not known to hold the highest coi/.erva-
tive views ? "

This was the same " Mr. MacdonaM " whom the '"'u/je had
supported when it saw hopes of a coalition wi'h the tories. It
is needless also to say, that the inference we ought to draw
from this statement, namely, that Mr. Macdonald was one of
Metcalfe's ministers, is, like many othe.' things published

182 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

and spoken by Mr. Brown, incorrect. Mr. Macdonald did not
enter the cabinet till after Metcalfe had left the country.

In December, Lord Elgin, who had lived to see the system
of government advocated by his father-in-law in his masterly
report* tried and proved successful, sailed for England. His
after career was worthy of the man who so ably and fearlessly
performed his duty in Canada in a time of perplexity and
turmoil. After performing important services in China and
Japan, and sitting for a time in Palmerston's cabinet as post-
master-general, he was appointed to the vice-royalty of India.
While making a progress through the north- western provinces,
he was attacked with serious disease of the heart, and died
under the shadow of the Himalayas, where, at his request,
and in a spot selected by Lady Elgin, his remains were laid.
His successor to the governorship of Canada was Sir Edmund
Walker Head.

•For extracts from Lord Durham's Report, see Appendix (M).

CHAPTER XII.

TACIIE-MACDONALD.

SIR EDMUND W. HEAD, was born, in 1805, near Maid-
stone, Kent, England. He came of a distinguished and very
ancient family which had for an ancestor Richard Head, baro-
net, in 1670. Edmund was educated at Oriel college, Oxford,
where he took a first-class in classics, subsequently obtaining
& fellowship in Mereton. Here he was appointed university
examiner, and examined Lord Elgin, whom he was afterwards
to succeed as governor-general of Canada, for a Mereton fellow-
ship. An article of his published by the Foreign Quarterly
Review, brought him to the notice of the marquis of Lands-
downe — who had the honour of " bringing out" Macauley under
almost similar circumstances — and this nobleman prevailed
upon him to study ecclesiastical law. He found, however, that
theology was not his proper vocation, and, like his giddy-headed
kinsman Sir Francis, entered a poor-law office as assista'it-com-
missioner. In this department he acquitted himself with such
excellent discrimination and high ability, that on a change of
ministry, though the in-coming party were not of his school of
politics, he was appointed chief-commissioner. The poor-law,
however, grew into bad odour, though the condtict of the com-
missioner was beyond reproach, and the ministry was obliged
to reconstruct it. It was felt by the government that a man of
Sir Edmund's ability and high character ought to have employ-
ment; and in 1848 they appoixited him to the governorship
of New Brunswick, This position he retained till 1854, when
he was appointed governor- general of Canada. As will bo

183

184 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

seen by the record' of Sir Ediniind's Canadian administration,
he was a man of a discerning mind and wide experience, who
could not be coaxed or driven from the path of duty. Aljove-
all his sense of honour was so keen that no consideration could
laing him to follow any course that was not in keeping with
the dignity and impartiality of the position he held. We shall
see him, as we proceed, in tiying places, and hear him loaded
with reproach for doing his duty. But the snake may crawl
npon the s[)otless stone and cover it with slime, still the purit3''
of the marble will outlive the defilement. Through all the
slander and malignant abuse heaped upon Sir Francis during
the years immediately to follow, the character of the man
a.ssailed stands forth to-day untarnished by an}' improper act
during his administration.

The health of Mr. Morin now began to fail him and he longed
to be out of the hurly-burly of political life and get upon
the bench, a haven where all harassed statesmen believe " the
wicked cease from troubling and the weary are at rest." Mr.
Morin's resignation disturbed the Lower Canada portion of the
cabinet. Col. Tachd took the place of the retiring leader, Mr.
Drummond retained his old post, Francis Lemieux became com-
missioner of public works, Mr. Gauchon assumed charge of the
department of croM'n lands, and, a man destined to play a
prominent part in our history, George Etienne Cartier, wa*
chosen provincial secretary. For some time past it appears Mr.
Macdonald had strongly admired Mr. Cartier, while the latter
was drawn with an irresistible force towards ihe attorney-gen-
eral-west. It w^as then began that friendship, unique in the
history of Canadian public men, between these two distinguished
statesmen; a friendship that survived throuj^di the trial and the
battle, but which, at least on the side of ono, was shattered when
both stood in the noonday of their fame, and after their great-
est victories had been won. :. :v.vi:;:;; r; >: • • : •■}■

Parliament met in February following in Quebec. In fancy
then could be heard through Canada the ringing of sabres and the

TACIIE-MACDONALD. 18&

booming of cannon in tho Crimea, and every noise increased the
beat of the heightened public pulse. It was announced, too, that
Great Britain would need every available soldier, and that a
portion of the troops was to be withdrawn from Canada. The
instinct of self-defence at once arose and found expression in
the government's militia bill. This mciisure can only be justified
in the li<rht of a time when t'le air was full of the sounds of war.
It provided for the formation of two great militia bodies, one to
be cidled the sedentary, the other the active. The former was
to include all the male inhabitants of the province betwtien the
ages of eighteen and sixty ; the latter all those under foi ty
years. They were to muster once a year for drill ; and t!ic
cheeks of those who drew the bill flushed as they thought what
a force this would be to hurl against an invader. Not unre;)soii-
ably the opposition inveighed against the measure, charging
the ministry with endeavouring to establish a standing army
which they described as one of the greatest curses of a free
country. The bill passed, however, and remained in force for
about eight years. It may be called the parent of our present
militia system. The government were fiercely opposed by the
clear grits, and notably by George Brown and his lieutenants,.
William Lyon Mackenzie and John Sandfield Macdonald. Mr.
Hincks rendered loyal support to his party, a lesson which
some of the grit statesmen who have been so ready in their
books to criticise the career of that gentleman would do well to
bear in mind. Mr. Hincks had been superseded not more by
conservatives than by his own party, but this did not prevent
his cordial support of the coalition. It is not a hundred years
ago since a certain party in Canada charged their leader, as we
suppose they had a perfect right to do, whereupon a personal
hostility grew up between the discarded and the newly chosen
head ; and they have since been barely able to maintain decent
appearances. If the writers of some of our Canadian books
would try to follow Mr. Hincks' example during the time under
discussion, instead of criticising where there is nothing to cen-

186 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

sure, they would appear themselves, when their careers are
over, brighter figures to succeeding book-writers. After the
session closed Mr. Hincks went to England, and while there
was appointed to the governorship of Barbadoes and the Wind-
ward Islands.

During the summer the question of denominational schoou:
v/as discussed on the platform and through the press with a
great deal of vehemence. Mr. Brown rode the protestant horse
with much flourish through the country. The greater portion
of Upper Canada was in favour of non-sectarian schools, while
the people of the lower province would not hear of " banishing
God from the class-rooms," and insisted on separate control.
The government decided on maintaining the existing s^-stem ;
and their opponents said they were bondsmen to Rome. While
every other question, after a too long bruiting, lost its potency
to stir the multitude up to tumult, the pope and Rome never
once failed in its object. The mention of Rome was, at the
time of which we are writing, to demagogues of George Brown's
stripe — and George Brown, however many Stirling qualities he
may have possessed, was the arch type of a demajT^ogue — what
■dynamite is now to the Russian nihilist and a v\'ing of the Irish
agitators.

Parliament opened at Toronto in Felruavy. During the
debate on the address Mr. Brown made a slasliing assault upon
the government, charging ministers wth infidelity to pledges,
antl disregard for the will of the people. On the night of Tues-
day the 2Gth of February, some ministerialists remarked that
the criticism of Mr. Brown might be correct and proper, but
they doubted the judiciousness of such censorship by one who
had coquetted with conservatives and supported their leaders
at the late election, with a view to forming a coalition with
their forces. John A. Macdonald, upon whom Mr. Brown had
showered some indiscreet speech, sat at his desk smiling, and
when an opportunity occurred arose to add his testimony to
the remarks of the preceding speakers. In a half playful, yefc„

TACIIE-MACDONALD. 187

half bitter way, he called attention to the difference between
George Brown hopeful and George Brown disappointed. But
notwithstanding that Mr. Brown had at first supported the re-
formers and then deserted them; and that he ridiculed the clear
grits for forsaking their party, and afterwards became the leader
of the clear grits himself; and though he tried to ally himself
with the conservatives, and savagely attacked the reformers for
succeeding where he had failed ; yea, though he had, as we have
already stated, supported MacNab, Macdonald and Cayley
before the election, and ferociously assailed them after the elec-
tion, because they would not coalesce with him, and after they
had abolished state churchism — the thing for which ho said he
had been chiefly contending — notwithstanding, we say, all this,
of all the sins in the political calendar the most hateful in his
eyes was inconsistency. He rof.e trembling with excitement, and
poured out a stream of invective on the government, taunting
them with corruption, incompetency and dishonour ; and with
infidelity to their pledges and the people's trust. Once again
temper got the better of the cool attorney-general west. He
was observed to tremble and grow white at his seat, while Mr.
Brown went on ; and as the latter gentleman took his seat like
a subsided volcano, Mr. Macdonald jumpe:! up. It was some
time before he could articulate distinctly, but when his voice
grew clear and his nerves steady, there was no eflfort needed
to catch his meaning. He accused Mr. Brown of having, while
acting as secretary to a commission appointed some years be-
fore to investigate abuses said to exist in the management of
the provincial penitentiary at Kingston, falsified testimony,
suborned convict witnesses, and obtained the pardon of mur-
derers in order to induce them to give fa^e evidence. Such
appalling charges coming from a n.inister of the government
bewildered several members of the house, but others remem-
bered that Mr. Macdonald had made similar charges years
before, and believed that he had strong warrant for reiterating
them now. In making these charges Mr. Macdonald is open to

188 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

censure, not indeed for having, as Mr. Mackenzie meanly alleges
in his book, preferred them knowing the same to be false, and
under the belief that a certain document which alone could
exonerate Mr. Brown, had been burnt at the Montreal fire; but-
in allowing an opponent to provoke him into gravely making
charges that had been substantiated only by rumour. From
all that can be gathered he did not assert the wrong-doing as
having come within his personal knowledge, but repeated the
charges in language of burning passion, and in the words
employed by the lips of rumour. After Mr. Macdonald had
taken his seat, Mr. Brown arose shivering with rage. He re-
pelled the charge in fierce words, said he had taken down the
attorney -general's statements, and would hold him responsible
for them. The house was too much excited to proceed with
other work, and the scene in the legislature was the topic for
knots of persons in the street after adjournment. On the
following day, Mr. Brown moved for a committee of enquiry
and during the discussion Mr. Macdonald expressed his regret
at the occurrence of the previous day, but maintained that he
had strong reasons then, and still, for believing that the chai-ges
he had preferred against the honourable member for Lambton
^vere not without foundation ; though, he repeated, he had not
spoken from personal knowledge. The committee brought in
a report which neither convicted nor exonerated Mr. Brown,
and the house passed a motion setting forth that : "Attorney-
general Macdonald appears to have acted under a firm convic-
tion of the truth of the charges made against Mr. Brown, and
to have been justified in doing so by all the evidence within his
reach." Mr. Mackenzie displays a great deal of malice in writing
about this event, and endeavours to show that not only Mr.
Brown's followers, but leading members of the government,
reprobated the conduct 01 Mr. Macdonald. " It was remark-
able " he says, "thdt one of Mr. Macdonald's colleagues, attorney-
general Drummond, was candid enough to declare that there was
no evidence criminating Mr. Brown. Sir Allan MacNab and

TACIIE-MACDONALD. 189

other conservatives took similar ground and boldly stated their
views." The truth of the matter is, both Sir Allan MacNab
and Mr. Drummond were at this time hostile to Mr. Macdonald,
and would lose no ])lausible opportunity to discredit him before
the house. Sir Allan knew that the desire of all the cabinet
members, save one or two, was to see Macdonald occupy the
premier's seat ; while Mr. Drummord had ambitions of his own,
but saw that Macdonald was preferred before himself. Some
time afterwards, when MacNab was forced out, and Col. Tach^i
called in his place, the question of leadership in the assembly
arose between Macdonald and Drummond, and because the
former was chosen the latter withdrew from the cabinet in high
dudgeon.

Another of Mr. Macdonald's quarrels during this session is
worth recording. On a motion regarding the seat of govern-
ment, Col. Rankin, who possessed an exasperating tongue, seemed
<lisposed to create some tumult. About this time, stories of
dissentions in the OAbinet were on everybody's lip, and it was
well understood that the government was sick of Sir Allan,
and trying to be rid of him. As Col. Rankin proceeded with
his speech it was evident that he was inspired by public rumour,
and endeavouring to make his remarks as offensive as possible.
He could not understand the course the government had pur-
sued in the seat of government matter, he said. " If there was
any point on which they ought to agree, he thought this ought
to be one, and their not being able to take any decided course
showed that they were unfit to hold office any longer. He was
well aware that the tone of the remarks h'^ was now making
was not consistent with the manner in which ne had spoken of
the ministry on some former occasions, but it would be remem-
bered that he had always maintained an independent position,
and had never allowed himself to be described as a follower of
the government j and though he had supported some of their
measures, he never regarded them as men of a high order of
talent : while anything of a complimentary nature which he

190 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. IIACDONALD.

had said about them was well known to have been said in irony.
He would still support such measures as he approved of regard-
less of the quarter whence they emanated. In looking at the
conduct of the government lately, he could not help thinking
of a certain exhibition in Trafalgar Square, called the ' happy
family,' which consisted of a collection of animals naturally
the most hostile to each other, but which had been taught to
appear before the public as the most harmonious in the world.
But one could not help feeling that when the public eye was
off them they would indulge in scratches and bites ; and he
thought the ministry were somewhat in the same position ; for
notwithstanding their professions of perfect harmony, no great
question came up on which they had not some difference of
opinion ; and he had no doubt that in private, like the happy
family, they indulged in some of those contests of which the
house sometimes saw the symptums." He was proceeding with
some general reflecti(>:is in the sf me tone, on the conduct of
ministers, when he was called to order by the speaker. He then
said that a more fitting opportunity would probably occur before
long, to discuss the merits (»f the ministry, and of that he would
not fail to avail himself. He then moved that Toronto is a
most desirable place at which to establish the permanent seat
of government in Canada.

When Col. Rankin ceased, Mr. John A, Madonald arose. He
ridiculed the remarks of the colonel who, he said, had been des-
cribing happy families and like exhibitions, with such wit and
gusto as would hml people to imagine that he must have been
a showman himself ; but he had not said anything of various
other exhibiions that had been seen in London, such as Ojib-
beway ladiaus." He confessed, also, that he had gone so far as
to compliinent ih^ government ; but that had only been done in
irony, ii,a'} probably the motion he had just made was in irony
too. He could not believe, however, that the hon. member wafi
quite so bad as he had represented himself to be, and he thought
that the remark must have been an after-thought, for the hon.

TACHE-MACDONALD. 191

gentleman could never have been so insincere as to have voted
on many occasions with the majority of the house contrary to his
own convictions. Those and other remarks which the newspaper
reporters did not catch exasperated the colonel, and on attorney-
general Macdonald taking his seat the former arose again and
said he understood the attorney-general-west to allude to the
exhibition of Ojibbeway Indians ; but that was a respectable
affair compared with the exhibition of ravenous animals to
which he had compared the ministry ; for it was well known
that they were all plotting and counter-plotting against each
other. He had previously believed the ministry to be possessed
of the 'eelings of men of honour, but he found that there was
among that ministry one person whom he could never regard
with any feeling but that of unmitigated contempt. He never
could regard with any other feeling any person who was guilty
of a violation of truth. There v.'as a person in the ministry
whose conduct he could not describe in any language that
would not be unparliamentary. The individual to whom he
alluded was the attorney-general- west.

When the speaker had proceeded thus far an uproar arose
through the chamber, and the cries of order ! order ! alone
were distinguished above the din. In the midst of the tumult
the clock struck six and the house arose, while the personal
friends of the belligerent members surrounded each to prevent
a collision. After the speaker taking his place at nearly eight
o'clock, he rose and said he thought it to be his duty to call the
attention of the house to the possibility of a collision taking
place between the two hon. members who were engaged in
controversy when he left the chair ; and he thought, in order
to prevent anything unpleasant taking place, that both gentle-
men should be put under the custody of the sergeant-at-arms.

Mr. Chisholm said, if the language used by the hon. member

for Essex, before the house adjourned, was to be permitted on

the floor of that house, collisions would take place frequently,

-■ and he thought it right to call upon the hon. member offending

102 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

to retract tliosc words ; else they ought to be taken down.
Neither of the hon. members was now present, and it became
the house to vindicate its own privilege, and to send for the
belligerents and place them in the custody of the sergeant-at-
nrms. The interval which had elapsed between the adjourn-
ment and now , should have led the hon. member for Essex to
Tiave retracted.

Mr. Murney deemed it right for any hon. member in the
opposition to state what he pleased, in a political way, to the
lion, gentleman on the other side, and to do as the hon. member
for Essex (Rankin) had fairly done. How had that hon. mem-
ber been met ? Why in a spirit of ridicule, and with th3 deter-
mination of insulting him.

The Speaker said it was not right to increase the pain of the
house by such remarks. He himself had not acted very promptly
in calling the attorney -general to order when he ^'.ddressed the
house, because he thought tliat the hon. gentleman did not go
beyond what he (the speaker) thought was parliamentary lan-
guage. To prevent further difficulty he must beg of the hon.
member for Essex to retract the words he used.

Mr. Murney thought it to have been the desire of the attornej'-
general to insult the hon. member for Essex personally. He
had listened with great pain to the speech of the hon. attorn ey -
general- west, but he claimed for himself the right to say in that
house all he wished with respect to the hon. gentlemen oppo-
oite, as to their political acts, and he dared their right to oppose
this.

The Speaker said, if the house were to go on with this con-
troversy, more trouble would ensue. He would propose a plan
w hich would impute the fault to neither of the hon. gentlemen,
namely, that they should both be placed under the custody of
the sergeant-at-arms — (hear, hear, and sensation) — when, prob-
4ibly, the house would be in a better position to judge of theiv
conduct, and it could adjudicate upon it. That would be the
better way, without now discussing which was in the right and

TACJIF MACDONALD. 193

which was in the wrong. Mr. Macdonald came into the house
after the discussion had been some time in progress, and very
coolly odered advice to the Speaker as to \N'hat he ought to do
with respect to the " two hon. gentlemen." Many members
sh ok their heads and said that it would not pass away so quietly
as this, and believed that the affair would end in a rencontre
at ten i)aces. But in the words of Burke, " the age of chivalry
had gone ; that of sophisters, economists, aad calculators had
succeeded," and Messrs. Rankin and Macdonald fired no shots
and had no " meeting."

It was now generally known that the rumours which Col.
Rankin had repeated in the house, in such an offensive manner,
were not without some foundation. Members of the cabinet
did not try to conceal their desire to be rid of Sir Allan Mac-
Nab and to have a " younger and more capable member " of
the council in his place. The younger and more capable mem-
ber, we need not say, was John A. Macdonald, and though
the conspiracy formed for the overthrow of Sir Allan was the
spontaneous action of the greater number of ministers, we need
not doubt that Mr. Macdonald himself iiad ambition to become
the leader. He had sat calmly in the house through several
-sessions while the conservative party gradually went to pieces
through lack of capable leadership, and seldom made a sign of
impatience. He sat unbowed while the reform party towered
above their opponents in numbers and prestige ; saw that party
pass away like the pageant in the Tempest isle ; saw the conser-^
vatives come again to power, and, now, through inferior leader-
ship, show a tendency to a second fall. He met the recalcitrant
ministers at one of their " conspiracy gatherings," as Sir Allan
passionately described the meetings. He was informed that
liis colleagues desired that he should become their leader, that
doom awaited the government if Sir Allan remained at its head,
and that the duty of the party's well-wishers was now to get
lid of the premier. Mr. Macdonald is understood to have placed

himself in the hands of his colleagues and to promise to assist
M

194 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

in doing whatever they believed to be for the welfare of the
government. Sir Allan at this time was a victim to gout, and
was frequently unal)le to attend the meetings of council. It
came to his ears that the ministry had resolved at a caucus to
put Mr. Macdonald in his place, and his anger knew no bounds.
When the paroxysm of his disease was over, he reviewed the
condition of affairs, and found, with some exultation, that he was
master of the situation. He was premier he told his friends^
indeed blurted it out publicly, not by the suffrage of his con-
spirator colleagues,but of that of the governor. He even fancied
that he might be able to dispense with the cabal altogether,
and rally around him other men who would have sufHcient fol-
lowing in the house to sustain the ministry. Presently the
newspapers began to open fire upon him, telling him that ho
was a log in the path of progress, that he had been a good man
in his time, but that his day was past ; and urging him not to
sully a fairly respectable career by becoming a nuisance at the
end of his life. Against such a defection as this the old man
was not proof, and he shed bitter tears as he resolved to offer a
compromise. It was sufficient humiliation he felt to be forced
out of the leadership, but it was intolerable that the man he
regarded as the arch conspirator should succeed to his place.
He met the ministers and informed them that he had made up
his mind to resign; but on the condition that Mr. John Hilly ard
Cameron should succeed him. Mr. Cameron was an indifferent
figure compared with the gentleman of the cabinet's choice, but
he was not at all conscious of inferiority, and pressed himself
forward with nnich earnestness. Although the ministry was
now in a critical condition and staggered under the assaults of
the opposition, its members resolved not to accept Sir Allan's
offer. They could afford to wait till a change came, they said,
which would not be long. It came sooner than they expected.
On the 17th day of October, the previous year, Robert Cor-
rigan, a protestant, while attending a cattle show in the parish
of St. Sylvestre, Quebec, had been attacked and brutally mur-

TACIIE-MACDONALD. 195

(lered by a gang of Roman Catholic Irishmen. In tlio following
spring seven of the assailants were trietl for the murder in
Quebec ; but in spite of the plainest and most overwhelming
testimony, they were declared " not guilty." When the verdict
became known a cry of indignation was raised through the
protestant comumnity of Canada ; and it did not tend to allay
the feeling when it was learnt that the jury trying Kelly and
his fellow murderers was virtually packed, being composed
exclusively of Roman Catholics, and that judge Duval, who
presided, was also a Roman Catholic. When any great public
wrong has been done, it eventually cries out from the parlia-
ment for redress. On Friday, the 7th of March, Mr. John
Hill;yard Cameron, who since his rejection by the anti-Mac-
Nab ministers was not particular whether he embarrassed the
government or not, moved an address to the governor for the
production of a copy of judge Duval's charge to the jury. This
address the motion affirmed, — and coming from a criminal
lawyer of Mr. Cameron's standing, the asseveration startled the
house — " contained statements which could hardly have been
made by any man who had anything like a fair acquaintance
with the manner in which the criminal law ought to be ad-
ministered." The government was in a sore plight. They dared
not commit themselves to any measure that cast an imputation
on judge Duval's character, for the French Canadians made
tha judge's cause their own ; while upon the other hand nearly
every Upper-Canada member in the assembly demanded that
the matter should be sifted to the bottom. On the night of the
10th, after three days' stormy debate, the motion was put and
carried against the government by a vote of forty-eight to forty.
Attorney-general Drummond hurriedly arose and moved an
adjournment of the house.

On the following day ministers asked permission for a further
adjournment of two days, and meanwhile endeavoured to bring
together their sundered forces. During the term of grace they
decided to present the address to the governor, and to subse-

196 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

quently have a friendly memlier move a want of confidence in
the ministry. Thougli conservatives as well as reformers would
luive the disgraceful miscarriage of justice in Quebec investi-
gated at much public sacrifice, they were not willing that the
liberal-conservative ministry should give place to clear-gritisra
and liewspaper tyranny ; and when the motion of non-confi-
dence was put they 3j.otained the government. It is scarcely
necessary to add that the governor did not produce judge
Duval's address, for the good reason that it was not in his pos-
session, and could not even be assumed to exist ; while, if it
did exist, he had not the power to compel its production.

The government, however, was shattered by the adverse vote
on the Corrigan matter ; and while yet engaged in healing the
breaches, hon. John Ross resigned the speakership of the legis-
lative council. This action was dictated by the attitude of the
reform members in the cabinet, who pointed out to him that
since the secularization of the clergy reserves had been accom-
plished the purposes of the coalition no longer existed, and that
they were not willing to form a permanent/ concordat with a
party at whose head was Sir Allan MacNab. Colonel Tachd
took Mr. Koss's place, and Mr. J. C. Morrison, through the
influence of Mr. Macdonald, was admitted into the cabinet.
At a later day the enemy would say the sweet tongued siren
lured Mr. Morrison thither. It was hoped that this accession
would restore the equilibrium between the reform and conser-
vative elements of the ministry. The step was endorsed by
Mr. Morrison's constituents in Niagara, but was regarded by no
small portion of his party for years afterwards as a betrayal of
trust. The accession, however, added little strength to the
cabinet. It had no effect indeed save to discredit the new coun-
cillor before his party, and to satisfy a friendship.

Some days later, Mr. John Sandfield Macdonald, who when
a storm was to be raised, was always ready to take the part of
Ariel, brought in a motion respecting tlie seat of government,
and providing for the abolition of the perambulating system.

TACIIE-MACDONALD. 197

" Out of evil Providence aometimes brings good," attorney-
('oncral Macdonald said when "John Sandfiold " brought in Iii.s
motion. Quebec was then chosen as the permanent capital, and
the house was asked to grant a sum of £50,000 to erect legisla-
tive buildings there. To this latter proposal George Brown and
his grits offered fierce opposition, but the a;nendments they
offered were declared out of order by the chair. " Make a
direct non-confideuco vote " said attorney-g ineral Macdonald,
" if you are debarred by the rules of the house from getting
the sense of parliament." He would be a mperficial man who
supposed that a fit of generosity to Brown and his followers
dictated this advice. The suggestion was adopted, Mr. Holton
moving that the course of the ministry on the seat of govern-
ment and other important questions disappointed the expecta-
tions of a majority of the people. The motion was defeated
by a vote of seventy to forty-seven ; but an analysis showed
thirty-three Upper Canada members to be among the minority,
and only twenty-seven with the majority. For the first time
the " double majority " principle was nov/ adopted. It was
contended that on a question affecting each division so dis-
tinctly as did this, the Upper Canada section of i.he ministry
would be faithless to their trust did t ley retain office while
supported only by a minority of members from their own part
of the province. So the Upper Canada division of the gov-
ernment, despite the protestations of Sir ,'klJan, who was "tor-
tured at every joint," decided to resign.. 1\ now seemed as
if Providence were about to bring good to the government out
of the evil. While the albatross hung about the L^ick of the
Ancient Mariner, there was naught but woe for iha unfqr-
tunate man, but when the disastrous bird dropped off the curse
departed. Sir Allan had long been the albatross al )ut the
government's neck, and " worked *em woe," but on the iJlst of
May he informed the governor-general from the midst of his
flannels, that while " not recognising a sectional majority as a
sufficient reason for a change of government," no alternative

X98 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACVONALJ).

but resignation was open to himself and his colleagues from
Upper Canada. Thus the albatross dropped off, and the gov-
crnnient v/as sa' .\ A daring way to seek liddance of an
incubus ; but the inai) who planned it saw his course far before
him, and was not mistaken. Men are sometimes masters of
their fate Cassius tells Brutus, and Mr. Macdonaldhad steadily
climbed the ladder, never failing in his purpose, till, at last, we
find him upon the round whitlier he had aspired. We do not
l>:i]ieve the superstitious dame who tells us that this one who
has attained fame and that one fortune are " lucky;" the fault is
nev3r with our stars but with ourselves that we do not succeed ;
and that " chance," through which they tell us some gain glory
and otliers power, is not chance at all, but "dir >ction which we
cannot see." The governor-general called upon colonel Tachd,
presi<lent of the legislative council, he bein;.;- the senior mem-
ber ^f the government, to lead the ministry, I ut Mr. Macdonald
took the reins in the assembly and was virtually the ruling
spirit in every department. Mr. Drummond, attorney-general-
cast, the gentleman whom Mr. Mackenzie brings m judgment
against Macdonald, had ambition to lead in tl e assembly and
pressed his claims with much persistency ; but the cabinet was
not likoiy to turn from indiscreet impetuo.°ity to respectable
n.ediocrity, a^d therefore did not entertain Mr. Drummond's
proposals at all. " Well, then, I shall not sit in the cabinet,"
he said. 'And you may go," they replied. He did go, believ-
ing that the fabric would fall when such a pillar as he had
withilrawn its support. Mr. Cartier, the late provincial secre-
tary, became attorney-genoral-east in the place of Mr Drum-
mond ; Mr. Philip Vankoughaet, one of the most thriving
lawyers at the bar, and a close personal friend of Mr. John A.
Macdonald's, toc\: Sir Allan MacNab's place as president of the
council, and Mr. Timothy Lee Terrill succeeded Mr. Cartier as
provincial secretary.

Two days after the resignation Sir Allan was borne into the
house, swathed in flann , by two serving men. The rumour

TACHE-MACDONALD. J99

having gone abroad that the knight's ire against Mr. John A.
MacdonalJ was very strong, curiosity was on tip-toe, and
members who appreciate "scenes" looked anxiously for the
arrival of Mr. Macdonald a.^d his colleagues, in whose absence
they did not suppose the explanations proper to the occasion,
with the anticipated extra, would be made. But the attorney-
general-west and his colleagues judiciously remained away,
and Sir Allan, muffled in flannels, and seated in his invalid
chair, addressed the house. As his colleagues had chosen to
Absent themselves, he did not deem it proper to make the ex-
planations he had to offer. The state of his health, he said, had
pre veil ed him from discharging bis duty as he would wish,
during the session. " I have been a member of this house " he
went on, " twenty-six years, and during all that period I have
not been so long absent as during this session. I think the
people of this country will receive that from a man of my age
as sufficient excuse." He would be ready, he rtssured the house,
to meet the iiinisw s on the following Monday to make cer-
tain becoming- statements, and he would appeal to the people
for a verdict on the course he had taken. " If I am supported
by their voit'.e," he added with much emotion, " I shall feel that
I am right. If condemned, I am ready to retire into private
life, — and perhaps I am now fit for little else." There is some-
thing touching in the spectacle of an old man bowed with time
and pain, telling those gathej'ed around him, so n<^ full of high
hoD3s as he once had been, that the autumn f his davs has
come, and that lie looks now to the falling of th :: l.af. At such
a moment with the grave dimly seen in the background, we can
afford to drop the party questions that divide us during our
brief sojourn upon the mortal stage and moralize on the in-
stability of human things. There was manj a moist eye as
this old man, who, with all his defects of character, was frank
and generous to a fault, told the assembled members that ho
had been thrown aside — let us add in the murderous struggle
for the survival of the fittest — by younger .uen, and. that, per-

200 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

haps, he was no longer useful and only fit to die. It is not, how-
ever, that we believe a catastrophe had come upon Sir Allan
which was not meet and just ; indeed we can allow our tears to
flow as Macbeth, the fiend and victim of a morbid ambition, paces
the stage and we hear him wail, " I have lived long enough :
my way of life has fiillen into the sear and yellow leaf." There
was genuine sorrow as Sir Allan bade a long farewell to the
men among whom for so many years he had been a prominent
figure. But turning aside from the humanity that bids us weep
when the tree in the fulness of time falls, and the petal drops
that is never to bloom again, we find ourselves in a world
where tears and sentiment will not satisfy the demands of duty;
where the fittest survives, and justly so, and the incompetent
gives way to the capable.

One of the most important acts of the session was the
measure respecting the legislative council. It was provided
that councilloi's already appointed should hold their seats for
life (it is probable their positions were regarded as vested
rights, though should a merchant or a railway "boss" believe
his staff" too large he would not allow scruples about " vested
rights " to trouble his conscience when discharging such assist-
ance as he did not need) ; but that every future member should
be elected by the people, and for a term of eight years. The
province, for the purposes of the act, was divided into forty-
eight electoral divisions ; and the elections were to be held
biennially, twelve members to be chosen at each contest.

Two months before a joyful thrill had run through the civi-
lized world as it was learnt that a treaty of peace had been
signed at Paris by the powers. With all the fame and victory-
trophies of the war, it had an appalling summing up. Not less
than twenty thousand Englishmen who went out to meet the
enemy, returned no more. About a sixth of these fell in battle
or died of their wounds. Cholera and other diseases engendered
by a climate against which the British soldier was not proof, ren-
dered a grim return of the rest. England and France thought

TACHE-MAvDONALD. 201

not of the loss of sixty thousand lives, but rang with the fame
of the allied armies. Instances of heroism had been shown by
British troops that gave the actors a place beside the heroes in
ancient legend whose valour had filled the world with wonder
for more than two thousand years. Many a Canadian flushed
with pride as he heard of the brilliant and successful daring of
our troops at Alma ; many a one compared the unflinching
bravery of Fenwick Williams at Kars, the noble if fatal courage
of the six hundred horsemen who " rode into the valley of
death," to the deeds of the Spartan at ThermopylfE, and of
Horatius at the Bridge. The treaty of peace was signed on the
?>v)th of March. One of the articles provided as follows : " The
Black Sea is neutralized ; its waters and its ports, thrown open
to the mercantile marine of every nation, are formally and in
perpetuity interdicted to the flag of war either of the powers
possessing its coast or any other power." There was an excep-
tion by which each power reserved the right of maintaining a
force of small armed vessels in the Black Sea to do the duty of
a maritime police, and protect the coasts. The navigation of
the Danube was thrown open, and the rule was confirmed pro-
hibiting ships of war from passing the straits while the Porte
was at peace, during which the Sultan undertook to refuse
such vessels admission into the Bosph'^rus or the Dardanelles.
Such were arpong the most '.mportant stipulations of the treaty
Some hopeful statesmen bejieved that the settlement would
long endure, and the olive branch flourish perhaps for centuries
to come. Lord Aberdeen, who had no heart in the war, pre-
dicted that the results would maintain peace in Eastern Eu-
rope for " probably twenty-five years." It was not a bad fore-
cast. Just twenty-two years later the clangour of arms was^
heard there ag^in.

CHAPTER XIII.

THE DOUBLE SHUFFLE.

AS immigration poured into Canada in an ever-increasing
stream son> ^ public men begai to speculate about a time
when population would have spread t the limits of Canada, and
the pioneer would venture forth into une vast regions held by
the Hudson Bay Company. Some began to dream of a day, not
far in the future, when a proud nation would be reared between
the republic and the Arctic Ocean ; but there lay as a bar to
the realization of the vision the gigantic monopoly by which a
private company held vast stretches of British territory in the
great, unknown North-west. Several wise newspapers and
public speakers ridiculed the ardour shown about "desolate
regions of snow and muskeg, inhabited by the fox and praii'ie-
w^olf, a few bands of Indians, and a handful of furriers and half-
breeds." The territory was said to be a dismal expanse, set
apart by providence for wild beasts, composed of sterile
wastes, and of such a climate that grain would not grow there ;
while its summer, — a season afflicted with frosts — was too short
to mature even a small potato or a cabbage. The government,
however, were fully alive to the importance of getting possess-
ion of the company's territory, and to this end, at the sugges-
tion of attorney-general Macdonald, negotiations were opened
with the British government and the company; and chief justice
Draper went to England to repr^ent the interests of Canada.
The house met in February. George Brown and hr^ j,,rits
were drawn up in line, refusing to be comforted by any man-
ner of legislation emanating from the ministerial mind. In this

202

THE DOUBLE SHUFFLE. 203

state of feeling, hostility may be predicated of them to all
measures whatsoever not originating on their side of the house,
and we need not retail special incidents. One question, how-
ever, had grown up of late, a not engrossing question it is true
when first discussed, yet like the little cloud, that, in the begin-
ning appears upon the horizon, in regulation size, but which
gradually spreads across the heavens, breaking in storm &nd
wracking thunders. This question had now suffused the public
mind and promised a harvest of trouble in the near future to
the ministry. Representation by Population was the cry thus
agitating the popular breast. It was debated on the hustings,
and discussed with much warmth and bitterness through the
press. On the 27th of April, George Brown, who revelled in
public tumult as the petrel does in the storm, arose at his desk
holding a piece of paper in his hands from which he .ead the
following motion : " That, in the opinion of this house, the
representation of the people in parliament should be based on
l)opulation without re^fard to a separating line between Upper
and Lower Canada."

The motion after a hot debate was lost, but the opinion ex-
pressed during the discussion taught that the time was drawing
near when such a concession could not be refused. Mr. Brown
warmly advocated the measure in his newspaper as well as in
the house, though he was not the originator of the question,
and his impetuosity now was due rather to a desire to embar-
rass the government than to a belief that the country had yet
suffered anything from the state of its representation. Had
he been a member of the coalition, as he aimed to be, or had
hitherto given it support, we may be sure he would have been
able to maintain silence about " Rep. by Pop." as he was about
the clergy reserves till his own interests and those of the gov-
ernment diverged. This, perhaps, is as proper a place as any-
where else to say that the province was no more indebted, if it
was as much, to Mr. Brown for a secularization of the reserves,
than to any one of a number of his contemporaries. He con-

204 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

tinued his alliance with a government which he knew was not
disposed to settle the question when the time was ripe for its
settlement ; when that government reconstructed, and ignored
him, he went to the hustings declaring that above all things
he wanted secularization, and would form any alliance, or sup-
port any candidate, to effect that oVyect ; but when the election
Avas done, because his overtures for alliance were rejected, he
thwarted in every, possible way the administration which ac-
complished the legislation for which he had been crying out, a
ministry which at a bound placed itself abi'east of public opi-
nion.

The government spw the danger to its own existence in enter-
taining Brown's latest proposition, but attorney-general Mac-
donald did not hesitate to inform Col. Tach^ that the time was
fast coming when it would be the duty of his Upper Cana-
dian colleagues to take up the question of representation. Mr.
Macdonald did not believe the interests of the province thus far
had suffered anything, or was likely for some time to be pre-
judiced bj'^ maintaining +J\e representation scale fixed by the
union ; but he was resolved when " the time was ripe " — an
expression he was fond of using — to grapple with the question
let his party stand or fall. This waiting for the time to ripen
the ready critic may deem a vulnerable spot, but it can only
be so on the assumption that it is the duty of the statesman to
lead public sentiment, instead of to give expression to it in
legislation. A fatal mistake surely. We do not send the
statesman to the cabinet to do his will, but to do ours : we do
not depend upon his talent to devise out of his own conscious-
ness legislation which has not appeared to us aa needful ; but
to give the right and effectual form to that which we regard as
for the general good. Nor do we believe it to bo the function
of the newspaper to mould, or to lead, public opinion. There
seems to us to be no special need for thinking machinery in a
man if the " we " in the editorial column, which may represent
a needy law-student or a feather-headed Bohemian, is to think

THE DOUBLE SHUFFLE. 205

for him on every subject from killing potato-bugs to voting on
tlie National Policy. With the spread of the habit of inde-
pendent thinking, and the ceaseless activity of the printing
press, bringing from the four winds of heaven knowledge of the
revelations and products of every day, the reign of dogma has
passed. In the middle ages, when a small tallow candle had to
shod light for tens of thousands, when the priest thought for
the flock on all important matters, cleric and lay, just as one
man now grinds grain for another — at such a time as this, we
say, when the mind and conscience of the benighted being were
always in the pocket of some one else, the dictum of the editorial
column would have been a beneficent aid to the race. Now,
however, the little editor who became a censor of human action
and intelligence because he failed as a schoolmaster or a vet-
erinary surgeon, is seen endeavouring to coerce the public
with a lead pencil : every day engaged in the experiment
of leading the high-spirited horse to the well — seldom indu-
cing him to drink. If the statesman have his duty, so we
believe has the journalist. That duty is to give the public
facts, not to give them inferences ; to keep a record of the
births of busy time, not to fill his pages with distortions.
Give the people the facts ; trust to their having sufficient
ability to come to proper conclusions. If the Hon. Edward
Blake gave forty dollars to the Muskoka sufl['erers, and David
Mills gave them thirty dollars, depend upon the public conclud-
ing that the joint donation reached just seventy dollars. There
is no use'in the tory editor saying that the " miserable contri-
bution of the two reached a trifle over $20." Give the public
the rein, and have no misgivings. If they have an upset they
are entitled to it.

The upper house having thrown out the item providing for
the erection of legislative buildings, the question was again in
the status quo and attorney-general Macdonald suggested to
his colleagues a reference of the matter to the Queen for arbi-
tration. The clear grits raised a howl against submitting " a

flOtt LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

([uestion of purely local concern to the decision of her majesty,"
* and contended tliat such an act " outraged tlie spirit of respon-
sible governmout." Mr. Brown and liis grits evidently knew
little of propriety or precedents. We believe the custom of
submitting questions, great or small, to disinterested parties for
arbitration still survives, and that notable cases are on record,
such, for example, as the reference of the dispute about the
New Brunswick boundary to the king of the Netherlands,

The ministry was now, as ministries always are and always
will be, held responsible for the reaction in trade caused by
lavish expenditure during the period of unwholesome business
activity attending the war, and the failure of the crops through-
out the country. Some of the ministers began to grow uneasy,
but the hand of Macdonald was at the helm, though Mr. Tach(?
was the nominal commander, and he steered the ship steadily
throuffh the reefs. Late in the autumn of 1857 Mr. Terril le-
signed to give his attention to private affairs, and his place was
filled by M Jacques Loranger. On the 25th of November
Col. Tachd, who had grown tired of the worries of state-craft,
also resigned, and the governor-general at once applied to
attorney-general Macdonald to form a government. At last
he found himself on "fortune's crowning slope," invested with
the semblance as well as the substance of power. The Upper
Canada members resumed their places; Mr. George Etienne
Cartier took the leadership of the Lower Canada section, still
retaining the portfolio of attorney -general-east. On the day
following Col. Tachd's resignation, the Macdonald-Cartier go v-
ernment took the reins. Two days later parliament was dis-
solved, and the pai-ties went to the hustings, the clear grits with
two shibboleths, " Non-sectarian Schools," and " Representation
by Population." The ministry took ground that these ques-
tions were not then expedient, and as a result lost in the con-
test Messrs. Cayley, Spence and Morrison. But the Lower
Canada electors who regarded George Brown as an enemy to
their race, institutions and religion — and it is difficult to see

THE DOVBLE SHUFFLE. 207

how they could have regardtd him in any other light— and who
were opposed to non-sectai-ian schools, and somewhat to repre-
sentation by population, though not so zealously as some of our
historians state, returned an overwhelming body of minister-
ialists.

Among the new members elected to parliament, the most
conspicuous were Thomas D'Arcy McGec, Hector Louis Lang-
evin, John Rose, William P. I[owland, Oliver Mowat and John
Carling. The new parliament assembled in February. The
opposition was in a more tumultuous state tliim ever, and this
condition was due to the announcement that, on the rect)!nmen-
dation of hon, John A. Macdonald and his colleagues. Ottawa, —
which in these later years has been styled by Bystander,
" an Arctic lumber village " — was chosen as the capital. In this
selection the government h.ad evidently defeated their oppon-
ents, thovigh the result was not to be seen for some time to
como, and ended a perpetual source of discontent, by the aid of
geography. Several amendments to the address were moved
by the opposition, by which it was seen, that, while the min-
istry was supported by a considerable majority of the house,
it was in u minority in the Upper Canada section, Mr. Joseph
Thibaudeau, member for Portneuf, brought in a motion affirm-
ing the principle of double majorities, but it was met by the
almost entire force of the ministerialists, who were supported
by George Brown, Oliver Mowat and many other grit members.
Strange to say among those who supported Thibaudeau's mo-
tion was H'^ctor Langevin, the member for Dorchester. We
say this is strange in view of the great statesmanship Mr. Lang-
evin has always displayed through the brilliant and masterly
career which has ever since been his.

After the ministry had got this troublesome question off its
hands, a resolution and several amendments, disapproving of
her majesty's choice of Ottawa as a capital, were moved by
Messrs. Brown, Thibaudeau, Dunkin, Pichd and others. After
an animated discussion, Mr. Piclt^'s amendment, setting forth

90a LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

that, " It is the opinion of this house that the city of Ot-
tawa ought not to be the permanent seat of government for
■the province," was carried by a vote of sixty -four to fifty.
Before the word " carried " had left the speaker's lips, George
Brown's enthusiasm had passed bounds, and he jumped to his
feet. The occasion helps us to get the measure of the man.
" The house " he said, as soon as the cheering ceased, " can have
no doubt that the motion just carried expressed an emphatic
disapproval of the government policy ; and in order to prove
. that it means just this, I now move an adjournment of the
house." The premier arose perfectly cool, and informed mem-
bers that ha was glad to accept the challenge of the leader of
ithe opposition. " Let the vote on adjournment" he said, with a
slightly ironical tone, " test whether or not the ministry possesses
the confidence of the house." Mr. Macdonald knew that while

• a majority in the assembly was opposed to fixing the seat of
government at Ottawa, there was by no means a majority

• disposed to transfer the reins into the hands of George Brown.
When the speaker put the motion to adjourn it was clearly
■understood that the fate of the ministry hung on the issue.
Macdonald was not mistaken. Sixty-one said "nay," and only
fifty " yea." An analysis of the vote, however, showed that a
large majority of the Upper Canada section voted with the
yeas. After the house adjourned Mr. Macdonald conferred
with his colleagues on the situation. " Brown," he said, "has
been really doing our work ; and by his indiscreet motion
shows what our duty to ourselves now is." It was* then agreed
that the government could strike a decisive blow at the oppo-
sition by resigning. The motion carried by the grits was
equivalent to a censure on her majesty, and the ministry felt
that by resigning they would identify themselves with the
-cause of their sovereign. Mr. Macdonald never believed that
Mr. Brown would have a ghost of a chance to form an endur-
ing ministry, though some of his colleagues were timid, and
beared that he would soon gather a number of the "loose fish"

THE DOIJHLE SHUFFLE. 209

tuoimd him. " My inind is perfoctly easy on tho point," said
^lacdonald, " I am absolutely certain that he will not be sus-
tained in the house." Now, one wouhl suppose that Mr. Brown,
knowing that a majority was opposed to him, would have
hesitated before grasping at glory which could only turn to
disaster. The apologlta of Mr. Brown tell us that he foresaw
his reception in parliament but had faith in the governor
granting a dissolution. We believe he expected nothing of
the kind. The " higher game " for which he had been so long
burning he saw within his grasp, and with tho same indiscreet
impetuosity with which he allowed himself to call for a test
vote after the passage of Pich^'s resolution, he would now thrust
out his hand for the office within his reach. The fact is Mr.
Brown was mentally incapable of forecast or restraint where
personal interest and ambit:'on were behind urging him on.
But let us see what happened.

The Macdonald-Cartier government resigned, and Sir Ed-
mund Head wrote to George Brown : * * " His excellency
feels it right to have recourse to you as the most prominent
member of the opposition, and he hereby offers you a seat in
the council as the leader of a new administration." Mr. Brown
was too jubilant to pause long before replying to this note-
*' Buy me the captain's commission, mother," said the son in the
beleagured city. " The soldiers will be over the wall to-mor-
row my son, and your glor}"- will be short-lived." " I don't care
mother, I want to be a captain." And George Brown was
not concerned that the enemy would to-morrow break over the
wall — that he was in a miserable minority in the house. He
wanted to be a prime minister, to grasp the " high game," so he
wrote : " Mr. Brown has the honour to inform his excellency that
he accepts tho duty proposed to him in his excellency's com-
munication, and undertakes the formation of a new ministry."
Had Macdonald been by when Brown sealed this letter he must
have muttered with Antony :

210 LIFE OF Slli JOHN A. MACDONALD.

' " Now let it work ; mischief, thou art afoot,

Take thou what course thou wilt."

On the following day, Sunday, in the afternoon, an aido-de-
canip waited on Mr. Brown and delivered to him a moinoran-
duni, which the governor-general desired him to submit to his
proposed colleagues. This memorandum stated that his excel-
lency gave "no pledge or promise, express or implied, with refer-
ence to the dissolving of parliament," a condition for which Mr.
Brown strongly pressed the governor at a previous interview, re-
ceivinff the same answer. The memorandum went on to show
that his excellency was willing to consent to a prorogation with
the understanding that parliament should meet again, " say in
November or December ; " but an intimation was given timt a
prorogation would not be granted till " the bill for the reg-
istration of voters, and that containing the prohibition of
fraudulent assignments and gifts by traders" had become law.
" Besides this," his excellency wrote, " an/ item of supply al*-
solutely necessary should be provided for ')y a vote of credit,
and the money for the repairs of canals, ^vl ich cannot be post-
poned, should be voted. * * If parlia'7;'ent merely adjourns
until after the re-election of the members of the government
the case is different and the responsibility i- on the house it-
self." Mr. Brown, as we have seen, had biioi requested by his
excellency to lay the memorandum befo e his proposed col-
leagues, but the grit chieftain did nothing of the sort. That
was not his way. Being dictator, if he jdeased himself, why
need he to trouble about the wishes of his colleagues. So with
hot haste he despatched a note on Monday morning informing
the governor that he had selected the members of his proposed
ministry, and that the latter could not be in a position to discuss
any measures or questions of public policy with his excellency till
they had "assumed the functions of constitutional advisers
of the crown." Partizan writers like Mr. Mackenzie have com-
plained of his excellency's lack of courtesy and frankness to
Mr. Brown, but the discourtesy and lack of frankness, as the

THE 1) UJiLE SII UFFLE. 211

extract last made evinces, were hegun Ly Mr. Brown hiniHclf.
His refusal to discuss certain (juestions with his excellency at
the latter's re(iuest, was not alone discourt* 'ms, ])nt insulting .,o
the governor-general. It implied th.vt Sir Edmund either did
not know the bounds ami (I'jnities of his position, or that he wa>
while putting the latt tier foot, trying to entrap the in-

coming ministry into hi. ..fidenco for some sinister purpose.
Mr. Brown may not have known the duty of one gentleman to-
wards another ; but history is bound to take notice of the facts.
Mr. Mackenzie, In wevor, describes the churlish discourtesy of
Mr. B'own on this occasion in language .somewhat different
from ours. He calls it a " dignified rebuke to the governor."
About half-past ten in the forenoon of the same day, Mr.
Brown waited on his excellency, and submitted the names of
his colleagues. The latter were sworn in at noon, and were as
follows : —

FOR CANADA WEST.

Hon. George Brown - - Premier and Insp. General.

"■ J. S. Macdonald Attorney-General.

" Jas. Morris - - - Speaker Legislative Ccvncil.
" Oliver Mow at - - _ Provincial Secretary

" M. H. Foley Podmaf^tzr-General.

" S. Connor Sol'.citor-General.

FOR CANADA EAST.

Hon. a. a. Dorion - - Oommissioner of Crown Lands.

" L. T. Drummond Attormy -General.

" J. E. Thibaudeau - . - - Pres. of the Council.
" L. H. HoLTON - - Commissioner Public Works.

" F. Lemieux Receiver-General.

" C. J. Laberge ------ Solicitor-General.

Mr. Patrick rose in the house in the afternoon am(Ouncing the
names of the new ministers, and likewise stating that he had
been instructed to say that it wa« the wish of the government

212 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MJCDOKALD.

that parlij'inent slioukl be picrof,nied at an early day. Expla-
nations as to the policy oi tlie gov. .Timent he hope- 1 to be able to
make on the morrow, — but he was indulging iu a false hope, ii
he was not, p evouaing, for the new ?abinec was a mass of con-
trarietief and there .vas not the shadow of a possibility that the
admini.ili"aiion could e^'olve a policy within a day, or a ■"reek,
or amentia. Thi^ housi; was not pleased that it should ove
been asked U- vote for the new ministry blindfold. A. state-
ment of policy ill the most general way would have induced it
to extend the ordinav\- courtesies. When Mr, Patrick s>t down,
Mr. Bureau lose and moved the isMie of a writ for the election
of a member in Mont) ;.al, to rephtce Mr. Dorion, But on the
motion being put, Mr. H. L. Langevin moved the following
amendr.oent : "That this house, vihile ordering the said writ,
must, av vho same time, state that the administration, the for-
mation of which has created this vacancy, does not possess the
confident i of this house and of the country." This amend-
ment wai^ seconded by Ri . -John Beverloy Robinson, son of the
chief justice of Upper Canada. A tierce debate began and con-
tinued till mi(>nightj when the ministry was dcfeuted by a majo-
rity of forty votes. Thus was the fair fruit ■« hich the reckless pre-
mier plucked in the morning, turned to oishes in his hand before
the boa isig of the midni>;lit bell. Mr. Langevin and f I ose who
suppc rted his amendineni have been accused of viok < .t^ parlia-
menttiiy courtesy in coidem'ilr^g a ministry withoi?: knowing
its policy ; — but because it (iid not disclose its policy was one of
the rra^ons why it was hurled from the eminence upon which
it had rashly seated itself. We admit much is due to the cus-
toms and Courtesies of pailiament, but certainly George Brown
and his grits who had worried and thwarted the govcrniueut
tyhrough tbo session in every manner but that of courtesy, de-
served everything at the hands of the house that couid be done
within til 5 letter of the constitution. The very vote showed
that the assembly was disposed to rebuke Mr. Brown for his
arrogance no le.«s than his ind^ creet haste in rushing into office

.4.

THE DOUBLE SHUFFLE. 213

when 1 e knew 1 it, ( pponents had a large majority in the
house. But it reveal ^ a trick," say the Mackenzies. " The
trap was se! for Mr, Brown.' Wo answer, if Mr. Brown, or
any other man who sets hims-elf up as the censor and loader
of men, cannot keep out of ti i,ps, it If -", pity that he should not
00 into ti.em. Mr. Macdonald hvA th( i-iijht, with the attendant,
risks, of resign. ng, as any prin.e min «t3r has at any time, for
whatever reason to him se(!r.'<,i jiifiicient but it did notfollowthat
Mr. Brown should sacrifice him elf to his own unforeseeing fvnd
impetuous ambition. Mr. Macdonald saw he wanted to be in.
office, and that the craze for honours had become an over-ma.^-
tering mania with the man. He resigned, and let him gr in.
The parliament indignantly turned him out again. We pre-
sume, without discus.sing obsolete courtesies, the^y had the rigiit
to do so. :' ; ' • ; •'

An analysis of the vote showe«i that the callow ministry
had been defeated by a majority of votes in both sections of the
province. In the upper hous*^ also a no-confidence resolution
was introduced by Mr. Paton, aud after a hot discussion in
which Mr. Vankoughnet and Col. Prince assailed the ministry
in very able speeches, the motion waf' carried by a vote of two
to one.

On the following day Mr. Brown waited upon his excellency
and urge! an immedial-. prorogation with a view to dissolution.
Once again the governor told him, as he had done twice before,
that hi^ could not, from his present light upon the subjcict, give
any hOjjes of a dissolution. It was now the governoi"'s turn to
be cautious ; and to guard against misrepresentation he )t quest-
ed Mi. Brown to put in v%'riting the grounds upon w? lA he
based his request. One can fancy a certain kind of document
pr jse ited by a newly-fledged county-councillor to the reeve of
his municipality, or a protest made to the chair by a .spinster
at a meetin,'.^ held to put down the u.se of tobacco ; but this
d('cam.ent sent to Sir Edmund Head by George Brown is uni-
que, we venture to say, in constitutional literature. One of

:>14 LIFE OF SIR JO UN A. MACDONALD.

its stronfj reasons for askinfj a dissolution was this : " The
house they [(he ministry] believe does no possess the confidence
of the country ; and the public dissatifci ^j.cfcion has been greatl}"^
increasefl by the numerous and glaring act ^ of corruption and
fraud by which many seats were obtfcii?^' ' at Ihe last general
election." Not satisfied with this the ci'iiiiei*, gives another
reason. As it would be a pity nof> to reproduce it, here H is :
" For some years past strong sectional feeliji,;^' nvj arisci i*^*
the country, which, especially c'uring the prcjent .isssion, have
seriously impeded the carryiny" on of the a<"fjii';istrative and
legislative functions of the gov rnment. The !ato admin?.: la-
tion made no attempt to meet '/nese difficulties 01 to suggest a
remedy for them, and thereby the evil has been greatly aggra-
vated. His excellency's present advisers have entered the
government with the fixed l stermination to propose constitu-
tional measures for the esta Jishmentof that harmony between
Upper and Lower Canada y hich is essential to the prosperity
of the province. They resveetfully submit that thoy have a
right to claim all the support which his excellency can constitu-
tionally extend to them ir. he prosecution of this all import-
ant object." One might h ^^e supposed that these two reasons
were overwhelming, but 1 jB main shot "^^ill remained in the
locker, an appeal to the pit/ of the goveriior. It was as fol-
lows : " The unprecedented and unparliamentary course pur-
sued by the house of assembly —which, immediately after
having by their vote compelled the late ministry to retire, pro-
ceeded to pass a vote of want of c nfidence in the present
administration, without notice, withirt a few hours of their
appointment, in their absence from tht house, and before their
policy had been announced — affords the most convincing proof
that the affairs of the country cannot be f fficiently conducted
under the control of the house as now constituted." There is
more even than absurdity in this ; there is i laccuracy. It was
not true that the assembly had " by their vote compelled the
late ministry to retire." The resignation was voluntary ; but

THE DOUBLE SHUFFLE. 215

we must bs frank enough to admit that it was not done out of
deference to any principle or to tl>e sense of (/.io majority of
tiie Upper Canada section of the cabinet. It was simply done
to hxQ Mr. Brown into a pitfall ; and into the pitfall he went,
c} es and mouth wide open.

However, let us see if Sir Edmund's feelings can be wrought
upon like the lady-president of the anti-tobacco club. Before
touching the grounds on which the dissolution is urged, his
-excellency, among others, gives the following replies : " His
excellency is no doubt bound to deal fairly with all political
piuties ; but he has a duty to perform to the Queen and the
people of Canada paramount to that which he owes to any
on J party or to all parties whatsoever. The question for his
excellency to decide is not, ' what is advantageous or fair for a
parti<!riiar party?' but what upon the who) \ is the most ad-
vantageous and fair for the people of the province. The resig-
nation of the late government was tendered in consequence of
a vot <} of the house which did not assert directly any want of
ct'u'uence in them." His excellency then points out that a
>v I 11 of confidence in the government had been emphatically
voted bv both branches of the legislature, and adds that he is
asked to dissolve parliament by a ministry ' who possessc ■ the
conti':iorice of neither branch of the legislature." We do rot
pretoi d 10 have so subtle a knowledge of constitutional mystery
as v.. Mackenzie, but we have no hesitation in saying that we
thi' i the simple fact last stated was, alone, sufficient ground
■fja wMf •! to refuse a dissolution. This is how the governor an-
£Wt ^u. uhe wail made about the legislature voting the want of
c Ml 1^1 lee, an answer all the more effective, because made in re-
ply ' i ':'. Iran who boasted of 'oeing the advocate of the supre-
^a -y ,( Oio people vhrough their legislatures, and who had in
hn ni :_ Ti .'j.,.(dum virtually appealed to the governor against the
ho i J of jatjiauKjnt. " It is not the duty of the governor-gen-
-61; 1 to de'id 5 wiethor the action of the two houses on Monday
iii^ht wa^ ' ' v/a n)t in accordance with the u.sual courtesy of

210 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

parliament towards an incoming administration. The two
houses are the jud'^^es of the propriety of their own proceedings.
His excellency has to du with the conclusions at which they
arrive, providing only that the forms observed are such as to
give legal and constitutional force to their votes." A striking
lecture we repeat from a viceroy to a man who had made so
much newspaper thunder against the iniquity of governors
thwarting, or meddling with, legislatures. Some of the reason*
put forward by Sir Edmund against granting a dissolution are
as follows : " An election took place only last winter. This fact
is not conclusive against a second election now, but the costs
and inconvenience of such a proceeding arc so great, that they
ought not to be incurred a second time without very strong
grounds.

" The business before parliament is not yet finished. It is
perhaps true that very little which is absolutely essential for
the country remains to be done. A portion, however, of the
estimates, and two bills, at least, of great importance, are still
before the legislative assembly, irrespective of the private bus-
iness.

' " In addition to this, the resolutions respecting the Hudson
Bay tenluory have not been considered, and no answer on that
subject can be given to the British government.

"The time of year and state of affairs would make a general
election at this moment peculiarly inconvenient and burthen-
some, inasmuch as the harvest is now going on in a large por-
tion of the country, and the pressure of the late moiiey crisis
has not passed away."

These, however, were reasons outside of those in answer to
Brov/n's memorandum. The governor's reply to the points in
the ministc) ial paper are worth reproducing. We consider
them overwhelming; but Mr, Mackenzie says they were only
" carping eniicism."

" The following considerations are strongly pressed by his
excellency's present advisers as reasons why he should author-

THE DOUBLE SHUFFLE. 2ir

ize an appeal to the people, and thereby retain their service*
in the council. " ■ •

" (1.) The corruption and bribery alleged to have been prac-
tised at the last el tion, and the taint which on that account
is said to attach to uhe present legislativ^e assembly.

" (2.) The existence of a bitter sectional feeling between Up-
per and Lower Canada, and the ultimate danger to the union as
at present constituted, which is likely to ai-ise from such feel-
ing.

" If the first of these points be assumed a^ true, it must be
asked what assurance can his excellency have that a new elec-
tion, under precisely the same laws, held within six or eight
n, )nths of the last, will diflfer in its character from that which
then took place ? If the facts are as they are stated to be,,
they might be urged as a reason why a general election should
be avoided as long as possible ; at any rate until the laws are
made more stringent, and the precautions against such evils,
shall have been increased by the wisdom of parliament. Until
this is done, the speedy recurrence of the opportunity of prac-
tising such abuses would be likely to aggravate their character^
and confirm the habit of resorting to them.

"The second consideration, as to the feeling between Upper
and Lower Canada, and the ultimate danger of such feelings to
the union, is one of a very gi-ave kind. It would furnish to his
excellency the strongest possible motive for a dissolution of
parliament, and for the retention of the present government at
all hazards, if the two points were only conclusively established,
that is to say, if it could be shown that the measures likely
to be adopted by Mr. Brown and his colleagues were a specific,,
md the only specific for tliese evils, and that the members
0^ the present council were the only men to allay the jealousies
so unhappily existing. It may be that both these propositions-
are true, but, unless they are established to his excellency's
'.-omplete satisfaction, the mere existence of the mischief is nob
in itself decisive as to the propriety of resorting to a general

218 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

-election at the present moment. The certainty, or at any rate
the great probability, of the cure by the course proposed, and
by that alone, would require to be also proved. Without this,
a great ))resent evil would be voluntarily incurred for the
chance of a remote good." In conclusion, his excellency de-
clined to grant u dissolution.

We need not refer to the plea recapitulated under "(1.)" as
the governor thoroughly illustrates its absurdity ; but the con-
tention of "(2.)," in which dissolution is urged on the ground
that " bitter sectional feeling exists between Upper and Lower
•Canada," and that George Brown should be given an oppor-
tunity to establish peace and unity there, can scarcely be re-
garded in a serious light, when we remember that the breach
between the two sections was in a great measure the work of
Brown himself, and that his great aim through his newspaper
and in the legislature seemed to be to create discord between
the French and English. And as proof of how strong a sense
of his nefarious course rankled in the minds of the French
Canadian members, on the non-confidence resolution he received
but foUr Lower Canada votes. There was now only one course
open to Mr. Brown. He resigned.

Those who understand the purpose and drift of Mr. Macken-
ziQs, book need not be told that the character of Sir Edmund
Head, in its pages, appears as black as ink and an unscrupulous
malice can make it. Mr. Mackenzie's style is usually clear and
incisive — it now and again suggests the filing of a saw — yet it
is hard in the pages he devotes to this question to ascertain what
lie njeans, other than to say malicious things of Sir Edmund
and to cover George Brown with glory — perhaps we ought to
say with whitewash. Where page after page reeks with this
file-cutting censure of the governor, the reader who does not pre-
suppose malice naturally looks for a plain statement of some
scandalous and unconstitutional act of the viceroy. But he will
rind no such thing. The honour of a chief justice, who in private
life could no more stoop to the basjness with which he is

THE DOUBLE SHUFFLE. 219

charfred, than Mr. Mackenzie could say a generous word for an
opponent, or do him justice, is aspersed ; while the conduct of
the governor, upon the testimony of irresponsible rumour and
clever surmises, is pictuiud to be that of a conspirator, and his
whole character sought to be covered with infamy. But we
nmst rule out of court even Mr. Mackenzie's unsupported slander
and address ourselves to the facts. The governor, he says —
and this h one of his strongest grounds — " was bound as a ruler
and as an honest man to see that no impediment should be
thrown in the way of his new advisers getting fair play in sub-
mitting their policy to the countiy through the medium of a
new election." The " impediment," which we have italicized,
meant the non-confidence vote passed by the house. But what
would Mr. Mackenzie have the governor do about this vote ?
He tells us it was his excellency's duty " to see that no impedi-
ment " should be thrown in the way. Would he have the go-
vernor go down like the tyrant Charles, to muzzle the legisla-
ture ? If the language does not mean this, it means nothing.
His other point, and these are the only two he offers, out-
side of the slanders he scatters through his pages, is that the
governor .should have granted a dissolution to Brown because
he had given the latter " to understand, as plainly as if he had
said it in so many words, that whatever he (Mr. Brown) found
it necessary to do he should have his support." We suppose the
reader is now able to judge of Mr. Mackenzie's tactics. He
deliberately ignores the interview held before Brown formed
his government, in which the latter was informed by his excel-
lency that he was not to count <m a dissolution ; and the distinct
statement in the memorandum, before the ministry was sworn
in, or the governor had any knowledge of Brown's choice, that
" the governor-general gives no pledge or promise express or im-
plied, with reference to dissolving parliament ; " and charges
Sir Edmund with having deceived Mr. Brown. He shuts his
ears to the governor's distinct and repeated words and elicits a
contrary language, instead, from his actions. Brown, however*

220 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

understood the governor's language plainly enough, but too
elated with the offer of office " rushed to glory" reckless of con-
sequences. As a party driver he may have depended on hus
power of bullying the governor, though we cannot give him the
credit of such forecast. He fared little better than the excited
^on in the beleagured city, who wanted to be a captain. He
wore the honours for four days, and then' was out of office, and
out of parliament. As to the governor's conduct throughout
the affair, no impartial man will say that it was not beyond
reproach, while we cannot doubt with Bystander, that " hatred
of what might be deemed incendiarism, and a sense of the peril
which it was bringing on the country, may very likely havo
prejudiced Sir Edmund against Mr. Brown," though this would
not, and did not, influence the act of his excellency.

The governor-general next applied to Mr. Gait, a member of
marked abilities and high parliamentary standing, but that
gentleman had occupied solitary ground, allying h imself to neither
party, and was without a following. He declined the gover-
nor's proposal, — something that George Brown would not have
done — and recommended to his excellency Mr, George E. Car-
tier the late leader of the Lower Canada section of the cabinet.
Sir Edmund took the advice, and called Mr. Cartier, who
promptly undertook the task of forming a new ministry. The
incoming administration was the same as the Macdonald-Car-
tier government, the only exception being that Messrs. Cayley
and Loranger were left out and Messrs. Gait and Sherwood
taken in their places. The Cartier-Macdonald ministry resumed
office eight days after the resignation of the Macdonald-Cartier
government. Though Mr. Macdonald had changed places, and,
as some who did not like the transposition at the time phrased
it, " the car had been put before the horse," Macdonald's was
the ruling spirit in the cabinet, although Mr. Cartier was one
of the ablest men in Canada. Now during the session of 1857,
an act relating to the independence of parliament had been
passed, and the seventh section provided that, " whenever any

TUE DOUBLE SUV FFLE. 221

person holding the ofticc of receiver-general, inspector-general,
secretary of the province, commissioner of crown lands, attor-
ney-general, solicitor-general, commissioner of public works,
speaker of the legislative council, president of committees of
the executive council, minister of agriculture or postmaster-
general, and being at the same time a member of the legislative
assembly, or an elected member of the legislative council, shall
resifi^n his office, and within one month after his resignation
accept any other of the said offices, he shall not thereby vacate
his seat in the said assembly or council." A meeting of pro-
posed ministers was held after the personnel of the cabinet had
been decided upon, and it was then mooted, that, under the sec-
tion just quoted, the incoming ministers, by complying with
certain legal formalities, need not go back to their constituencies
for re-election, but -^iimply take their seats. The technicality
of the law was complied with by M. Cartier, on the 6th instant,
becoming inspector-general ; Mr. Macdonald, postmaster-gene-
ral ; Mr. AUeyn, provincial-secretary ; Mr. Sicotte, commis-
sioner of public works ; Mr. Rose, receiver-general ; Mr. Sidney
8mith, president of the council and minister of agricultiire.
On the following day another change was made and the new
■cabinet stood as follows : —

FOR CANADA WEST.

Hon. John A. Macdonald - - - - Attorney-General.
" P. M. Vankoughnet - - - Com. Crown Lands.

" John Ross President of the Council.

" Sidney Smith Postmaster-General.

" Geoiiqe Sherwood - - - - Receiver- General.

FOR CANADA EAST.

Hon. George E. Cartier - Premier and Attorney General.
" A. T. Galt ------- Inspector- General.

" L. V. Sicotte - - - - Minister Public Works.

" N. F. Belleau - - Speaker Legislative Covncil.
" Charles Alleyn - - - - Provincial Sec .tary.

222 LIFE OF SIR JO UN A. MACDONALD.

Thus it will be seen that the new ministry evaded the re-
sponsibility of going back for election by accepting within a
month other oftices than those held at the time of resignation.
This was the expedient that has been since known as the
" double shuffle." The laws of the land with their technicali-
ties, are for cabinet ministers we presume, as well as for shabby
clients in inferior courts ; and we are unable to see why a plea
which would be respected and in-esistible in a court of justice
should be regarded as a disgraceful trick in a council chamber.
Once more, technicalities may be the excrescences of law, but
if the writer of " The Last Forty Years " sued his friend to re-
cover a loaned pair of boots and won the same on a technicality,
would he have the moral generosity to say to the defendant,
" Here are the boots ; I recovered them by the mere letter of
the law, and not according to its spirit." We do not believe he
would. But he is shocked as he writes about ministers retaininor
their seats by virtue of a technicality, and, after due condemna-
tion, utters a sigh, and "dismisses the subject from his pages." If
we are not mistaken two cases, almost similar to this, occurred
not so very long ago in England. In 1839 Lord Melbourne intro-
duced his Jamaica Bill, but being only able to carry it with a
majority of five, resigned. The Queen at once sent for Peel,
the leader of the refurbished tory party, and invited him to
form a ministry ; but as every one remembers the " question of
the petticoats " stood in his way — he could not rule with Lady
Normanby — and he had to fall back into private membership.
Her Majesty at the advice of Lord John Russell called on Mel-
bourne again, who, with the rest of the cabinet, resumed their
offices, without, if we remember aright, appealing to the people.
Another case in point happened in 1873 when the liberal govern-
ment suddenly found themselves defeated on their Irish Uni-
versity Bill. Mr. Gladstone resigned, and, by his advice, the
Queen invited Mr. Disraeli to form a ministry. Mr. Disraeli,
who did not resemble George Brown, thought the situation over,
and concluded not to try his luck in the commons as consti-

THE DOUJiLE SIIVFFLE. 223

luted ; whereupon Her Majesty again sent for Mr. Gladstone,
who, wath tlie other ministers, ([uietly resumed their places.
There was no election, if wo are not mistaken, in this case
either ; yet there is nothing on record in England about single
or double shuffles. The case here differed somewhat, but not
so as to change the constitutional principle involved in the
English cases. There was a slight legal barrier in the way
in Canada, and it was avoided by taking advantage of tho
letter of the law. But we have to repeat that the client who
would, in one of our courts, take advantage of a technicality to
gain his suit, is ineligible to cast a stone at the actors in the
double shuffle, unless it be assumed that politicians have more
honour, or ought to have, than other men ; a contention which
we deny.

The new government was supported by a good majority,
and during the session passed a number of important meas-
ures. Since a quietus had been given to the question of double
majorities, a desire for representation by population had taken
deep root in Upper Canada. The question of " Protection to
Home Industries," as a direct issue, came up for the first time
during the session of 1858, being introduced by Mr. Cay ley,
though, as we have already seen, it had been discussed before
in connection with certain tariff" changes. During this j'ear
science accomplished one of its wonders, in connecting Europe
and America by the Atlantic cable. During the year, likewise,
the 100th regiment was organized, and that highm.inded politi-
cian of stainless name, Robert Baldwin, passed to his rest.

CHAPTER XIV.

TRANSITION.

'\i7HILE Canada was struggling for rosponsiblc government,
T t reformers were engaged in a similar conflict in the mari-
time provinces. There, it is true, the question of races, which lay
4it th*- ^'^ttom of most of the tumult in Canada, did not exist ;
but botii in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick the will of the
people was threatened by the domination of a Family Compact.
The chief cause of discontent in New Brunswick waii the con-
trol of crown lands and timber by a commissioner responsible
only to the imperial government. This ofticial received a hand-
some salary, sold the lands according to his caprice, retained
fees and perquisites, and defied the house of assembly. During
the session of 1832 the latter body presented an address to the
governor praying that he would cause to be laid before the
Jiouse, annually, a detailed statement of the receipts of the crown
lands department. In their 5!eal for the welfare of the province
the members went too far, however ; for the governor haugh-
tily refused to grant the demand, and left the impression that
both himself and the executi\e, especially the commissioner of
■crown lands, regarded the request as an insult. Messrs. Charles
Simonds and E. B. Chandler were then deputed to go to Eng-
land and press upon the colonial secretary the necessity and
justice of hanuing over the crown lands to the control of the
legislature. As a result of the mission, Lord t>tanley, the fol-
lowing year, proposed terms which satisfied the assembly ;
but there was a hidden hand at work, and the irresponsible
commissioner went on selling lands at choice terms to friends

224

TRANSITION. 225

tniJ wealthy Hpwulators, witliout making the desired return
<.)t' receipts, In 1S36 the blood of the house of asscndjly again
liogan to riso. An address was presented once more asking .
for iletailed accounts of the sales of crown lands and tim-
ber, but the governor presented a mere general statement, again
battling encjuiry. An address to the king was then passed
])raying for redress, and Messrs. Crane and L. A. Wilmot were
<"t'puted to lay it at the foot of the throne. King William ap
proved of t)io prayer, and the outcome was that the net amount
')f casual and territorial revenue was placed at the disposal of
the assembly, the latter undertaking to provide a permanent
civil list of £14,500, annually, for the payment of public offi-
ciaJs. The decision of the home government went sorely
against the grain of the governor, Sir Archibald Campbell, and
he despatched Hon. George F. Street to the colonial office io
•endeavour to " undo the mischief." The fact is the governor
was sincere in believing that public moneys should not be
trusted to legislatures for expenditure ; that they were only safe
in the hands of some man like tlie commissioner who was be-
yond popular control. The governor was a soldier, and his
whole being was pervaded by the military instinct. He re- y^

garded the people much as he looked upon the troops under
iiis command. The duty of the commander was to give orders ;
that of the soldier co obey. What could the troops know of
expenditure, ar d the order or economies of campaigns. What
did the people or their house of assembly know of how govern-
ment should l)e administered or public moneys expended. The
truth is Sir A^rihibald was like some extinct animal restored,
which had broken loose and wandered out of past ages down
into a time when a higher order of creatures moved upon the
planet — when the dawn-light of liberty had burst upon the
world in all its virgin freshness.

In the summer of 184(8, as we have seen, toryism made its
last appeal to Canada, and then fell never again to raise its
head. Its fall was not without an influence on other provinces

LIFE OF Sni JOHN A, MACDoNALD. ,

than Canada. Lord Falkland, the governor of Nova Scotia
found a coalition on his arrival in that province in 1840,
similar to that astablished the following year in Canada
under the union ; but as his ^ /m of office advanced he learned
from Metcalfe, the Canadian s( ourge, the plan of making rqi-
pointments, and com uitting thu government to certain acts of
policy, without the con-'jvit (^f the reform members of his
cabinet. The result waf that Joseph Howe, the chief roi'ormer
of the administra'ion, and his liberal colleagues, resigned, as
Messrs. Baldwin and Lafontaine had done in Canada. After
Falkland IipA succeeded i?i distractingth i province, and seveiT I
witty, if aot scuirilous, reformers had loaded him with abuse
and ridicule Iv pi'ose and rhyme, he was recalled, and Sir John
Harvey, the '■ }-jlitical pacificator," reruovod from New found-
land, and appointtid in his place. The riiv governor at once
tried to construct a. nAinistry out of the tM!\ber of both parties,
but Howe was sick of coalitions, and sail that as it was now
the eve of a general election he would w ait for " a better' pro-
position than that." The election came in 1848. As Howe had
foreseen, the Compact were routed, to ise the newspaper phrase
of the time, " horse, foot and arUlleiy." They laid down their
arms, and Howe's puenoe, if lot patriotism, was rewarded by
being called on to form an adnunistration. In the same year
the question of reT :'nsible 9;;>vornment was put to a test in
New Brunswick. Mr. Charle , ?!;■'. nv, the member for York,
framed a resolution -iffii'mitio' that the tern)? of Earl Grey's
despatch of ltS47 vM^'e is aj phrable to x'few Bmnswick as to
Nova Scotia. Ti 3 lo ^t important point laid dowi; hi this
despatch was tlv.^ r»o rv !nistry could hold its place unie s it
commanded a inajtrity ot the houae of assembiy. Tiie resolu-
tion was debated witi"' i i.uch ferv )ur, and when the mii .stry
saw that it was ceioai v^^ b^ oirried, like Richard, they tu'-ied
suddenly around and c'ned the insurgents. The surpris ) at
this change of attifcu ^vm ut greater, however, than Si\p..i
occasioned by ti < jsil to le 1 '"v cabinet, a few days 'h' :r.

.v^ >'

• : TRANSITION. 227

of Charle'A i^isher and Lemuel Wilmot. Had these owo gentle-
men possessed the patience, or the patriotism, of Joseph Howe,
they might have reaped the same rewards with a full measure
of honour at no distant day, as the province was prepared, when
the opportunity came, to cast aside the remnant of what had
been so long a galling yoke. But Fisher and Wilmot were
both weak and vain men. The lure of office, even under
circumstances that compromised their political honour, was
move than they coul:! resist. The next question of importance
that stirred the maritime provinces was the scheme of con-
federation.

During the session of the Canadian parliament which met
early in 1859, the decision of her majesty in selecting Ottawa
as the capital, or rather the compromise, of Upper and Lower
Canada, was brought before the house, and ratified after a
stormy debate by a majority of five. One of the m:st impor-
tant measures of the seasion was the ado ption of a " national
policy." Mr. Gait, tha inspector-general, introduce i the reso-
lat'on, the most important feature of which v%s an increase
of from fifteen to twenty per cent, on non-eruii:erated imports.
The duty was so laid on as to give protection to certain
classes of Canadian manufactures, and the author of the
measure was Mr. Isan-c Buclianan, of HamiUon, who had given
life-long attention to trade questions, an i believed that it
lay in the power of legislatures to inaVe or mar eommei'ce.
In this same .-;essicn ui3 term insoo ior-general was abolished,
and " Final ie Minister," which, anior our hadding nationality,
has become sv.h an importan name, adopted in its stead. The
first minist ir of fi.nance in thi . umtry, the reader will hardly
wonder at ^eing told, was Mr, (now Sir'* Alexander Tillooh Gait.
The most important measure the sessi' ii 1 " ught fo* ' v^^ tl:c
iuMress which both houses passed, pij ying that her n;ajesl/y,
accompanied by the prince consort, and such other niembers >i
her royal household as she might select would gi*aciously "deign
to bo present at the opening," in the following year, of the

228 LIFE OF SIU JOHN A. MACDONALD.

Viccoi'ia Bridire across the St. Lawrence river at Montreal.
Bridffe-buildinfj was not so common in Canada then tr^ it is
now, or the house would not have thought of routing out the
whole royal family to come over here on the occasion in
questiob They sent the speaker of the asseiuHy, Mr. Henry
SmitJi, over with the address and ti; receive her roajostys reply.
We may as well state here the result. Her majesty <;ould not
lea.v? the seat of empire, much as it would have pleased her
to he present at the opening of a bridge in Canaoa, but she
generously resolved* to send her son, All/crt Edward, then in
his nineteenth year, and up to this time having a rood charac-
ter — so far as the public knew — to be present at if 3 event.
It is trae it was a sacrifice, grt;ater than any readi-i i this book
can imagine, for the prince to undertake a journey out to this
rough countiy, but so great was the regard for the welfare of
the colonies that he shut his eyes to the hardships and came.
We shall tell in a parag.?3ph in its proper place all that it is
necessary for the reader to know about the visit. Vfter the
close of the session, which took place in May, tb*^ offices of
government, after a strong protest agaii.st the expense, by a
number of Upper Canada members, were removed to Quebec,
w'lero they remained till they were finally established at
Ottawa, six years hiter.

During the summer following prorogation the feeling rapidly
grew in Upper Canada, that, since tl o abandonment of the
double -majority principle, representation by population could
alone save the upper province, now making rapid strides for-
ward in progress and spread of population, from French dom-
ination. During the late autumn a monster reform convention

* Rev. Charles PecUey, who wrote a " li 'story of Newfoundland," dwells raptur-
ously on the "sentiment of reverent tind i>r<vtefui loyalty," shown by the colonists
" towards the royal lady who hnd entrusted iier son to the "losjiitality of the distant
subjects of her realm " (p. 44'-'). The same excellent hist.jrian regards the visit ni
the prince to H*- John's, N. F., as an occuirenceof ifr>iater moment than the laying
of the Atlantic cable, which ha 1 been accompL.<hed two years before the date of the
royal Tisitation.

TRANSITION. 229

composed of delegates from all parts of the apper province, was
held in Toronto to " consider the relations between Upper and
Lower Canada, and the financial and political evils that had
resulted therefrom, and to devise constitutional changes fitted
to remedy the said abuses and to secure good government for
the province." A number of speeches aflamr with denuncia-
tion of the government were made, and before the gathering
dispersed a " constitutional reform association " was organized
to press forward a scheme for a repeal of the union, and tne
establishment of two or more local governments, with a joint
authority having control of matters common to both sections
of the province. A scheme for a confederation of all the British
North American colonies was proposed at tno conference, but
the general opinion was thrt such a measure Wf s no beset with
difficulties that it could not be accomplishec' within several
years, if at all, and, that, meanwhile, crying evils in Upper Can-
ada demanded an immediate remedy. Some minor reformers
snifi'ed upon the breeze a fjsint taint of treason, and opposed
the resolations of the convention , while John Sandfield Mac-
donald withdrew, expressing his decided disapproval of any
measures that aimed to make inroads upon the constitution.
In Montreal Messrs. Drummond, McGee, Dorion, and others set
on foot a similar mo'i ement, but the ardour of the scheme was
clamped by the undying feeling of hostility which existed
towards George Brown, who was the hustler of the movement
in the upper province.

An event of the new year, and one fruitful of evil and an-
noyance to the goveirmient, was the appointment of Mr. Joseph
Curran Morrison to the office of solicitor-general-west, which
position he retained from February, 18G0, to March, 18G2,
though in the meantime he had no seat in either branch of the
legislature. There were men at the time, having the parlia-
mentary qutu'fications, e(|ually as capable to fill the office as
Mr. Morrison, but the per&onal friendship of Mr. John A. Mac-
donald overcame all obstacles, and the censure of the opposi-

230 LIFE OF SIB JOHN A. MAODONALD.

tion press. We cannot tut admire the man who for the sake
of satisfying friendship would brave obloquy, and challenge
serious dangers ; but we have not much admiration for the man
who would accept favours at such a risk to a chivalrous friend.
If Macdonald owed a duty to friendship, so too did Morrison;
and the duty of the latter was. ?t to rnter the cabinet, or,
having entered it, to have resigned when the enemy began to
sound a censure upon their trumpets.

The next session opened at Quebec, in February The
"abundant harvest," such as was the cvstora in the beginning,
is now, and ever shall be, was touched upon, and in such a
manner that the allusion, like at this day in the documents
planned by Mr. Mowat, and by the subject of this biography,
read b'ke an insinuation, that, while providence was to bo
thanked for the said bountiful harvest, the ministry was also
entitled to a share of the credit. The government was sus-
tained by majorities obtained from the Lower Canada mem-
ber?, and the enemy decared that Macdonald was bound neck
and heel to the French. No one in the house more deprecated
the necessity of resorting to French-Canadian majorities on all
questions which touched the existence of the government than
the attorney-general-west, but he believed that a change was
coming. The tyranny of George Brown was so galling, that
ei I the members of the grit party who had any spirit were
looking for other leadership. Several liberals of standing re-
fused any longer to follow Brown's lead ; others became dis-
gusted and grew lukewarm about the fate of parties. One day
while major Thomas Campbell, the member for Rouville, and
a liberal of high standing and much ability, was making a
speech, he called upon George Brown to " relinijuish the leader-
ship of a party with which French-Canadians could never unite
so long as he was at its head." The friendship of George
Brown had proven to many Lower Canada meii>bers wliat the
upas is to him who rests in its shade. Yet ii, was George
Br >wii, if our readers remember, who put forward as oiu^ of

TRANSITION. 231

liis strong grounds for urging a dissolution upon Sir Edmund
Heavl, that discord existed between the English and French,
and (bat his government had a specific to heal the sores. But
althoug J 'fr. Brown saw that his followers were dropping off
and lookx.,ig \'.< " another leader, he bent himself vigorously to
work. He prepared and moved two resolutions, setting forth
that the union was a failure, and that the true remedy lay in
the ostablifihment of two or more governments having jurisdic-
tion over local affairs, and a s'lpreme joint authority," charged
with such matters as aie nee 'ssarily common to both sections
of the province." Resolutions were introduced with the ablest
speeches, it is said, that Mr. i^rown ever delivered, bat were
defeated, one, by a vote of 66 to 27, and the other by 74 to 32.
As this was a black-letter year in Canadian annals, the
famous 1860, during which a prince of the reigning house, and
the heir apparent to the British throne and dominions, was to
visit Canada, the legislature prorogued in May, with the under-
standing that it was to meet again in the summer to give a
suitable welcome to the royal visitor. When the chariot of
Zeus was seen in the clouds by the armies hurling their mig t
against Troy, a flutter went through warriors who allowed uo
emotion before tlie rini;ou8 spear of the foe; for now a " god
was coming " Harsh thunder, Uhj, j^rated across the heavens,
and the hills shivered at the approach of this great deity.
When it was known that the prince of Wales was actually
afloat in the Hero bound for Canada, the hearts of colonists
began to bouiU, and a feeling of awe came over them like that
which passed througli the serried rank; of the Greeks, when
Jupiter's wheels weie seen in the thunder-smoke. Some of
our people could not convince themselves t lat the visit was a
reality and not a myth. Was it possible, th }' mentally asked,
that the prince, in actual flesh and blood, the heir of a king-
dom, was actually to be in our citi >., to p^^t his foot on our
streets, to eat cmr bread and drink our milk iike an ordinary
human being. To do justice to 1/he Greeks, hey \uv\ a a excuse

232 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

for their perturbation, for he who filled them with awe was-
not some frail, earthly creature like themselves, whose corpse
would one day make a banquet for the worms, but a god dis-
encumbered of flesh, and framed of spirit and ether, who held
the winds and the lightnings in his hands, and who in battle
plucl:.ed up the hills by their wooded crowns and hurled them
at the foe. There was no similarity in 18G0 between Zeu*
and Albert Edward, nor has any appeared since — unless it be
in their morals. In July the Hero, bearin^^ the prince and his
suite, and followed by a fleet of war vessels, arrived off those
grim cliffs of Newfoundland, that rise like coM, haughty Titans
out of the never-resting sea. The cormorant, and the guillemot,
and the ticklace, and the sea-mew, and all the feathered broods
that rear their young on the rocky cliff-shelves in the summer
time, twisted themselves upon their terraces as the great pro-
cession, bearing the body, passed, but gave no other sign. The
convoy sai' sheer for the steep when, suddenly, the adamant
cliff opeas, and the ships -iteal in between two plumb rock-walls-
that tower several, hundreds of feet into the blue. These rise
from the base, clean cut ?s if from the chisels of the gods, and
you hear the waters, as daep at thu foot of the cliff as in the-
channel's centre, lapping against tho rock as the ships move in.
Cannon look down into the vessels' decics from the forts on the
hill-tops, and a chain stretches across the narrow water-path —
a path so narrow that you listen, as .ach ship passes in, to hear
the grim rocks gride her sides. This was a more glorious sight
for the prince, if he was able to appreciate it, than all the
arches green bushes could make, all the mottoes that commit-
tees could devise, all the addresses that mayors and corporations
could grind out upon pink-bordered vellum. We are not aware,
however, that the great Architect of the universe fashioned th.e
St. John's Narrows merely to give a pleasant surprise to the
prince of Wales in 18G0. From Newfoundland the young gen-
tleman sailed for Halifax, and thence proceeded to St. John and
Fredericton, N. B., in all of which cities he was honoured to

TllANSITlON . 233-

the fullest extent of the ^>eople's ingenuity. From Fredericton
the party proceeded to the little, flat .u^adow-province, with
the coy motto, " Parva sub ingente " ; and from its capital set
out for Canada. At Gasp^, famous lobster- fishing grounds,
they were met by the governor-general and the members of
his ministry. A gi-and reception took place on the 18th of
August at Quebec, and, on the 21st, both branches of the legis-
lature presented addresses to his royal highness expressing
Aeir loyalty and devotion to the throne and person of his
mother. Before the prince came out they created him vice-
king of all the British North American colonies, so that he
had the power of turning any inhabitant he chose into a knight
on coming here. Messrs. N.F. Belleau and Henry Smith, speakers
of both houses of parliament, had the dignity of knighthood
conferred upon them — and fult more eomforta^ .le for the rest
of their lives. On the 25th of the month tlie princ;. accom-
jilished the task for which he came over here. He laid the
keystone of the arch of Victoria Bridge, ar.d fr ,:, oned the last
of a million rivets. Some mothers had babe . iiicted with
king's evil, which they were going to carry t:. the prince
that he might lay his hand upon and cure them ; but some of
the fathei-s and grandmothers said it would be no use, as he
was not yet a king ; that only the king or the queen had the
" virtue in the hand." A week after the prince had finished
Victoria Bridge he laid the foundation stone of the proposed
parliament buildings at Ottawa. He did not, we must say tO'
his credit, ridicule the day's operations to his guardian when
they were both alone in the evening, like a near ancestor of
his, who, having perforn^^ed a similar task, said contemptu-
ously to some of his suite tliat he was " tired of this ditch dig-
ging." The prince then made a progress through the western
portion of the province, visiting the chief towns and cities in
the route. The populace was gidily with excitement, and each
city tried to outdo its neighbour in rearing arche.s and flaunt-
ing welcome-legend.s. The Orangemen of Kingstou. Belle>ille>

234 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

and Toronto e> humeri the ceremeuts of the Orange king, and
hung them en archea, but, in the latter cit>', the regal party
turned their horses' heads and proceeded by another street.
The Duke of Newcastle declared that he would lend no coun-
tenance to displays of party that were not conducive to the
public peace and good-will. The Orangemen took bitter
levenge on the duke, for they burnt himself and the governor-
general that night on Colborne street. The fuel, however, was
■only effigies. Before sett'ng out for Canada the hospitalities
•of the republic were oli'ered the Queen for her son by President
Buchanan, should he choose to pay a visit to the United
States. After the Canadian visit had ended, the prince and his
:suite accepted the president's invitation, and the reception met
everywhere in the republic was so cordial that the Duke of
Newcastle declared that the visit did more to cement a hearty
feeling between the two countries than half a century of dip-
lomacy. But the duke was not a seer, and could not forecast
some threatening clouds soon to cover the face of the bright
sky. The calculation of the diplomatist after all is a science as
inexact as that of the weather prophet.

During the autumn Sir Allan MacNab, like the ghost of
Hamlet, appeared again upon the scene, and was elected to the
upper house. In 1856 we dropped some tears over the old
man as we saw him, swathed in flannel and racked with pain,
bidding a long farewell to his companions in the assembly.
Shortly after the scene was ended a baronetcy was coiiferred
upon the deposed iteader, whereupon he mastered his gout for
the nonce, and i,urncd his face toward England, where, near
his sovereign, he resolved to spend the remainder of his days.
He had not been well settled in England, when, bethinking
him of his career and honours, and how dear he must be to the
heart of the empire.- he persuaded himself that he could defeat
Admiral Pechel, who was a parliamentary candidate for the
town of Brighton. But the triumph of the admiral helr.ed the
poor baronet somewhat to realize that he had probably over-

TRANSITION. 235

lated his standing with the empire; and he returned to Can-
ada, to be elected, as we have seen, in 1860, to the legislative
council. - '

The session of 18G1 was interesting to those who had begun
to look with alarm upon the ever-increasing strength of the
reform party. It is related by those who were intimate friends
of Mr, John A. Maedonald, at this time, that he was not less
" busy holding his own party together, than keeping his oppo-
nents in hot water among themselves." It is not known in
what way he succeeded in promoting discord in the ranks of
his opponents, but he remarked one day quite early in the ses-
sion, while some ministers sat smoking in the council chamber :
" John Sandfield is at last in our service ; he is now on Brown's
track." It must not be understood that there was any collu-
sion between the two Macdonalds, nor is it above question that
the attorney -general- west was responsible for some of the dis-
cords among the reformers attributed to his " machinations."
His readiness in penetrating the situation of his opponents,
and his accuracy in forcasting their movements, often led less
powerful observers to believe that he had originated the discords
he foretold. Notwithstanding the tact and finesse of Mr. Cartier,
several of his prominent followers began to break away from
restraint, jmd range themselves in opposition. For the past
two sessions one man alone maintained the government in
power, and that man vvas George Brown. "If anything should
happen to Brow;i," Maedonald used frequently to say jocosely,
though the joke was pregnant of truth, "the government would
be done fo"." The movement to which we have already re-
ferred, in the reform ranks, and which John A. Maedonald had
predicted, now beca ae apparent to the public. John Sandfield
Maedonald and Geor^je Brown could no longer disguise their
hostility for each oth<T ; and the public saw that thei-e was a
struggle between the two men for the mantle of leadership.
But so long as the rivals stood in the same parliament, which
ever succeeded, the government had nothing to fear. Yet Mr.

236 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

Cartier changed colour when i\o le,irnt 'hat Messieurs Sicotte
and Loraii'xer had forsaken him anil loa'i' led ihjmselves witli
John Sandfield Macdonald. M)'. I'ori on, (o wh(»m the friend-
ship of CJeorge Brown was as tho up:;s s^iade, was removed
from the leadership of the Low»)i ^.'auada oppniition on no other
grounds than that he had been ot: '.( rnl.^ of political intimacy
with the man who was an enemy '■ to the religion, the institu-
tions, and the very existenco of tliO I'Vpiich people." Y«)t Mr.
Brown wjinted to heal " sectiorul ditPorences " b( twecM the hwo
provinces ; and Alexander AlackcD/ie says Sir Edmund Head
was guilty of treachery irs not gi'inf;; Mr. Brown au oppor-
t'jnity to do what he intended. A fe\^' weeks before the open-
ing of the session, a census had been taken, w'u) oh showed that
the population of Upper Canada wtus 300,('0'> in 's.icess of that
of Lower Canada, though tw*)i)iy years before at the formation
of the union, the population of the lo'/er province exceeded that
of the upper by 200,000. Tiie logic oi -hese figures, in the
contest for representation ^y populatir:n, wivS irresistible, thoac^h
Mr. Cartier resisted the ri)e,i;- ire with a fervour that se laed
like ferocity, and vowed tb.u; he would never con.sent to a
change which aimed to .sacrifice the intei'asts of his section of
the province. Mr Cai'lier has been censiirod for taking this
attitude by several vritev^., who viv, .•• the <|U j tion from their
own peculiar gn^iind and the preset. :, titt; and one of these
tells us in referring to Mr. Oartie ', thai ' on this particular
question .... the lawyei anl the sectional ist
were sern everywher*^, the statesman ;ii.i<( the Canadian no-
where." * The wrioer of this assertlonou (I't to have remem-
bered that union was not gr;)ntcd to Lowet ^Janada, but forced
upon her ; and tliat by the terms of uniou she was allotted
only as many meml>o.rs a^ Upper Canada, though her population
exceeded the latter 's by :i(fO,000, at a time, when, to all obser-
vers, the possiiyditiea of increase in the upper province were no

'Dent: " Portrait (tilery."

, ; TRANSITION. 237

^Tveatcr than those of the lower. But while i\\u might have
served as a justifiable excuse for the ground taken by Lower-
C'juiada statesmen in opposing the demand for increased rep-
resentation for the upper province, because the population of
the latter exceeded that of her partner by 300,000, there was a
reason overshadowing this why no alteration should be made,
a reason that also absolves Mr. John A. Macdonald and his
Upper Canada colleagues from the imputation of disloyalty to
their own section by supporting the position of Mr. Cartier.
The very virtue of the union consisted in the equality of poli-
tical power held by each section of the united province ; where-
as, the moment that balance was destroyed, a larger represen-
tation given to one portion of the province than to the other,
the virtue departed, and one section became bound neck and
heel to the will of the greater forever. There were two ways
by which justice could be done to one and both : these were
union on terms of equality, or separation. There was one other
aitcrnative, but it lay far in the ba-ik ground, and that the
pi m of giving to each section a parliament to deal with its local
afiairs, and the establishment of a supreme legislature, with
jurisdiction over such measures as were common to both. But
so long as the union was maintained, and the wisdom of the
connection under the circumstances no one is blind enough to

believe, it wjis the duty of Mr. Cartier and of John A. Mac-
<lonald, and of every man to whom justice was dearer than any
interest, even the interest of their own section, to resist the
scheme for the adjustment of representation by population,
though the inhabitants of Ontario exceeded those of Quebec
by two to one. Yet the people of the upper province whose
minds were excited by demagogues, were not in a mood to do
justice ; and on the eve of the elections, which took place in the
summer, it was evident that the ministry would have ditficulty
in breasting the current. Among several other charges brought
against the administration on trial before the constituencies,
was that of having kept Mr. Joseph Morrison in the council

233 LIFE OF SIR JOjIN A. MACDONALD,

tlespite the fierce remonstruices of the house, and the bitter,
but reasonable, censure of 'le reiorm press. The action of Mr.
Macdonald in retaining Mi-. Morrisoi' in the ministry, for wo
believe the action to have been hi . passes our understanding,
and seems like <-he infai uation that has sometimes led sove-
reigns to retain favouril^o ministers against the will of the
nation, though, through theiv obstinacy, their thrones have
trembled.

Meanwhile the C(juntry Avas in a gale of excitement anent
the " election campaign." Several sta, wart warriors fell in the
battle. John Crawforu, a member to " fortune and to famo
unknown "* vanquished George Brown in east Toronto ; while
the whilom iriendship of tiie defunct grit leader proved fatal to
the fortunes of Messieurs Dorion, Thibaudeau and Lemieux in
Lower Gi'^iada. Foe the first time when the new parliament
met the shar].> matter-of-fact face of Mr, Alexander Mackenzie
was S'H-n at one of the desks. The figures of Henri Gusta\ o
Joly and Henry Elezear Tascheroau were likewise seen there for
the first time. Mackenzie represented Lambton. In 1842, be-
ing then in his twentieth year, became fron' I' ^dhshire, Scot-
l.'tnd, to Canadf., and settled at Kingston ; but nunoved thence
five years later, lo the neighbourhood of Sarnia vv^here he plied
the trade of a stont mason, and engaged in large building ope-
rations, 't soon became apparent that he wis a man of su-
perior ability — though self-made — of untiring industiy, and
that he possessed v, character of the highest 1/itegrity. He
v/as a pronounced refor.aier from the time of his .settlement in
Cfinadti, and seemed to be drawn towards George Brown, who
was like himself of humble origin, and a Scotchman, l^or a
time Mr. Ma kenzie edited a reform ne ./spaper in Sarnia, and
in 1861, when his brother, Mr. Hope F. Mackenzie decided not
to again become i. cauvlidate for Lambton, which he lately re-
presented, Alexander appeared, and, as we have seen, \\'as suc-
cessful. V/o shall find a good deal more to say of Mr. Macken-
zie, who is not oui ideal of a statesman — (but who certainly

TRANFdTION. 239

makivs a bettor statesman than a historian) as our story pro-
J,a•;)3^;l'8, and shall not anticipate.

Tu October Sir Edmund Head set (tut fur 7ingland, his ter.n
of administration having (;X[)ired. A AMeckod ambition nevor
lacks malevolence towards the rock on which it wnds disaste-.
Ic was no wonder then that the Globe pelted the departing' vice-
)i .y v^ith every missile at its hand, But through a.) uh( tui
moil of party strife, the governor, if we have rp ( tho -■cordsv
iiH^'ht, did his duty with resolute arid di *i ipVd ju l<^ment ;
uli hough he refused to do an act which was inexpedient, un-
timely and improper merely ■ ecauye it w dd forward Cuorge
Brown's ambition. There may have been better governors in
Canada t iian Sir Edmund Head, but we are unable to di-»cern
any onors of judgment in his administration ; or the trace of
any act that shows he did not strive to the fullest of his powers
to do his duty. Despite the sland'^rs of the Globe, and the
biting malice of Alexander Mackenzie, he appears to all ini-
pariial readers of Caujdian history as an honest man. Sir
Edmund's successor to tiie governorship was Lord Monck, w1k>
readied Quebec, in Ociober, 1861. '.rhe new governor, the
fourth viscount of Monck, was Dorn hi Templemore, in the
Covmty of Tipperary, Irelaud, in 1819. He was a descendant
of the Le Moynes, an ancient and honourable Norman family.
He was called to the Irish bar and satin the commons for some
years as a representative fy the English constituency of Ports-
mouth. Under th*^ Palmer. Ion administration he was ap-
pointed lord of the '/reasury, and was a respectable, though
not a brilliant, figuie in the government. In 1857 he failed to
secure reelection, ,md dropped out of public life till his appoint-
ment to the ;jvernorship of Canada. The new governor
reached ' s a-j a time when there were forebodings, on the Am-
erican cont\ient, of the Auightiest civil war that the world has
ever seen. The presides tial contest- in the United States dur-
ing the preceriing yea aad been attended with public excite-
ttent strained to tho highest pitch, and had resulted in the

-240 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDCNALD

olectiou of Abraha n Lincoln, a noted republican ?,nd an un-
compromising ene ny to slavery. l.'he causes of he tiiity be-
tween the north ?'.nd south were the questions of slavery an('
of trade. The great bulk of:, lihern wealth consistoc: of larf u
plantation-j tillti by negro slaves, who were driven an I
whijiped like beast*. Upon thoso plantations gi*ew cotton, tc-
•bacco and rice, which the planters sent to the north, or exporte \
to the great markets of Europe. Tho abolitioi of slave y
would deprive the plantation owner of the cheap labour of the
slaves, while the establishment of a })iOtt;ctive policy woi^ld
bring a tax-burthen without any benefit, as the commerce of the
South consisted in the products of the plantations, which w<-"e
■exported I'aw, while manufacturing formed but a small fact u-
of trade. On the 20th of December, 1861, a iay well remem-
bered in American annals, the legislature k/k South Carolina
passed an ordinance of secession. The people of this state
had for many years maintained that each state in the confed-
I'l'acy was sovereign and independent, aid had the right to
sepa.'ote itself from the union whenever it chose. Fired b\ the
example of Sc uth Carolina ten other states, Mississippi, Ala b; ma,
Florida, Georgia, Loaisiana,Texas, Tennessee, North Caroh"i\a,
Arkansas, and East,ern Virginia, also seceded, and constituted
themselves into a separate republic under the presidenc}'' of Jeff-
erson Davis. The population of the union before tho .iccessioa
was about 31,00(),0(!0 ; the pojiuiation of the Soutl ern Confed-
eracy was 9,0()0,()()i/ of which OjvOOC.OOO were slaves. Within
the Southern Corf ideracy was Fort Sumter, a ganison held by
Northern troops, i,nd against this the cannon of Charleston
liurled its rebellious thunder. Seeing the whole country around
him under aostile arms, the commandant laid down his
sword. The N(;rth made no delaj^ but sprang to arms to
maintain tho integrity of the rep>jblic. The booming of the
guns before Fort Sumter must have sounded loud m the cars
of Grcit Britain, for a montli a*'t;;r the surrender of the fort a
Toyal proclamation w^as issued calling upon British subjects

TRANSITION. 241

everywhere to maintain a neutrality during the war. The
British cabinet had fallem into the common delusion of suppos-
ing that one swallow makes a summer ; that the triumph of
the Charleston guns m< ant victory and stability for the south-
ern confederacy. The proclamation may have only been the
faux pas of a stupid minister, though this view is hardly ten-
able, but it was regarded by the United States government as
a deliberate insult, and a recognition of a cluster of rebellious
states as an independent power. President Lincoln called upon
every steie true to the union to make ready its quota of arni<'(!
men to send into the field ; and proclaimed a blockade of the
southerii ports. The war had not progressed very far when it
became apparent that the Duke of Newcastle had overestimat-
ed the ifnportance of the prince's visit to the United States.
The inipr^lal government, in many ways, had unwisely per-
mitted the world to see ics hostility to the north and friendship
for the south ; while a large portion of the Car^adian public,
dutifully, though not less rashly and stupidly, reechoed the
sentiraer'c of the mother-land. We presume there is some code
of honour among nations as well as men ; but it is hard to see
by what code went Great Britain in conniving at the indepen-
dence of a body of rebels, and in regarding citizens of a sov-
ereign state, in unlawful revolt, as an independent power. If a
band of Irishmen, to-morrow, were to fling the lord-lieutenant
into the LifTey, pull down the i;ni >n jack, and set up the green
flag upon the hill of Tara, En|i,il;.iimen would surely consider
that Prussia had outraged the code of national honour, and
levelled a gross insult at the British empire, did Frederick
William issue a proclamation commanding all his subjects to
preserve neutrality during the " war " l>etween England and
Ireland. But the United States government had graver grounds
for complaint against the British nation : southern privateers,
as piratical as partisan, pounced out of British ports, and
harassed the merchant shipping of the north. The most noted
of these cruisers was the Alabama, of which we shall hear
P

242 LIFE 01 SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

again. Notwithstanding, we say, that the prince ci' V/^ales had
visited the United States a year before, a feeling of ho-tility
was aroused in the north against the British nation for hor in-
discreet sympathy with the rebellion. Hot-headed republicans
stood for a moment upon their own hotly-fought fields, and
turned their eyes towards Canadian territory, muttering that
thither lay their duty next ; turned again and faced tho rebel.
On the 8th of November, 18G1, the British mail-steamer, Trent,
was pursuing her way in the Bahama channel, one morning, with
mails and passengers, when an American ship of war, San
Jacinto, cannon scowling through her port-holes, bore down,
fired a shot across the steamer's bows, and putting out boats
swarming with blue jackets, armed to the teeth, took forcible
possession of two passengers, Mason and Sliddel, southern com-
missionei*s, on their way to England. This act of national piracy
was hailed with enthusiasm by the northern states, and Wilkes,
the .iiptain of the piratical man-of-war, became the hero of the
hour. When the mail steamer reached England and made
known the story of the outrage, the government at once de-
manded that the commissioners be rendered up, and intimated
that a refusal would be regarded as a declaration ol! war.
While we are among those who glory in British valour, we ai'e
not one of those whose blood comes tingling to their cheek as
they read of how promptly the British lion arose to his feet
when the captain of the Trent told his story. The northern
states were already locked in a struggle with the south, and a
small furcign force could give a disastrous turn to tho scale.
That was the secret of the promptitude. While British troops
were yet upon the ocean, bound for American territoiy. Presi-
dent Lincoln quietly surrendered the commissioners, who sailed
from Boston to England on the first day of the nevY year.
When the Guards and Rifles arrived in St. John, New Bruns-
wick, the cloud had blown over, though an inteiise feeling of
hostility existed in the northern states towards Canada. In-
vasion had been predicted by the timid ones among us, and at

TRANSITION. 243

onco our volunix3ei-a Ijoked to their arms. Measures for the
organization of militi.i companies were put on foot; every Can-
adian youth old enough to carry a rifle exhibited an enthusiasm
ivv drill. To the impartial reader, now, it seemed as if we were
anxious in Canada for a little war, just for exercise or recrea-
tion. While we \ ere preparing to resist an invasion, we were
nurturing a cause for invasion. While our school boys and
their fathers were a.sking for rifles, to defend the homes of
their sisters and wives, we were giving harbourage and hospi-
tality to southern rebels, who harassed American settlements
and the governmeat troops from our border territory.

The first parliament under Lord "jionck met in March, 1862.
In the speech from the throne it was str>^^d that Her Majesty
recognised the loyalty of her subjects in their conduct through
the Trent embroglio, hut it is not unlikely that self-preserva-
tion rather than extreme solicitation about a sovereign two
thousand m-'es beyond the reach of American bullets, dictated
the attitude of Canadians. Once for ail, let us say, that should
an p-nemy, be he ever so insignificant or ever so gi'eat, threaten
our hoPiies and our country, we shall be ready to do all that we
can to repel him for our own sakes ; and after our selfish duty
has beon done, if there is a " man with soul so dead " as to
say that it u a^ a " selfish " duty, we shall not consider ourselves
er titled to eulogiums for loyalty to a throne and a person that
vve were not thinking about when fighting the foe, and which
were two thousand miles out of harm's way.

To satisfy the feeling of uneasiness abroad, the speech recom-
mended the reorganization of the Canadian Militia, and attor-
ney-general Macdonald set himself to work to frame a bill. He
counted on the support of a majority from his own section of
the province, and relied on M. Cartier for the rest. Of late he
stood higher in the aflTections of Upper Canada, than ever before;
for during several years he had been believed, by the larger
portion of the people, to have had little regard for the interests
of his own section, and to have maintained a league with the

.244 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

French for the sake of office. But previous to the late general
election, the conviction came upon a great many of liis harsh
judges, that there might be another side to the stories told by
the Globe, and its followers ; that he may have been wrongfully
accused, and the victim of an unscrupulous and disappointed
ambition. And t'"/ deep grew this impression that che traduced
attorney -general was invited cordially, nay entreatiJ, to visit
their towns and cities. He consented, and made what may be
called, without exaggeration, a triumphal tour through Toronto,
Hamilton, London, Simcoe, Brantford, Dunnville, St. Thomas,
Guelph, St. Catharines, Belleville, and a number of other lesser
towns, at each of which he addressed large assemblages. All
were captivated by the address of the man, and won over by
his defence of himself and the government ; yea, those who had
been taught to believe him the ally of the French, and the
enemy of his own, cheered him to the echo. Everywhere he
was received with cordial and spontaneous welcome, and his
tour placed the government in a favourable light before the
province. IS or had his uncompromising and manly attitude of
resistance to the agitation for representation by population, the
effect of lessening him in the esteem of the people of Upper
Canada ; rather, it won for him their hearty respect.

One of the ablest speeches he has ever delivered was made
in defence of the Tiiinistry's attitude in resisting the qiiestion
of representation by population. We who di-eam of the day when
the reproach of colonialism .shall be a thing of the past, and
Canada be ranked among the independent nations, read with
pleasure an outburst of eloquence touching this fond hope of
ours, and firing, while restraining, our ambition. It is impossible
not to believe that if the man who uttered the following words
wefe not a miuister of the crown, we should have had the hopes
without the limitations. Said Mr. Macdonald : " I trust that
for ages, for . ver, Canada may remain united with the mother
country. But we are fast ceasing to be a dependency, and as-
suming the position of an ally of Great Britain. England will

. . TRANSITION. 245

be the centve, surrounded and sustained by an alliance not only
with Canada, but Australia, and all her other possessions ; and
there will thus be formed an immense confederation of free-
men, the greatest confederacy of civilized and intelligent men
that ever has had an existence ^n the face of the globe." To
the greatness predicted of our future in this thrilling picture,
only, however, can we subscribe ; for we cannot conceive of that
" alliance," which means equality, on which the speaker in the
fervour of the moment dwells, and the connexion which makes
us subject and inferior as being the same thing ; or, of being
sister to imperial greatness, when our highest distinction is to
be ruled by a subject.

Early in the session some changes were made in the cabinet.
Mr. Ross resigned the presidency of the council, and retired
from the government ; Mr. Sherwood assumed the commission-
ership of crown lands, and John Carling succeeded him in the
receiver- generalship. Mr. John Beverley Robinson, a lawyei-
v,'ith a clear and well-balanced head, took the presidency of the
council ; and James Paton, whose lucky star w as John A. Mac-
(lonald's friendship, became solicitor-general. These new mem-
bers of tiie ministry were favourable to representation by popu-
lation, but the question was left an open one In the cabinet.
Mr. Robinson was re-elected for Toronto West, and Mr. Carling
for London, but Mr. Paton who represented the Saugeen divi-
sion in the legislative council was rejected by his constituents.
He nevertheless retained his portfolio, as Joseph Morrison, who
by this time had escaped to the bench, had done before him ;
for Mr. Macdonald, in this case, too, was stronger than the con-
stitution.

Brown out of the legislature,, the opposition was no longer a
mere butt for reproach, but a dangerous and rapidly -increasing
coml'ination. It resisted the address with stubborn pluck, and
fought not as had j eon its wont under the tyrannous and indis-
creet driversl'ip of George Brown, in detached eddies, but, pow-
erfully, as a unit. A vote was taken on a resolution virtually

im-

245 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. NACDONALD.

«,ffirming want of confidence, but it was defeated by a majority
of 17, and the ministry breathed easy. Nevertheless cair es
were at work undermining public confidence in the adrai? ti-
tration. On the parliament-buildings question a danger tus
discussion arose. It was shown that ^OOvOjOOO, appropriated for
the construction of the buildings, had beer,- all expended, besides
several large amounts not authorized by parliament, and yet
the structure was not half completed. Affairs in the depart-
ment of public works, at the head of which was Mr. Rose, were
in a scandalous plight, and the minister was charged with
incompetency — which was glaring — and corruption. In the
letting of contracts, large sums had been lost to the public by
dishonest means, or an incompetency that, so far as it related
to the country's interests, was as criminal as corruption. Of the
two, the dishonest and the incapable minister, we believe the
former is the preferable, his competency granted. For a cap.ible
minister can be watched into doing the right, be he ever so cor-
rupt in intention ; but hope in an incapable minister may be a
will-o'-the-wisp to lead to disaster. The ministry, though not
responsible, was held accountable for the shortcomings of Mr.
Rose, and it soon became known that ''-s tenure of life was
maintained by a slim thread.

While affairs were in this state, Mr. John A. Macdonald in-
troduced his Militia bill, a measure that made ample provision
to resist invasion, but which would have required an expendi-
ture beyond the convenient ability of the province to meet.
Mr. Macdonald couid. usually, at a glance, see tho dangers in his
course, but on this occasion the future was inexorable. He
introduced his bill. It was supported warmly by a considerable
majority from the Upper Canada section, but Mr. Cartier's fol-
lowers, in the hour of trial, pretending to be alarmed at the
burr.hen threatened in the bill, proved faithless, and the measure
was rejected by a vote of 61 to 5 k On the following day the
goverrtmeut resigned.

....:>■ TRANSITION. ^ ^ . 247

In the emergency the governor had recourse to John Sand-
Meld Macdonald, whose eyes lit up when the aide-de-camp
handed him a note from the head of the government ; and on
the 24th of May, while cannon was thundering its rejoicings
proper to the Queen's natal day, the Macdonald- Sicotte minis
try was sworn into office. We give the personnel of the new
government, and glancing down the names one is reminded of
the " Who ? Who ? " administration in En[,'land whose member-
iship so sorely puzzled the Duke of Wellington. There were

FOR CANADA WEST :

Hon. John Sandfield Macdonald Premier and Alt- Gen.
W. P. Rowland - - Minister of Finance.
M. H. Foley - - - - Postmaster-Oeneral.
Adam Wilson - - - - Solicitor-General.
James Morris ... Receiver-General.
W. McDouoall - Commissioner of Crown Lands.

: ' FOR CANADA EAST : P^

Hon. V. SicoTTE - - - - Attorn:.y-General.
" A. A. DoRiON - - - Provincial Secrcta^'y.
" J. J. C. Abbott - - - Solicitor-General.
" T. D'Arcy McGee - President )f the Council.
" N. J. Tessier - Commissiomr ^f Public Worls.
" Francois Evanturel - Minisfrr of Agriculture.

Two days later, Mr. Wallbridge announced the ministerial
programme in the house of assembly. I'he double-majority
principle, so far aa related to purely local questions, was admit-
ted, and a measui'e was promised that would provide " a more
equitable adjustment of the parliamentary representation."
The new government was determined to carry out its every act
of policy according to that high standard of purity, efficiency,
and proper economy that always guides the actions of incoming
administrations. A thorough cleansing was to be given to the

248 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

Augea'i ."tables, a c-jmplete system of "retrenchment," — ti it
word vv lich has covered more extravagance since the establish-
ment of ii gislatureo than any other expression known to our
English tongue — was to be inaugurated ; a moat searching in-
vestigation of affairs in that " pent-house of corruption," as one
young legislator — who had not yet been afforded an opportunity
of soiling his own hands by corrupt transactions — called the
Board of Works office, was to be made ; and the government
pledged itself to abide by the decision of Her Majesty with re-
ference to the seat of government, though the greater portion
of the new ministry s timber had signalized themselves particu-
larly by opposition to the choice of Ottawa by the sovereign,
and had made the question the basis of non-confidence motion*
against the late administration. To all who understood that,
while the union was maintained, a scheme for representation by
population was incompatible with justice to one section or the
other of the province, the decision of the new ministry, to allow
the question to stand, was learnt without surprise. John A.
Macdonald said to his colleagues: "We shall have Brown with
us again ; not that he cares so much for Rep. by Pop., but he
wants to be at John Sandfield ; " and while he was yet speak-
ing, it is related, a copy of the Globe came in, with every battery
opened upon the new ministry. After a fierce article had been
read aloud, Macdonald asked Cartier : " In what way would
Brown have been able to carry off his feelings against John
Sandfield had they not providentially repudiated Rep. by Pop ?"^
At the formation of the Brown-Dorion administration, a cold-
ness had appeared between John Sandfield and George Brown,,
which grev/^ in course of time into active hostility. Both men
were ambitious, the former wanting to live himself, but wil-
ling that others also should exist ; the latter determined that
no one but himself should live, and ready, with the engine wiib
which he destroyed character, to crush any one who crossed the
path of his ambition. He sorely felt that during the tv/o last
sessions of parliament his party had repudiated his leadership

TRANSITION. 240

and chogen Macdonald in his stead ; now in his rage and disap-
pointment he almost forgot that his constituents had likewise
lepudiated him, and looked upon the new premier as having
usurped a place belonging to himself. John Sandfield solaced
liimself by saying, " Let the heathen rage " when he received the
first broadside of the Globe's "afflicting thunder;" but it was
not a trivial matter for a prime minister to have arrayed against
him the most powerful newspaper of his party. Meanwhile the
ex-ministers offered no obstruction to the new administration
at the polls, or in finishing the programme of legislation. - '

The defeat of Mr. John A. Macdonald's militia bill, as he con-
jectured himself, was regarded in England as a measure of the
practical loyalty of Canadians. The Timea which had, on seve-
ral previous occasions, displayed its col'jniphobia, if we may be
permitted to coin that word, led off by a rebuke to Canadians,
which was ta,ken up by a multitude of the minor newspapers,
who declared that we were an assemblage of gi'oedy self-seek-
ers, without gratitude or loyalty, or even the instinct, com-
mon to the animal, of self-defence. One organ urged the Briti:jh
government to " shake off the unprofitable colonies " and leave
them to the mercy of the first comer ; another said we brought
neither strength nor profit to the empire, and that any loyalty
we had was in our breeches' pocket, i^oi'd Palmerston's face
turned purple as he told in his place in the commons that Her
Majesty's government had done all foi the Canadians in assist-
ing them to procure defences that thvy intended to do, and that
it now rested with the colonists to do the remainder themselves,
or to " disgrace the stock from which they sprang." At a dinner
in Montreal, Lord Monck feebly reech f^'l the impen.a] "^citi-
nient, preferring to trust the imprt sion.-; of the home niiuistry
and an uninformed press to the iaci.. of the case which were
plain to every Canadian. Mr. John A. Macdonald's bill was an
admirable measure, but the house weighed the cost of the
scheme against the danger of invasion, and rejected it. It was^
not true, though Lord Palm.erston and the British press seem to-

250 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

Jiave I ecn diif 3rently informed, that the Canadians were relying
*4)on i nperial soldiers to fight for them in the day of trouble :
thoiigli they rejected a measure which, whether rightly or
vvrongl}', thoy regarded unwarranted by the expediency of the
time, tliey never once thought of shirking the defence of their
•country and Jiomes should the occasion come. As we have,
however, s^een, the loss of the measure was due to the defection
•of the French-Can idian members among whom a threat of inva-
sion created no serious panic, and who, if the truth could be
known, caied very little, since their destiny was that of a con-
•quered peop'e, whether their masters were republican English
•or monarchical English. But in Mr. Macdonald's measure all
the British spidt, all the loyalty to Canadian welfare found ex-
jpression, a^ Wci:i shown by the considerable majority from the
upper province by which the bill was supported.* There was no
invasion ; but this fact was not any more foreknown to those
who rejected the attorney-general's means for defence, than it
was brought about by disarming resistance at such a critical
time. " All's well that ends well," is the maxim of the fatalist,
and the prophet ; for the one is the bondsman of the event and ,
the other foresees it : on occasions where stupidity or reckless-
ness fail to provoke disaster, it often becomes triumphant jus-
tification.

The war in the republic was a harvest-time for Canada. The
army raised by President Lincoln to subdue the South had bean
in a large measure, taken away from the field, and the wo' ii-
shop. Canada was overrun by persons from the United States
who bought up everything that we had to sell. For our staple
articles of food, for cattle, poultry, e^gA and grain they paid al-
most fabulous prices. Government agents ran over the country
with pockets full of gold purchasing horses for the northern
• cavalry ; and many a farmer, tempted by a pouch of shining

• The bill was supported by a majority of seven of the Upper Canada represen-
.tatives.

TRANSITION. 251

eagles, sold his best team from the plough. Warned by the re-
sults of over speculation during the Crimean war, the cotn-
iiiunity launched out into no extravagant enterprises, but, with
prudence, made the most of their neighbours' misfortune.

During the summer the gout accomplished its victory over
Sir Allaa MacNab, and the gallant knight, loaded with honours
which give little joy to a dying man, passed to that bourne
whence no traveller returns. His place, as speaker of the legis-
lative council, was filled by Mr., now Sir Alexander, Campbell,
a popular and clear-headed Kingston lawyer, who, as we have
seen, studied law many years previously in the office of Mr.
John A. Macdonald, and had tiibsequently been in a legal part-
nership with that gentleman.

Parliament met on the 12th of February. The government*
now, to use the phrase of the ex -attorney-general- west, had
" lived long enough." Enemies began to arise in every quarter^
and South Oxford had just sent a pest in the person of George
Brown. He was full of the accumulated energy of two years,
and at once savagely assailed his rival, John Sandfield Mac-
donald, for infidelity to the principles of non-sectarian schools,
and representation by population. A small but bellicose band
of clear grits rallied around their tyrannical chief, and threw
themselves in with the liberal-conservatives whenever the lat-
ter assaulted the ministry. It will be remembered that the
premier took office affirming the double majority principle, yet,
when a large majority of the Upper Canada section voted against
his school measure, he refused to resign. Early in May, John
A. Macdonald informed his party that he had decided to m ;)ve
a want of confidence in the ministry. Some prominent liberal-
conservati\'es did not approve of the step, but counselled delay
till further defection took place in the ministerial side ; but the
ex-attorney-general-west assured them r,hat he was certfun of
a majority, and pointed out that there was no object in further
d. 'ay. Two days later he rose in his place and moved a direct
non-confidence motion. John Sandfield':j eyes twinkled ner-

262 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

vously, but he assumed a bold air, and sat upright at his desk.
He know his government had received the grave censure of
those from whom it ought to have looked for support, but he
did not believe that the majority was willing that he should be
hurled from power. John Sandfield's glance was quick, and, as
far as it went, took an accurate survey of things ; but in this
case, as in many others, he argued upon sentiment, while liis
more astute rival concluded from fact. The ministry was de-
feated by a majority of five votes. The premier hastened to the
governor and asked for a prorogation with a view to dissolution,
which was granted. The dissoluticm followed immediately, and
the election writs were made returnable in July. In Upper
Canada, the result of the election showed some important gains
to the ministry, but this was balanced by fully as many losses
in the lower province. After mu( o shuftling in the cabinet, and
ihe total foundering of tlie Lower v.^anada section, on the 12th
of August, a new administrrition wxs formed as follows : —

FOll CANALW EAST.

Hon. A. A. DoRioy . - - Attorney-General.

" Isidore Thibaudeau - - Preadt. Council.

" L. H. HoLTON _ - - Minister of FinoMce.
•'" " L. Letellier DE St. Just - Min. of Agriculture. ■

, " L. S. HuNTiNGTox - - Solicitor-General.

" Maurice Laframboise - Cornr. Public Worh.

FOR CANADA WEST.

Hon. J. S. M\CDONALD - - Premier and Att-Gen.
" W. McDouGALL - - - Com. Crown Lands.
" A. .]. Fergussv ;-Blair - Provincial-Secretary.
" W. V. Rowland - . - Receiver-General.
" Oii/W{. MowAT - - - Postmaster-General.

it/ was a favourite practice with John Sandfield Macdonald,
whenever the ship became unmanageable, to pitch some of his

TRANSITION. . 253

crew overboard ; but like th,; malignant Schriften in Marryatt's
book, they never failed to appear for vengeamie at an unex-
pected moment. It was not wise, surely, lo throw over such
jnen as Th nas D'Arcy McGee, M. Sicotte, and the late posL-
niaster-general, M. H. Foley. Office being more to these poli-
ticians, at least at this time, than princip'es, they joined the
opposition into whose ranks they were warmly welcomed by
John A. Macdonald, and assailed their former chief in unmea-
sured lanj:-uage. They charged him with betraying his trust
as a leading minister of the crown, find with having descended
to act :' of personal mean>i<!ssi and treachery to prop up hi.s party.
The premier's eyes glowed like live coals as he hurled back the
charge? of baseness and political perndy on the heads of hi.s
accusers; and where he received ohly censure .'irom friendly
members, he so lashed the critics as to turn them into enemies
upon the spot. One of the premier's faults, and a grave failing
in a party leader, was, that, under the stress of feeling, he could
not kee]) a bridle upon his tongue, should the outburst put hi.s
government in jeopardy. The fruitless session came to an end
in October. The premier was hopeful, but his opponent and
namesake assured him, on the day of prorogation, in the smok-
ing-room, that he was " nearing the end of his tether." Towards
the close of the year — 1863 — Mr. Albert Norton Richards was
appointed to the vacant solicitor -generalship for Upper Canada,
and returned for re-election to his constituency, South Leeds.
But before the new minister reached the hustings, he learned,
to his dismay, that Messrs. John A. Macdonald and Thomas
D'Arcy McGee were abrop^d in his constituency. Wliat was
worse, the two clever oppositionists shadowed him wherever he
appeared, and, whenever they believed he had made a telling
point, afterwards addressed the audience, and turned the gov-
ernment and its new minister into contempt. The close of the
poll revealed that the member who, a few months before, had
been returned by 135 votes more than his opponent, was now
beaten hy a majority of 75. If, during the summer of 1883, a

264. LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

similar event should occur, we are sure that a certain newsp'^'^er
would affirm that Mr. Richards "lost his seat through the co; ip*-
ing influences in the hand^ of Sir So]v\ Macdonald;' and that
public money " was lavishly and unblusliingly employed." The
defeated solicitor-general resigned his office, but John Sandfield,
who ignored logic and indications, would not take the hint, but
thi'ev; himself upon fate. With au evil star lowering upon the
ministry's fortunes, the house met on the 19th of February.
Tlie " governor's speech," as it is called, by ;t5j silonce upon any
discussion -provoking policy, revealed tlie fears of the govern-
ment. The opposition ignored this languid ministerial docu-
ment, but made a violent onslaught upon the wretched ministry.
It was apparent that, if legislation was the business of the house,
it had met in the winter of 1864 to no purpose : up to the
21st of March no important work had been done. On that day,
disgusted with the ungenerousness of fate, the premier and his
ministry resigned. The governor was perplexed, and began to
grow apprehensive for the well-being of the constitution, li-o
peculiar position of parties produced a hopeless dilemma, ail j,
without faith that any member of the legislature could form an
administration that would endure. Lord Monck entrusted tiic
formation oi a ministry to the ex-provincial-sr-cretary, Mr. For-
gusson-Biair. That gentleman's exert ons failed; and Mr. Carticr
was next called on and made the ivtttuipt, lAit with a -iniil- r
result. His excellency then reque.ited Sir Etienne, fortjio^]}-
known as Colonel, Tach^ to address 1 imself to the task; and that,
gentleman, who enjoyed the respect nnd good- will of his com-
patriots, though anxious to be rid of the turmoil of adminisfcra-
tion, in obedieJiCe to the duty he wed his country, consentjc],
and at once put himself in comia nicatioo with John A. Mac-
donald, who j/udertonk the formal, on of the Upper Canada sec-
tion of the cdiirs',. Several days were occupied in niakijig
tlie arrang<'f?/onw, and, in view of the fact that the iate ministry
had resigneo vhile having a small majority in the house '"o one
believtd that any ingcn'.uty or skill could fashion an a- nin; •

TllAN^rnON. 255

tration that would survive. Tho v.rtue s med to h..ve gone
out of the theory of responsil^ogov^ nment, and the device of
party appeared powerless to i reduce m^iority and i liuority. On
the 30th of the month it -m in ounce J, Iiow; ver, ihat a min-
istry had been formed; and f'n rlo seiou I dme a Tachd-Mac-
donald government came iiito oxiateui e, and was as follows : —

FOR CANADA EAST.

Hon. SfR E. P. Tag he Premier and Receiver-General.
" Geo. E. Cartier ~ -• - Attorney-General.
" H. L. Langevin - - - - Solicitor-General.
" A.T. Galt - ~ - . Min. of Finance.
" T. D'Arcy McGee - - Min. of Agriculture.
" J. C. Chapais - - Oom'r of Public Works.

FOR CANADA WEST.

Hon. John A. Macdonald - - Altorney-General.
*' JoHL Simpson - - . Provincial Secretary.
" Isaac Buchanan - - President of the Council.
' Alexandsr Campbell - - Com'r Crown Lands.
" M. H. Foley - - - Postmaster-General.
" James Oockburn - - - Solicitor-General.

M. Cauchon, in French, and John Hillyard Cameron, in Eng-
lish, explained to the houo the policy of the administration,
which, in the most imporrant respects was a determination to
pay strict attention to tho provincial defences, to organize the
militia on an effi^cient basis, to endeavour to maintain and ex-
tend the reciprocity treaty and to establish more intimate com-
mercial relations with tho maritime provinces. It goes with-
out saying that to " d'^partmental reform " and " retrenchment,"
— but one 'venders, with every incoming partj^ effecting depart-
mental reform and retrenching, how anything cotild remain to
be reformed, or how *t dollr.r could exist to be retrenc*^ ''cl —
iibove all things, tho now government pledged itself, while thfr

■2m LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

■question of representation by population was allowed to remain
open. On the following day the house adjourned to meet again
on the 3rd of May. No one who penetrated the situation, and
saw that the same causes which, of late, had overthrown minis-
tries foi-med from every side, and of every combination, still
remained, believed that the new administration could exist.
There was only one other chance, and that was existence bj'
the sufferance of the opposition ; but John Sandiield Macdonald,
though it were to oave the constitution from ruin, was not like-
ly to extend mercy to the men who had so rudely throw n him-
self from power. Meanwhile, public sentiment was, unconsci-
ously and by the force of circumstances, being gradually pre-
pared to accomplish an event which was to triumph over turmoil,
to set the wheels of government rolling afresh, and to give a
new and fuller impulse to our political existence, and a lasting
direction to the current of our history. While the greatest
•crisis in our Canadian annals was approaching, Herr von Bis-
marck, who had hitherto been regarded by the world .as a
" fanatical reactionary, a coarse sort of Metternich, a combina-
tion of bully and buffoon," suddenly revealed a genius as daring,
as crafty, and as competent as Cavour, with a wider field and
greater powers for action than the Italian statesman ; at this
time, too, came Garibaldi in state to London, whose workshops
and stately West-End dwellings sent out their throngs of en-
thusiastic artizany, and peers and countesses, to do homage to
the soldier of fortune ; at this time it was that England's grand
old statesman, in his eightieth year, in the growing morning, re-
viewed, as one glances his eye along some panorama, the his-
tory of his political administration, made his last great speech
l)efore stepping out of the commons and entering the portal
which guards the entrance to that realm from which no travel-
ler comes back.

CHAPTEll XV.

FRUITS OF THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR.

" PICYLLA is passed ; Charybdis appears." The Trent van-
U ishes; the Alabama is in sight. On the morning that
the San Jacinto brought her prisoners into port, the citizens
of the north set up a loud hurrah, and cried lustily for the
daring commander, whom they would have borne on a chair
through their cities. Some of the cooler heads, however, be-
gan to consider the situation, and derived little comfort from
their reflections. This valiant deed of the San Jacinto's com-
mander, they now saw, was a repetition of the outrage com-
mitted by England against the United States in 1807. During
the year named, while several Bi'itish men-of-war were lying at
anchor in Chesapeake Bay, a number of blu(" -jackets deserted,
and enlisted on board the United States frigate, C'fesapeaJce.
A few weeks after the occurrence, some British ofti^ ers were
on shore in Norfolk, Virginia, and saw^ the deserters parade
the streets, protected by the American flag, and under the es-
cort of a recruiting oflicer. They at once asked for the sur-
render of the men, and their demand was seconded by the
British consul ; but the oflicer refused to render them up. No-
thing )nore was said at the time, and there was some chuckling
on board the American ships of war over the occurrence. The
following day> however, a long-boat from the British flag-ship,
admiral Berkley, visited each English war-ship in port, leaving a
sealed despatch, iilach captain was instructed by the admiral to
keep a sharp look-out for the American frigate Chesapealce,when
at sea, out of the limits of the United States, and to search the
Q 257

258 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

said vessel for the deserted seamen ; and enjoined that, should
any American war-ship insist on searching a British vessel
for a similar purpose, no resistance should be offered. On the
morning of the 22nd of June, His Majesty's ship Leopard^
captain Humphreys, put out to sea, and about fourteen miles-
from land met the Chesapeake, commodore Barren. He hailed,
and said he had despatches for the commodore from the com-
mander-in-chief. The Chesapeake hove to, and was boarded
by an officer from the Leopard, who bore Berkley's orders,
and a letter fr^m 'fiptain Humphreys expressing the wish
that he might be al le to carry out the admiral's order in an
amicjvltle manner. The commodore was surprised, but firm.
He said he could not tliink of agreeing to the request, that his
orders from government forbidding any foreigner to muster his
ship's company wer;; most peremptory; that he had no deserters
on board, and, finally, that he must refuse, once for all, to allow
his ship to be searched. On receiving this answer, the Leopard
edged down towards the Chesapeake, captain Humphreys again
hailing and statin;.'; that " Conmiodore Barren must be aware
that the aiders of the British commander-in-chief must be
obeyed." To this the answer giv"n from the American ship
was, " I do not understand you ;" whereupon there was a quiet
movement, with the regularity of clock-work, on board the
frigate, who promptly fired a shot across the bows of the Ches-
apeake. After a minute another shot was fired ; then there
was a pause of two minutes ; and, the American ship giving no
answer, a broadside was poured into her. The Chesapeake
stood, like a stripling of fifteen, with folded arms, before a burly
bully who has already delivered his insignificant adversary a
stunning blow, and did not return the fire. But after a few
moments' pause, and in that awful silence when the only sound
to be heard was the beating of the sean)en's hearts, commodore
Barren hailed, and said he wished to send a boat onboard : bvit
the Leopard believing that the Chesapeake was preparing to
return the fire, regarded the lequest as only a ruse, and poured

FRUITS OF THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR. 259

in two more niunlerous broadsides. Barren then .stnick his
colours, and two lieutenants with several midshipmen entered
his ship to make search for the deserters. They captured, after
a three liours' search, four of the delinquents ; two others were
identified among the slain, and one jumped overboard, and
perished. Six of the Chesapeake's crew were killed, twenty-
four were wounded, and c(jmmodore Barren, who acted through-
out with the utmost coolness, was wounded from a flying
splinter. The search having been accomplished. Barren wrote
a note to Humphreys, saying that ho considered the Chesapeake
was now the Englishman's prize, and that he was ready to de-
liver her up; but the latter replied that he had executed the
orders of the commander-in-chief, that he was merely to obtain
the deserters, was now to rejoin his squadron, and lamented
sincerely the necessity which had compelled him to resort to
violent measures. When the Chesapeake reached port, battered
and blood-stained, a cry of indignation was raised throughout
the union ; the attack by the Leopard was felt to be an out-
rage upon the honour of the nation, and an insult that could
only be wiped out by war. Promptly President Jetferson is-
sued a proclamation requiring all armed vessels bearing com •
missions under the government of Great Britain, then within
the harbours or waters of the United States, immediately t<^
depart therefrom, and interdicting the entrance of any Britis!;
ship armed or mercantile to American ports or waters. The
act of the Leopard v/as, disowned by the British governjiiont;
captain Humphreys was recalled, and admiral Berkley super-
seded; but all this could not atone for (he outrage, hnd five
years later the dreary wrangle culminated in a. declaration of
war by the United States against Great Britain.

If then, American statesmen reasonc^d, the outrage perpetra-
ted by the Leopard was held to be a casus belli by this coun-
try, why should not the act of the San Jacinto be similarly
regarded by the Br'tish government now ? President Lincoln
promptly made up his mind that the act of captain Wilkes

2G0 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALl).

could not be sustained, and that the southern commissioners
should be given up. " This," said he, " is the very thing* the Bri-
tish captains used to do. They claimed the right of searching
American ships, and carr3'ing men out of them. That was the
cause of the war of 1812. Now, we cannot abandon our prin-
ciples. We shall have to give these men up and apologize for
what we have done." In answer, thei'efore, to one of Lord
John Russell's usually long and sonorous dispatches, demanding
the surrender of the commissioners taken from the Trent, Mr.
Seward, who also delighted in writing lengthy and pompous
state-documents, went on to declare that his government could
not find a justification for the ])roceoding of captain Wilkes,
and that the only excuse at all that couM be offered for his
act was that he was strictly following British precedents. " It
will be seen," he added, " that this government cannot deny
the justice of the claim presented to us, in this respect, upon
its merits. We are asked to do to tlie British nation what we
have always insisted all nations ought to do unto us." There-
fore, as we have already seen, the prisoners were on the 1st day
of January, 1802, "cheerfully liberated." Thus ended the
ati'air of the Trent ; and now began the dispute about the
Alahavfia.

On the outbreak of the war between the South and the
North, Mr. Lincoln proclaimed a blockade of the Southern
ports. English authorities point out that this was a breach of
constitutional usage. The law, it is true, on the subject of
blockades is plain. A government may proclaim a blockade
of the ports of an enemy, but it can only, for the general pur-
poses of war, order a closure of its own ports. The declaration
of President Lincoln was therefore regarded by foreign govern-
ments as a recognition, by the North, of the Southern confed-
eracy as a belligerent power ; and upon this ground Lord Pal-
merston's ministry sought to defend its imprudent and luisty
proclamation. The Northern government might have ordered
the closure of its ports, but such a decree would be binding only .

FRUITS OF THE AM Ell IC AN CIVIL WAR. 261

under municipal law, and every port would be at the mercy of
adventurous blockade-runners, who need only escape the har-
bour defences, as they could not be dealt with by United states
war-vessels beyond American waters. The American govern-
ment chose the blockade as the mo.st expedient course, regard-
less of the technical standing it would give to the rebellious
states ; and it is difficult to understand how the adoption of a
new form of war etiquette could change the character of a body
of citizens in revolt against the supreme authority of the state.
The truth of the matter is that whoever drew up the interna-
tional clause relating to blockades, like the framers of many
other laws, failed to foresee all the cases that might arise to bo
affected by the ordinance. The cases sought to be met were
those where v/ar is declared between separate nations, no in-
spiration-gleam being shed from the future to show thr-.t a day
might come when thirty-one millions of people, scattered over
half the New World, would separate into two mighty bodies
and rise in a fratricidal war.

But the attitude of the imperial ministry in issuing its pro-
clamation, commanding all British subjects to maintain a neu-
trality during the " war " between the United States and her
rebellious citizens, was not the only affront at which the repub-
licans took offence. Open sympathy was manifested for the
South throughout Great l^ritain, and when news of the defeat
i)f the raw levies by the discipline of the rebel soldiers at Bull
Run reached England, there was much jubilation; and Lord
Palmerston so far forgot his dignity and his duty as to make
sneering allusions, during a public speech, to the " unfortunate
rapid movements " of northern soldiers during that battle. This
contemptuous phrase, coming from the head of the British min-
istry, embittered public feeling in the republic, towards Eng-
land and all that belonged to her. Not many months elapsed
before there arose a cause to intens-ify that feeling, and lead
Great Britain and the United States to the verge of war.

3G2 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

One June mornln,'^, in 18G1, tlie Savannah, a swift-sailing and
audacious little vessel, escaped from Cliarleston, and began to
scour the seas in search of northern uicrchant-vesscls. Many
a ship deep-laden with merchandise, pursuing her way from
j)ort to port, wa?; met by this little scourge, plundorecl, and
given to destruction. Fired by the example and the successes
of the Savannah, other daring spirits in the South rigged out
fleet-sailing vessels, armed them with guns, and took up the
privateering trade. Among these were the Sumter, commanded
by Captain Semmes, whose exjdoits at a later time made him
famous ; the Nashville and the Petrel, the latter skimming,
like the bird whence she took her name, over the sea, and
sweeping down upon her victim. But these were small vessels
of light armament, and took flight the moment a ship of war
was sighted b}'^ the sailor in the cross-trees. The first of the
privateers that became really formidable was the Oreto, after-
wards known as the Florida. She had not been long upon the
seas when a shudder went through the northern merchant
marine at the mention of her name. She was a swift sailer,
and swooped down like an eagle upon her prey. Before she
had been three months cruising, she captured fifteen vessels,
thirteen of which she burned ; and many a vessel sailing in
northern waters or crossin^^ the Atlantic, shuddered as she saw
at ni<Tfht a tow^er of flame rising from the sea.

The Florida was a sturd3^ ship, heavil}' armed, and was not
so fleet a sailer as some of her smaller sisters. She was built
at Birkenhead, England, nominally for the Italian government ;
but the American minister resident at London, learned her
destiny, and requested the British govci'nment to prevent her
putting to sea. While the cabinet was giving " due consideia-
tion " to the request, the Florida passed out the Mersey upon
her career. From the time this vessel departed, England was
declared by American writers to be the " naval base of the
confederacy."

FRUITS OF rilE AMKRWAN CIVIL WAR. 203

But the most noted of all the pilvjitcers, the vessel which
Ijccame the occasion of a new code of laws between nations,
and brought the States and Great Britain to the verge of war,
the reader need not be told, was tiie -il labama. This craft was
built in Birkenhead by the Messrs. Laird, one of the most pro-
minent building firms in the country. When on the stocks
the vessel was called the " 290," and crowds thronged to the
dock -yard to see the. ship destined for some sti-ange mission.
Long before she was built, the myster^'- was dissipated : the
newspapers declared that she was intended as a southern
cnrlser, that she would sweep northern commerce from the seas,
and be so armed as to be able to hold her own against even the
heaviest ships of war. Mr. Adams, a descendant of a brilliant
family, distinguished for their superior statesmanship and high
«ense of honour, was then the American representative in Lon-
don. Promptly he sat down, on hearing of the character of
this new ship, and wrote to Lord John Russell, urging him to
institute enquiries into the allegations concerning the proposed
mission of the vessel, and maintaining that it was the duty of
the Biitish government, on being satisfied that the craft was to
be employed as a southern cruiser, to prevent her departure
from England. Lord John Russell, in whom more than any
other modern English statesman of note, nmch littleness was
mingled with not a little greatness, sought to parry Adams'
contentions by asking for proof of the allegations offered in
one breath, and in the next expressing a doubt whether the
government could fly in the face of a domestic law. Mr. Adams
again pressed his request. He only desire I that the govern-
ment should satisfy itself as to the luissioi; for which "2[)0"
was intended. If the mission were ascertained to be that
which he had alleged, then he contended, puder the "Foreign
Enlistment Act," the vessel ought to be dei;),ined. Lengthy cor-
respondence passed between the two ministers, in which Mr.
Adams always maintained a calm dignity and an overwhelming
logic, while Lord John Russell more than once gave way to

204 LIFE OF SIh' JOHN A. MACDONALD.

petulance, and sought to defend Ins position by feeble and tri-
fling analogies which he att'ected to find in American diplomacy.
Meanwhile Mr. Laird went on building the ship, and as the
time of her departure approached, Mr. Adams pressed Lord
Russell with much earnestness to interpose his authority. At
last Lord John was prevailed upon to ask tho Queen's advocate*
for advice ; but when the request was made that official was
sick, and could not return an answei". At last the answer came,
expressing the opinion that the vessel ouglit to bo detained.
But while the ministers were waiting for the advocate's reply,
" 290 " though unfinished, was made ready for sea, and, under
pretence of a trial tiip, sailed down the Mersey to Moelfra Bay
where.vthe work remaining was hastily completed. On the 3Lst
of Julj', orders came from the British ministry to seize the ves-
sel, but on the same day the prospective privateer, amid tho
ringing cheers of her crew, sailed aw?y from the coast of Eng-
land. Thence she proceeded to Teiceira, one of the Western
Islands, where she tarried till the arrival of the Agripinna
from London, with her guns and steies, and the Bahama with
captain Semmes, late commander of the Sumter, his ofricers^
and crew. On the 24th of August, the privateer was equipped
and ready for her career of dehtruction. She was a screw steam
sloop of 1,040 tons, built of wood, ;md for speed rather than
strength. She was barque-iigged, had a crew of eighty men,,
and carried eight 32 -pounders. Wi;en ready for sea, captain
Semmes appeared on decl-. in Confedorate uniform, and read his
commission to the men. Hencefortli he told them they would
know their ship by tho name of the Alabama ; after which ho
delivered a speech predicting that their good fortune in escaping
from England was an omen of tholr success ranong the shipping^
of the north. Then under pressi: ;e of Hej a and canvas, the
saucy privateer steered for the scone iil Iter future labours. On
the 5th of Septeoiber, whei. four day^ at sea, she sighted a

* Sir iFobn HanHnor.

FRUITS OF THE AMERICAN CIVIL U'AR. 2G5.

Lrigantino under full canvas, bowling along, bound for a north-
ern port. " Give him the British bunting," said captain Seinn-is
and the Union-Jack was flung out from the main-top. i'l ■
brigantinc tarried till the pompous stranger came up, and was
making ready to hail, when a deluge of grape-shot came whist-
ling across his bows ; and looking, he saw the stranger Haunt-
ing the Southern flag. An hour later, the stately brig was a
iiiass of flame through the twilijjht of the autumn sea. For the
next eleven days, the Alabama lingered about where she met
her first victim, and in that time captured and burnt property
the value of which exceeded her own cost. Several fast-sail incj
cruisers, heavily armed, put out from Northern ports searching
for " the pirate Semmes," but when a speck appeared upon the
horizon that the look-out declared to be formidable, the priva-
teer altered her course, and skimmed fleetly over the sea, leav-
ing her pursuers far behind. A few months later, she hovered
along the track of commerce between Aspinwall and New York,
and after patient watching, one ntorning, captured the Ariel
mail steamer, with ItO marines, a number of United States
officers, and about 500 passengers. These the captain of the
privateer decided to put on shore at Kingston, Jamaica, but the
city was a pent-house of yellow fever. On board his own ship
there was not room for their accommodation; so with much re-
gret he let the steamer go, taking a bond for a large sum, pay-
able when the war v. as ended. Some days later the look-out saw
an American gun-boat, which afterwards proved to be the Hat-
teras, bearing down. Semmes smiled grimly as he ordered the
decks to be cleared for action, and saw the war-ship approach-
ing, eager for the fray. It was a short conflict. After a few
broadsides the Jfatteras werit down, and the [)rivateer, issuing
unscathed from the encounter, pursued her way. The name of
the Alabama now became one of terror and hate, and few vessels
ventured from their ports while it was known that she was
near their track. The Ainerican government equipped a num-
ber of heavily -armed and speedy cruisers, which scoured the

200 lifp: of am joii^ a. macdokald.

«ea8 in search of the marauder; and several narrow escapes
told Scnuncs that Northern waters were no lon^^er safe. So ho
wet sail for the Cape of Oood Hope, and preyed upon all the
Northern merchant vessels (which were not many) that ho
met there; but soon finding that the merchant shipping of
the enemy was beginning to forsake the seas, he sailed for
Europe, and put into Cherbourg to repair his vessel, now much
battered, and no longer unrivalled for her speed. Bitter re-
})roaches followed the captain of the privateer, and he was
burning for an opportunity to distinguish himself by some
valorous deed. During liis career he had captured sixty-iivo
vessels, and destroyed property valued at over four millions of
<lollars; yet his repute was that of a buccaneer that preyed
upon defenceless vessels, but who fled on being confronted
with a strength equal to his own. The Hatteras, which he
had met and sunk with a half-dozen broadsides, was repre-
sented as a crazy old hulk not fit to be at sea, and that must
have foundered from the concussion of her own guns. But
Semmes was a daring and brilliant sailor, who knew not fear,
at> he was soon but to prove too plainly. He writhed under
the abuse heaped upon him, and was stung by the palpable
truth, that, whether he were coward or courageous, his warfare
had been upon defenceless commerce, and that however much
he may have harassed his foes, no glory waited on his career.
While the Alabama lay in Cherbourg, the American war-vessel
Kearsage arrived off the coast of France, and, learning where
the privateer lay, made several demonstrations in the offing,
which the Alahavia regarded as a challenge to battle. Half
reckless and half hopeful, Semmes made up his mind to accept
the challenge of the haughty man-of-war, and notified the
United States consul of his intention. He made ready his ship,
and, on a fine Sunday morning, 19th of June, 18G4, steamed out
of the harbour, to engage in the murderous conflict. The in-
habitants of the city crowded upon every height to witness the
battle. To the inexperienced eye the two ships, now quietly

FRVns OF TIIK AMERICAN CIVIL WAR. 2C7

ncaiing each other, were of ahout equal stron^'th, and even
captain Sctnines, though at one time one of tlie nio;st experi-
enced officers of tlie Northern naval service, was deceived. He
did not know that the ship advancing for the fray was in all
respects superior to the Aluhaind. ll was only when it wan
all ended he learnt that her armament was supei'ior to his own,
lier crew larger, and that she was iron-clad amidshii)s. The hat-
tie was hegun without delay, and soon was over. The Kcarnage
possessing greater speed than .her- adversary, was able to keep
up a di 5tauc;e of about 500 yards, at which range she was little
uflecte<i by the Alabama's shot ; while the latter was suffering
terribly. The issue w.as decided in less than an hour. Captain
Seramcs, finding his vessel sinking, struck his flag; but before
the entmy could come to the rescue, the noted privateer went
down. Some of the crew were picked up by the Kc'draaije'ti
boats, and captain Seinmes and others were rescued by an
English yacht, the Deer/tound. There was a deep feeling of
relief through the merchant marine of the North when the end
Cv the Alabama was known ; and captain Winslow, with supe-
V. >r guns and armoured sides, was the lion of the hour.

Before the destruction of the privateer, there was much
viiplomatic turmoil between the British and United States gov-
ernments, the latter ho^-ling the former responsible for the
damages done by uhe Alabaina. Once again Lord John Russell
fancied he had terminated a difh'eulty by becoming peremptory;
but his .successor to the colonial office, Lord Stanley — now Lord
Derby — frankl}' conceded the grounds taken by Mr. Adams in
the discussion with Lord John, to which we have already re-
verted. The outcome was renewed negotiations, a good deal
of diplomatic fire, which, as is usual in such controversy, was
confined to the glow of anthracite coal. The United States
declared, that, while the British government had not ordered
anr sanctioned England's making war on American commerce,
it had permitted the outi-age, and was, now, in honour, and by
all the ru^es of national etiquette, bound to make reparation.

2e/-i LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

At length, wlion (iorrcspondence failed to procure satisfaction,
ai. aibitration was proposed, wliich consisted of" .(![)i'ese!itative.s
of Kn<,dand, tlie United States, the president of the Swiss Con-
fedeiation, and the emperor of Iii-a/il. This tribunal met in
Cleneva, and on th(i loth of September, bS72, delivered its final
award. For the wnmf^'-hoadedness of Lord Russell and the
ministry it was decreed that En;^dand should pay a sum of
X3,229,IG0 I'Js. 4d. The only regret that one can fe-d on
reading this record of retributive justice, is, that the statesnivon,
who, hy thfiir obstinate prejudice, instead of the public who
were the victims, were not oblige<l to pay the fine. Som-u
KnglishuKm, among whom were many of those who clapped
their hands and threw .slippui."; laden with rice after the Ala-
ham(t, as she slipjtcd down (no Mersey, on her career of pillage,
nnittered "curses lot loud but deep" when they were obliged
to pay Sl'),O00,0(>() foi their Southei'n sympathy. Se\eral
leading Eriglishmen, and Sir /vhixander Cockburn, an emi lit
judge — if eminence can afford to 'gnoie such codes as national
ot)ligation and national honour — ailirnKid that the Geneva deci-
sion was unjust, and advised its I'cpudiation. But the amount
was paiil, and tKo British baxpaycjr has ha<l an opportunity to
realize how dangerous a possession national sympathy may
sometimes be, and to lay to heart this c jstly les.son which Mr.
Kitigsley viuglit to have had an opportunity of stating by the
mouth of Mrs, Bodoncbyasy )U(lid.

It luis bticn alntady seen that '^'anada dutifully reflected the
Southern sympathy of her motl and aggravated the feeling
of hostilit)' against the British ^.upii'o in the republic. Sou-
thern refugees were received here with o)>en arms, were some-
times publicly feted, and all the while given to understand that
they were rcjiarded as the no\)h sufferers in a gloricus cause.
During the summer of 18f>4 a body of the refugees decided to
turn (Canadian sympathy to account, and, in September, sallied
forth from their colonial asjdum and captured and plundered
two American vessels plying on Lakes Kv'u', and Ontario. Ela-

FRUITS OF TIIF AMFUICAN CIVll., WAR. 209

ted by their success, the finijUHtei"H, a few weeks later, lieaded ^
by an ex -Confederate soldicsr named Yoinif,', biarst into St.
Alban's, a little town in Veiinont, and situated near the fron-
tiei', where th(;y plundered three of the local banks, shot one
of the cashieis, bea/ing away to Canada S23'{,()()0 worth of
booi:y. The Canadian government now aroused itself and dis-
tributed volunteers along our frontier-, to prevent any furtlu.'i-
breach of tlie neutrality law. The tlli})usters were arrested at
the instance of the United States government, avIio deinanded
tlieir extradition. They were tried in Montreal, but discharged
hy Judge Coursol, befoi-e wliom they were exananed on a tecli-
nical ground. A sum of !?!*(>,()()() was found on tlio raiders
when ariested, but on their <]ischarge the money was refunded
them. The act fed our prejudice foi- the time, but, in (hie sea-
son, we had to repay the amount to the American government.
Tlierc is no one wlio will say that tliis did not serve ViS right.

On the 15th of April, 180'), in theevening, president Abraham
Lincoln, wlic had two years before proclaimed the freedont of
slaves in the rebel States, while sitting in his box at tlie theati-e,
was shot dead by the hand of an assassin. The civilized world
.stood aghast at the intelligence of the deed, and (Canada showed
a hea'tfelt i-yrapathy for the untimely end of this great fi-iend
of liberty. Mej;tings were held in the cities, at which resolu-
tions were paH3"d expressing the sorrow of our people; flags
floated at half-iiiast, and bells tolled from a hundred steej)les.

The minds of the timorous were disturbed in (Janada, during
the same year^ b'y the lumours, ever on tlie wing, of a contem-
plated in\.wion by .some of the turbulcjnt s|)irits who liad been
taught the trade of war during the American rebellion. Some-
where near Union Square, in New Yf)ik, a band of men known
as the "Fenian lirothorhood" met to discuss measures for the
liberation of Ireland. The name Fenian had aii historic ring,
and fired the hearts of those who longed to see the green flag
float again on the Idll ot Tara. The Fenians, it came to be re-
membered, were an old-time Irish militia, burly kernB who

270 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONAI.D.

went in hare arms, and "would {\Ti.n'. death and the devil."
\roney and reci'uits poured in to tlie " liead-centre " at New
York ; a tliorongli orf^anization was effected, and the Li-other-
hood held meetings at which, in j^riiri earnest, they discussed
the plan of "liberatinj^ Ireland." Amongst this deluded Iwnd
were many noble and patriotic spirits,* whatever unjust and
intemperate writers may affiim, and some a<^fain of the most
worthless and mischievous adventurers thf.t ever dis<^raced so-
ciety, ])ema<ro<(ues wiio had never figured in any more heroic
movement than a drunken row in some bar-room in the Sixth
Ward, vapoui'ed against "the bloody Saxon," and thrilled the
deluded crowds of their fellow Irishmen by recounting the
means they would pursue to overthrow ]>riltsh rule, and set
"darliii' ould Ireland free agin." Some of the most useless and
vicious loafers found in the agitation a goldcm trade, and pushed
themselves to the front as leaders. " The contrili itions given
by some Irish hack-drivers and servant girls, in the sincere
Ijelief tliatthey were helping to man tlie ranks of an Iiish army
of indej'endence, enabled some of the self-appointed leadeivs to
wear fine clothes and order expensive dinners." The organi-
/ati(m gi'ew, and gigaiitic projects were developed. One of these
was a conquest of Canada as a first step " befoie takin' Irelan*!."
Early in the year i<S(5(i, it was resolved, at a meeting of the
biotherhood, t(j celebrate St. Patrick's Day by seizing New
Brunswick ; and sure enough when +,hat festival came, with it
a[)peaved,on the boundary of the coveted province, a band of
Hibernians, armed in grotestuo fashion, and bedecked with
shamrocks, looking more like a detachment bound for Doney-
brook fair than invaders thir.ity for con<|uest. The visitors
were met by Colonel Cole and i\ body of volunteers, and speed-
ily took to flight, winding up the day after they had got be-

* Any virtue that may have t.\istt 1 'n thiH orgftn'/ation in the Iieginning has ionif
wince (h-partcfl. The only achiovcnie.ifH <if the aKsDoiation now are ooKl -hloodfd
i..iir(lerf ; the laHtrurnentH liy which it Wf>rks terror, the dagger and dyniimite.

FRUITS OF THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR. 271

yond the roach of Canadian ballots, with a wliisky feast.* On
the night of May Sl.st, following,', a bohlor attempt was made.
An advance i'uard consistin<r of about 900 of the brotlioi'hood,
under the cojuniand of one O'Neil, in the night, crossed Nia-
gara river, ami lande<l about a inilc bolow ilio village of Fort
Erie. They advanced witli uiucli spirit into the village, where
they deirianded lations, and vainly sought the co-operation
of the inha])itants. Tlien tliey tore up a piece of the Grand
Tiunk railway-track, cut the tclegrapli wires, set fire to some
l)ridges, and, in all other ways of destruction, endeavoured to
dopoit theiuselves in the manner of invading warriors. During
the forenoon of the following day, the American g in-boat

• In connection w'l^h the Fenian attempt on New Brunswick, Mr. Edward Jack,
i]f Fntdcrictim, Xev/ i'.riiiiswick, I'urniHhf'M thi- writer with tlic fullowiiii,' facts: —
" Sir A. .1. Siriitli, joinr to the Fenian inviision, iritervicwid Andrew .loliiiHon, pre-
sident of theUniti ' States, wlio promised him, that so soon as the Fenians commit-
ted an overt act ■ ; would attend to tht-m. Wlieu the inauraudeni niiide their
apiKiarance at Kustport, in thi; State of Maine, the United States ^'overniuerit des-
jiatched several vessels of war to prevent their inakini,' a dt^monstration on New
IJmnswi'.k. Xot far from Kasti)ort mi^jht he seen one of the fleetest war-vi>ssels in
the Uiiiced Stat'-i'i service, lyin^' .\c anchor with steam up, while noi far distant ii
liritish frigate in ]u-ovineial waters was ready for the fray. 'I'lie Fenians spent their
money freely at Eustpo'-t in liipior and ci;<ars, .and did no harm Ix'Vond hurnint,' .a
huilr'ingon Indian Island, opposite F.astjjort. A party of the Fenians asceisdcd the
Hte. > 'roix t^i '"'alais, wliere some of the )iinMl)er, who put up at the Fronti(.'f hotel,
stole all the soap, 'iiid other tilings they coulil Lay tlieir liands on in the rooms, on
Iheiv li' iiarture. The arrival of the adventurers at Calais was followed pronjjitly
hy that of a hody of (leriiian artillerymen, in the |)ay of the United States. These
were intended to he a ehei.'k on the i''euian operations on the American side, 'i'hesa
artillery-men used to visit the l'>ritish side, and iiididj,'e so freely in beer, that the
provinciiilists, who feared an attack from the Irish myrmidons, placed them in
drays and had them (;art<;d across the river to the American siile. Some of the liest
people of St. Stejjhen, were so al.'irmed at the ap|)earanoe of the Fenians, that they
sent their plate to the Calais hank for safe keeping. From the ipiiet little town of
Saiut Andrew's, situated at the mouth of the Ste. Croix, not far fn/m the island
where De Moiits and Cliamplain siient their first winter in Ajnerica, tl'.e l'"eiiians
could be seen drilling to the numher of a dozen or two. Fort Tipperary, which over-
looks the town, was promptly garrisoned, .and the oM honeycomhed guns which the
rotten carriages could hardly 8\i|)poit, wen- placed in position He woidd have
lieen a hold man who fired them ! In the midst of the tn pidalion a liritish frigate
steamed up to Joe's Point, at the noi-thern end of the town, where she (piitdly cast
anchor. The commanding officer came ashore, and consoled the injiahitants by
telling them not to ear. ' If the Fenians get in here,' ht; said, ' clear away as fast
as you cai., for we fcliall shell the city and burn it over the rascals' heads.' "

1272 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A MACDONALD.

Mlchlfjan began to patrol the river to prevent any bi'oaclies of
the neutrality laws ; and shut her eyes whenever a boat with
reinforcement or stores for O'Neil happened to be cross! ni,' from
•the American shore. Wh'^n news of the invasion, by this rab-
ble, reached the public, there was a f^cjneral feeling of indigna-
tion. There was some chagrin felt that the military defences
of the country were in a disordered condition, but not a momen*'
'^^'as lost in taking all possible measm-es to hurl back the in-
truders. The regulars in the Hamilton and Toronto districts
were at once ordered by Major-General Napier to the Niagara
peninsula. Orders were given to call out the volunteers, who
■seemed entliusiastic to enter the fray. Lieutenant-Colonel
Dennis mustered six hundred of the Toronto force, which
number was, in a large measure, supplied by Major Gillmor, of
the Queen's Own. Tliese, with the 13th Battalion, of Hamil-
ton, and other volunteer companies, under the connnand of
Lieutenant-Colonel Booker, were despatched to Port Colborne
'to protect the W elland Canal. Colonel George Peacocke, of tlie
IGth regiment, commanded the entire expedition, and accom-
panied the regulars to Chippewa, where he was joined by the
Oovernor-General's body guard and other forces. Arrived at
'Chippewa (Monel Peacocke dispatched (Japtain Akers with in-
structions to the officer commanding at Port Colborne to effect
a junction of his troops with those of Peacocke's, the following
'forenoon, about ten or eleven o'clock, at Stcvensville, a village
a short distance to the north-west of Fort Eric. I'eacocke v/as
a brave and capable officer, but he was criminally ignorant of
the frontier topography, and, under such circimstances, should
not have been given (or rather taken) comman<l. Ifad he
put himself entirely in the hands of such of his subordinates
as were acquainted with the campaign ground, ho might have
earned excuse ; but his conduct seems to have been a mixture
•of self-reliance and dependence, of confessed ignorance, and
•unbending arrogance. He was not able to instruct Akers, who
was " as much in the woods " as himself, as to what route of

FRUITS OF THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR, 273

iriarch the volunteers ought to take, and left Booker to decide

that for himself. Akers reached Port Colborne, at 2 o'clock in

the morning, and delivered his orders. Meanwhile information

had been received at Port Colborne, which, the volunte^^i- officers,

there, believed, altered the complexion of the whole case, and

justified a departure from Pe'icocke's plan. It was learnt that

the Fenian force at Fort Erie was mucli smaller than was at

first supposed, that the marauders wei'e in a state of wretched

discipline, had done nought but carouse since landing, and

could be expelled by the prompt moveuients of a moderate

force. It wa.. thei'efore agreed that Booker with his troops

should start by rail in time to reach Fort Erie by eight o'clock

in the morning, and that Lieutenant-Colonel Dennis and Akers

should embark with a company of ai-tillery, at Port Colborne,

and proceed to reconnoitre along Niagara river, returning to

co-operate with Booker at eight o'clock. If Peacocke should

agree to this plan, he was informed that he miglit march by

the river road from Chippewa, making a combined attack with

Colonel Booker at some point " between Fort Erie and Black

Creek, cutting off the enemy's retreat by the river — the tug to

be employed in cruising up and down the river, cutting off any

boats that might attemi)t to escape, and communicating between

the forces advancing from Chippewa and from Fort Erie."

Dennis and Akers did not wait for Peacocke's reply, but started

at lour o'clock in the morning on the tug Rohh, taking with

them the Welland Garrison Battery, and a portion of the

Dunnville Naval Brigade. Shortly after the departure of the

tug, came a telegram, as might have been expected, from

Colonel Peacocke, saying he disapproved of the modifications

proposed and would adhere to his original plan. The question

was no longer one o'Z expediency but of etiquette, and Bookei-

resolved to fulfil, as far as possible, the instructions of the

benighted connnander. So aV)Out an hour after the departure

of the Rohh he put his men on board the train and proceeded as

far as Ridgeway, whence the troops left the cars and marched
R

274 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

towards Stevensville. That same morning O'Neil had beguiD
a movement westward, with the intention of destroying the
locks of the Welland Canal, and Colonel Booker, about two
miles from Ridgeway, came xvp with the marauders' out-posts.
Not expecting such a meeting he held a hurried consulta-
tion with Major Gillmor, of the Queen's Own, when an attack-
was resolved on, both officers believing Colonel Peacocke and
his regulars could not be far away. When the word was-
given, the volunteers advanced with much spirit, and fairly
turned back, for some distance, the enemy's lines; and on-
lookers must have believed, for a time, that the day was to be
with these raw levies, composed mostly of clerks and col-
legiates. While the brave young volunteers were grappling
with O'Neil's Fenians, an orderly came up and put in Booker's
hand a message from Colonel Peacocke. A shade passed over
the face of the officer as he read the note. It was directed to
him at Port Colborne, instructing him to delay his departure
from that point two hours beyond the hour previously specified,
as Colonel Peacocke could not be ready to start with his regu-
lars from Chippewa as early as had been expected. Booker, it
has been seen, had really departed an hour before the prescrib-
ed time, which would change Peacocke's calculations by three
hours ; so that he now saw there was no assistance for
the young fellows so far outnumbered by the brawny-armed
followers of O'Neil. While the volunteers struggled with
the outnumbering enemy, a report reached Booker that a
body of Fenian cavalry was advancing, arid was close at hand.
At once, and by Booker's orders, Gillmor formed his men in
square to receive the onset ; but the report proved to be a ruse.
The martffiuvre was a fatal one for the devoted volunteers, who,
in consequence, became a conspicuous mark for the Fenians'
bullets. When Gillmor saw the error, he at once endeavoured
to extend his men, but the fire was so severe that the rear com-
panies fell back and could not be reformed ; and the order was
given to retire. In a few minutes the volunteers, who, against

FRUITS OF THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR. 2T5

overwhelming odds, had " fought so well," were in full retreat,
O'.Neil'.s wild myrmidons in mad pursuit. Tlie loss of the
Canadians was one officer and eight men killed, and six officers
and twenty-six men wounded. "What was the loss of the
Fenians has not since been known, though it is believed not to
have been less than ouri. The campaign so far had been a
series of blunders. Aker and Dc ; iis should not have cone
upon the reconnoitering tour vvitho d Vaving heard the re|\iy of
the commanding officer ; Peacocke, sho 'd, in the first instance,
have seen his way clear to be able to sta -tat the hour he fixed
for departure before communicatirg the lime to his brother of-
ficers ; and secondly, should not hive trusted the fate of the
expedition to the chance of an orderly overtaking Booker be-
fore leaving Port Colborne ; while it may be that he was the
most culpable of all in taking a command for which he was not
competent, through ignorance of thi> ground upon which his
forces were to operate, or, feeling thi., deficiency, in refusing to
take CO' ■ ■ iel of those, wlio, if they kn ^-w less -than himself of
tactics, knew more of geography. Wa hope, shoidd it ever be
our lot again to see hostile steel in our Dominion, that we shall
not be found putting our trust in officers who know nothing
about our frontier, and who will learn nothing till the lives of
a lumber of our sons shall have been sacrificed to their ignor-
aace. These eight brave 3'oung fellows and their officer who
fell, and the tarnish of defeat on theii surviving comrades, were
a tribuie to ofiicial tti<iuetto — the price we paid to military
incapacity

The renjainder may as well be told. Dennis and Akers
landed at the appointed time at Fort Erie, and picked up about
sixty stragglers, comprising" Liberators" and camp followers.
O'Neil hearing that the regulars were on the march from Chip-
pewa, retreated on Fort Erie, reconquering the village ; tind
when night fell, silently made his way across the river for the
sheltering: American shore. Before he could disembark he was
arrested, with his folk-wers, by United States authorities. On

276 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

Sundiiy morning, eager for war, Peacocke and liis troops arrived
at Fort Erie, but nought of the enemy remained save the em-
bers of their camp fires, and a number of broken whiskey bot-
tles. A few stragglers who had been carousing around the
neighbourhood while their comrades were embarking, were
afterwards captured by the regulars with much alacrity, put on
board a tug, taken to Toronto, and lodged in jail. They were
subsequently tried under a statute passed during the Cana-
dian rebellion. Some were discharged for want of evidence,
others were found guilty and sentenced to death, but the pun-
ishment was commuted to imprisonment in the penitentiary.

Several other demonstrations of invasion were made, some
weeks later, by the brotherhood. A large body gathered at
Ogdensburg, their eyes turned to the Dominion capital, but the
massing of troops on the Canadian side, and the patrolling of
the St. Lawrence by a British gun-boat, damped their ambition.
Another horde gathered opposite Cornwall, but dispersed before
the display of a volunteer force. Still another body of the
liberators, 1,800 strong, made a dash across the border from St.
Alban's, Vermont, but were driven back in hot haste by our
troops On reaching Vermont again the ringleaders of the
filibusters were arrested for a breach of the neutrality laws,
and thrown into prison ; and the president issued a proclama-
tion ordering government officials to use every means to re-
press further attacks on Canada from American territory.
When the excitement was ended, the people of Canada did not
forget to pay tribute to the memory of those who fell in resist-
ing the invaders. In the Queen's Park, Toronto, a monument
wiis raised wdiich tells the story of the brave young hearts who
died in defending their homes.

CHAPTER XVI.

THE DOMINION OF CANADA.

THE fat.al balance of parties had at last been readied, and
Mr. Maedonald who had always before, in emergency,
relied on his brains, now " trusted to luck." He was like a
captain who, in the pitchy darkness, and in the midst of the
stoirn, turns his face from Ihe compass and allows his barque to
take her own way through the unknown sea. The house met
on May 3rd, 1804. The new ministry had found sturdy o})po-
sition in the constituencies, and Mr. Foley had fallen in the
conflict. Some of Mr. John A. Macdonald's colleagues cheered
themselves by the hope that John Sandfield would not offer
serious resistance to the government ; as, they said, the consti-
tution was on its trial, and they could not believe he would
sacrifice the institutions of the country to his ambition. The
attorney -general-west, however, leaned upon no such reed as
this. " If a disruption of the whole fabric," he assured his
friends, " is to be the price of John Sandfield's opposition, then
woe to the constitution. We showed him no mercv ; at his
hands I do not think we now deserve mercy." Meanwhile the
ex-premier was brooding over his revenge. Some of his col-
leagues assured him that it was now a question between duty
to his party and duty to his country ; +hat, to overthrow the
new administration 3 night lead to a disruption of the whole
governmental system " Did they spare us," retorted John
Sandfield with flashiig eye, " when our overthrow was an equal
menace to the constitution ? No ; I shall oppose them now as
I have never done before ; it is useless to talk to me of for-
bearance."

277 , ,-,

278 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MAC DONALD.

A few days after the opening of the session a no-confidence
motion was introduced, and though the ministry strained ever}'
nerve in the conflict, it was sustained by a majority of only two
votes. With such a support the government were powerless to
effect any important legislation, 3'et, under the circum ;tances,
they resolved to maintain tlicir plaoes till actually voted out.
Not long were they obliged to wait, r'or the ending came on
the 14th of June. It had come to light, that, in 1859, Mr.
A. T. Gait, the finance ministor that year in 'Jhe Cartier-Mac-
donald government, had advanced a sum of $100,000 fi-om the
public funds to redoei;. certain bonds given by vhe city of Mon-
treal to the Atlantic and St. Lawrence Railway Company. The
bonds were subsequonth'' made redeemable by the Grand Trunk
which company thus became actually the recipient of the ad- •
vance. The loan luid been made quietly in the finance minis-
ter's office, and the fact had not transpired, till a member, dis-
tended with importance, rose at his desk, and in the low,
feigned-sorrowful tones which an honourable member always
assumes when digging a grave for his live opponent, announced
that he had a painful task to perfoim, but that, nevertheless
" imperative duty to the country demanded that it should be
done ; " and then exposed the $100,000 transaction. Mr. A. A.
Dorion following, moved, in amendment to the motion to go into
committee of supply, a resolution censuring the advance of the
amount without the knowledge of parliament. The resolution
though aimed apparently at Mr. Gait, comprehended a censure
of the ministry which it was averred was a mere rehabilitation
of tho Cartier-Mucdonald government. This was an unconsti-
tutional view, but ministers at once waived the qu3stion of
propriety, and assumed for the cabinet the full responsibility
of Mr. Gait's act. The latter gentleman was not bowed down,
but defended himself in a speech that was everything a mere
outpour of plausibilitj^ could possibly be. But, tottering from
the moment of its birth, the ministry could not withstand this
last vshock. It had to deal not less with the uncompromising

THE D OMINION OF CANADA. 279

foeman, whose eyes sparkled with the very fire of hostility,
llian with over-sensitiv»' consciences. It is not likely that the
reader has failed to remark, as well as the writer, that an
" honourable " gentleman, who, while his party is on the flood-
tide of prosperity, can swallow a camel without a grimace, will
strain at a gnat when the same party is found on the ebb-tide,
surrounded by reefs and ruin. Perhaps it is only one more of
the many wise provisions of the Great Intelligence whose
" hand holds the reins of all things," that ruling parties shouM
sometimes grow weak, else such men as these would never find
an opportunity to reveal that they are possessed of consciences.
It would be extremely unwise and unprofitable for a man sud-
-d-enly to let virtue get the better of him while his party still
held a majority of fifty men ; but the case is reversed when the
lionesty-jmpulse can be exhibited while the party ship lies
sogg}'' in the water, and goes down with the defection of two
or three of the virtue-stricken crew. Messrs. Dunkin and
Rankin belonged to this not uncommon class of politicians.
They had for years judged the morality of the liberal-con.ser-
vative party by the standard of its success — while it was
-staunch, their faith in its virtue was strong ; when it grew
weak it became a moral Lazarus in their eyes, full of sores,
.and not fit to live. They voted with the giits on Mr. Dorion's
resolution, and the ministry fell.

Yet, it may be seen, as our story progresses, that these two
men were instruments in facilitating the birth of the greatest
event in our political history. The movements of several years
past which we iiive endeavoured to pourtray, were the causes,
though intfficic^ t, producing the scheme for a union of the
provinces; hercoforth we lose .sight of the causes, and watch
the manner in m hich was born the confederation itself.

When the d '!'eat came, ministers were in no wise perturbed :
they had expev ed the result for many weeks, and did not re-
sign. Two CO I'ses there remained open to them : to attempt a
reconstruction or to ask for a dissolution. Neither project at

280 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

first left room to hope that the second condition would be bet-
ter than the first, either for the party or the constitution.
Within a little more than two years four different government:*
had been formed, and jjarty feeling had grown so bitter that
the ministry felt there was little hope that the general result
could be changed by " trying their fortune in the lottery of a
general election." Yet though the virtue had apparently gone
out of the expedients of our constitutional system, responsible
government was still supreme, and Messrs. Macdonald and
Tachd could not continue in oiTce while in a minority in the
assembly. The opposition held their breath after the minis-
terial defeat, and spake not during the hours that ministers,
still holding the reins, deliberated over their position ; but the
silence was like that which falls upon wood and dale before
the storm breaks. Happily for the public peace, the figure on
this occasion held not good. There was no storm after the
death-like stillness ; for, after duly considering the situation,.
Mr. Macdonald reached the conclusici that of the ways ope a
dissolution was the best ; and with this view the minister*
waited on the governor-general. His exce'lency, after careful
deliberation, granted the request of his advisers. If the writer
were one of those who subscribed to predesiinationj he would
afhrm here with rigid religious ccmviction, that "there's a
divinity that sh ipes our ends, rough-hew them how we will ; "
for with such surprise as one feels who sees a thunderbolt
flame out of a clear sky, the public saw a figure stalk upon the
scene to end the confusion between parties, and assist in the
adoption of a new and wholesome course of public policy. We
can hardly tear ourselves away from figures, the apparition
forces itself so strongly upon our imagination. It was as if
the pope had left Rome, appeared suddenly up^n one of our
platforms, and begun to read a lecture in favour of the right
of private judgment in spiritual things ; as if King John had
headed a movement that was seeking for popular liberty. The
man who came upon the scene, was no other than George

THE DOMINION OF CANADA. 281

Brown. We have not laid ourselves open to the charge, so far,
of undue admiration for this politician, but have endeavoured,
as we shall strive now, to do him simple, naked justice. It-
might be open to us, were we disposed merely to censure the
public career of Mr. Brown, instead of to endeavour to paint
his record, the good and the bad, so far as it is concerned with
the main thread of our narrative, just as it is, to say that the
course he proposed in the political emergency which had come
was not begotten of a well-spring of devotion to the country's
interests, and not that he hated John A. Macdonald and his-
party less, but that he hated John Sandfield Macdonald more.
What he did do, we shall, instead, endeavour to regard as a.
bright spot in a career of noisy and unscrupulous amVntion^
and peace-disturbing demagogism.

On the day after the ministerial defeat Mr. Brown fell into
conversation with Messrs. J. H. Pope and Alexander Morris,
supporters of the ministry, and members respectively for Comp-
ton and South Lanark. He gave it as his opinion that a crisis,
had arrived which could not be overcome by an appeal to the
people, and that the time was a fitting one to settle " for ever
the constitutional difficulties between Upper and Lower Can-
ada." He further expressed his willingness to cooperate
with the existing or any other ministry that would deal
promptly and firmly with the mattei*. The two minis tei'ialists,
one of whom had been a staunch advocate of federation, lis-
tened to Mr. Brown with a good deal of satisfaction, and before
parting from him asked if they might repeat the conversation
to the conservative leaders. He readily consented, and the re-
sult was that on Friday, the 17th, Messrs. John A. Macdonald
and A. T. Gait waited on Mr. Brown at his rooms in th», !:?t.
Louis Hotel, stating that they were authorized hy the minis-
try to invite the cooperation of the liberal leader, with a view
to the settlement of differences existing between Upper and
Lower Canada. When this proposal had been made, Mr. Brown
replied that nothing but the extreme urgency of the present

282 LIFE OF SIR JOUN A. MACDONALD.

crisis could justify tins meeting — vi'ith which observation Mr.
Macdonald agreed in a tone of bland irony. The grit chief
then intimated that " it was quite impossible that he could be
a member of any administration at present, and that even had
this been otherwise, he would have conceived it highly objec-
tionable that parties who had been so lonr^ and so strongly op-
posed to each other, as he and some members of the adminis-
tration had been, should enter the sani'^ cabinet. He thought
the public mind would be shocked by such an arrangement,
but he felt very strongly that the present crisis presented an
opportunity of dealing with this question that might never oc-
cur again. Both political parties had tried in turn to govern
the country, but without success ; and repeated elections only
arrayed sectional majorities against each other more strongly
than before. Another general election at this moment present-
ed little hope of a much altered result ; and he believed that
both parties were far better prepared than they had ever been
before to look the true cause of all ihe difficulties firmly in the
face, and endeavour to settle the representation question on an
equitable and permanent basis."

In reply, Mr. Macdonald said he considered it essential that
Mr. Brown should be a member of the cabinet, to give gua-
rantees to the opposition and the country of the earnestness of
the government. To do justice to Mr. Brown, he did not show
any hopeless opposition to the proposal that he should enter
the ministry, but suggested that all questions of a peraonal na-
ture, and the necess^ary guarantees, might be v/aived for the
present, " and the discussion conducted with a view of ascer-
taining if a satisfactory solution of the sectional difficulty
•could be agreed upon." He then requested to know what steps
the government proposed towards settling sectional troubles.
Promptly, Messrs. Macdonald and Gait informed him that
their remedy was " a federal union of all the British North-
American provinces " — a project, while not in some details the
same as that afterwards adopted, a^l along very dear to Mr.

THE DOMINION OF CANADA. 283

Macdonald, though he did not approve of the methods recently
proposed to carry out the object, and had voted against the plan
suggested — " local matters being committed to local bodies, and
matters common to all to a general legislature, constituted on
the well-understood principles of federal government." With
this plan Mr. Brown expressed himself dissatisfied, his desire
not being to see a confederation of the provinces, a contin-
gency which he regarded as impracticable then and remote, but
rather to have accomplished a measure to provide more equit-
able parliamentary representation for Upper Canada. As there
is an impression among several writei's that Mr. Brown was
the parent of confederation, and entered the coalition for the
purpose of forwarding the scheme, it may be as well to dispel
the illusion. The testimony of Mr. Mackenzie, Mr. Brown's
biographer, on this point, is conclusive. After Messrs. Mac-
donald and Gait had stated what their remedy was, " Mr.
Brown," Mr. Mackenzie tells us, at page 89 of his book, " ob-
jected that this was uncertain and remote (the confederation
scheme), as there were so many bodies to be consulted ; and
stated that the measure acceptable to Upper Canada would be
parliamentary reform based on population, without regard to
a separating line betv/een Upper and Lower Canada." Messrs.
Macdonald and Gait assured Mr. Brown that his proposal in-
volved an impossibility, and after some discussion the latter
gentleman was persuaded to accept a compromise in the adop-
tion of the federal principle for all the p/' )vinces as the larger
question, or for Canada alone, witii pro^ ision for the admis-
sion of the maritime provinces and the North-West ten-itory.
The gi'ound having been thus cleared, Mr Brcwn stated that
he was ready to cooperate with the new government. The
utmost credit then to which Mr. Brown is entitled is, not that
he brought the union into life, but that lie permitted its birth.
Quite .* different parent had the scheme. To use Bystanders
apt epigram, " The father of confederation was dead-lock."

284 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

On the 30th of the month, business having been hume(i
through, parliament was prorogued. On the same day the
ministerial announcements were made. George Brown entered
the government as president of the council, Oliver Mowat &,a
postmaster-general, and Wm.McDougall as provincial-secretary.
The ordinary affairs of legislation had little charm new for the
coalition ministry, so absorbed were they by the scheme which
overshadowed every other question. The tongues of implac-
able party f oemen for the time were stilled, the questions that
had kept the two sections of the province so long in an atti-
tude of hostility towards each other, passed for the time from
the public memory, and one and all began to dream over this
new nationality that was to be given to them. But as one hears,
in the stilly moments before the rush of the storm, the croak-
ing note of the raven on the turret or the tree-top, so, in the
midst of the expectancy which held the people mute, here and
there was heard the voice of a politician croaking some evil
prophecy. Messrs. Dorion ^^nd Holton raised their voices and
said in effect that we were plucking green fruit, that the union
scheme required yet many years to ripen, and predicted a new
brood of discord under the expected regime. Mr. Dunkin
croaked an unmistakable note of ruin ; solemnly declaring that
we would have under "this confederation" a swarm of trou-
bles and heart-burnings far more grievous than the discords
we aimed to exorcise. A number of the grits who had followed
Mr. Brown all along, while approving of the federation princi-
ple, declared that he had sold himself to the liberal-conserva-
tive party, and, that, what was worse than the sale, he had
gone over " too ch.^ap." They pointed out that while the oppo-
sition had a majority of two votes in the legislature they were
given only three seats ; but it afterwards became clear that
Mr. Brown brought all possible pressure to bear for the admis-
sion of a greater number of his friends, and that the govern-
ment had decided to stop at this point.

THE DOMINION OF CANADA. 285

The most energetic spirit in the federation movement now
was Mr. John A. Macdonald. It was his hand that made
smooth many of the rough ways in the negotiations ; and he in-
spired his colleagues with the same faith and enthusiasm in the
achievement of the union as he felt himself. His interest in
the scheme, after the coalition had been accomplished, has been
sneered at by some prejudiced and -juperficial writers, while
others who affect an anxiety to be friendly, say that he de-
serves credit for having bent so readil}'' to the wishes of the
legislature and the public. The truth is, from the moment that
a federation of the provinces had been first discussed, the scheme
had been Mr, Macdonald's fondest dream. Efforts, wrongly
made, by politicians who were zealous for the union, he had
seen and disapproved ; believing, and affirming his belief, that
it was not proper to jeopardize a project of such ovei'shadowing
moment, by affixing to it the stigma oi that defeat v/hich
was sure to come upon the test oi its popularity, at a time when
the public mind was not prepared to comprehend its import-
ance. But through all those years that the Upper Canada re-
formers cried out for reprosentation by po[)ulation, and charged
him with lending himself to the French Canadians for the sake
of office, he dreamt of the time, when through some such system
as was afterwards adopted, the turmoil would be brought to an
end, and that which the majority of the people in his own sec-
tion sought be granted, without working injustice to the other
portion of the province ; and when the census revealed that
there were 300,000 persons more in the upper than in the lower
division, he promptly told Mr. Cartier that the day of settle-
ment was close at hand. We have seen that while the union
was maintained, such settlement never could be representation
by population ; that Mr. Macdonald had made some of his most
powerful speeches in affirming this position : it is not necessary
then to say that the expedient in which he saw a cure was
this plan for a confederation. Later on, when, among other
delegates, he visited Halifax, he stated that this scheme of

286 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

union had been his ideal dream, and that since he saw a possi-
bility of its accomplishment he felt that a higher future had
been opened for us, and a field worthy the ambition of the
Canadian statesman. Yet not alone in his attitude toward:*
this great questl tn, but to many other important political
events, the birth of his time, in which he has felt the deep-
est interest, has ho been regarded hostile. " He will not con-
seat to be hurried," says one writer, " but no one can say that
on any given question his finality of to-day may not be his.
starting-point at some future time." * The truth is, Mr. Mac-
(lonald iiad not pretended to be wiser than his time, or sought
to move faster than the people. He showed then, as ever
since, that he regards it to be his duty in the governing place,
not to create, but to obey public opinion. Many a time when
pressed to move this way or that has he assured impulsive col-
leagues, " The fruit is green and not fit to pluck," and that the
harmless thunder of an unpopular orator, or a newspaper awry^
is not public opinion, any more than one swallow is a summer.
He might write in living letters in his political arms as his motto,.
Carpe diem. Unlike the unthinking plodder who launches his
skiff when the tide sets against him, Mr. (let us say Sir John, for
we are anticipating) Macdonald only puts out when the current
is with him, and the " furrow follows free." Some men are for
ever wrestling with the winds and the tides of public opinion^
because they have not been given the gift to see in what direc-
tion the currents flow ; but after they have been driven by the
adverse elements, which are stronger than they are, and which
have always conquered, and will always overcome whoso is
reckless enough to battle witL them, and see their opponents
progressing with flowing sail, they sneer and cry, "He has
waited for the wind and the" tide. He is only a creature of
expedient. We have not regarded the tempest or the waves,
but have buffeted them " — and, let us add, had shipwreck.

* Charles Lindsey, in Dent's " Portrait Gallery. "

THE DOMINION OF CANADA. 287

" We do not wait till public opinion is in our favour, but set
boldly out, wrestle with it," — and let us add for them again,
get ashore. This has been Mr. John A. Maedonald's pre-emin-
ence: and if standing patiently by, and waiting till public
opinion is ready for him to secularize clergy reserves, or con-
summate a union of the straggling provinces, is to be a creature
of expediency, then such a creature, in the superlative degree,
is he. Brown's proposal of a coalition Macdonald saw wa»
the favourable turn to the tide which had up to that hour set
adversely. Because his efforts for union before would only
have been energy wasted, and a defeat-tarnish on the project
he had, up to this hour, held aloor ; because his exertions now
could be turned to triumph, he not alone joined hands with lh&
unionists, but with heart and heal became the leader of the
movement, halting not, or flagging not, as we shall see, till his.
i'deal victory had been won.

Let us now, briefly as we may, give the story of the various
steps, from the first to the last, of the confederation move-
ment. The idea of a federation of the colonies was not a new
one, and had been mooted many times before. Indeed so early
as the time when the New England colonies separated from the
empire, an article was introduced inlio the constitution of the
new confederacy authorizing the adriission of Canada to th&
union, should the latter seek such alliance. In 1810 an enter-
prising colonist put forward the federation scheme, but politi-
cal opinion was in a crude state, and nothing more was heard
of the proposition till four years later, when chief-justice Se-
well, of Quebec, submitted a plan of confederation to the Duke
of Kent. The Duke agreed, in a very cordial note, with the
suggestions of " my dear Sewell,'' and then pointed out that the
chief-justice was mistaken as to the number of legislatures in
the British North American possessions. Although the justice
had " quite overlooked " one province, he was satisfied that his
tcherae was a masterpiece of grasp and detail. In i8i'7 the
legislative council of Upper Canada originated resolutions aim-

288 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

ing at a union of the two Canadian provinces, suggesting like-
wise a " union of the whole four provinces of North America
under a vice-royalty, with a/ac simile of that great and glori-
ous fabric, the best monument of human wisdom, the British
constitution." This movement exploded in rhetorical thunder,
and nothing more was heard of the scheme in public places till
Lord Durham had been disgraced, and had presented his report.
From that hour the question engrossed, more or less, the public
mind, and in 1849 the North American League, a body which
bore a somewhat similar relation to the British North American
provinces, as those three Tooley-street tailors did to the city of
Lon ion, met in Toronto and discussed the question, though the
immediate object of the gathering was an application of the
federal principle to the two provinces of Canada. In 1854 the
legislature of Nova Scotia adopted resolutions recommending a
closer union of the British North-American colonies. From
this period the imperial government seem to have set their
hearts upon a federation of the provinces. Leading statesmen
warmly recommended the measure in the house of commons,
and the foremost newspapers took up a similar tone. But the
plan approved by the Nova Scotia legislature was not for a
federation of all the provinces, but a maritime union, compre-
hending under one government, Nova Scctiu, New Brunswick
and Prince Edward Island. In 1864, the legislatures of these
provinces passed resolutions authorizing the appointment of
delegates to meet during the autumn, to discuss the project of
maritime union. At once it occurred to Mr. Macdonald that
the meeting could be turned to account by the government of
Canada in promoting the general confederation scheme. The
maritime-province delegates were to meet, in September, at
Charlottetown, and thither repaired eight members of the
Canadian administration. The delegates at this conference
were as follows : —

From Nova Scotia — The Hon, Charles Tupper, M.P.P., pro-
vincial secretary; the Hon. Wm. A. Henry, M.P.P., attorney-

THE DOMINION OF CANADA.

general ; the Hon. Robert Barry Dickie, MiL.C. ; the Hon.
Jonathan McCully, M.L.C. ; the Hon. Adams G. Archibald,
M.P.P.

From New Brunswick— The Hon. S. L. Tilley, M.P.P., pro-
vincial secretary ; the Hon, John M. Johnston, M.P.P., attor-
ney-general ; the Hon. John Hamilton Gray, M.P.P. ; the Hon.
Edward B. Chandler, M.L.C. ; the Hon. W. H. Steeves, M.L.C.

From Canada — The Hon. John A. Macdonald, M.P.P., at-
torney-general, UpperCanada ; the Hon. George Brown, M.P.P.,
prcs'ident of executive council ; the Hon. Alexander T. Gait,
M.P.P., minister of finance ; the Hon. George E. Cartier, M.P.P.,
attorney-general, Lower Canada ; the Hon. Hector L. Lange-
vio, M.P.P., solicitor-general of Lower Canada ; the Hon.
William McDougall, provincial secretary; the Hon. Thomas
D'Arcy McGee, M.P.P., minister of agriculture.

Prince Edward Island v as represented by the Hon. Col.
Gray, M.P.P., president of the executive council ; the Hon. Ed-
ward Palmer, M.L.C, attorney-general ; the Hon. W. H. Pope,
M.P.P., colonial secretary ; the Hon. George Coles, M.P.P. ; the
Hon. A. A. Macdonald, M.L.C.

The Canadian ministei-s not having been appointed to con-
fer respecting legislative union, had no official standing at the
Island conference, but they were invited to join in the discus-
sion, of which courtesy they vigorously availed themselves.
" The Canadians descended upon us," said one of the Islanders
afterwards ; " and before they were three days among us we
forgot our own scheme and thought only about theirs." No
longer did any one speak of maritime union ; all were absorbed
by the greater project of a general federation, guaranteeing
local and joint control. " This scheme of ours," the attorney-
general for Canada West observed to some of his colleagues
as they walked home to their hotel after the discussion had
been a short time in progress, " like Aaron's serpent, has swal-
lowed all uhe rest." The objections that still exist to maritime

union, existed then ; the iii possibility of fixing the capital in
s

290 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

one province witliout provoking- the animosity of the othei's.
There was a way by wliich this fatal bar niij^^ht have been set
aside, and that tlie adoption oi" the itinerant plan. Whou
the free school system was introduced through the provinces,
one of the most formidable obstacles to its operation often
proved to be the problem, Where is the teacher to board ?
and many a disti-ict, rather than see o^o family monopolize
the honours of the " master's " beard and lodging would con-
demn itself to the privation of having no school at all. But a.s
a way was found out of this dilemma by the teacher " board-
ing around the deestrict," a possibility of legislative union
for our maritime brethren is suggested by the idea that tho
government might board around the union, spending say, four
years at Fredericton, as many sessions at Halifax, and a like
term in Charlottetown. But, putting levity aside, we believe
that the day is coming when the three provinces named, and
Quebec with them, must unite in a maritime union, if thej',
one and all, would not be overshadowed, in the coming years,
by the provinces developing with such rapid strides in the
west. . . . .. i

So completely did the general confederation scheme absorb
the maritime idea that tho convention closed only to reassem-
ble at Quebec again, on a date to be fixed by the goA^ernor-
general of Canada. On a bright September morning, full of
high hopes of a future great Canadian nation, in which, doubt-
less, each member of the convention on board the steamer
Victoria as she ploughed along Northumberland Strait, was
fashioning out for himself a high place, the party sailed away
for Halifax. Here they were received with enthusiastic wel-
come, the city being literally en fete during their stay. A
sumptuous banquet was prepared in the dining-room of tho
Halifax hotel, at which Dr. Tupper, provincial secretary for
Nova Scotia, and the second ablest public man in the province,
presided. Making due allowance for after-dinner exagger-
ation, which is as the bubble on the champagne which gives it

TUE DOMINION OF CANADA. 291

birtli, these speeches showed a careful mastery of the situation ;
many of the predictions made liave aheady been fulfilled, while
thf! consummation of others 's assured to us by fair promise.
M. Cartier, who was the only member that dijtped into Virgil
for allusion and jcw(ds, glanced into the inexorable future and
there saw a groat British-American nation with the fair pi'o-
vinces of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick as the arms of the
national body to embrace the .vealth which the Atlantic's
commerce would bring, with Prince E(lward Island as the
regal liead, and for a body the provinces of Canada stretching
from the sea in the east to the shadow of the Rocky Moun-
tains in the west It was reserved to later years to complete
this national giant, when, to extend M. Carticr's figure, British
Columbia became the national legs, le<7s that a cynic might say,
but that we flhall take the pains here to forestall him, may-
some day, us tl )y have lately threatened, walk away from the
trunk to a destiny of their own. Mr. John A. Macdouald
made a telliug speich.* While he took a hopeful vie\.^ of what
the confed .^ration would bring, he nowhere allowed his imagin-
ation to Lake flight with his judgment. He calmly, though
hopefully, examined the prospect, and declared that the con-
summation of the union had been for many years his fondest
drea7n. From Halifax the delegates passed over to New
Bruaswick, visiting the pretty little capital Fredericton, where
a conference was held with Lieutenant-Governor Gordon. St.
Joha extended its hospitalities to the "confederates," as the
visiiorfv were called, and the delegates departed for their homes,
the Canadians above all jubilant over the success that had
attended their visitation. Mr. John A. Macdonald, curiously
enough, is reported to have said, after the Halifax banquet, to
one cf his colleagues, " I admire this Tupper very much ; it
seems to me if 3'ou gnt him interested ir any movement, he is
not lUiel}'^ to falter, < t to be hindered by small obstacles." Of

*«te Appendix"!'.'

292 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

the Now Brunswick delegates, Mr. Macdonalcl and his col-
leaguer- talked much, and he and they seemed taken with Mr.
S. L. Tilley, the provincial secretary, for the clear decisiveness
of his view, and the sincerity of his manners. There is no
reason to yuppose that, during die many years since that
political good fortune has thrown Mr. Macdonald in such close
contact with those two distinguished maritime-province men,
he has changed his mind.

On ohe 10th of Ocfiober, the day named by the governor-
general for the meeting of the conference in Quebec, the dele-
gates h id assernbled in that (paint city, looking so antique
that it might be regarded as having come to birth at a day
as far in the past as saw the origin of those grand old cliffs
that sentinel the leisurely flood of the St. Lawrence, which,
apparently, is here at pause on its way to the great sea. The
number of delegates had been increased by the presence of
Hon. (now Sir) Frederick B. T, Carter, speaker of the New-
foundland house of assembly, Hon. Ambrose Shea, leader of the
opposition in the game chamber, and Sir Etienne P. Tachd, A.
Campbell, Oliver Mowat, James Cockburn, and J. C. Chapais,
from the Canadian cabinet. The conference was organized
by the election of Sir E. P. Tach(? to the chair. The provincial
secretaries of the several provinces were appointed honorary
secretaries to the conference, and Major Hewitt Bernard was
chosen executive secretary. Then tlie doors of the tf tiference-
chamber were closed, and the moDientous discussiort went on,
without any one raising his voi»^e to say nay. When the con-
clave was ended, though no word had gone abroad to the public
of what had been done, i- Avas surmised that a plan of federal
union had been adopted . i,nd ^vould in due time be submitted
to the imperial government A round of hospitalities was in-
augurated, and at a sumptuoi:3 dinner, gi'en by the Quebec
Board of Trade, some members, under the influence of enthu-
siasm and champagne, were sore pressed to retain their porten-
tous secrets. Dr. Tupper spoke there, dilati i^', in his own

T'lE DOMINION OF CANADA. 293

robustious and impassioned way, on the advantages the pro-
posed confederation must derive from union with his little
peninsular province Hon. S. L. Tilley followed in a speech
less forcible, though equally as convincing. He did not come
there, he assured his hearers, as a suppliant praying for
rtcognitioT* of i pauper province but as the representative
of what would y:vove one of the richest and most desirable
possessiojw of the confederation. Hon. Mr. Carter, of New-
foundland, spcke in his usual terse and telling style some good
words for his little colony — the most ancient of them all —
stan*' !ng like a solitary virgin out in those cold Atlantic waters,
friUjjOd in the summer time with fogs, and buffeted b}' the
rude stornis of winter. Mr. Carter was an able expo/ient of
his country's uiportance, but he was mistaken when he stated
that his broviior Newfoundlanders v/ould account it {! " loss to
t i lei': out of the union." Perhaps the very ablewt spefcTi was
Ih.at made it the public bariquet in Quebec some •}\i,yu ht^v by
the brilliant 'siid level-headed island politiciar., F on. Anbro^o
Sh":!a. He ^ j-ured his hearers that in tho ev^?:at of Li'; colony
eri-'ering tho anii n compact, theislandeirs ^/c lid not be the
only gainers. He dwelt at some length on tho richi?fj of the
seas around hip i.siand province, and spoke wiji. ust pride of
tho hardy character of the thirty thousand EtnArmn who reaped
the harvest from the waters, and of those * /ave fellows who
raiiged the j;'o-tields for the seal treasures. It v/as a time when
military aspects influenced statesmen. The mightiest civil
\var the world had ever known had convulsed the continent,
and v/hile the delegates were yet in Qi'tbec, rumours of threat-
ened JiTve^iojM v;ere on everybody's iips. Mr, Shea brought
forwai-d a teliing military consideration, in recommending his
colony to the union, which elicitet' ringing che. rs from the
auditors. " In considering a unioi) of the provinces," he said,
" it becomes necessary to take into account the position of
the proposed confederation v/ith regard to the safety and
defence. In this view, the position of Newfoundland becomes

294 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

one of marked significance. Our island, as you know, stretches
across the Gulf of St. Lawrence, commanding both passages
by which the vast trade of the Gulf region and the St. Law-
rence river finds its way to the ocean. Now, were this colony
in the hands of a hostile power in war time, the trade of
Canada would be hermetically sealed as if perpetual winter
reigned here." Mr. Shea, whose flowing and impressive style
of oratory at once captivated his hearers, and caused at least
one shrewd delegate to say, " He will be an acquisition to the
Canadian parliament," was not so sanguine of the reception
the union scheme would meet with the colonists ; and frankly
stated that the question had not yet been discussed in the
Island press, and that himself and Mr. Carter had spoken only
for themselves. And it so happened that while the two
talented Islanders were in Quebec, a colonial " poet," always
burthened with the weight of the people's woes, sat at home
brooding much over the union scheme, and finally broke forth
into verses, some of the more brilliant of which, as presented
some months later on the hustings, were injunctions to the
colonists to- -

" Remimber the day
' That Carter and Shea

r^ossed the say
Z ''81 er away
i'ht .igits of Tirr.T, Nova."

^''' • ''; i n; de'i.gv'.'^s reached the island they found that
rcai ttii. t'labiti-M-t Lad taken the alarm. Several ora-
tors • li( .e ' :j3ch rjvealed their relationship to that land
wh rici. .\ j.rtain "^ ilnt expelled the frogs and snakes, went
jvs jin'.f a. i/unJ th.) coast, denouncing the " shkeemers " who
hr-d.- ei in " Ociady tryin' to sell their counthry." The in-
habit m' of Irish birth or extraction showed the greatest hos-
tility io the scheme, because the demagogues had led them to
believe that it would involve all the hardships and wrongs of
the union between England and Ireland. It is not strange
tb t the more rampant " antis " were the thousands who could

THE DOMINION OF CANADA. 295

neither read nor write, and who lived huddled away in the
little nooks around the coast, fif-jhing for cod in summer, shoot-
ing game, and hauling firewood with dogs, in the winter. Ho.v-
ever, we are somewhat anticipating, and must tell in the proper
place how this cold virgin resented the proposal for political
wedlock.

Before the delegates dispersed, they paid a visit to the capi-
tal of this New Dominion, of which, it might be said, they were
now wildly dreaming. They set out on their journey by train,
accompanied by lady members of their family ; but, 1 ured by
the beauty which lights and transfigures our scenery in the
autumn, W\Qy took steamer and journeyed by the Ottawa river.
Some of the fair passengers declared they had seen grander
scenery, but never anything more lovely. They had, walling
their own provinces in, mighty cliffs, at whose feet they heard
the ocean thunder in storm, and sing songs unspeakably sad
■and sweet in the calm. They had bold, airy mountains of their
own, sombre forests and rushing rivers, but never, they said, had
they seen anything so lovely as those groups of mellow islands,
robed in the autumn's glory, which at every bend of the river
were revealed to view. The sun set before the passage of the
I'iver was made, and as the soft twilight came stealing over
wood and dale, mingling its gloom "with the darkling hues of
the h;lls, the scene became enrapturing. The party sat upon
the deck till the shadows deepened into night, and the moon
climbed over the hills, listening to the murmur of the river
shallows, and the hoarse, warning roar of the rapids, one fair
lady looking with rapt glance upon the dim hills and shining
river flooded in silvery glory, the while gently murmuring, as
only a sweet-voiced woman can, who loves nature and sweet
verse for its sake, ■ ■■■. •

Blow, breezes, blow, the stream runs fast,
The Rapids are near, and the daylight's past."

The party was met at the little wilderness-citv by a torch-
light procossion, and escorted to Russell's hotel, around which

296 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

an cit^usiastic assemblage had gathered. The pet of the mul-
titiiHe was Mr, John A. Macdonald, who was called for lustily
by imndreds of voices. After some time he appeared at one of
the windows of the hold, thanking the assemblage, in a few
iiappy sontente.5. for tlieir welcome, and expressing the hope
that at a day lot far di jtant, Ottawa might be the capital city
of a great British-American confederation. The citizens were
politic enough not to let their visitors depart without seeing the
natural beauties which abounded in their neighbourhood-
Through the bright, cold November morning, one of Mr. Dick-
inson's trim little steamers took the party three miles dow the
river, anc" thou turning, ran up, further than ever boat had ^v^iie
l<efore, into the boiling cauldron at the foot of Chaudiere Falls.
Leaving Ottawa, which had extended her fullest courtesies,
the party proceeded westward through the province, receivings
cordial veelcome and lavish hospitality at Kingston, Toronto,
HaniUton and other cities on the route. The delegates then
rei/Ui ed to their respective homes, eager to get before the
legislatures, and propose the scheme which had filled then with
such high hope. We bid good-bye to our visitors at Quebec,
and turn to watch the fate of the union in Canada,

Before parliament met, Mr. Mowat had grown weary of politi-
cal life, and accepted a vice-chancellorship on the judicial Ijench
of Upper Canada. It is needless, almost, to tell the reader,
that in time the shancellor grew weary of the bench, and en-
tered public life again. We must take the liberty of stating-
that werejard the exchange of the judicial seat for party place
a decensus averni, and an act bearing a close analogy to a
bishop leaving the episcopal chair, and turning railway direc-
tor. ^ . Mowat's case is not an exception in Ontario, but a
plurality of examples only makes the matter worse. The man
who is taken from among his fellows, and elevated to the chair
of justice, bears, in the public eye, a solemn stamp and seal,,
"which removes him from the influences and interests which
sway other men. lie is as one who renounces the world's ways.

. TUE DOMINION OF CANADA. 297

and, entering the sanctuary, devotes himself to the «xcluaive
work of religion. He consecrates himself to justice, is regarded
in a different light from other men ; is ass'. aed to have no-
party prejudices, and to be an unmoved spectator ot the strug-
gle between individuals and parties, and all things whatsoever
that are begotten of difference of opinion. But when this man,
so consecrate to justice, stands up before the public, la5'^s by
his sacred robes, and, stepping down from the judgment seat,,
enters the world, and plunges into the mire of politics, a shock
is given to our honest faith in the sanctity of the bench ; the
solemn judge, in ermine and judicial insignia, expounding and
pronouncing, does not awe us any longer ; for we dream of a
day yet to come when we may find him figuring at some de-
grading political intrigue in a city ward, or endeavouring to
bribe an archbishop. Mr. W. P. Howland, who was a gentle-
man of ability and integrity, became postraaster-general in Mr.
Mowat's place.

Parliament met on the 19th of February, and, in the minis-
i-ry's opening speech, which the governor read, the confedera-
tion scheme was warmly recommended to the house. The
union question absorbed the almost exclusive attention of par-
liament. Some of the ablest speeches ever delivered in a
Canadian legislature were heard during the session. On the
ministerial side, Messrs. (John A.) Macdonald, Brown, Cartier
and McGee, supported the question with marked ability, while
with scarcely less skill and power Messrs. (John Sandfield)
Macdonald, Huntington, Dorion, Holton and Dunkin opposed
it. All that careful research and skilful manipulation of fact
and figures could urge against the scheme, was put forward
with impassioned force by these gentlemen. An eastern writer
tells a story of a dervish who had the power in form, face and
voice, of personating whomsoever he vrilled. The wizard had
a taste for political intrigue, and one day, as grand vizier,
learnt momentous soorets from the pasha, and again in the form
of some favoured sheik discovered intrigues, whicli, in league

298 LIFE OF SIR JO UN A, MACDONALD.

with a daring and ambitious accomplice, he turned to his own
advantage. He could, indeed, the story goes, take the shape of
the loveliest occupant of the harem, and once, in the guise of
a beautiful houri, with eyes like night, and heart-entangling
hair, made the amorous prince lay bare every wile and secret of
his heart. The stoiy, we believe, to be an allegory representing
dramatic power. The dramatic quality in the possession o'f a
politician is not less dangerous than the metamorphosing power
of the dervish, for in a stupid, if not in a vicious, cause, the
public may become a victim to horror, vittue and awful in-
<lignation counterfeited. It appears that Mr. Dunkin, at the
liand of blind, indiscriminate nature, was il;e possessor in some
measure of the dramatic instinct. It is hardly worth while to
talk so much about his powers, or what he did, or to go to East-
■crn lore for illustration, but nevertheless it may be said that he
counterfeited, in a very clever fashion, a vast amount of horror
and dread of the confederation scheme. " All that a well-read
public man," says Hon. John H. Gray, in his woi'k on " Con-
federation," ■' all that a thor-jugh "-i-ophist, a dexterous logician,
a timid patriot, or a prophet of evil could array against the
project, was brought up and pressed against the scheme." It
almost appears from reading Mr. Dunkin's utterances, that he
was opposed to the union, for at times he breaks away from his
art and becomes as impassioned as Cassandra, who sees the
swallow's neat fall from the wall of Troy, while the wooden
horse of the Greeks seeks admission at the gates. On Fri-
day the loth oV March the discussion had ended, and attorney-
^;eneral Macdoiiald, rising, offered the following motion, " That
an humble ad Iress be presented to her Majesty, praying that
she may be graciously pleased to cause a measure to be sub-
mitted to the i?! jorial parliament for the purpose of uniting
the colonies of '.'li.nada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince
Edward Island and Newfoundland in one government, with
provisions based on certain resolutions, which were adopted at
ii conference of delegates from the said colonies, held at che city

THK DOMINION OF CANADA. 299

of Quebec, on the 10th of October, 1805." This resolution,
after some discussion, was carried by a vote of 91 to 33. Of
the minority, four were from the upper province, and of the
majority fifty-four. The question might not have fared so well
in che lower province, but that M. Cartier was an enthusiastic
champion of union, and was supported by the priests almost to
a man. A motion similar to that carried in the house of com-
mons had been introduced in the legislative council by the
premier, Sir E, P. Tach(), and carried by a vote of three to one.
Parliament prorogued on the 18th of March, and during the
month following Messrs. (J. A.) Macdonald, Gait, Brown and
Oartier, proceeded to England, to confer with the imperial
government, and promote the scheme of confederation. The
most active member in forwarding the measure was Mr. Mac-
donald, who assured his colleagues that it would be impossible
to go back again to the old and troublous order. Up to this
point, and for some years later, it may be stated, the attorney-
general-west differed from his colleagues as to the details of
the confederation plan. He believed that the true system was
one parliament having supreme control, and a system of muni-
cipal institutions in each province with enlarged functions. To
this view his colleagues were determinedly hostile, expressing
their preference for provincial legislatures, and a controlling
joint authority. " I prefer that system too," argued Mr. Mac-
donald, " but what I fear is that it may be found impracticable.
I fear there will arise a collision of authority between the pro-
vincial legislatures and +he general parliament, which would
be an evil worse than that which we seek now to remedy."
His colleagues were of the opinion that this danger could be
averted by assigning to each parliament, at the outset, its .spe-
cial functions, giving it as M. Cartier expressed it, its " chart
of jurisdiction," whence no difficulty could arise. History has
vindicated the correctness of Mr. Macdonald's surmises, and
weighty opinion does now assert that we ouglit to have had the
system he advocated then, and that we are too much governed.

800 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

" At present wo have," says the greatest living English writer *
" for a population of four millions, eight kings, one central and
seven provincial, as many parliaments, and sixty-five nkinisters
of the crown ; while England is content with a single king, a
single parliament— the members of which are not paid — and a
single cabinet, seldom containing so many members as the
cabinet at Ottawa. Wo have also judges and chief-justices as
the stars of heaven in number." Leading Canadian minds have
begun to ponder these figures. Is such a plenitude of government
needful they ask themselves ; if not, then why should it abide ?
Meanwhile the inhabitants of New Brunswick had taken
alarm, and a very gale of opposition to the confederation
I movement swept over the province. Before heavy guns are
put to the ordeal of battle, they are tested by tremendous
charges ; and boilers used for generating steam are subjected
to eaormous pressure, to guard against ruinous explosion in
the day of trial. When the delegates shut themselves up in
their secret chamber at Quebec, a sacred silence was imposed
upon each one present till the result of the deliberations
should be made known in the proper way through the legisla-
tures. There was no means of testing the secret-bearing capa-
city of members, else some explosions might have edified the
early stages of the proceedings. Nothing in the way of casu-
ality occurred, however, during the tour through the western
province, though some of the delegates did look the while so
important with their cargo of mystery as to remind one of a
heavy August cloud, full of lightning and thunder, that may at
any moment burst. But when one of the number reached his
home in Prince Edward Island, the secret had grown so oppres-
sive that he felt it would be impossible for him to contain
himself. When the pressure became intolerable, he went, in
a sort of reckless despair, and unburthoned to a newspaper
editor. Within three hours the terms of the Quebec scheme

* Prof. Goldwin Smith, in " The ByBtander " for March, 1880.

THE DOMINION OF CANADA. 301

were flashed from end to end of British North America. The
New Bruns wickers took instant alarm. Trifling discrepancies
were magnified into frightful proportions. Tlie demagogue
cried out against " taxation," and the conservative against a
" sacrilegious meddling with the co :stitution." In March, 1865,
a general election was held, and so bitter was the feeling against
union, that not one of the Quebec delegates was elected. An
anti-confederate niinibtry was formed by Hon. (now Sir) A. J.
Smith, and George L. Hatheway. The result of the election
in New Brunswick told heavily on the fate of the question else-
where. The union enthusiasm of Nova ScoMa was instariHy
chilled ; the legislature seemed disposed to hold aloof from
the general federation plan, and passed resolutions favouring
alone a union of the maritime provinces. Prince Edward Is-
land suddenly developed a turbulent little temper of her own ;
spiritedly refused to have anything to do with confederation,
and repudiated the action of her delegates at the Quebec con-
ference. Newfoundland took no steps, and the ministry waited
till the other provinces had set the example of entering the
union before submitting the question to the polls.

The Canadian delegates, while in England, had several
lengthy conferences with the imperial ministers on the proposed
constitutional changes, on treaties and legislation, the defences
of Canada, the settlement of the north-west territories, the
Hudson Bay company's claim, and other subjects. The con-
federation scheme having attracted much favourable attention
in England, our emissaries were received with marked cordiality
by the ministry as well as by the Queen and royal family.
Hon. John A. Macdonald pressed upon the home government
the expediency of making known to the recalcitrant colonies
that the imperial authorities desired to see a union consumma-
ted ; for one of the weapons used against the project in Nova
Scotia and New Brunswick, was that the aim of the confedera-
tion was separation from the empire, and the assumption of
independent nationality. Such an intention at that day was

302 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

regarded as a public ofronce. If it is an ofFcneo for tlie son,
approaching tlio years and the strength of maidiood, to turn
his thoughts to sopaiatlon from the homestead under whoso
jurisdiction and slielter he has lived during lils infancy and
boyhood, to sketch out a manly and independent career of his
own, plan to build his own house, conduct his own business,
and carve out his own fortune, then was It an offence for those
Canadians, if there were at that time any such, who on the eve
of union dreamt of nationality, of a time when C-anada would
have passed the years of boyhood, and be brave and strong
enough to stand forth among the Independent nations.

After the despatches of the colonial secretary had reached
the provincial government, some of those who had opposed
union on the ground of loyalty, now began with much consist-
ency to inveigh against the alleged " un^'ue pressure " of the
imperial government ; while many declared that "an atrocious
system for the coercion of the colonies into the hateful bond "
had been inaugurated in the home office. The truth is there
was neither pressure nor coercion exercised from the colonial
office, since no proceeding could have been more fatal to tho
prospects of the confederation. The home ministry had grown
to be enthusiastic supporters of the " new-dominion " scheme,
and stated their views at much length in their despatches to
the colonial governors, whom they wished to give to the proi'^ct
every possible proper support at their command ; but that wa'*
all. On the one hand Mr. John Macdonald and his colleajjues
avouched the loyalty of the provinces to the crown, and de-
clared that the colonists would spend their only dollar, and shed
the last drop of their blood, in maintaining connexion with the
mother-laad. The parent was much moved at these earnest and
lavish protestations of the child, and in token of her apprecia-
tion and gratitude guaranteed a loan for the construction of an
Intercolonial railway ; admitted her obligation to defend the
colonies with all the resources at her command ; and consented
to strengthen the fortifications at Quebec, and provide arma-

THE DOMINION OF CANADA.

Tiients. Tlio Quebec schomo was amply and carefully dipcussed,
and our colonial nnnisters wore fairly matches for their impe-
rial brethren in diplomacy — notably so was Mr. John A. Mac-
donald, whose astuteness and statesmanlike views were tho
subject of much favouniblo comment. Among other things^
the homo government undertook to ascertain what were the
rights of the Hudson Bay company, with a view to the cession
of the north-west territory to the Dominion.

A meeting of the Canadian parliament, to discuss the report
of the delegates, was called for the 8th of August. On the 30tli
of July, some excitement was caused in political circles by the
death of the premier. Sir Etienne P. Tachd, and as the meeting
of the legislature was to take place in a few days, it became
imperative that his successor should be appointed as speedily
as possible. The senior member of the cabinet, and beyond any
comparison, its most able and eligible member, was the attor-
ney-general-west, and for this gentleman the governor-general
promptly sent, requesting him to assume the place of the de-
ceased leader. Mr. Macdonald offered no objections, but, on the
contrary, believed that he was entitled by reason of his seniority
in the cabinet, to the vacant premiership. He waited on
George Brown to whom he stated what had passed between
himself and Lord Monck, but the grit chieftain refused to con-
sent to the arrangement, giving as his reason that the govern-
ment hitherto had been a coalition of three political parties,
each represented by an active party leader, but all acting under
one chief, who had ceased to be moved by strong party feelings
or personal ambition. Mr. Macdonald, M. Cartier and himself
on the contrary, he maintained, were regarded as party leaders,
with party feelings and aspirations ; and to place any one of
these in an attitude of superiority over the others, with the ad-
vantage of the premiership, would, in the public mind, lessen
the security of good faith, and seriously endanger the existence
of the covlition. He refused, therefore, to accept Mr. Macdon-
ald as premier, and suggested the appointment of some gentle-

•304 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. -

man of good .standing in the legislative council. The grit
leader's motives, the reader can see as, well as ourselves, wero
partly patriotic, but above all they w^ero selfish. It was natural
that he should be jealous of the ascendancy of Mr. Macdonald,
but it would have been more creditable had he frankly said
so, instead of trying to hide his real motive behind the thin
screen of argument, that Sir Etierne Tachd was a colourless
politician, withouf strong party feeling. Mr. Macdonald, very
cahaly and oloarl} pointed out, in reply to Mr. Brown's objec-
tion, that at the time the coalition was effected, in 1864, Sir
Eti* nne Tachv5 held the position of premier, with himself as
leader in the lower house, and of tho Upper Canada section of
the govemrnent ; that Sir Etienne \^ as not selected at the time
of the coalition to the leadership a j a part of the agreement
for the coalition, but that he had been previously, as then, the
head of the conservative governmenf , and was accepted by all
his Lower-Canada colleagues withou : ( \ange. This it will be
seen cut away the ground completel}' from under Brown's con-
tention ; after which Mr. Macdonald stated that he had not much
personal feeling in the matter, and tliat if he had he thought it
to be his duty to overcome such feeli:ij; for the sake of carrying
•out tl < great scheme, so happily commenced, to a successful
issue. He would, therefore, readily stand aside, and waive his
pretensions to the premiership ; and then suggested the nar.' a
of M. Cartier for the vacancy. Mr. Brown said he could not
decide on this proposal without seeing his friends ; and went
away to consult Messrs. McDougall and Rowland. The result
of the conference was that M. Cartier was not acceptable
either, after which Mr. Macdonald informed Mr. Brown that he
and M. Cartier had decided on offering the premiership to Sir
Narcisse Belleau. To this Brown replied that he was still un-
satisfied, that his party would not have chosen Sir Narcisse ;
but he added : " Since we are equally with you desirous of pre-
venting the scheme for the confederation of British America
jeiceiving injury from the appearance of disunion among us, we

Tllh: DOMINION OF CANADA. 306

shall offer no objection to his appointment." Sir Nnrcisso was
thcroforo installed, acceptinj^ the original policy of the coalition
ji^^ovornincnt.

The last session of the Canadian padianient, held in Quebec,
was opened on the 8Mi of August. The chief work of the f-^s-
sion was a consideration of the report of the delegates to l^^ng-
laiul. The goveriunent carried its measures by overwhelming
majorities, and there seemed no disposition to tolerate tiie ob-
struction of the small baud of opposition. During the session,
tho result of the hibours of the coinmission, apitointed in 18.57,
to frame a civil code for Lower Canada, was presented to the
legislature, and M. Cartier introduced a bill to carry tho same
into effect. The late Mr. S. J. Watson, a peculiai'ly vigon^us
writer, in referring to the speech delivered by M Cartier on
this occasion, remarks: " He spoke with the fteling of a man
Avho is conscious that he is placing the crowning stone on an
edifice which has cost him years of labour and anxiety to
build." The code went into operation on the 1st of August in
the following year. The house rose after a six-weelcs session ;
and in the autumn the public offices wore removed to tho
new capital in the wilderness, some one hundred and twenty
miles up the Ottawa river. During the su.imer, for tho sake
of convenience, the cabinet meetings were l.eld in Montreal.

Meanwhile, it was faring ill with George Bro''''n in the
cabinet. "The giant of the platform," «ays Bystander, "is
apt to shrink into less im[)osing dimensior.s when placed at the
•council board and pitted mind to mind against shrewd and able
men who are not to be swayed by rhetorical thunder. It was
always said that the southern slave-ownsr never w<i,s half so
happy at Washington, even in the hour af his political ascen-
dancy, as on his own plantation where ha was abso]utely lord
fm<\ master of all around him. Mr. Brown's position, it may be
easily believed, was more pleasant in the sphere where, instead
of finding his supremacy always contested, he. ruled with des-
potic sway, and could visit dissent from his opinion with the

30G LIFE OF SIR JOHiS'' A. MACDONALD,

lash." His position bogan t » .^rovv so intolerable, that the vir-
tue which prompted hiui to enter the government, and givohi*
pledge to support tlie jninistry till the confederation scheme
was beyond danger, began to fti'lo out of him, and he only sought
a pretext for resignation. It ujinears, and it is nf>t greatly to
be wondered at, that Sir Narcisse Belleau was on:y the figure-
head of the adminisiiaiion, and that attorney- goxi^ral Macdon-
ald's was the ruling mind. Of Mr. Brown's personal unfriend-
liness, we might say bis hatred, towards Mr. Macdonald, we
have already heard, as shown in his refusal to ratify the latter
gentleman's appointment to the premiership ; and now that his.
enemy, despite this protest, was the virtual premier, the mind
which inspired, and the hand that shaped the policy of the ad-
ministration, was a thorn too stinging for him to bear. One
writer says that Mr. Brown should have foreseen all these things-
before entering the administration, but as we have already
shown, Mr. Brown was frequently, when apparently moving^
according to the dictates of calm calculation, the victim of im-
pulse, and always incapable of forecasting probabilities or con-
sequences. Duty to some men is as the fixed star that the
mariner, sailing over the unknown main, follows with unfalter-
ing faith till it leads him to his haven ; but it is clear in the
record that with all the robust honesty and sense of right which
Jf.r. Brown possessed, this higher, and finer moral duty was not
to him a constant star. Strong and clear appeai'ed his duty
when he came to ccnservativo ministers and proposed p, coali-
tion ; promptly did he follow then what he deemed hit; duty
was ; and that, fc,o far, he did honourably, we might say nol>ly,
is by nothing so strongly proven as i^ thci protests entered by
that school of politicians, to which, ./ his own newspaper, he
had given life. But not far did he travel on his way when be
lost faith in the virtue of the star, faltered, dropped < ^, t, d
covered an Honourable })eginn'U£f with an ignomiriious o'v] ..^
Lot us not anticipate, however, but see exactly what he did. -

THE DOMINION OF CANADA. 307

The termination of the reciprocity treaty^ as those who have
borne the dates in n)ind remember, was now at hand, and the
commercial interests of the provinces demanded that the gov-
ernment should employ all possible means towards securing
renewal. Overtures which had been made, were treated with
contempt at Washington, so, at the suggestion of the imperial
governn^ent, a " Confederate Council on Commercial Treaties,"
and comprising representatives from all the British North
American provinces, was held during the autumn of 18G5, at
Quel.ec. This council, among whose members was Mr. George
Bro .vn, recommended that a deputation should be sent to Wash-
ington, to endeavour to efTect a renewal. While Mr. Brown
was absent from Ottawii on jtibUc business, Mr. How land and
Mr. Gait were sent to Wa&hingron to negotiate there with the
committee of ways and me^. i« iaasmuch as Mr. Howland had
not been a member of the coi tderate council, and Mr. Browi)
had, the latter gentlemau rigarded the pieferenco cf the oth*^^-
as a perHonal slight, and - s iV-hv.t excuse Tlt wHh lid,wiu^
himself ffcn tho cabinet. It will be seen thnt a very filmy
cloud obsoured Mr. Brown's star of duty. A principle that can-
not witnstand a personal slight, and one of such a nature as this,
is surely not worth the haviru,'. But in view of Mr. Brown's
subsequent attitude towards the treaty question, it will be ob-
served that Mr. Macdonald acted with his usual discmtion in
refusing to send to negotiate t^ treaty a man who ^. as hostile to
the very proceedings which it would be his duty to carrj^ ous..
On learning that Howland had beori sent to Washington, Brown
at once resigned his -^eat in the ministry, and 'could not 1 , in-
duced by any pressure to alter his deci.sior. It ai . nr.- that
the affront received was not Mr. Brown's oidy '!,rounu of com
plaint against the govornrnenf;. Of the ministerial policy with
respect to the Washington treaty, he strongly disapproved. He
did not believe that we ought to go to Washington as suitors, but
that Washinglor. ought to come to us. In other words he was
not willing taa*: Mi^homet should go up to the mountain, but

I
308 LIFE OF SIE JOHN A. MACDOXALD.

contended that the mountain ought to come down to Mahomet.
That this excellent view had taken possession of him is clear
from the following extract of a speech which he delivered dur-
ing the next session of parliament. " I was," he ^aid, " as much
in favour of a renewal of reciprocity as any member of this
house, but I wanted a fair treaty ; and we should not overlook
tie fact while admitting its benefits, that the treaty was at-
t ndod with some disadvantages to us. I contend that we
mould not hav(} gone to Washington as suitors, for any terms
they were pleased to give us. We were satisfied with the treaty,
and the American government should have come to us with a
proportion since they, not us, desired a, change." Of course
Uf body believes that Mr. John A. Macdonald sent delegates to
Washington begging for " any terms they were pleased to give
us." In a little while Mr. Brown passed from the transition
slate, and was pouring red-hot broadsides into the government.
His political Idstory ever told of such another man ? No
impartial writer hesitates to think if there may be found any
excuse for the man's course ; one might almost have ftincied
Alexander Mackenzie shrinking with his brush. Says Colonel
Gray : " Ei^ bor he (Mr. Brown) ought not to have joined the
g( vernme)\t or he ought not to have left it at that time. The
p-^ople sustained him in the first ; they condemned him in the
k,tter, Thr, reason he gave no one accepted as the real reason
and his opponents did not hesitate to say that he left the go-
vernmer i because he was not permitted to belts master." One
balm OP. y now could have healed the wounds of Mr. Brown,
and thiit the loyalty of his reform colleagues. But in the
dark lOur these deserted him. Mr. Howland openly disap-
proved of his leader's course, and when Mr. McDougall returned
to Canada, from which he had been absent on a mission of trade,
he endorsed the course of Mr. Howland. It may be said hero
that the mission to W^ashington was a failure, and that no
further attempt to secure reciprocity was made till several
years after confederation.

THE DOMINION OF CANADA. 309

The last session of the provincial parliament met at Ottawa
on the 8th of June. The ministry's speech expressed the hope
that the union scheme would soon be un fait accompli, a^d that
the next parliament would embrace an assemblage not only of
the federate representatives of Canada, but of every colony in
British North America. A shiver had run through the public
with the tidings of the invasion by O'Neil's ruffians, and on the
assembling of the legislature an act suspending the Habeas
Corpus for one year was hurriedly passed ; also a measure pro-
viding for the protection of Lower Canada against invasion.
There was brisk discussion upon som.e of the government
measures, but the opposition found themselves in compari-
son with their opponents as " that small infantry warred
on by cranes ;" and hence, as the session wore on, learned not
to offer opposition where nothing was to be gained but a crown
of ridicule. A series of resolutions defining uhe constitution of
Upper and Lower Canada under the proposed confederation,
and which subsequently were, in greati measure, incorporated
in the imperial act, were passed, and likewise a tariff pro-
vision for the admission of such commodities as boots and
shoes, ready-made clothing, saddlery and harness, which had
hitherto, by virtue of the act of 1859, paid a duty of twenty-
five per cent., at a duty of fifteen per cent. ; while, to stimulate
native manufacture, a number of raw materials were put upon
the free list. To meet the deficiency which must result in
the revenue, an increased impost was placed upon whiskey.
Before the house arose a difference, suppressed for some time,
between the finance minister, Mr. A. T. Gait, and Mr. H. L.
Langevin on the subject of education in Lower Canada camo
to a head, and resulted in the resignation of the former gentle-
man, who, however, loyally supported the government in its
general policy, while feeling obliged to so far differ from it
on a particular question. Mr. Rowland took Mr. Gait's port-
folio, and Mr. solicitor-general Langevin became postmaster-
general in the ]>lace of the new finance minister.

810 LIFE OF SIR JOUN A. MACDONALD. "

Meanwhile, reason had resumed her sway in New Brunswick
and Nova Scotia. In New Brunswick, shortly after the blind
goddess had scored her victory, opinion began to revolt against
the counsel by which it had hitherto been guided respecting
the great question at issue, and which, in its anti-progressive
and dark-age press had appealed to the condition of Ireland
under union for witness against the wisdom of the confederation
scheme. The public in a calm and sensible mood pondered the
question over, and remembered among other things the story
of the bundle of rods, which when fastened together could not
be broken, while each rod, tested singly, proved to be a frail
and unresisting thing. But they thought beyond the confines
of figure and allegory, and were eager for an opportunity to dis-
card the progress-brakes which had assumed the government
of the province. In 186G, the legislature of New Brunswick
met under exciting circumstances. The province had been
threatened with invasion by the Fenians, and, not unnaturally,
tlie public mind exaggerated small danger into great propor-
tions. There was some reason to suppose, and strong supposi-
tion, that the ministry which had assumed power by virtue of
opposition to the union, was »ot composed entirely of members
deadly foemen to theruflianr tln-eatening the province. Gover-
nor Gordon, in the speech 0[)ening the legislature, announced
that it \7as the earnest wish of the Queen that the provinces
ehjuld iiiiite in one confederacy, and strongly urged the ques-
tlo'.i upon the legislature. The Smith-Hatheway admin istra-
ti</n was willing to meet the royal wish half way. provided tl 't
New Brunswick obtained better terms in the compact than
those oftered in the Quebec scheme. But the public were
not dispoi.ed to aVlde by the half-way marches of the ministry,
or even to tolerat . li 3 existence. The legislative council, strange
to say, proved iliac on occasion it may be useful, \>y passing an
addre'ffi expressing the desire that the imperial government
might unite New Brunswick and the other provinces in a fed-
erative vnion. The ministry were obliged to resign, and the

THE DOMINION OF CANADA. 311

governor called on Mr. (now Sir) Leonard Tilley to form an
administration. A dissolution followed, and to the same length
which the province A before gone in opposing confederation ,
it now went in supporting the scheme. This election had a
marked influence on the fortunes of confederation in other
<][uarters. " The destiny of British North America," indeed, says
Mr. Archer, " was decided in New Brunswick." Nova Scotia
shook off" her torpor, and appointed delegates to proceed to
London, to perfect a measure of union. Meanwhile the little
province in the Gulf remained refractory, while her more rugged
^sister out on the edge of the Atlantic was listless, save for the
harrowing " poetry " of her fisherrjcian-bards, and the metaphys-
ical flux of a Hebrew scholar. The little meadow-province
afterwards fell before the wooer, but the " ancient colony " chose
perpetual celibacy. Little Tom the sea baby once found in the
middle of the Northern Sea a solitary gair-fowl sitting bolt up-
right upon the Allalonestone, and singing at morn and eve,
singing ever,

" And 80 the poor dtone was left all alone, ' " '

With a fal-lal-la-lady." ./'\::^^:.:':-^y

She was an ancient dame, having no wings, and despising
birds who had ; was supremely content with her isolation, and
disgusted with the progress of modern times. It seems to us
that Newfoundland has attempted to emulate the gair-fowl,
preferring that " the poor stone " should be " left all alone," to
•casting in her lot with a young nationab'tj' in the spring- bloom
of its strength. For the colonists — we are anticipating by a
few years — showed their hostility to union, by some unmis-
takable signs. When Hon. Ambrose Shea, who had been
the islai \ delegate to Quebec, paid a visit to Placentia, the
chief p!ace in his constituency, he was met at the landing by a
number of the inhabitants, some bearing pots of hot pitch, and
-others bags of feathers with which to bedeck " de shkeemer "
who tried to " sell his counthry." The writer just remembers the

312 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

*
scene, and never will it leave his memory. In addition to tho

zealous " antis " with the tar and feathers, were about fifty indi-
viduals who sounded melancholy insult to he candidate through
these large conchs which the fishermen get upon their " bull-
tow " trains in summer, and another band of about thirty, who
blew reproaches and derision through cow-horns. They heaped
every possible insult upon the visitor, raved up and down tho
landings threatening 'his life should he attempt to come on
shore, till, at last, pained and disgusted, this man who had been
so often their benefactor when famine darkened their homes, who
was a statesman of whom any country might have been proud,
turned away and never visited the ungi'ateful spot again. Mr.
Shea, however, we may add here, did not drop nut of public
life, but still, with his brother, the colonial secretary, maintains
a leading place in the counsels of his colony, whose interests in
him have an able and zealous advocf-te.

In November, 1866, the Canadian delegation, consisting of
Messrs. John A. Macdonald, George E. Cartier, A. T. Gait, W.
P. Howland, Wm. McDougall and H. L. Langevin, proceeded
to England, where they were to meet the Nova Scotia and
New Brunswick delegates, to discuss the confederation plan.
The Nova Scotia delegates were Messrs. Tupper, Archibald^
Henry, McGull/ and Ritchie ; those of New Brunswick were
Messrs, Tilley, Mitchell, Fisher, Johnson and Robert Duncan
Wilmot, the last named gentleman being the present lieu-
tenant-governor of the province. The delegates assembled
at Westminster palace on the 4th of December, and, by pre-
eminence, the chair was given to Hon. John A. Macdonald
during the conference. Lord Monck, who had left Canada on
a holiday tour, and who was a zealous advocate of union, ren-
dered what assistance he could to the delegates and to the im-
perial government. The conference sat till the 24th of Decem-
ber, after which the assemblage were in a position to proceed
with the structure of a constitution. Though some of the ablest
men our colonies have ever produced were instrumental in

THE DOMINION OF CANADA. 31S

framing the new constitutional charter, Mr. Macdonald, it was
readily admitted, was the master-head. Many a time during
the progress of the negotiations, conflicting interests arose,,
which, but for careful handling, might have wrecked the
scheme ; and here the matchless tact of the attorney-general
of Canada West pre-eminently asserted itself. During the-
conference several modifications were made in the Quebec
draft. Several concessions were made to the maritime pro-
vinces, and a more uniform and equitable feature given to
the whole. The Nova Scotia delegates were confronted by the
colossal figure of Joseph Howe, who poured out a stream of
fiery eloquence againp*^ the confederation ; but those who were-
present say that Dr. Tupper turned the great orator's argu-
ments back with such force and clearness that the mind of the
imperial government never for a moment wavered in concluding
what its duty to Nova Scotia was. After the conclusion of
the discussion on the general scheme, the conference, in con-
junction with the imperial law officers, prepared certain draft
bills, which were afterwards fused into a harmonious whole,
and submitted to the imperial parliament on the 5th of Feb-
ruary following. On the 29th of March the amalgamated bill
received the royal assent; and on the 12th of April another
imperial act was passed authorizing the commissioners of the-
treasury to guarantee interest on a loan not to exceed £3,000,-
000 sterling, which sum was to be appropriated to the construc-
tion of an Intercolonial railway between Halifax and the St.
Lawrence. The union was not considered perfected by the consti-
tutional ceremony ; and needed a firmer linking by the bonds of
iron. On the 22nd of May a royal proclamation was issued from
Windsor Castle, giving effect to " The British North America
Act," and appointing the first day of July following as the data
on which it should come in force. Briefly, the act provided
that the provinces of Canada, New Brunswick, and Nova Sco-
tia should be one Dominion, under the name of Canada. This-
Dominion was divided into four provinces, named Ontario,

314 LIFE OF SIR JOlJlT A. XACDONALD.

<Jiiebec, Now Brunswick ^^x Nova Scotia ; the boundaries of
the former two to be the same as those of the old provinces of
Upper and Lower Canada ; the boundaries of the two maritime
provinces remaining unchanged. The executive authority, and
the command of the naval and military forces, were vested in
the imperial sovereign, rei)resented by a governor-general or
other executive officer for the time being. The city of Ottawa
was declared the seat of government during the sovereign's
pleasure. The legislative machinery was to consist of a viceroy
or his deputy, and a ministerial council, to be styled the Queen's
privy council for Canada, the members of which body were to
be chosen by the governor-general, and to hold office during
his pleasure. The legislative power was vested in a parliament,
to consist of the Queen, the senate and the house of commons.
It was provided that a pailiament should be held at least once
in each year, so that not more than a twelvemonth might elapse
between session and session. The ridiculous system of election
to the political dead-house was abolished, — though the gigantic
thing itself was maintained — and it was provided instead that
the senate should consist of seventy-two life members, twenty-
four for Ontario, twenty-four for Quebec — an apportionment
which, in view of the disparity of population and the outlook
of increased inequality, would have been a rank injustice, but
that the members so distributed are but the shadows in an in-
stitution which in practice is a myth — and twelve for each of
the maritime provinces, the members to possess certain pro-
perty qualifications, to be appointed by the Crown, and to re-
tain their seats for life, unless guilty of gross misbehaviour.
Becoming swinishly intoxicated, and while in that state vom-
iting over Turkey carpets at vice-regal banquets were not fore-
seen in framing the constitution, so that senators offending in
that way may retain their seats. Provision was made for in-
■creasing the membership of the body, but the number (as finally
arranged) was not to exceed eighty-two, or to reach that limit
unless upon the enCry of Newfoundland into the confederation.

THE DOMINION OF CANADA. 315

The principle of representation by population was established
for the house of commons, the basis adopted for the original
adjustment being the census of 1861, It was declared, how-
ever, that an adjustment should take place eveiy ten years,
upon a census of population being obtained. The representa-
tion of Quebec was permanently lixed at sixty-five members,
while that of each of the other provinces was to bear the same
relation to the population thereof that sixty-five should from
time to tin e bear to the population of Quebec, The repre-
sentation for the whole union was fixed at 181 members :
eighty-two for Ontario, sixty-five for Quebec, nineteen for
Nova Scotia, and fifteen for New Brunswick.

The duration of the house of commons was not to exceed
five years. Constitutions were likewise given to the four pro-
vinces embraced in the union. Each comprised a lieutenant-
governor who was to be appointed by the governor-general,
paid out of the general treasury, and to hold office for five years ;
an executive council which was to be appointed by the lieu-
tenant-governor, who had the power of dismissal ; a legislative
council to be nominated by the lieutenant-governor and to hold
their seats for life* ; and the house of assembly. Such legisla-
ture was to have control over local aflfairs, all questions of a cha-
racter affecting the dominion at large falling within the juris-
diction of the general government. It is hardly necessary to
say that the jurisdiction of the federal and the provincial par-
liaments in many cases remind one of those colours on the can-
vas which meet and to the eye seem to soften and blend, so
that it passes the keenest skill to say where the one begins or
the other ends ; and that, therefore, it was impossible by the
terms of any constitution to so define respective jurisdiction as
to avoid collision of authority in the future. One notable case,
as our readers will readily remember, has of late years arisen,
namely, the question whether the power to pass certain laws

* Onturio had the gocd sense to dispense with an upper chamber, and her legis-
tion has never been the worse in consequence.

31 G LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

regulating the liquor traflic resides in tlie general or the
provincial parliaments, the learned and clear-headed chief
justice of New Brunswick affirming that the jurisdiction lies
in the province, not in the dominion ; the distinguished chief
justice of Canada maintaining, on the other hand, that tho
authority is not in the province, but in the dominion ; while
other eminent jurists contend that the power resides not
according to the terms of the act bearing upon such cases,
either in the one legislature or the other. Provision was made,
likewise, in the British North America Act, for the admission
into the confed!T;ition, of any colony thnt had so far refused to
be a party to the coniY^act. The i-oyal proclamation announced
the names of seventy-two senators, thirty-six of whom wero
conservatives and thirty-six reformers ; so that when the date
which was to witness tho birth of the Dominion came round,
the machinery was in readiness to set in motion. When tho
delegates returned from England, Lord Monck, who had been
a zeal >us woiker in promoting union, turned his thought to
the choice c "an admi.il^aation to be called to the government
of the fedeiatod provinces. As to who the leader shoidd be^
he doubted not a moment. Many warm and able advocate*
had had the scheme of union among those who sat at tho
Westminster Conference, as well as among numbers of others
in the parliament and the press ; but above all these towered tho
tigure of Hon. John A. Macdonald. We have seen that he dif-
fered at the outset from his colleagues as to the form some
details of the scheme ought to take; but that a union of the
scattered colonies was the only solutiou ij the troubles dis-
tracting the provinces, he never doubted. From the moment
the coalition was formed, his v.a.^ the head that planned, the
hand that shaped, the negotiations. It is not going too far
to say, in glancing at his exertions, and the obstacles which
were presented at every stage of the proceedings, that had
it not been for Mr. John A, Macdoiiald we might not at
this day have a confederation, George Br' )wn sought rep-

THE DOMINION OF CANADA. 817

rcsentation by population, and entertained the proposal of con-
federation only as a means to that end ; Lowor Canada was
apathetic, and rather interested in resisting Brown's move-
ment than anxious to enter a combination which would not
increase her prestige. Mr. Macdonald, ajipearing upon the
scene at this critical time, thus on the one hand appealed
to Mr. 1 rown: You will through federation get represen-
tation by population, and, turning to the French party : The
time has now come when you must recede from the ground on
which I have so hmg sustained you ; you must now choose
between a subserviency to a majority in all things, or a mea-
sure that will make you supreme in your domestic concerns,
and give you the authority to which your number entitles you
on questions of national importance. Mr. Mackenzie naturally
enough, perhaps, considering our poor fallen nature, is jealous of
the position Mr. Macdonald takes after the accomplishment of
the union. " Having," says this graceless biographer, " no great
work of his own to boast about, he bravely plucks the laurel
from the bi ows of the actual combatants, and real victors, and
fastens it dxi his own head." Who, pray, Mr. Mackenzie, were
the " actual combatants ? " Who were " the real victors ? "
We know not and we write from the record, seeking not to
put laurels on brows that have not won them. .Surely the
question is a question of fact, not one of malice.

Lord Monck, as we have said, who had watched the course
of Mr. Macdonald, who remembered how that statesman had
turned the Prince Edward Island conference to account, the
attitude he had assumed after the conference, and his position at
the Westminster meeting, had no difficulty in concluding that
far beyond all others was his place in accomplishing the great
event, and that for this reason, a nd by virtue of his first-class
abilities as a statesman, to him belonged the honour of leading
the first Canadian administration. He wrote a note asking if
Mr. Macdonald would corne and see him, and then told the at-
torney-general- west whtvt his intentions were. Mr. Macdonald

318 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

uxprosHcd his obli^'ations, ;md hi.s willingness to take any duty
that \\\H excellenc}' asHignoil to him. Upon the recommendation
of the ])rimc minister, almost entirely, it was that the members of
the ministry were chosen. Like the " heretic " who, on receiving
baptism and entering the fold oi'i.he Roman church, finds all his
past blotted out as if it had never been — ihoughhis sins had been
red as scarlet — ai.d begins life denovo, so was the past of party
in Canada obliterate i, Mr. Macdonald and Lord Monck arjrued
— though of course nci. precisely in our figure — and the new
ministry, drawn from every pr )vince, and. all parties, would
begin its career without a political stain. With confederation
arose new problems, now interests, new aspirations; old ques-
tions were brushed off th" stage, and nought remained but
hollow names. Lord Monck indeed believed that in the ap-
pointment of a compound ministry, a death-blow would be
struck ai party ; but Mr. Macdonald assured him that party
would survive the discarded institutions, and resist all the ex-
pedients that ever entered the brain of man. But while regard-
ing this evil of responsible government irrepressible he advised,
as we shall see, the formation of a ministry from among all
parties in the colonies. " The confederation," he said, latei' on,
" is the work of the people of these provinces, irrespective of
old-time party opinion. I do not want it to be felt by any
section of the country, that they have no representation in the
cabinet, and no influence in the government. And as there are
now no issues to divide parties, and as all that is required is to
have in the government the men who are best adapted to put
the new machinery in motion, I desire to ask those to join me
who have the confidence of, and represent the majorities in, the
various sections, of those who were in favour of the adoption
of this system of government and who wish to see it satisfac-
torily carried out." In due time the members of the new cabinet
were announced, as follows :

Hon. John A. Macdonald Premier and Min. ofJicstioe.
" A. T. Galt ~ - - Minister of Finance.

THE DOMINION OP CANADA. 310

Hon. Alexander Campdell - - Poatmmter-Geneml.

" A. J. Ferousson-Blaiu President of the Council.

" W. P. Rowland - - Min. Inland Revenue.

" Geoiuje E. Cautier - Min. Mliltiv and Defence.

" Wm. McDouqall - - Minister rihlic \Vorh».

" S. L. Tilley - . . . Min. of Customs.

" Peter Mitchell - Min. Marine and Fisheries.

" H.L.L ANGEVIN - - Sec. of State for Canada.

" J. C. Chapais - - - Min. of Agriculture.

" A. G. Archihald - - Sec. of State for Provinces.

" Edward Kenny - - . Receiver-General.

Lord Monck was sworn into office as governor -general of
the New Dominion by Chief Justice Draper, after which he
announced that Her Majesty had instructed him, through the
Colonial Secretary, to confer the order of knighthood upon
Hon. John A. Macdonald, and the distinction of Companion-
ship of the Bath on Messrs. Tilley, Tupper, Carti^r, Gait, Mc-
Dougall and Howland. Messrs. Oartier and Gait refused the
favour, and it soon became known that the former gentleman
was wounded to the quick that, in granting the higher honour
of knighthood, he had been ignored. But what he feit worse
than all, with that impulse that rushes .souietimes into the
rashest consequences with its eyes shut, was that the man with
whom 1 had borne the brunt of so many hardly fought battles-
should b aithless to the friendship that had so long bound the
two toge\her as " with hoops of steel." He believed, in shorh,
that the ;;light was due to Mr. Macdonald's selfish ambition
which coveted the crowning honour for itself alone. The truth
all the time was, that never lived a loy.iler friend than Hon.
John A. Macdonald ; that the knighthood was not obtained at
his solicitation or even with his knowledge, but the work of
Lord Monck, who conceived the honour to be a fitting one to
the first statesman called to lead the government of the new
nation. That M. Cartier had borne a noble part in the move-
ment for the federation was undoubted, but so had many others

:320 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALJX

•who v/ore viaitedwifli no Ligher token of imperial rcc^'ard than
tbo worthy leader of the Fi'onch Canadians. V7itli the un-
H ounded t'livahy of his nature the premier set to v/ork to
redeem what, in view of M. Cartiei's feelin<^s, was a diplomatic
blunder ; and a year later it was announced that the French
l.;'iuler had licen ci'eated a baronet of the United Kingdom, a
iiigher dignity than had been conferred npon the prime minis-
t(!r himself. M. Cartier was somewhat ipollified, but tht origi-
nal hurt rankled in the very marrow, and to use the phrase of
one of our writers, the golden bowl once shivered could not be
restored again. Such, then, is the history of the confederation
inoM^ment — from the beginning to the triumphant ending —
wlr'ch, like the river that takes its rise in obscure ground begins
its ji^urney with feeble motion, winding on with seeming hesi-
tatioa, througli various bends and turns, sometimes entering
the dark forest that the thoughtless spectator believes will hide
the svrea?ii forever, but emerging again with greater speed and
sturdier pi'.rpose, sv/eepmgon, halting never, and flowin;i round
the inonnraiii tLat rises to bar its way, till, " at la.-:t the longed-
for clash of ","/-aves is heard," and it joins the bioad, bright sea.
Though gifbtieing backward, we fin<l that the years have begun
to invest e/ents once standing out in .such distinctness, with
vague outline and shadows, stil! so long as endures the story
•of the creation of tiie Do'-iinion of Canada, one clear form
will appear above ali the rest, and that the figure of the Right
Hon. Sir John Alexander Macdonald.

CHAFTER XVII.

TH£ FIRST DOMINION CABINET.

GEORGE ETliiNNE CARTIER was born at St. Antoine, in
the County of Verch^res, on the Gth of September, 18X4.
Tradition, perhaps hazarding a guesa, connects him with the
great Jacques of the same name, so prominent a figure in
the early history of Canada. After finishing bis education in
the College of St. Sulpice, Montreal, M. Cartier studied law in
the office of M. Edouard Rodier ; and, in 1835, began (practice
at Montreal. Two years later the province war in a iarae of
rebellion, and like most of his spirited compatriots at the time,
the young barrister shouted his vivas for Papineuu and La Li-
bert^. He fought with much bravery under Dr. 2-Telson at St.
Denis, and when the bloody drama was ended fled to the United
States, where he remained till the clouds of revolt at home had
rolled away. While still under the ban of the law he returned
by stealth to Montreal, and shut himself up in his rooms during
the day. In the evening he quietly left his confinement, seek-
ing the suburbs for exercise and fresh air, and as he glided
along the lonely roads in the gloaming, he often related after-
wards, he fancied that mysterious footsteps dogged him, and
that every bush concealed an officer. At last, semi-official in-
formation reached him that if he conducted himself with dis-
cretion, the law would wink at the past. M. Cartier, we may
be sure was as patriotic as most of his countrymen, but the
phantom of a hangman dangling a halter had haunted his pil-
low so long that the patriotism which had once put oa the wings
of revolution, was ever afterwards, in his breast, frozen at the

U 321

322 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. ' ^

source. For ten years the young lawyer diligently applied
himself to his profession, shrinking from notoriety, but never
losing interest in pol'tieal questions ; and all the while yearning-
for the political sphere. In 1848, he saw his ambition gratified
in being elected for Yercheres, which constituency he repre-
sented till 18G1, when he overthrew the rouge Goliath, A. A.
Dorion, in Montreal, dealing a blow to Lower Canada gritism
from which, it may be said without exaggeration, it has never
since recovered. We have seen that, early in 1856, he was
chosen provincial-secretary in the MacNab-Tach^ administra-
tion, and that four months later he became attorney-general in
the Tach^-Macdonald ministry, in the room of Mr. Drummond^
who had gone out of the cabinet in dudgeon, because Mr. Mac-
donald, instead of himself, was chosen to the leadership in the
assembly. The following year the Macdonald-Cartier govern-
ment came into existence, but after a few iiionths the wheel
went round, and the Car tier- Macdonald ministry appeared
upon the scene. Weighed against even many of his contem-
poraries, M. Cartier would be light In the scale, unless we con-
found his success with his merit. He had a keen perception of
every question, but his view was narrow ; and while he prized
the interests of his country, party was to him before patriotism,
and self before party. A dark picture you draw us surely, says
some one at our elbow, who has seen the French leader upon
the wall so long enveloped in a blaze of glory. Yes ; it is a
black picture, but we, to whom the tasks falls, however unwor-
thy we be, to sum up the work and paint the portrait, must not
falter in our duty, though our naked sketch reveal an imper-
fect man. M. Cartier had many faults. For some of these he
was not responsible, as they were inheritances of his birth. It
would be unfair to blame him that his understanding was not
broad, and that his judgment frequently was unsound ; or
that when he spoke to an audience his voice was harsh and un-
sympathetic, and seldom captivated hearts. It is just that we
blame him for being selfish, for giving bridle to his temper un-

THE FIRST DOMINION CABINET. 323

der srxiall provocation, and for holding, not unfrequently, in con-
tempt men the latchet of whose shoes he '.<as not worthy to
loose. Yet we have seen that he was successful. He had an
unbounded anMtion, a profusion of net.-vous force, an unflagging
perseverance, c vctivity as restless as tlio winds of heaven ;
and, to crown these invincible tools i:i the hands of a man who
sets excelsior for his motto, he hud an aggressiveness that
pushed aside obstacles and all opposiiig j)retea8ions, and a ca-
pacity for organization that always astonished and sometimes
bewildered those who are not given to analj'sis, but who are
charmed by flash. No political lea<ior could ignore M. Cartier,
for he would prefer being matched against half a dozen strong
men, to feeling that they had arrayed against them a tireless
energy that never slept, never paused, than drilled on, and would
work its way through iron walls till it reached its ends.

Alexander Tilloch Gait, the chief of finance in the new min-
istry, the son of John Gait, a writer of some note, and the
friend and biogi-apher of Lord Byron ; was born at Chelsea
London, on the 6th of September, 1817. Fired by the suc-
cesses of his father, he showed an early ta ste for literature, and
when in his fourteenth year contributed to Fraser'a Magazine.
A writer in the Illustrated London News refers, with much
approval, to this early contribution ; but we can only shed
compassion backward through the years upon the editor of
Eraser's Magazine. It is a sore task enough for a magazine
editor to have to read, and reject the tomes of manuscript
produced by adults, but it is horror opening her flood-gates
upon his head when he is not safe from boys of fourteen.
Therefore, we must not be regarded as considering that either
the spirit which prompted Mr. Gait to write at fourteen, or the
matter he wrote, was good ; we do not approve of the parent
who permitted him to write ; neither does the judgment of the
editor commend itself to us, who published the lad's effusion.
Literature after a short stay with young Gait waved her wing ;
and the young man fixed his eye upon some other star. The

324 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALJ).

Gait farrily emigrated to Canada, in 1824', and when Alexander
had attained his sixteenth year, he entered the service of the
British American Land Company, in the eastern townships, as
a junior clerk. His marked abilities brought him to notice, and
his rise through the various st iges of the department was rapid,
till he reached the post of commissionership. " During his
twelve years management/' says a reliable authority, " the com-
pany was changed from one of almost hopeless insolvency, to
that of a valuable and remunerative undertaking." Mr. Gait
first entered parliament when the country was aflame over the
rebellion losses bill, but at this period he seemed to be less use»
ful as a politician than as a business man. He endeavoured to
distinguish himself as a shining protestant by opposition to
catholicity, though the true way for him to prove the superior-
ity of his protestantism, was to worship God in his church in a
simple earnest spirit, and when he left the temple to do unto
others as he would have others do unto him. Uncharitableness
and intolerance are not any more true protestantism, than
Catholicism is the drunken zeal of those brutal mobs that stood
up in defence of the " church," when Gavazzi lectured in Que-
bec and Montreal. In the lapse of time, Mr. Gait outgrew weak
prejudice, and he was for many years regarded as being " too
judicial " for the warped ways of the politician. He was a
valuable member when measures were supported or opposed
merely for party's sake, and sat as one alone in the house, now
warmly supporting a view of the government, and again ap-
pearing the most censorious among the opposition. From the
first his opinion on all questions of trade and finance commanded
the close attention of the house. Upon the collapse of the
Brown-Dorion ministry, he was requested to form an adminis-
tration, but having practically alienated himself from party, he
had no following in the house, and not being possessed of the
blind ambition of George Brown, wisely refused to attempt a
task which must have ended in failure. We have already noted
other events in his career, and shall see him again before we

THE FIRST DOMINION CABINET.

close. Mr. Gait, though not born in Canada, is a Canadian,
and even with his eccentricities is a credit to his country. His
political compass as our readers are aware, has frequently taken
fits of wide variation ; to intensify the figure a little his opinion
has gone round the compass. He has shown decided leanings
to the policy of the reformers ; and at times has sounded notes
with the true ring of the conservative. This perhaps Mr. Gait
himself would call the swinging of the pendulum, denoting a
well-balanced non-party man ; but unfoitnnately the time came
when the pendulum, reaching one side, remained there. For
example, Mr. Gait was a zealous champion of confederation,
and we write it down, with a hearty feeling, to his credit. At
another period of his life he was something quite difFcT'ont. A
band of men gathered together in Canada shortly after the tory
mob had burnt the parliament buildings in Montreal, and cir-
culated a manifesto recommending " a friendly and peaceful
separation from British connexion, and a union upon equitable
terms with the great North American confederacy of sovereign
states." A number of gentlemen of good standing in Canjida,
supported the scheme, and one of these was Mr. A. T. Gait.
There would be nothing striking in this historical morsel but
that, a few months ago, while trying to restrain her laughter,
Canada stood watching the same Mr. A. T. Gait, as Cana-
dian high commissioner to England, endeavouring to set flying
no less a kite than a scheme for the federation of the empire.
The idea, unfortunately fc/ the fame of Mr. Gait, is not original,
and even in the way of second-hand is only a half-way measure.
For, in Locksley Hall. Tennyson has a much better proposal,
as we learn when he sincrs of the time

" When the war drum throbs no longer, and the battle-flags are furled
In the parliament of man, the federation of the world."

But as the Canadians are not far enough advanced yet to appre-
ciate such an admirable scheme as this, Mr. Gait should have
brought the project out in a story-book rather than in a prac-

326 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

tjlcal way. Had Jules Verne proposed all those elaborate ideas
of his to the French government, he might not have succeeded
either, but he wisely instead put them forth in his " Ten Thou-
sand Leagues under the Sea," his voyage through the heavens,
and other unusual excursions. Should it ever occur to Mr. Gait
that his federation plan might be extended so as to take in
the moon, we beseech of him not to make the proposal in the
formal way either to the British or the Canadian government —
as so surely as he does they will not take kindly to the scheme
— but simply bring it out in a novel. If we except this one
marvellous idea, so far as relates to Mr. Gait's public career, his
influence upon political life in Canada has been for the better,
and he deserves well of his countrymen. As his mission at the
court of St. James has, by his own desire, been brought to a
close, and he is again to become a resident of Canada, we only
express the wish, that must be general, that the country may
for many years to come have the benefit of his experience, pru-
dence and great ability in public matters. We beseech of him»
from our own feeling, and on behalf of Canadians, however, to
purge his mind of this federation phantasm.

Perhaps one of the most prominent men in the new ministry
was M. Hector L. Langevin, secretary of state for Canada,
M. Langevin is a son of the late Jean Langevin, who was as-
sistant civil secretary under Lords Gosford and Sydenham.
He was born in the city of Quebec on the 25th of August, 1826.
Educated in the city of his birth he began the study of
law in the office of Hon. A. N. Morin, concluding his course
with the late Sir George E. Cartier. He was called to the bar
in 1850. Early in life M. Langevin gave evidence of the first-
rate abilities which were to be employed in the service of his
country in later years. In connexion with the practice of his
profession he was at various periods the editor of three differ-
ent newspapers, of the Melanges lieligieux, and the Journal
d! Agriculture f in Montreal ; and of the Oourrier du Canada, in
Quebec. He had the desire common to so many aspiring young

THE FIRST DOMINION CABINET. 32T

men in this country to enter political life, and began his public
career in the capacity of mayor of Quebec, to which office he
was several times elected. In 1855, he took the first of three
prizes for an essay on Canada, written for circulation in Paris,
in which paper as in his other contributions he gave promise of
jreaching high literary eminence, though, somewhat unfortu-
nately for letters, the public charmer, with her siren tongue,
won him for her own. He made his first appearance in parlia-
ment, the reader remembers, in 1857, when he was elected for
Dorchester. Through the many years that followed till death
removed M. Cartier from the scenes, M. Langevin acted the part
of a loyal, and skilful second, in his party, though the eye of
Lower Canada lit not with enthusiasm save when it fell upon
the imposing figure of the principal. Yet to us, M. Langevin
in the 7'ole of second to M. Cartier, seems like the sun acting
satellite to the moon. As a statesman, to M. Cartier we can
only accord a second place ; to M. Langevin we give a first.
If no tempest come, it is impossible for one to " ride the whirl-
wind and direct the storm." Yet, we may from observing the
man in the calm judge of his capacity in the hour of tumult.
M. Langevin has been described by some critics as a narrow
bigot, caring only for the welfare of his own race, and grudging
^nd opposing the progress of his English brethren. We are
^lad to say that these are the accusations of peraons who know
not M, Langevin, and who perhaps cared not to know him,
since their object was only to blacken. Most assuredly is the
French leader loyal to the race whence he has sprung : there
has never arisen in his province a man to whom the best
interests of French Canadians is more dear, or who in advanc-
ing those interests has ever displayed more earnestness, wisdom
-and ability. But, above all things, we believe he is a Cana'
dian. Indeed, what we want is such public men as M. Lange-
vin, to keep our political system from the mire into which it
«hows a tendencj"^ to fall. When the Acadians of New Bruns-
wick sent a delegation to him reverting to the time that

328 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

their ancestors were expelled from their hpDpy homes in the
Basin of Minas and to all the dark years tuat since have fal-
len upon the outcast descendant, M. Langevin poiiHed out to
them that the past was now a sealed book, that the duty of the
Acadian as well as of the French Canadian was not to keep
alive the remembrance of these dark hours, but tc feel that one
and both, while doing well not to forget the language of their
fathers, were above all things Canadians, enjoying equal privi-
leges with other nationalities in the provinces. Of this nature
has been his advice times without number to the people of his
own province, and it is only just to say that, owing to his ex-
ertions, a more liberal spirit, a feeling of broader citizenship,
has grown up among his people. We do not wish here to be
understood as thinking that the province of Quebec has held
a monopoly of uncharitableness ; for a large portion of the
people of Ontario, through the teaching of a press forced into
perfidious work by the needs of party, regard Quebec with a feel-
ing at once narrow and unworthy. Unfortunately, the Globe
newspaper has been foremost in promoting the bad work of es-
trangement, though some do now hope, and we are of the num-
ber, that the worst of that great journal's work is done ; that,
to use the words of Bystander, " the black flag has been hauled
down." Under these circumstances, the duty of Sir Hector
Langevin to his province is resistance, but with more than
judicious resistance, and a patriotic assertion of his people's,
rights, he is not to be charged. M. Langevin's ability as a
statesman is, as we have said already, of the highest order. To
a comprehensive understanding hf brings a calm and unwarped
judgment, while so ready is his grasp, and so accurate his view
that he i.as more than once astonished delegations ha\'ing com-
plex propositions before government, by his readiness in un-
ravelllr^g and making plain the difficult sides of the question.
To all who meet him in his public capacity he is painstaking
and affable, and in every walk of life comports himself with
that courre > which he has acquired from his distinguished an-

THE FIRST DOMINION CAB i NET. 329*

cestors. In this respect we do wish some of his blustering,,
pompous colleagues, who endeavour to supply by ail's what they
lack in escutcheon, would try to emulate him. No one has
ever yet proved that he is a gentleman, or " of good family ""
by the assumption of swagger ; on the contrary, he thereby
shows as plainly as if he had it written upon his front, that he
is low born, and not a gentleman. Men have control over most
of the events in their lives, but they have not the remotest in-
fluence upon their own birth ; so that it would be unjust to
think the worse of a man in exalted place that he is not high-
bom. A large number of our public men have sprung from
humble parentage, and these we can readily forgive, when high
upon fortune's steep, for endeavouring to appear as gentlemen ;
for they must take their wives and their daughters to Ottawa,
and go to court, and give and receive calls, and hold a place in
social life proper to their rank in the public sphere ; and when
such men deport themselves with that grace, courtesy and toler-
ance belonging to those who are to the manner born, they de-
serve to be ranked among those whose house has never been
seen in the bud but always in the tree. But the person whov
plebeian born, wraps himself in conceit and vulgar pomp, or in
that brusque bonhomie which sits well upon some imperial
colonel, and that the parvenu counterfeits only to travesty, is
plebeian still ; all the waters of the St. Lawrence will not make
him whiter than the " great unwashed " of whom he is, but
whom he despises. In 1881, with the approval of those who
set no store on gauds or title, save as badges of merit, and of
duty, in whatever line, well and faithfully done, her Majesty
conferred upon M. Langeviii the order of knighthood, which
distinction he now worthily wears.

One of the most remarkable men in the council, was the-
minister of customs, Mr. S. L. Tilley. For many years he had
been the foremost politician in New Brunswick, and, in the
capacity of leader, exhibited talents of more than a common
order. Unfortunately, the profession of politics to the popular

330 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACVONALD.

liiiikl, when placed in the moral scale, has little specific gravity;
iind the person who enters public life is regarded as having
taken a step downward. But through all the years that Hon.
Leonard Filley had given to public duty, tlie most unscrupu-
lous opponent never even sought to put any tarnish upon his
«ame. So upright were all his acta, so deep and sincere his
moral convictions, so able his administration of affairs, and,
withal, so /-oalous was he in the service of his eo.:ritry, tliat his
Jiame was a very tower of strength to his party. Once indeed
in the hubbub of political strife, the popular mind lost its
balance and rejected the favourite, but when reason i( (urned
the people lepaired their error, Lnd placed him again in po\ er.
He was, as we have seen, a warm i.dvocate of union, and it
is not improbable that the confederation might not to this day
have comprehended the maritime provinces, but for 1 is firm
and decided course at the critical time when New Brunswick
was the pivot ground of the scheme. Mr. Tilley brought to the
•enlarged sphere of politics at Ottawa, a mind stored with the
fruits of observation and experience, a penetrating and well-
contained intellect, and an unerring judgment. As minister of
customs, he was prompt and decisive, but he displayed such
clearness of grasp and excellence of judgment upon every ques-
tion of trade or finance which came up, that it was apparent he
was capable of much higher work than playing the role of
chief custom-house officer. An important occasion was soon to
arise when the people of Canada demanded a reorganization of
the laws bearing upon trade and commerce ; and in Hon. Leo-
nard Tilley was found a man equal to the emergency. We need
not here do more than refer to the National Policy , and to the
laurels that have fallen to Mr. Tilley's share through the suc-
cess of that measure, which is indebted in so great a degree to
his finifencial skill and keen insight. Among modern statesmen
we need not say the place of Hon. (now Sir) Leonard Tilley is
Among the first; and to this qualification he adds the other dis-
iinction of being an honest man. There are, perhaps, in the

THE FIRST DOMINION CABINET. 331

Canadian Parliament more forcible Hpeakers than Sir Leonard
Tilley, but there is certainly not one more convincing ; and
the way t-o judge of the merit of a speech is by looking at the
results. *' The distinguishing characteristic of Sir Leonard Til-
ley," says Mr. Nicholas Flood Davin, in his sparkling and capi-
tal paper, " Gieat Speeches," in the Canadian Monthly, "is sin-
cerity. No man could appear more lost in his subject. This
is a great element in persuasiveness. The earnestness is en-
hanced by a style of pure Saxon and unaffected simplicity.
His ease of expression would at once mark him out in the
English house of commons, and the auctoritas with which he
speaks, gives him weight and secures a following, He has the
rare power of making a budget speech interesting, a power
which no chancellor of the exchequer I ever heai'd in the En-
glish house of commons had, Mr, Gladstone, of course, always
excepted." In listening to Sir Leonard Tilley, we hear a man
who makes no statement that has not received thorough exam-
ination from every view, no opinion that does not bear the
«tamp of deep conviction ; few, if any, propositions that those
who follow will be able to disprove. The critic who admires
sound and fury would be disappointed in Sir Leonard Tilley,
for he would find a man discussing his question with j calm,
<.'arnest dignity, never allowing passion to hurry him into ex-
travagance, but firmly maintaining himself upon the ground of
common sense. Through such simple, irresistible foit'ce, Mr.
Cobden, ""'horn Sir Leonard as a statesman and as a speaker
strongly resembles, was in his day one of the leading orators
in Great Britain, and one of the foremost of her public men.
Sir Leonard Tilley's public career is one that some of our
young politicians might study with profit. To no principle
in private or political life to which he has pledged himself has
he ever been known to prove faithless ; and in, at least, one no-
table instance the sincerity of his character is shown in strong
contrast to what others placed in circumstances similar to his

332 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

own might have done. When ho wa« appointed to the Govern-
orship of New Brunswick, no one was ignorant of the fact that
he had been, all his life, a devoted, zealous, and uncompromising
advocate of total abstinence. Yet they believed that the now
Governor would be able to reconcile his conscience to fall in
with the immemorial custom of dispensing wine at his hospi-
talities ; but during the live years that he occupied the guber-
natorial chair, intoxicants were not once found on his sideboar<l
or table.* In these days when principle so often gives way to
expediency, a practical example of this kind is of the highest
moment. Sir Leonard is gracious and affable to all with whom
his duty brings him in contact, and it would certainly be taxing
to the patience of Job himself to have to listen to, expostulate
with, and resist the shoals of delegations that visit Ottawa re-
presenting this, that, and the other " interest," and with whom
Sir Leonard, by virtue of his position as adjuster of the tariflf*
law is brought into contact. Once or twice he has hinted at
withdrawal from public life, but his province, and Canada at
large, will not willingly let retire from her service, so long as
health remains, a son to whom one and both owe .so much, and
who has been, since his first appearance on the political
scenes down to this hour a credit to the country that has given
him birth. A further popularity is added to Sir Leonard in the
social sphere, by the grace and charming manners of his accom-
plished wife. Lady Tilley.

A member whose presence would be felt in any cabinet, was
Hon. Peter Mitchell, minister of marine and fisheries, who had
also been appointed to the senate. Mr. Mitchell had had a pro-
minent political career in his native province. New Brunswick.
He was a keen-eyed critic and a powerful assailant out of
office, and an Armstrong gun in a ministry'. Mr. George Stew-
art, jun., in some of his life-like portraits in "Canada under Duf'

* We may be pardoned for having made this refereuce, seeing that th« " enter-
prising journalist," hao preceded us.

TUE FIRST DOMINION CAlilNET.

ferin " has tins telling bit of description with referonce to Mr.
Mitchell. " In popularity ho almost rivalled Sir John himself.
Ho was a hard worker, a redoubtable foe and an unforgiving
enemy. He was keen in debate, (juick to perceive weakness in
an opponent, and ready on the instant to strike him down. He
always spoke eloquently and well, llo was bold but did not
always show the more subtle element of tact which he un-
doubtedly possessed. He was vindi(;tivo and never neglected
to pursue an enemy with relentless fury. In executive power
lie had few equals. With groat skill he mastered the minutiio
of his office, and his department rapidly became one of the most
important in the cabinet." Politicians matching themselves
agiiinst Mr. Mitchell, had usually come to grief. When a clear-
headed man is able to outwit an opponent by calmly ponder-
ing thc>. situation over, as the careful chess-player looks many
moves into the future of his game, he is not unfre(iuently
termed a Inckster; and Mr. Mitchell who had been guilty of
no ofFenco nave possessing the ability to delve a yard below
the mines of some of those pitted against him, received the
sobriquet of " Bismarck." Fc • a brief season many were per-
suaded that the clever politician dealt in naught but " trea
sons, stratagems and spoils ; ' and they heard without won-
der that ai\ invertebrate lieutenant-governor and a guileless
ministiy had fallen a* victim to his wiles. As this is not a
question of morals, we have only to ?ay that if a ministry can
not resist the arts and a governor the blandishments of one
man, it were a pity the one sliould not fail and the other be
perverted. There is in the record, even taking the distortions
of the outwitted ones, little to b.ing a blush to Mr. Mitchell,
and less that the historian needs to condemn or excuse. It need
hardly be said that the department given to the charge of Mr.
Mitchell was at this time the most important in the public ser-
vice. With the energy and ability which are ais in such a
marked degree, he vigorously set to work to frame laws for the
protection of the various fisheries, a task requiring a vast deal

334 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

of consideration, prudence and hkill ; and lie likewise construct-
ed a Hystem of regulations, wliicli, with a few ynodification<i
only, has existed to the present day. Many of the harbour
inipi'ovenients hQ\f\in, the erection of a lar;^e nutsiber of light-
houses, and the adoption of a host of other measures in th*; in-
terest of the sailor and the fishernmn were likewise the work
of his hands. It is not uncomplimentary to succeeding otficers,
or even to the present elear-headed and thoroughly ahlo incum-
bent to say that since Hon. Peter Mit<jhell loft the d 'paituf'Tifc
of marine and fisheries, it h;is not had such another energetic
and capable head. Like nvost other distinguished public men,
though the pet and pride of their constituents, who .sometimes
become the victim of reason run wrong, Mr. Mitchell was
once rejected on appealing to his constituents in Northumber-
land, New Brunswick, being def<;ated by one of the local millens
of that place. His tireless figure ha.s returned again to the
commons, however, and he is now, as always, with sleeves rolled
up, battling for th<i interests of the constituents who have the
good fortune to call him their representative. The countiy is
still to hear a good deal from Mr. Mitclioll ; and it would, it
will be I'cadily admitted, be a loss to the dominion to have .such
a splendid ability out of harness.

The minister of Inland Revenue, Mr. (now Sir) W. P. How-
land, whom we have already seen on several occasions, and
whose figui'o is one the reader of Canadian history will not
hesitate to admire, was one of the " commercial magnates " of
Toronto when he entered public life. He was born in New
York State, but removing to Toronto in )tis youth, he never
knew sympathy for any other country tban tlie Canada to
whom lie has since been as much indebted, as she has been to
him. We ha e already seen tluit Mv. liowland entered public
life in 18.j7 whon he was elc^itoJ, in tlie reform interest, for
the west-riding of York The gcod judgment, caution and
foresight which had made hini fovemost among men of busi-
ness, sooi* elevated him to the ranks of tlie prominent raendjcrs

THE FIRST DOMINION CAIilNET. 33&

of the logiMlature, and, as lias been reeorJed already, though ho
was never unffiithful to his principles, he had true patriotism
enough sometimes to shut his ears to the narrow dictates of
party, and lend himself heart and hand to his co mtry. 'J'hat
we do not nvorestimate the patriotism of Mr. Howland, is
proven, if in n(u',li;n;f else, with ahaadant force by the assaults
to which he was fntni time to time subjected by the (Hoht . But
Mr. Ifowland's sense of duty was always stronger tlian his
<lread of newspapers, and he never hesitated to face the thun-
der at the call of his f;ountry's Interests. At a meeting held in
Toronto after the formation of the first donjinion ministry. Mi'.
Ilowland and Hon. Wm. McDougall, both of whom made an
able defence of their course in entering the coalition, were
read out of the reform party. At this meeting the grit tyrant
was the swaying spirit. A perusal of the speeches shows that
both Messrs. Howland and McDougall ably defended them-
selves • but they had to reckon ricit alone with a (juestion of
right or Wiong, or of duty to party, but with an all-pow».'rful
chief buiniiiy with revenge towards the two men who had re-
fused to foDov/ him from the coalition cabinet, and an ainbiticm,.
that, bki' a higlt -blooded horse, which becomes the more un-
mano;/";ible tlie longer it is kept confined, had now passed res-
traint., iiud conld not be appeased by anything short of office,
and the destruction of all that had cro.ssed its path. Mr. How-
land 7 V coived the dicta of excommunication with somewhat of
imiifleionoe, ])ut when the time arrived that set hiin free to
sho ;v his party preferences, ho hesitated not in returning to his
first ;ov;\ In July, 1 808, he was a}»[)ointe(i lieutenant-governor
of Ontario ; and in later years received the dignity of knight-
hood, an honour, which, ii' a badge of rec(i|i.'nition to merit, he
had und<;ubt(!dly won.

Already have we had occasional glimpses of the postinaster-
g'^iotval. We f'r^t ni;3t him as a student in the law office of Mr.
John A. Mat-donaid, and aft' rwards, in 1858, as a representa-
tive for Kiagstxjn in the legislative ccmeil. Four years after

■■■■■■■• ■■■'■■■■ ■ • ■ V ' ■■..■.,•■.,■•

.•336 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

this date gout created a place for th'^ talented young lawyer,
by carrying off Sir Allan MacNab, speaker of the upper
chamber. He became a member of the executive council and
<;omniissioner of crown lands in 1864, which position he re-
tained till the union, when he became postmaster general. Mr.
Campbell entered public life as a liberal-conservative, and has
always remained true to his faith. He led the government in
the legislative council of old Canada from 1858 until 1867, and
in the senate from the latter period till 1873. But in the last-
named year the government of the country fell into the hands
■ of Mr. Mackenzie and his party, and Mr. Campbell thereafter,
till the return of Sir John A. Macdonald to power, led the op-
position in the upper house. Under the resiored Macdonald
ministry he has held difFei'ent portfolios, and is at present min-
ister of justice and leader of the government in the senate.
He was created a knight C. M. G. by her Majesty on the 24th
of May, 1879. It is per'aps rather unfortunate for those who
are striving for the abolition of the senate, that such men as Sir
Alexander Campbell should be found among the membership
of that body ; for it defeats the argument that the institution *
is entirely useless, since its supporters will readily point to some
of its able men, and to the legislation which they have accom-
plished. Yet there is a way of looking at the question which
proves that this contention is hollow. A certain firm erects
a huge bakery in which it employs the best skill and labour
that can be obtained, having abundj'nce of fuel and unlimited
tiers of ovens ; but not content with the unbounded capacity
for work in this esta' lishment, it builds another equally as im-
posing and costly, and employs a large staff of heavily-paid
workmen. A traveller passing the way stands bewildered
before the new pile and asks. Why this grand structure ? and
the firm answers him, they now and again bake a loaf in
that building. But, still queries the nigh dumbfounded stran-
ger, could you not do all your baking in the other establishment?
Yes. Then why did you build, and why do you maintain

. THE FIRST DOMINION CABINET. 337

this sDcond bakery ? That stranger has stood since by the im-
posing pile, and received no answer, save that which echo, ever
ringing, gives. There are, it is true, other and weightier rea-
sons offered for maintaining the " old feudal estate,"* but a
very rude attempt at illustrating the same by figure shows
that they are as untenable as the fallacy just pointed out. In
such an institution a man with the wide understanding and
the calm judicial character of Sir Alexander Campbell is as
much out of place as would be admiral Drake at sea on a
waterlogged barge, without sail or oar.

* This is "Bystander's" v.^rm for the Upper Housir

CHAPTER XVIII.

THE NEW REGIME.

BUT now the storm was over and the ship of state which had
been tossed by so many tempests, rode safely at her moor-
ings. The country looked hopefully into the future for politi-
cal peace, and believed that such would be the fruit of this
wider brotherhood, knitted together by the bonds of political
and commercial interest. But Mr. George Brown and his sore-
heads were not happy, and the untamable chief set himself to
work, once more, to foment party discord. A few days before
Mr. John A. Macdonald's new ministry was announced, a con-
vention of reformers was held at Toronto, at which the proposed
coalition was denounced in no charitable langua,ge. Messrs.
McDougall and Howland happened to be in Toronto at the time
of the meeting, and were considerately invited to attend, on the
principle of the magistrate who, though quite clear as to the
punishment he is about to inflict, genei'ously resolves to hear
what the culprit before the bar " has to say for himself." The
two reform sinners appeared without much trepidation before
the grit tyrant and his satraps. Mr. Howland said a new era
was to be inaugurated ; that the past had been wiped out as if it
had never existed ; that it was not the duty now of one party,
but of all, to lend its support to the governing body under the
new regime. Mr. McDougall's defence was still more telling
than that of his fellow culprit, and those who watched the ef-
fect of the address upon " the meeting," saw that the underlings
had begun to look at the coalition in a different light. But as

we have elsewhere said the question was not one between these

338

THE NEW REGIME. 339

two reformers and public duty, or parly duty, but between
themselves and a thwa.-ted ambition. They could not hope for
mercy, though the satraps had shown unmistakable signs of
softening ; and they got none. The ireful and disappointed ty-
rant sought not the aid of ruses or obscure phrase to cloak his
feelings. He simply read the two contaminated ones out of the
party. It may be said that since that day Mr. McDougall,
though deserving a better fate, has been a sort of political
Ishmael wandering over the land ; though Mr. Howland, in due
time — when the period arrived that his secession was not a
violation of the original compact — returned to his first love.

The general election for the house of commons was held dur-
ing the summer and early autumn. Quebec and Ontario em-
phasized their approval of union and coalition by returning
overwhelming majorities of ministerialists ; and George Brown
was defeated in South Ontario. Coereioii is a wholesome policy
when dealing with the dagger and dynamite, but it is not a
happy expedient in Canadian politics ; as George Brown ascer-
tained, but, as we might have supposed, without reaping any
profit from the lesson. Though the dark-age organs, and the
" anti " politicians of New Brunswick had waged bitter war
against all who had favoured union, the ministry there carried
twelve of the fifteen seats. Nova Scotia had been caught by
a counter breeze and driven back from her late position. Dr.
Tupper had worsted Joseph Howe before the imperial minis-
ters, but the latter had the 'post mortem victory before the
province. For once the sturdy doctor found that neither his
lungs nor his courage were sufficiert against the stream of
burning eloquence that flowed from the " Great Anti." The
battle for the confederates was another Flodden, one man
only, and he, Dr. Tupper, reaching Ottawa with a tattered flag.
Eighteen sturdy antis were sent up from the distant peninsula
to the first dominion parliament. Probably Messi-s. Howe and
Annand had led the people to think that a majority of anti-
unnio men at Ottawa might be able to unseal the fate of the

340 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

province: but, confiding people, they were soon to see that
they might as well have sup{)osed them capable of effecting
the quartering of the moon. Yet it was a triumph for Joseph
Howe, a sort of local treatment for a very sore wound. No
one doubts that the great Nova Scotia orator was a sincere
pati-iot, but, like some other clever men he possessed in no
little degree a sense of self-importance which sometimes
dimmed or distorted his vision. The question of confedera-
tion to him may have, in the beginning, presented itself as
a political problem to be worked out in its bearings on the
public weal, but there can be little doubt that when Dr. Tupper
assumed the lead and the great orator found himself in the
place of second, the question became an argumentum ad homi-
oiem. It became, it is hardly unfair to the man's illustrious
memory to say, a question not between the good and the bad
side of union, but between the champions of confederation and
Joseph Howe : like some of those persons w^ho take the field
in the interests of a moral question such as temperance, from
the dictates of philanthropy and duty, but who, as the work
go* on and they meet rebufls, gradually become embittered,
hating those whom they oppose and froKi whom they difter,.
breathing uncharitableness instead of good-will, losing sight of
the original motives and making personal what was at the out-
set only a question of love for their fellowmen.

Meanwhile it was necessary to provide each province with
a little government of its own. Hon. P. J. O. Chauveau became
premier of Quebec, and, through the friendship of Sir John,
Hon. John Sandfield Macdonald secured the leadership in On-
tario, and formed a coalition which had a useful career for the
four years succeeding. The two premiers were also elected to
the federal parliament, as were many other prominent politi-
cians from the same parliaments ; but following the example
of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, which had passed acts
making dual representation impossible, the anomaly was after a
time abolished. During the lull between the election and the

TUB NEW REGIME. 341

meeting of parliament, the chief morsel supplied to gossip was
the resignation, by Mr. A. T. Gait, of the portfolio of finance.
The true cause of the step was the inharmonious relations
which existed between the retiring minister and some of his
colleagues, and the diversity between his opinions and theirs on
certain public questions. While these relations wore their
worst feature, the policy of the finance minister was condemn-
ed in unmeasured terms by the opposition press, which declared
that Mr. Gait, by his Currency Act, had deliberately favoured
the bank of Montreal at the expense of other financial institu-
tions, that the unfavourable turn which commerce had taken,
and the failure of the Comraercia). Bank was due to his dis-
honest and unwise course. Finding little sympathy and
support among his colleagues, and a storm of censure from the
enemy, Mr. Gait resigned. The necessity of attending to his
private affairs, he stated, induced him to take the step. We
suppose he had the right to make whatever explanation he
pleased. There are some things which are just as well kept
from the coarse gaze of the people. The appointment of Hon.
J. E. Cauchon to the speakership of the senate was a subject
that helped to keep the public from going to sleep. M. Cau-
chon was a Frenchman with a bitter tongue, who had said
many stinging things, and wounded a battalion of public men
in his time ; but he had also written a pamphlet L'union des
Provinces de I'Amerique Britanique du Nord, which proved
an important factor in moulding opinion favourably to the
union, lending the force of his unruly tongue also to the same
end ; and Sir John and his French colleagues believed that he
was entitled, for these and other reasons, to the promotion
mentioned. M. Cauchon pi'oved himself an admirable speaker,
bringing ability of a high order, and a becoming dignity, to the
chair.

The new parliament met at Ottawa on the 7th of November.
To the Canadian spectator a large nunber of the faces in the
commons were new, the entire thirty -four representatives from

342 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

the maritime provinces being strangers. Among the latter
were Joseph Howe, one of the greatest orators of his day, a
man who could, carry his audience by his passionate eloquence
as the sweeping wind sways the trees of the forest, and who,
besides a distinguished public career, had made some creditable
contributions to the literature of his province, and written some
florid poetry, which however will not add many cubits to his
stature ; Dr. Tupper, his opponent, and of whom we shall have
something to say in another place ; Hon, Albert J. Smith, a
competent lawyer with a strong tendency, under provocation,
to lose his temper, talk rubbish, and forget his dignity, yet being
capable of making a slashing speech at times, and administer-
ing a good deal of judicious annoyance to an opponent ; Charles
Fisher, who was an awkward but able lawyer, a comparatively
mediocre politician when in office, but a very battei-ing-ram ,
torpedo-boat, and many other things compounded when assail-
ing a ministry ; Timothy Warren Anglin, who was to the
politics of his time what the stage-coach is in a railway age,
and the carrier-pigeon in the days of electricity — a man with a
strong and stubborn intellect, capable of a vast grasp, and en-
dowed with an extraordinary memory — a forcible but diffuse
speaker, who made long excursions in the by-ways of his argu-
ment, seldom delivering a speech within bounds suitable to the
time of those whose temporal span is fixed at three score and ten,
and whose patience is only good. The most important " new
face " from Ontario was that of Mi-. Edward Blake, of whom,
in another place, we shall have just a word or two to say.

Hon. James Cockburn was elected to the speakership of the
commons. The ministerial speech contained the usual con-
gi'atulations and foreshadowed the sessional programme. On
the address there was some hot discussion, and when the Demos-
thenes from dowii by the sea rose to state why his province
was dissatisfied with the compact, every whisper was stilled,
every member sat with head thrust forward. Whether it was
that expectation had looked for too mucli, oi- that the speaker

' THE NEW REGIME, 913

failed to attain his usual height, there was no little disappoint-
ment, and Dr. Tupper following, fairly riddled the argument of
the great orator by pointing out several inconsistencies in his
speech, and proving that the union issue had not been fairly
presented to the people of Novf, Scotia. The address was car-
ried without a division, and Howe sitting at his desk, the em-
bodiment of grim dissatisfaction, reminded the on-looker of a
volcano at rest, after a violent eruption. The chief business
of the new par'iament was an act reducing the rates of postage
and organizing the post office savings bank system; and a
measure providing for the construction of the Intercolonial
Kail way, the route to be determined by the imperial govern-
ment in accordance with the terms when obtaining the imperial
loan. •' --■."■," ^- '■•■:'■-;■■■;:: •

An attempt was made to place the telegraph system under
government control as had been done in Great Britain, but
some of the grits said. Why not at once put the newspapers,
and the writing of private letters, and oar ledgers, and our
man-servants, and our maid-servants, and our oxen, and our
asses, and everything that is ours under the control of the gov-
ernment ? and for once, the grits took, probably, a very whole-
some and correct view of the matter. It is not the duty of
government to take charge of railways, and telegraph lines,
and steamers, in order that these may be run and managed
properly ; but it is their duty to use the powers in their hands
to have them so conducted. If two mail-coach drivers get
into the habit of running into each other as they pass on dark
nights, breaking the bones of passengers and destroying pro-
perty, it is not the duty of government to mount the box and
drive the coaches ; but it is their duty to see that one and
both carry lights; that each takes his own side of the road ; that
in certain places he must not drive at greater speed than may
be prescribed ; and that, failing to observe these conditions, he
pay a fine or suffer other punishment at the hands of the law.
It is not the function of government, let us repeat, to manage

344 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

railways — unless under some exceptional condition — but it is
its duty to protect tlie public against railway monopolies by so
framing its legislation as to maintain competition and make
aggregation and monopoly impossible. The tendency in this
age of gigantic public enterprise, like in England under the
heptarchy, is for the gi-eater to absorb or swallow the lesser,
and half a glance shows us that this centralization is going on
in monster corporate affairs, the weaker day by day vanishing
from the scene, falling a victim to the coercion or the bribe of
the stronger. Watching the Grand Trunk and the Canada Pa-
cific railways in this country reminds one of nothing so much
as a pair of whales devouring all the smaller fish that come in
their way, and halting on occasion, ti-ying to bolt one another.
Corporation is rapidly becoming king in Canada as in the re-
pulilic, and the duty of our government is to thwart him.*

Hon. John Rose assumed charge of the department of finance,
vacated by Mr. Gait, and applied himself with diligent zeal to
the duties of his office. The reform press said he was only
a " baby in finance," but censure being the platform of oppo-
sition, the statement did not overwhelm the new official , who
made a verv efficient and clear-sighted administrator. On the
4th of December, Hon. Wm. McDougall moved a series of reso-
lutions based on the 14Gtli section of the British North Ame-
rica Act providing for the incorporation of Rupert's Land and
the North-West territoiy into the Dominion of Canada. After
a week's discussion the resolutions were adopted, and an
address embodying the same was forwarded to the Queen's
government. On the 21st of December, parliament adjourned
till the 20th of March, the object of the long interim being to
give the local legislatures an opportunity to complete their ses-
sions. The close of the year was marked by the death of Mr.
Fergusson-Blair, president of tlie legislative council, a man of

* The writer must not be cousirlered as having any feeling tut detestation for
the doctrine of the Socialists, one of whose expounders unfortunately is the fine
ability of Mr. Henry George looking sadly awry.

THE NEW REGIME. 846

moderate views — with preferences for the liberal party — and
genuinely devoted to his country's interests.

During the recess, Howe again led the forlorn hope in Nova
Scotia, and in full harness thundered around his little province,
declaring that the " tie must be broken." The local legislature
met on the 3()th of January, 18G8, and an address was passed
praying for the repeal of so much of " the act for the union of
Canada and Nova Scotia and New Brunswick as related to
Nova Scotia." Four provincial delegates, with Howe at their
head, were deputed to lay the address at the foot of the throne,
but the ambassadors of disintegration* were confionted at the
home office by Dr. Tuppcr, who once again carr'ed away the
laurels. When the Dominion parliament met, the opposition
censured the government for having sent Dr. Tupper to London,
but in a little grew ashamed of this conte'^tion, ant said no more
about it. And now, while the commons was in the midst of its
duties, an event happened which sent a thrill of horror through
the country and brought legislation to a stand-still. One of the
ablest members in the house, and perhaps its most brilliant
orator, was Thomas D'Arcy McGee. A short sketch of his
career u ust be interesting to all so familiar with his name i nd
the circumstances of his untimely end. He was bo n of humble
parents in the County of Louth, Ireland, in 1825. The ; dvan-
tages of higher education, which were open only to the ich
man's son, were denied to young McGee ; yet, yo 'ng ^agle t .lat
he was, he aimed to soar, and no circumstance co »ld traiAinol
the yearning spirit within his breast. He had tlie flashii)";
eloquence of his nation, that gift which no Irishinaa ever
acquires by putting pebbles in his mouth or going down by tho
shore to declaim above the thunders of the surf ; for the kinci
fairy who still lingers about the green springs in the wild
valleys, or visits the cabin at night, when the peasant sleeps,
gives him this grace for naught ; and he appears upon his first
platform an oratoi, though untaught, as the duckling swims
who has had no lesson. When young McGee reached his

34G LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

seventeenth year, he turned lils face to the new world, where
his ardent fancy painted hiiu a name and high position ; and
on reaching Mew York, plunged like a red-hot cannon-shot
into journalism. McGee has been described by those who
enjoyed nothing in common with him save the Caucasian
relationship as being an impulsive liberator of the loud-
mouth description, only somewhat brilliant, and ambitious
to help the cause of Ireland. Some of this is true as far as
it goes, but it does not penetrate beyond the husk of that splen-
did but rudderless ability. Mr. McGee was an ardent patriot
but his patriotism was ilbt a cause but a consequence, the out-
come indeed of a wild poetic sentiment, which delighted in no-
thing so much as weaving impossible schemes in impracticable
spheres. He was more poet than patriot or politician, yet is
his verse third-rate and disorderly as his early career, giving
proof that their owner mistook the merchandise of the muse
for a sentiment that it was the duty of its possessor to stifle,
but which here and there, and manifestly against the author's
will, displayed true notes which indicated the " soul of song,"
like the jets which, bursting up, tell of the subterranean waters.
This young man, on the New York press, pouring out brilliant
and reckless writing to a class that devoured as they wondered,
was like a blood colt, unbroken and full of fire, that some ad-
mirer deliberately harnesses into regulation work. It is not
necessary to chronicle casualities, for they will be predicated
of such a procedure. But young McGee became famous, and
after his name had grown familiar through Ireland, he re-
turned to his native country, in 1845, and became editor of
the Dublin Freeman's Journal. But to this young eagle the
Journal was an old coach, too slow for the time and his ambi-
tion; and he cast in his lot with Charles Gavan Duffy and
several other firebrands, who could see everything and every-
where under the sun except before them, and became one of
the writers on the Nation. Setting off" mere harmless fire-
works soon lost its charm for him ; eventually he was lured

THE NEW REGIME. 34T

into the Smith O'Brien chimera — and fled from Ireland dis-
guised as a priest. Ho had gone up like a rocket and come-
down like a burnt stick. Iln then established the Keiv York-
Nation, a weekly journal containing, issue after issue, im-
prudence and fire ; and with this minister of his mad spirits he
succeeded in convulsing the Irish population of New York till
Bishop Hughes interfered, and (juietly put his foot on the pub-
lication. Out of the ashes of this dead brand arose The Amer-
ican Celt, which was established in Boston. About this time,
through what means no one can tell, McGee suddenly paused
and asked himself : Have I been on the right road ? Have I
used the talent I possess in the proper way ? Have I any hope
of achieving that for which I aim, by following out the course
I have so long pursued ? To all these queries his mind returned,
and his career returned, negations. And, struck like Saul with-
sudden conviction, he was from that hour a changed man.
Henceforth he resolved not alone to pursue a new way, but tO'
endeavour to make amends for the past. He removed to Buf-
falo, and there for four years issued the Celt, no longer a fiery
dragon, but the bearer of messages of peace and good- will. The
fame of the editor spread over the continent, and he made
several visits to Canada lecturing in the chief towns. At length,
in 1857, at the earnest request of a large number of Irish
Catholics, he icmoved to Montreal, where he established The
New Era, in which, with masterly eloquence, and strong and
searching argument, he advocated a federation of the British
North American colonies. He had now, once admitted into-
political fellowship with British colonists, grown an ardent
supporter of imperial institutions ; — and bloodshot eyes in the
lodges of the Fenian Brotherhood began to lower ominously
upon him. We have already introduced him to the reader on
his entry into parliament for Montreal, and pass onto the period
of the election after the union. Time and residence among-
British colonists had surely wrought strange changes in this-
man. He was now an impassioned devotee of the Queen, and

•348 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONAID.

regarded the invasion of this countiy by (ii3 Fenians with no
feeling short of horror. The Irish iri Montreal, in pruportion a.s
the man expressed regret for the pa:"it, began to fall oft" from
him, and he narrowly escaped defeat at the general election
after the union. He was then stricken down by sickness from
which he rallied slowly, but eventually took his place in the
commons again. He had received many letters making threats
upon his life from members of the same bloody brotherhood
who are now busy with dynamite ; and tS;e shadow of impend-
ing doom fell across his path. He who iiad been once so jovial
at the festive board, so lightsome and brilliant in speech, had
grown thoughtful and melancholy, and seldom was seen to
smile. On the evening of the 6th of April, he delivered one of
his most masterly and statesman-like speeches in the coniiaons,
counselling the adoption of pacific measures towards Nova
Scotia, The house adjoui'ued about two o'clock in the morn-
ing, and the members depar'^od f^or their homes. McGee accom-
panied by several others, who parted with him at the corner of
;Sparks and Metcalfe streets, proce<;ded towards his own lodg-
ing-house on Sparks street. As lie ws ■• engaged inserting his
key in the latch, a figure which had b'.'en crouched by the door
awaiting his coming rose and fired a pistol. The ball crashed
through McGee's brain, and he fell dead across the thveshold.
In a few moments a crowd was about tlie spot, but no ti-aee of
the assassin could be fo'-nd. When the wires fiash>d the news
.abroad, the coun' ry wus psirai v^zod with hon-or. On tiif^ follow-
iiig day, ij; a voice inarticulate with emotion and sorrow, Sir
John Macdonald rose and moved the adjournment of the house,
paying tribute in well chose r. words to the eminent qualities
•of the deceased, the los>, the country had sustained, and ex-
pressing his sympathy with the "'iTeaved family of the illus-
trious dead, A pension of £300 per annum was spontaneously
voted to th-^, widow, a;^d provision was made for the education
of the ?hildi"en. Large lewardj were offered for the apprehen-
sion of the murieror an 1 before hug p. I'oiuan named Whelan

■ THE NEW REGIME. 349-

WAS arrested tried and found guilty. He was hanged in Ottawa
on the 11th of February, 18G9.

Parliament re -assembled on the 14th cf April, 186S, con-
tinuing the sitting till the 22nd of May. The most inijtortant
work of the session was the passage of the new customs and
militia acts, and a measure to secure the independence -^'f par-
liament. This latter act provided that any pe>•f^()rl holding an
office of profit or emolument under government is ineligible for
a seat in parliament, and any person sitting or\oting under
such circumstances was made liable to a line of $'2,000 per day.
The act has been the means, to a great cKteni, of keeping the
parliament pure, though a few years later it was ascertained
that Mr, Timothy Anglin, while actually sitting as speaker of
the house of commons, was the recipient of alar;.-'} printing con-
tract from government. This, however, is the only disgraceful
breach of the act on record.

In July two lieutenant-governora were appointt u, Hnvi, "W.
P. Rowland for Ontario, and Hon. A. L. Wiimot, A'/ho both in
politics and jurisprudence had boeii VilViant, bat in nuither
profound, for New Brunswick. Meanwhile the feeling of
hostility to union in Nova Scotia had not decreased, but rather,
owing to the clever writing and address of those irrepressible
antis, the Annands and others of equal note, had become so
intensified that Sir John Macdonald suggested to his colleagues
Ihe propriety of some members of the cabinet attending the
conference to be held in Halifax, in August. Accordingly,
thither proceeded Sir John and several other members of the
government. They reasoned, expostulated, offered to investi-
gate any grievance, and as far as possible to remedy the sanie ;
but the antis were not to be comforted, and the Canadian
delegates returned home, the promi'^r not without the hope
however, that the seed had not fallen entirely on stoT^v ground.
Still he did not rest content with hope wh' :'h he kn jw very
well tells too many flattering tales, but offered to revise the con-
ditions of Nova Scotia's connexion with the confederation, and

550 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

invited Joseph Howe to a seat in the ministry. Mr. Howe
carefully reviewed the situation, and seeing that his refusal
of Sir John's terms would only be the prolongation of a
hopeless struggle that could only bring bitter fruit, gave way,
and, in Januar}'^ of the new year, 18G9, entered the government
as president of the council. At a cabinet meeting the de-
tails of the " Better Terms " sought for Nova Scotia were
determined : Canada UT)d'"rtook to assume S9,186,756 of the
provincial debt instead of 38,000,000 as originally fixed, and
to grant an annual subsidy of $82,098 for ton years.

Lord Monck having taken such an able and zealous part in
forwarding confederation, his term of office had been extended
two J ears, that the new government might be inaugurated un-
der his auspices. The extended period had expired on the
14th of November, and the governor, with some emotion, bade
farewell to the country in which he had taken so deep an in-
terest. For his services in Canada he was created a peer of
the United Kingdom with the title of Baron Monck, of Bally-
trammon, in the County of Wexford. His successor was Sir
John Young, better known to us as Lord Lisgar, the eldest son
of an Irish baronet, a conservative in politico and th ?cpiv.
sentative of Cavan in the imperial ^^ailiament. He had been
governor of the Ionian Islands and of New South Wales, and
when he reached Canada was in his sixty-second year.

The second session of the first parliament of New Canada
meton the loth of April. Mr. Howe introduced a series of
resolutions embodying the stipulations of the order-in-council ;
but Mr. Blake contended that t'le measure was ultra vires, in-
asmuch as the intperial parliament having settled the basis
of union the Canadian government could not change it. Mr.
Mackenzie in a speech less eloquent and powerful than Mr.
Blake's, but one charged with facts and dissolving argument,
supported the contentions of the latter; but Mr. John Hiilyard
OsTn I'on, Dr. Tuppor and others, supported the resolutions
with much power and an array of possible and improbable

THE NEW REGIME. ■ 351

cases that altered,, to the view of the house, the complexion
-which had been given to the case by the speeches of Messrs.
Blake and Mackenzie. There is nothing in the sphere of poli-
tics stronger than eloquence, except numbers ; and Howe's
resolutions were carried by a large majority.

In August, Prince Arthur, one of the Queen's sons, visited
Canada, and was received with profuse hospitality. A month
or two later in the season Mr. E'sse resigned his portfolio and
went to London, England, a a member of the well-known
banking firm there. Mr. Francis Hincks having returned to
Canada, though not as Mr. Francis, but as Sir Francis, from
the government of Barbadoe^ and the Windward Islands, was
offered bj' Sir John, and accepted, the vacant portfolio of fin-
ance. The country had the fullest confidence in his financial
skill, remembering his spit ndid record as inspector- general,
and he was rctarned to the .ouce of commons for North Ren-
frew. Several other changes were also made in the cabinet,
Ml. J. C. Aikens becoi'-.pg secretary of state and registra)-
general; Mr. Duxkin, minister of agriculture ; Mr. A(f^.v;:A ' v
J:orrif, uii'uster of inland revenue, and Mr. Howe, sccretar'j
V."' uta,*-' If- thi , loi"? \co? i^rv. McI>oi!;rpll -"ho • ./■?, are to
^ei, ag.ii'i, v.Tir- 'piiOint-fd g7\ .■.''•.- of th. ^'^orth■V\ c3i t ri-
loi'i^K, ''.ad X . :'i<"'~rf g iih ^e<\t in the ministry, proceeded with
ills ia,n\ily iv V. Xv -'ajt wilderness, where, blind to the
bitter dis,A'^4".5^x<.l tie the future held in store, a reasonable
ambition whispcrec in u' ear, a vast range of opportunity
would be opened t^ h.s >nirgy and talents, and he would a^ld
renown to his name.

CHAPTER XIX.

THK HALF-BREED.

riUlE Hudson Bay Company agi-eed to surrender their rights
1 in the North- West territory for £300,000, to be paid by
the Dominion government; but all the existing rights of the
company, with certain reservations, should first revert to the
imperial government. The reservations included some 500,000
acres of land adjacent to the trading posts of the coinpany, one
twentieth of the land in the fertile tract lying to the south of
the north branch of the Saskatchewan, with the stipulation
that the rights of the Indians and half-breeds should be re-
spected. Within a month after the reversion, the territory was
to be ceded to the Dominion ; and the Canadian government
passed a measure providing for the government of the newly
acquired territory. By this act provision was made for the
appointment of a lieutenant-governor, and a council to carry
on the adminstration, and the rights of the Indians and half-
breeds, it was expressly declared, were to be respected ; while
all lav/s in force in the territories not clashing with the Btitish
North- A.merica act or the terms of admission -^-vere to be held
as valid until repealed. ¥ov many years Hon. \Vm. McDougall,
on the platform and in the press, had alvocated theacquinition.
of this territory, and at a time when most men regarded the
distant wilderness as a dreary region of muskeg and eternal
frosts, atfording harbourage only to wild beasts, he declared
that it would prove a souoe of untold wealth, and could
support millions upon millions of people. It was felt now,
when the territory was to be added to Canada, that nono

352

TEE JIALF-BEEED. 863

other there was so worthy the honour of first governing this
extensive terra, incof/nitu as Mr. McDongall, and so on the
announcement being made that the company had surrendered
the territory to the British government, this gentleman wa.s
appointed to the governorship, though the proclamation was
not to take effect till the region had passed into the handn of
the Dominion. Early in September, therefore, and without
waiting till the month had elapsed, Mr. McDougail, with his
family, set out from Ottawa on the long and tiresome journey
to Fort Garry, the seat of his future government.

Meanwhile a party of surveyors, under Lieutenant-Coiv^nel
Dennis, a gentleman swayed largely by the warlike instinct,
had been at Fort Garry and the districts surrounding, laying
off lots and townships. The ignorant half-breeds, naturally,
looked upon the new-comers, with their taj)es and chains, witli
some alarm ; and they soon became seized with the fear that
the land which they and their ancestors had hold at the hands
of the company, for generations, was now to be wrested from
tliem by the government, and that for this very purpose tlie
strangers were here measuring off the territory. The inhabit-
ants of the country consisted of ^nch-Canadian half-breeJ.s,
descendants of the voyageurs ana couieurs des hois who hfui
for several generations trapped, and traded for furs, throughout
these wild regions. They were all members of the catholic
church, servile in their obedience to the priests, but steetwd
in ignorance and ready to follow any clever demagogue who
could work upon their fear or prejudice. They had been in-
formed that Dennis and his surveyors were to visit their terri-
tory to seize their ancestral lands, and they promptly and
without any show of grace demanded of the strangers, busy
with their chains and levels, to know if what they had l»een
told was tr'io. For, if it is, they said, we shall resist the aggixi-s-
sion, and prevent anybody else from settling upon the territory
of which you are about to rob us. One might have supposed
that Dennis' staff would explain to tbcfca deluded people that
w

354 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

their rights would be respected, and what the object of the
survey was ; but they took a different course : they told the
poor half-breed that the less he had to say about opposing
settlers, and thwarting government the better ; that there was
plenty of soldiers in Canada to enforce obedience. To make
the matter worse the English inhabitants scattered through
the territory, who owed no love to their half barbarous neigh-
bours, indulged in much injudicious exultation over the pro-
posed change. All the^e causes combined produced pernicious
fruit. The half-breeds became mad with excitement, and only
waited for some one to lead them to mischief. Not long were
the leaders wanted. In hot haste rose John Bruce, LouiS Riel,
and Am.brose Lepine ; and with their appearance the country
burst into rebellion. Colonel Dennis, who had been on the
spot and at first treated the idea of conciliation and explanation
with due military contempt, now began to grow alarmed, and
wrote to Mr. McDougall that things had taken on an ugly face.
Meanwhile the rebels had formed a provisional government
with John Bruce at its head ; but the ruling spirit was Louis
Riel, a daring, young French-Canadian, wily as a savage, bril-
liant and energetic. He appealed to the prejudices and the
fear of the half-breeds, and in a few days had four hundred
men at his back.

The new governor, in the meantime, unconscious of what was
going on, had been travelling with all possible speed to the
seat of government. While on the way from St. Paul, he heard
that the half-breeds were in arms ; but undaunted by the intel-
ligence he pushed on. At Penibina, however, he was served
by a half-breed with a notice from the " National Committee "
forbidding him to enter the territory; but still heedless of
warnings he proceeded with his councillors to the Hudson
Bay Company's post, about two miles beyond the frontier.
Here he was apprised by Colonel Dennis of the true state
of affairs, and learned that large parties of armed men had
been despatched by Riel to various points between Fort Garry

THE HALF-BREED. 355

and Pembina, to oppose his progress. Not having a suffi-
cient force to fight his way to Fort Garry, Mr. McDougatl
had no alternative but to call a halt. He wrote a despatch to
Ottawa setting forth the state of matters, and also despatched
a messenger to Governor McTavish, at the Fort ; but his mes-
senger was captured by a party of armed men, and sent back
under escort, with the warning not to attempt a similar enter-
prise again. Some time after this occurrence a party of four-
teen armed horsemen drew up before Mr. McDougalFs halting-
place and demanded an interview. They notified the gover-
nor that he must leave the territory before nine o'clock on the
following day ; but after some expostulation they rode away
" considering the matter. " returning, however, on the follow-
ing morning, showing a desire to use violence. Mr. McDougall
and his party retired promptly across the border, and took up
lodgings at the house of a friendly Irishman, in Pembina, where
they remained till the return to Ontario.

Since we have last seen the conspirators, amazing success has
waited on their fortunes. Only the few Canadian settlers
among them had shown hostility to the rising. The officers of
the Hudson Bay Company sat with folded arms when a
decisive step would have stamped the rebellion out ; for they
no more than the half-breeds relished the prospect of a new
regime, having come, from their long possession in these wilds,
to regard themselves as the rightful lords and masters of the
territory. But the highest authority in the country was the
catholic church, one of whose priests, in the field, would have
been as powerful as Colonel Dennis and fifty cannon. Un-
fortunately the resident bishop, the Right Reverend Alexandre
Antoine Tach^, was at the time in Rome, and tho pious priest
in charge of the diocese, during the bishop's absence, was too
conscientious to interfere in the interests of peace, and to pre-
vent bloodshed, though his catechism had told him, — and he
might have read it in the scriptures — that " he that resisteth
the power resisteth the ordinance of God, and they that resist

356 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

shall purchase to themselves damnation." The good priest and
his ignorant flock, however, were not so much awed by the
threat of " damnation " as dazzled by the successes of the im-
pulsive and shortsighted Kiel. On the 24th of November
the insurgents, under Piel, took possession of Fort Garry, set
the authority of Governor McTavish, who was now stricken
down with mortal illness, at defiance ; and fell to feasting on
the stores of the company. The Canadian settlers having taken
the alarm, gathered together to the number of about fifty and
took refuge in the house of Dr. Shultz, but the dwelling was
besieged ; the inmates were captured, and marched off to Fort
Garry where they were put in confinement.
- The proclamation appointing Mr. McDougall to the governor-
ship of the territory, and annexing the latter to the dominion
was not to go into effect till the 1st of December, but for weeks
(trevious to that date the intended governor had been perform-
ing the functions of a regular niler. In this he was guilty of
a grave error, and when tidings of his course reached Ottawa
the government felt tlie gravest alarm. But Mr. McDougall
was not a solitary'' blunderer upon the scone. When the first
day of December arrived he issued a proclamation command-
ing the insurgents peacably to disperse to their homes under
l^ain of the rigours of the law. He likewise authorized Colonel
Dennis to raise a force to put down the insurrection ; and a
few days later that worthy soldir^r was found among the lodges,
of the Rioux Indians trying to array the chiefs into hostility
against the insurgents. Whatever some writer?, who, when
passing judgment, were in a quiet room, in the midsL of a
peaceful city, may affirm to the contrary, we are unable to see
any great lack of judgment in the governor of a territory in re-
volt against the supreme authority raising a force to establish
order. But it appears that the Canadian government, unwil-
ling to accept a province seething with tumult, did not bind
itself to the time fixed in its own proclamation, sc that tho
ordinances of Mi*. McDougall, who was ignoracit. of what had

THE HALF-BREED. 357

been done, were invalid ; and he was held responsible ''or the
blundei's of the ministry. Meanwhile Colonel Dennis sot him-
self to work to raise a force, but Riel and his follower only
laughed at the chief of the surveyors, who, disgusted and cha-
grined, left the territory ; while Mr. McDougall, findinj^ he had
iiiade a false step, for which he wao only in part to blame, iliat
public opinion was against him, and that the govi ri/ment had,
without understanding his difficulties, and dealing' with deci-
f<iori themselves, censured his proceedings, returned disheart-
ened and disgusted to Ontario, where he published a series
of letters affirming, and with such proof as lent but too much
probability to his story, that the Hudson Bay Company and
the Roman Catholic clergy of Ee I River had to some ex-
tent fomented the rebellion, and that his own late colleague,
Hon. Joseph Howe, secretary of state, who had vi.dted the re-
gion a short time before was, not f j a small extent, responsible
for the uprising. On Mr. McDougail's way home, he met upon
the plains three emissaries. Vicar- gen ra) Thibault, Colonel De
Salaberry and Donald A, Smith, each bearing, from the Cana-
dian government, to the insurgents, a copy of a proclamiation
issued by Lord Lisgar, containing, in conclusion, the following
paragraph : — " And I do lastly inform you that in case of your
immediate and peaceable obedience and dispersion, I shall order
that no legal proceedings be taken against any parties implica-
ted in these unfortunate breaches of the law." Mr. McDougall
pursued his way home, and he w^as not much to be blamed if
he offered no prayer for the success of Commissioner Salaberry.
The emissaries proceeded on their way, but had no sooner
reached Fort Garry than they were pounced upon, and de-
prived of their papers without being given an opportunity to
offer a word of explanation. Riel's head had failed him in the
trying moment of prosperity, and he was now fairly delirious
with success. He came to believe himself lord and master of
the territory ; ae confiscated property, overthrew every barrier
to his will, and banished from the country such as had aroused

358 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

his fear or ire. It is difficult to tell what punishment he had
in store for Dr. Shultz and the band of Canadians now locked
in the fort ; but one night, three weeks after the incarceration,
the doctor made his escape, and rallying a number of settleri
around liim demanded the surrender of the prisoners. The
sturdy front of Shultz and his followers, and the entreaties of
several prominent residents induced Kiel to yield to the re-
quest, but he openly stated that he would recapture Shultz,.
who might depend upon a sore reckoning. The threatened
man silently loft the territory, and remained in Ontario till
better days. Upon one other person, too, had the insurgent
cast a murderous eye. On the night of the loth of February,
there was a rising at the Portage, and about a hundred sturdy
settlers, who were loyal to the Canadian government, placed
themselves at the disposal of Major Boulton, a Canadian officer
of militia. Thit: force marched to Kildonan, where they were
joined by three hundred and fifty others, the most of whom
were English half-breeds, wretchedly armed, undisciplined, and
without food enough for a single meal. The result of such a
rising can be readily T)redic'.ed. Major Boulton, a brave offi-
cer, though leading for want of better such a helpless assem-
blage, was, with forty others captured, thrown into prison, and
sentenced by court mariial to be shot. Through the earnest
entreaties, however, of Mr. Smith, the Bishop of Rupert's Land,
Archdeacon McLean, the Catholic clergy and other influential
citizens, he was released ; though it went sorely against the
will of Riel to deliver him up. The latter was now dictator
and " president " of the " provisional government " formed by
the insurgents ; and each day thcat he enjoyed this power he
grew more overbearing and dangerous to thosj who resented
his will.

But Kiel's worst offence so far was rebellion, and a high-
handed use of his unlawful powers ; he was yet to enact the
foulest crime that stains the page of Canadian history. It ap-
pears that among the besieged at Dr. Shultz's house was one

THE nALF-BUEED. . 359

Thomas Rcott, a sturdy and spirited young fellow, who had
moved to the territory from Ontario. He did not surrender
with the main body of Canadian settlers, but was arrested the
same evening and confined in the Fort. Scott was a fiery
youth, loyal to the government, but indiscreet enough tomnlie
speeches which brought upon his head the wrath of the dicta-
tor. There is now no doubt that for Scott Riel had conceived
a personal hatred. Twice had he risen in arms against the
insurgents, and even under the lock and key of the president
made no effort to suppress his turbulent spirit. One morning
the story was told that the prisoners had heaped gross in.s lit
upon their half-breed guards, that the example had been -iet
by Scott, HP. J that the latter's conduct was no longer toleral !o.
Whether the story was true or not it servel the bloodt!. iNty
purpose >t' ^iiel, who, with '>;v '^di r iu his e} , on the < > eiiin.^ )f
the 3id A Mp^-ch, within the walls of the foH, improvise I .n
court martial, consisting of the- " council < f seven," to try Sc )it.
The crimes for which he waa to be tris.d were resistance to the
provisional govemnicnf, and assault upon one of his kcjpei ■.
Kiel appeared in tlie character of prosecutor, witness and jn<le<%
and refused to allow Scott to be pr ocnt at the trial, or to malce
any defence. After a brief consultation, the seven sentenced
i\\Q victim to be shot on the following morning at ten o'clock.
When news of the unheard-of proceedings, and the barbarous
sentence got abroad, there was even in that rebellious fort
general excitement, and much sympathy was expressed for the
condemned man. Rev. Mr. Young, a Methodist minister, Pere
Lostang, Mr. Smith and others, besought with i earful earnest-
ness that the sentence might be commuted, but the president
was thirsting for Scott's blood, and, with his barbarous ally
Lepine, peremptorily refused to listen to any plea for mercy.
Poor Scott, as may be supposed, could scarcely realize his posi-
tion ; and did not at first believe that the bloody sentence
Avould be carried out. But a few minutes past noon on the
following day, the executioners, a band of half-breeds, partially

360 LIFE OF SIB JOHN A. MACDONALD.

intoxicated, came into his cell, and led him out blind-fold
thron<^h the chief entrance to the fort to a spot a few yards
distant from the wall. "My God, my God," ho could only say,
in a trenuilous voice, " this is cold-blooded murder." His cofHn,
covered with white cotton, was carried before him, and laid
down at the spot planned for execution, where the firing party
of six half-breeds under "Adjutant-general" Ambrose Lepine,
now drew up. Scott then, his arms pinioned, knelt on tlie
gi-ound, said farewell, and fell back pierced by three bullets.
The victim it was observed was not dead, and one of the firing
party stepping over to where he lay bleeding upon the snow,
drew a revolver which he discharged into his head. The body
was then thrust into the coffin, and there are those that wit^.-
iiessed the bloody deed who assert that the cry of the d3'ing
man could be li 'i.'l! after flic lid had I uen fastened down.
What was afterwards the fate of the corpse, no one save those
engaged in its disposal knows. It was reported that the body
had been burned in the fort, but the box, which was alleged
to have contained the remains was found to contain naught
but stones. The general opinion is that the corpse was thrust
"oelow the ice in Red River.

At the first tidings of the outbreak it occurred to Sir John
Macdonald that Bishop Tachd's presence would do more to
quell the disturbances than any other means at the disposal
of the government. His lordship, however, as we have seen,
was at the time in Rome, attending a session of the famous
(Ecumenical council, but the ministers considered the case ur-
gent enough to invite the bishop to return and use his endm-
vours towards restoring peace. The prelate, at it j little sacri-
fice, tore himself away from Rome and proceeded to Canada.
On arriving at Ottawa, he received special instructions for the
guidance of his mission. But unfortunately for the ends of
justice, the bishop set out with the mistake of regarding him-
self a plenipotentiary with formal powers, whereas his mission
was exactly in th-j character of that of Colonel de Salabery,

, i.! TUE llALF-IiREED. 301

Donald A. Smith, and tlie vicar-goneral. Dr. Tach<5 was
chosen because it was but too apparent that some of the priests
in his diocese sympathized largely with the rebels, and that the
insurgents, almost to a man, were members of his flock. So,
as in the dispatching of the three emissaries named, his lord-
ship was given a copy of the proclamation, and also some pri-
vate letters for his guidance. For example, among other
things, Sir John Macdonald wote: "Should the question
arise as to the consumption of the stores or goods belonging to
the Hudson Bay con)j)any by the insurgents, you are author-
ized to inform the leaders that if the company's government is
restored, not only will there be a general amnesty grd.afce<' but
in cr.se the company should t^h'wi pny^.o'H I : . ufh hn,i":\. ("".lat
t!u' C.'anadian government will stanvi between the insurgents
and ail harm." His IcnJship had also private conversations
with Sir John and Hon. Joseph Howe, and a letter from the
governor-general. But no member of the government looked
upon the bishop's position as other than that of a peacemaker,
bearing assurances from the government on specific points.
Had he been a plenipotentiary he would have been given a
formal commission with authority to deal, in the name of the
government, with all past and possible offences. As a mere
informal emissary and ]ieacemaker, the bounds of his author-
ity extended no further than the specifications in the letters of
the iTiinisters ; and it might even be argued that the private
letter of Sir John Macdonald, or of Mr. Howe, or even of Sir
John Young, was not a valid authority, and was not so in-
tended, and that ministers only wished to have the insurgents
made aware of the disposition of the government. That the
government did blunder in assuming that the mere uprising of
the French Metis and the consumption of the Hudson Bay
company's sto'-es were the limit of Kiel's offences, no one can
deny ; but this was not a justification, though it was the occa-
sion, of the bishop's view of the question. It is not necessary

S«2 LIFE ^F Srn JOHN A. MACDONALD.

to say that wJien iih Ic tJship set out i'rotn Ottawa, the miia.s-
try wa- ignorant of -jr", mmder of Scf^.t.

On the i)ih of Marc) , hve days aftt;)' the death of Scott, the
hishop bearirg hi; ';r' lentials; arrived nt Red River. He pre-
sented liis papers, jen.'onstrpted "'.vith '.he rebels, and in the
name of th-j goveniniei.l of ' ,'anada made certain promises if
they wouJd lay do^^n iLrir arms, r. riong these, was that of a
general aniresty to all implicated i. *ho insurrection ; as likc-
\\ise to those (;onceniod in the shooti ig of Scott. It is almost
iiicred'ilous that the worthy bishop should have so far mis-
taken his powers as to inclule in the amnesty, upon his owii
responsibility, tbe perpetrators of iliis foul murder ; yet such
was liis view, an opinion which lie maintained stoutly to the
end. He wrote, stating what he liad done, to the secretary of
state, Mr. Howe, but that gentJomaa promptly inform«.d him
that the government was i ot in a position to interfero with the
free action of her majesty in the exercise of the royal clemency,
though he requested \.'l> lordship to pevsevijic in his o-ideavours
to bring the population to j»'>ice and orde>'. acknowledging, as
was proper and due to the (>!»iati::, the value of his services so
far to the cause of peace. T"' or year; afterw.'irds the question of
amnesty was a subject of discussion, the government affirming
that they had never committed themselves to a pledge of par-
don beyond what appearo;' in their published letters. The
news of the murder of Scott iiUed the great bulk of the Cana-
dian public with horror and indignation, and in a '"'^w days t
was learnt with much satisfaction that General Garnet

Wolseley, who has since distinguished himself iii A.shantee,
Egypt and elsewhere, was to be ;^ent to Red River with an
ample military force. The news reached Fort Garry, and the
murderer Riel and his colleague Lepine lost their bravado and
shivered for fear. With the same secrecy of movement that
the commander of the troops observed in his sortie upon the
forces of Arabi Pasha, he was within riffe shot of Fort Garry
ere anyone in the murderer's lair knew of the approach. Riel

THE HALF-BREED. 363.

and Lepine took instant flight out of harm's way, and with
lusty British cheers, and amid the thunder of a royal salute,
the Union- Jack was hoisted above the fort.

Hon. Adams George Archiltald had been, in the meantime,
appointed to the governorship of th^ T n ritory, and on the 2nd
of November assumed his official functions. In the following
May — 1871 — he heard with alarm that a body of Fenians un-
der the leadership of one O'Donoghue, who had been an ally of
Kiel, threatened an irruption. The governor was alone, sur-
rounded by difficulties and unprovided with a defensive force ;.
and being cut off by distance fi'om comnmnication with the
central authoiities, was thrown upon his own resources. It was
an hour of grave peril, and to save the new province from the
consequences of a conquest by such a filibuster as O'Donoghue
and the Vrnnd of ruffians in his following, Mr. Archibald leagued
liimseli with the two murderers Riel and Lepine, who wer&
still at large, tliougli warrants were out for their apprehension,
to resi-^t the invaders, Promptly these two persons rallied, once
again, the subsided ilotis, whom they placed at the disposal of
Mr. Archibald. The governor, it appears, had little misgivings
in entering into this foul and revolting compact. He reviewed
the murderers' troops, accepted their services, promised Lepine
and Riel at least temporary immunity from molestation for their
crime, shook hands with them, received a letter signed by them,
and through his secretary addressed a written reply after the
retreat of the brigand O'Donoghue, com])limenting them on the
loyalty they had shown and the assistance they had reniiered.
Indeed, the governor v/as of the impression thnt Kiel and his
followers offered their services in a spirit of genuine loyalty,
" though," says Lord Dufferin, in a despatch to the secretary
of state, " Sir John Macdonald appears to have had niisgivings^
on ^,his head." The strongest point by the lieutenimt-gover-
nor, in justification of this sickening alHance, is made when he
says: ' If 1 had driven the French half-breeds into the hands,
of the enemy O'Donoghue, they would hive been joined by all

364 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

the population between the Assiniboine and the frontier ; Fort
Garry would have passed into the hands of an armed mob,
and the English settlers to the north of the Assiniboine woulcj
have suffered horrors that it makes me shudder to contemplate.
At this period an all-pervading sense of etiquette had taken
possession of archbishop * Tachd, who maintained with a zeal
worthy of a noble cause, that, by virtue of his commission
from the Canadian government, and his declaration of an am-
nesty, Riel and Lepine had been placed be3^ond the molestation
of the law. It is not necessary to detail incidents of this un-
seemly squabble between the bishop and the ministers. The
question was submitted to the imperial government, and after
much correspondence between Lord Dufferin and the colonial
.secretary, the latter left the subject in the hands of the gover-
nor-general. Lepine had been captured, and lay in the Winni-
peg gaol under sentence of death, but this Lord Dufferin com-
muted to two years' imprisonment and a permanent forfeiture
of civil rights. This was surely a triumph for murder and the
archbishop. Riel, whose punishment would have been the
same as Lepine's, escaped the law — because the law shut its
■eyeb — and is now at large among his fellows bearing the stain
of his revolting crime.

* His lordship about this time wan created an archbishop.

CHAPTEil XX.

THROUGH STOBMS TO THE REEF.

IT is necessary now to take a few j^acos backward. On the
2nd of May, and while the ten-itory was at the feet of tlie
insurgents, Sir John Macdonald introduced an act to establisli
and provide for the government of the province of Manitoba,
as this tumultuous region was to be lienceforth called. Local
affairs were placed under the control of a lieutenant-gover-
nor, who was aided by an executive council, the legislative
machinery to comprise a house of assembly, and an upper
chamber. Even in this wilderness province, so remote from
the influences of the aristocracy, it was considered necessary to
season the constitution with a pinch of feudalism, by creating
a house of prairie-lords. The province having no public debt
of which the Dominion should have borne a part, interest at
five per cent per annum on .S'tT2,090 was guaranteed ; a yearly
subsidy of 830,000, and the usual general allowance of 80 cents
per head, the population being estimated at 17,000. Ungranted
territory was vested in the crown for purposes of the federal
government ; and to effect an extinction of the Indian title,
1,400,000 acres of land were set apart for the benefio of resident
half-breed families. It was provided that the new province
should become a partner in the federation on such date as the
Queen in council should fix for the admission of Rupert's Land
and the North-west territory into the union, .\nother impor-
tant measure of this session was the banking act of Sir Francis
Hincks, which found instant ard settled favour with banking
institutions and the commercial public. Not so successful was

365

3C6 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

the honourable knight's tariff act, which Lore on its face the
semblance of jrotection, but in reality wa? a declaration of
commercial war against the United States, with which recipro-
city was desirable out impossible. From the first the ministiy
seemed to have little heart iii launching this measure. Sir
John called it "forcing public opin*oT\*' which was not at that
.stage ready for a systeiM of proteotic i, much less a measure
that promised the burthens, without i)u-. benefits, of such a
policy. Nevertheless, soraetlnng was needed, and Sir Francis
came forward with his meaaire wiih the timid-courage of a
boy, pole in hand, venturing o t on the first ice of the season.
Unfortunately for the ministr , , long })ressure of public busi-
ness had told severely on the iiojlti) oi Sir John. He w»s
frequently unable to attend parlaraert or cabinet meetings ;
and as the session drew to a close he became completely pros-
trated. Sir Francis and his colli ."ues battled bravely against
the opposition and the defection iu their own ranks, but the
nerve had gone for the time from the han'l that could alone
make the rough smooth, and bring harraoy out of disorder;
and the measure passed after a severe bai 'ing, with a feeble
majority. Among the able opposition; •.', tiight be counted
Messrs. McDougall and Gait, for though iuey v/ere labelled
" Independent," on trying occasions they w^^re found voting
with the government. Mr. McDougall rega,r:i. 1 himself, as he
certainly was, a victim of the government' 5 .men viable North-
west policy, and was not in oppositic;: ia tie pi'ldic interest,
but for the sake of revenge ; while Mr. A, T, Ofilr also turned
a personal grievance into a ground of public pohc} .

The Fenians had their hearts set on capturii;.* a, piece of
British territory, and when the rebellion broke out ii- the North-
west, O'Neil, whose acquaintance we h. u already n);tde, nim-
bly reassembled his ragged brigade, and on the -Jth v f May,
made a dash across the Missisquoi frontier ; but was driven
back, hylter-skelter, by a handful vf Canadian volunteers. Two
days later, another band, made heroic with whisikey, swaggered

THROUGH SrOliMS TO THE REEF. 367

across the bordei' in Huntington county, Imt on being confront-
ed by a few of our militiamen took wild ilight again into shel-
tering territory. Even here they were not beyond harm, as
their leaders were arrested by United States officials, and their
arms, whiskey and other possession.? confiscated. lu the early
autumn the announcement that the imperial government wa^
about to withdraw the troops, called forth an ear 'est, if a not
very manly, protest from several quarters. In reply, we v/ei o
informed from the colonial office, that Great Britain felt thai
she now ought to be ' ".ieved of the burthen of our efi'nce ;
that we had entered upon an era of peace, and that w ,ilc the
mother considei'ed herself bound to defend us from forijigi} ag-
gression, that she expected us, henceforth, to provide pro^^* •-
tion in our domestic affairs. We somewhat pitiably retorted
that we had always furnished force to do our police duty, and
did not need assistance now for that purpose ; but the colonial
office was inexorable, and said that what had been oidered
could not be revoked. The forces we .e consequently called
home from all the stations save Halifax, whose society, tavern-
keepers and immorality are at least the gainers, if no boon
is conferred upon the country. The only anomaly in the
proceeding was the withdrawal of the troops from Newfound-
land, which was then, and is to-day, not in the union. The
imperial view was surely not less than rational and politic;
though some of those who had talked after the union wiih so
much sound about our magnitude and our future, wre among
the first to cry out, " don't take away tht; soldiers." To boast
of nationality in one breath, and to cry fur protection in ano-
ther, is at once impertinent and unm.anly ; and lesembies no-
thing so much as a hale young man of twenty-one under the
guard anship of a dry nurse. Our duty ?:. to rely upon our-
selves T.a the day of troubl >, and we ha.ve spirit, and brain, and
patriotism enough in this i oua^ry, were the aii'*nuaLed loadii g
string of British cormexion cut to-morrow, to resist all-comer&
as effbctually as we could UDUor our present system — which

368 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

dampens national ardo'.r, and undermines self-confidence —
aided by imperial soMicrs. The duty to home and kin is
a strong incentive, if the duty can always be made to assume
that personal form, but patriotism can be only predicated of
those who possess a country, not of those who inhabit an in-
stalment of territory belonging to somebody else, .ind who hav-
ing fought the battle and overwhelmed the foe, are reminded
that they are serfs by profuse thanks for the loyalty and cour-
age they showed not to themselves, not to the country whose
fields they till, and whose seas they sail, but to a foreign ruler
whom they have never seen, and who lives beyond a dissever-
ing ocean. This opinion is not for those enlightened, loyal
Canadians, who think that the sovereign can cure their babies
of king's evil ; but for the manly, intelligent young fellow with
the light of the age in his eyes, who loves his country, and
takes wisdom for his guide ; who believes that all men came
into this world equal, as they must leave it equal, that gold,
and place, and spurs belong alone to those who in honest strife
can win them, that the custom which fixes perpetual authority
in any family among the race of men, and declares that all
others shall be subject and inferior, is one of the few relics of
a barbarous age, a butt for the future historian, and an institu-
ticn that he will take to represent the darkness of the century.
During the summer an important acquisition to the Do-
minion cabinet appears in the appointment of Hon. Charles
Tupper, whose robust ability and unfaltering purpose, had all
along favourably impressed Sir John, to the presidency of the
council, in the room of the Hon. Edward Kenny, who had been
appointed to the governorship of Nova Scotia. We have met
Dr. Tupper already measuring his strength with Joseph Howe,
and seen him return from England twice with the laurels; but
thi s was no test of his prowess, since Howe was pitted not alone
against his brother Nova Scotian, but against the imperial cabi- -
net, which was zealous for union. Where the field was fair and
there was no favour, it fared better with the giant, and we

THROUGH STORMS TO THE REEF. 369

found Dr. Tupper, like Randolph Mui-ray, returning to Ottawa,
out of the fight, alone. But of Sir Charles' abilities, we might
f^ay of his genius, there can be no question. He began life, we
believe, as a medical practitioner ; and while enjoying an ex-
cellent prospect of eminent success in that profession, entered
politics, in which sphere, by the sheer force of his abilities and
the possession of a })ower that literally battered down every
obstacle, had succeeded in forcing his way, as we have seen, to
one of the most prominent places in his country. But the Dr.
Tupper of that day, was not the Sir Charles of our present ac-
(juaintance. Never could anybody deny that great energ}^ of
character, and almost superhuman force; but for many years
after his entry into public life, Dr. Tupper was almost insuf-
ferably verbose, and often bombastical. Language literally
poured from the man ; but his speeches were not remark-
able for the closer and more incisive reasoning which runs
through his public utterances now. Time has chastened and
disciplined that ardent spirit, reduced the blaze to a sober
glow, while not robbing the fire of its heat ; yet without being
disposed to unkind criticism, his speeches still — speeches that
may always be called verbal tornadoes — on occasion may be
described as savage, though in no instance we can remember
of has the provocation not been ample. Of the question of
dignity, and what is due to his position as a leading minister
of the crown, Sir Charles Tupper is the best judge ; though he
must bear the writer to challenge the propriety of a member of
the Canadian government descending to a personal attack, how-
ever well merited, on one who had degraded the press by making
a newspaper the vehicle of vulgar spleen. Mr. Nicholas Flood
Davin in his paper " Great S{)eeches " in the Canadian Month-
ly, from which we have already extracted, has oh is telling de-
scription of Sir Charles as an orator. " Sir Charles Tupper's
most distinguishing characteristic .... is force. Though he
has not the scholarship nor finish of Mr. Gladstone, it is with
Mr. Gladstone — were I searching for a comparison — I should

370 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

compare him. Yet they are dissimilar in so many ways that
the choice does not .seem liappy. They are aUko however in
this: extiT ordinary capacity for work, power of going from
place to ilace, and making great speeches with little or no time
for rest or study. Different in kind, his command of expres-
sion is as ready and effective as Mr. Gladstone's. He has the
faculty of growth; the sure mark of a superior mind when
found in a man over forty." The same writer goes on to say,
and had he omitted saying it, we should not have thought so
much of his paper : " I am sure that both he and Mr. Blake
speak too long. If they could take off about thii-ty per cent,
in time without impairing the texture of thought ; if they could
pack closer ; how much more effective both would be. Sir
Charles Tupper is not content while a single wall of the (iue-
my's defences remains standing." Some of Sir Charles T upper's
most important work is too fresh in the mind of the reader to
detail it here ; and as the news has gone abroad, while these
pages are passing through the press, that this very able states-
man, still in the prime of his manhood, though with health
somewhat shattered, by a too-long overwrought brain, is about
to retire from his present office to fill a jilace of importance in
the mother-country, we may be permitted to refuse paying a
" long farewell," cherishing the hope that many days may yet
remain to him, after his mission in the new sphere is ended,
and his health restored, in the pei'formancc of public duty in
Canada.

The Reciprocity Treaty having expired, as we have seen, and
the overture s of the Canadian government for renewal having
proven fruitless, a state of affairs had arisen which provoked a
strong feeling of hostility among our people towards the United
States. With the expiry of the treaty, of course, all rights
and privileges to both parties lapsed, yet American fishermen
continued to fish in our coast-waters within prohibited limits.
The Canadian governme.it remonstrated with the \V^ashi)igton
authorities, and ihe president of the United States issued a

TH ROUGH STORMS TO THE REEF. 371

proclamation forbidding American citizens to further infringe
upon the law. American schooners still appean^d within the
three-mile limit around our coast, putting out net and spilliard
trains ; and even became so brazen in their disrewri for author-
ity, as to engage in taking fish during Sunilay , — for which, in
one instance, they paid the penalty by the ifihabitants of a cove
in Fortune Bay, Newfoundland, tf'Ung the law in their own
hands, destroying the fishing gear of the intruders, and driving
the violaters of the sabbath and the civil laws from the shore.
The imperial and Canadian goveiuments sent armed vessels
along the o asts to prevent this international poaching, and
several crafts cuagla in their unlawful work were seized and con-
fiscated. Whereupon our American friends grew wrathful, and
their hi<;h- pent feeling vented itself in an unstatesmanlike and
intemperate message from Presideiu Grant during the autumn.
A aun ber of irritating questions had now accumulated be-
tween the United States and Great Britain, and early in the
year, 1871, it became known that these would be submitted for
settlement to a joint commission appointed by both govern-
ments. The chief subjects for the adjudication of the commis-
sion were the fisheries question, to which we have alluded; the
^^a6amu, claims, the navigation of the St. Lawrence, and of the
Canadian canals, and the boundary line between the United
States and British Columbia. Owing to some of the hazy defi-
nitions in the Oregon treaty, the ownership of the island of
San Juan, in the strait of Juan de Fuca, which for the past
twelve years had been occupied jolntl}- by British and United
States officials, had been open to dispute ; and a settlement of
this question was also referred to the comm ssion. On the
10th of February, the United States government appointed as
its representatives, the Hon. Robert C. Schenck, United States
minister to the court of St. James ; the Hon. Hamilton Fish,
secretary of state ; the Hon. Samuel Nelson, of the supreme
court ; the Hon. George H. Williams, of Oregon, and the Hon.
Ebenezer R. Hoar, of Massachusetts. On the sixteenth of the

372 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONAID.

same month, the imperial government appointed as its five
representatives the Earl iJe Gray and Bipon, Sir Edward
Thornton, Sii- Stafford Northcote, Sir John Macdonald and
Montague Bernard, professor of international lav. in the univer-
sity of Oxford. The appointment of a colonist en a commission
to conserve imperial interests was an unusual course, but the
eminent abilities of Sir John, and the vast Canadian interest*
at stake, induced the selection. It is an error, however, to
suppose that, in any sense. Sir John was a Dominion represen-
tative ; he was merely the interpreter of Canadian interests.
On this commis'^ion, as events afterwards showed, our premeir
found himself between the devil and the deep sea, between
his duty as an imperial representative on the one hand, whose
mission was to support any plan that would forward the
interests of the empire as a whole, even though such measure
should bear harshly upon his own province, and his duty to the
interests of the Dominion on the other. The first meeting of
the commission was Iield at Washington, on the 27th of Feb-
ruary ; and the sittings were continued at irregular intervals
till the 8th of May. On this date the Washington treaty was
signed, and the commissioners set out for their homes. In
brief the treaty — which was ratified by the United States on
the 2 tth of May, and by the imperial parliament on the 17th of
June — provided for the settlement of \\\e Alabama claims by an
arbitration board to meet in Switzerland, and to which refer-
ence has already been made ; the San Juan boundary dispute
was refexTed for adjudication to the emperor of Germany, who
gave the disputed island to the United b^ates; while, with res-
pect to the fisheries, our waters were thrown open to the Ame-
rican fish ,imen for a period of ten years, the compensation to
the Canadian government, in lieu of this privilege, to be decided
by a special commission.* It was provided that fish and oil
should be admitted into the United States and Canada, from each

* The commisblon met in Halifax in 1877, and aws; Jed to Canada §5,500,000,
which Wivs paid, but with not a little groaning.

THROUGH STORMS TO THE REEF. 373

country, duty free during a like period ; free navigation of tho
St. Lawrence and the Canadian canals was guaranteed to Ameri-
can citizens, a similar privilege being accorded to British sub-
jects on Lake Michigan. As an offset to the claim tor damages
by the Confederate cruisers sailing from British ports, Sir John
contended that the Dominion was, in a like measure, entitled to
recompense for the ravages of Fenian mai'auders from American
territory. Against an attitude which so much as refused to
discuss this question, and with the tepid support of his brother
commissioners, to whom imperial questions threw all others in
the shade, Sir John was powerless ; and, as in some other points,
he was obliged to yield. Some of his opponents afterwards
maintained that in the face of this opposition it w as his duty to
have resigned, but that would have been for the premier to con-
fess that he regarded himself as a colonial, and not an imperial
representative ; that he had consented to enter the commission
tmder false pretences ; for, as we have already stated, it was by
the accident of his qualifications and the esteem in which he
was held — and in any case only as an interpreter of Canadinn
interests — that he was appointed among the repre? untatives ;
a,nd had he resigned the imperia . will would nevertheless have
been carried out, and perhaps without the dampening pi-esence
of another colonist. But that Sir John did do all that was
consistent with honour and duty as a representative of impe-
rial interest, became abundantly clear, and is, if by no other
evidence, amply proven in the fact, that, up to a late periou — if
indeed down to this time — he had not been forgiven by imperial
statesmen, for what, between themsel /es, they ha'l been pleased
to call his "colonialism" on the commission; not a colonialism
implying anything beyond v hat they regarded as too much
zeal in Canadian interests, whiL;li dashed with those of the em-
pire. It is not going too far to assume that, when we hear the
i)remier'8 Canadian opponents denounce him for having done
too little for Canada. 8 u' hoar imperial earls and knights who
\vere with hiro whisper htlnnd the door 'hat he did too much.

374 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

he did his onerous and difficult duty, honourably, conscienti-
ously, and well. For a year the treaty was misrepresented
throughout the country, and the premier and the ministry were
loaded with abuse. The assailants were sorely mortified that
they could elicit no official response, a silence maintained at the
request of Sir John, who said that it would be time enough to
explain when the politic period arrived and in the proper place.^
We shall skip a year to see the issue. In May, 1872, the storm
broke, and Sir John was ready. His defence is given us in one
of the auiest — perhaps the most effective — speeches of his life.
We need not here attempt an outline of this address, which we
give in full elsewhere,* or of the telling speeches by Sir Francis
Hincks, Hon. Wm. McDougall, Hon. Charles Tupper, Hon. S.
L. Tilley, Sir George Cartier, Hon. J. H. Cameron and others.
All the speakers, understanding the painfully difficult position
Sir John had held, and appreciating the highmindedness and
ability with which he conducted himself, came forward in de-
fence of their chief. Mr. John Hillyard Cameron said that " be-
fore entering into discussion on the various points of the treaty,
he might be allowed to say a few words about one upon whom
the eyes of all Canada were fixed, in v/hom the country had the
deepest interest, and in whom, he ventured to say, the great
mass of the people had the mosi, implicit reliance. He refer-
red to the gentleman who was entrusted, not only as a nego-
tiator but as a representative of the empire, and of Canada, as
a part of it ; he whom so many had been accustomed to ad-
mire, and whom he (Mr. Cameron) had been permitted to follow,
as his leader, for so many years. Probably there was no mem-
ber of the house better entitled to speak of that gentleman than
he. They had been friends for more than half the term of life
allotted to man ; they had been at school together, and had
been in the government of Canada in the freshness of their
youth, more than a quarter of a century ago ; and from that

• For the text of the speech in extemo, see appendix G.

THROVGII STORMS TO THE REEF. 375

year to this, although their positions had leen very different,
he had been always his political follower, and had endeavoured
to be his faithful friend ; and he believed there were very few
among those who had been his friends, and followers during
that long period of years who were not his staunch supporters
now. There could hardly be a higher compliment paid to any
man than that he should have continued to hold the position
he had held during the many years past ; and he felt compelled
to say this, because heartless attacks had been made upon his
character and honour. They all knew, every one of them, and
he (Mr. Cameron) recollected well, the time when he first came
so prominently before the public. They might have looked
through their own party, in and out of politics, and could not
have found a single man his superior, and in the opposition
party they could not find a raan either his superior or his equal.
During all those years he had carried out those measures which
he considered were for the country's good. In many he (Mr.
Cameron) did not concur, but in many had agreed ; and of all
men competent to deal with the affairs of the people, he had
always considered that there was no one so competent as he,
Sir John Macdonald. He (Mr. Cameron) had seen his skill and
ability at all times and under all circumstances, and there was
no one among them who had not had an opportunity over and
over again of forming a judgment upon them. He would ask
them to recollect how, when circumstances had withdrawn him,
when debates and discussions were going on, they had felt that
the chords were jangled and the instrument out of tune, and
when he returned again how his master hand evoked a harmony
that no other hand was able to produce. They had all known
it. They had seen him in his position there using his talents
and great ability for the benefit of the country. Had he turned
those talents and that ability to his profession, he would have
won both wealth and fame. Whilst other politicians wore mak-
ing their fortunes, no one ever felt otherwise than that that man
was poor, because he never allowed his political or parliamen-

376 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACVONALD.

tary influence to be used in order that he might in the slightest
degree make pecuniary capital of his position. Did not they all
feel that one reason why his honourable friends opposite had
raged so furiously against him, had been because of what his
hon. friend from Lambton had said the other night that his
(Sir John's) path was marked by the graves of dead politicians .
He (the member for Lambton) had boasted of the purity of
reform principles, and of the stren,o;th and power of reformers ;
and yet he had seen their foremost men, one by one — even the
great Anak himself — become the willing captives of his bow
and spear, and march to their political death under the eye of
their conqueror ; while they contended that what their of »po-
nents termed " political death " was really political regenera-
tion. That was their position ; and their support of his hon.
friend had been not merely in reference to his great political
ability, but it had been in regard to what he had been to all
of them. He had always been generous and easy of access,
ever mingling coui'tesy with kindness. No man ever had more
devoted friends and followers. He had grappled them to his
heart with hoops of steel, and had kept them th*!re. Over and
over again he had cai'ried them forward with him to victory,
and he believed that now, as ever, his latest and crowning vie
tory would be the response which the parliament of Canada
would make to the appeal that they should ratify the treaty.
His party were indignant that the charge of treasoi; and the
name of " Judas " should be used against him. Notwith. stand-
ing the taunts and the violence of the opposition — notwith-
standing the accusations they made — they would find that, in
the opinions not only of a large majority of the members of the
house but of an equally large majority of tie people of the
country, there was no man under whose banner they would
more gladly advance, either to victory or d(;foat, than that of
the hon. member who led them." At the conclusion the l.ouso
showed its loyalty to Sir John, and its confidence in his ability
and integrity by ratifying so much of the treaty as referred to

THROUGH STORMS TO THE REEF. 377

Canada by a vote of 121 to 55. From Ontario there was a
majority of 10; from Quebec, 29 ; from Nova Scotia, 11 ; from
New Brunswick, 7 ; from Manitoba, 3, and from British Col-
umbia, G.

It is necessary now to retrace our steps a short way, to take
up the thread of our general narrative. Parliament opened on
the 15th of February, 1871. Sir Francis was in high spirits ;
commerce felt a fuller life in her veins, the outlook was still
more cheering, and the ministers had S200,000 to spare after
meeting all current expenditure. Several measures of import-
ance were introduced during the session, chief among these
being acts providing for the assimilation of the currency, the
readjustment of the tariiF, for the management of savings
banks, and the establishment of a new banking system. It
was during this session that the act was introduced provid-
ing for the admission of our distant relative, British Columbia,
into the united family. The Pacific province was not enthu-
siastic for the compact, but like the maiden who marries for
money instead of for love, made her union conditional upon the
construction of a railroad ; and as marriages contracted with
.such motives do not always " turn out well," it is not surpris-
ing that before the Pacific spouse had ceased to be a bride, she
was in the courts for divorce. The Canadian parliament rose on
the 14th of April; and on the 16th of May, an imperial order-in-
coimcil was pa.' sed authorising the admis.sion of British Colum-
bia into the Canadian federation. The provisions of the British
North America Act were extended to the new province; an an-
nual subsidy of §35,000 was set apart, and 80 cents granted to
■each head of the population, which then was estimated at 00,000.
The most important stipulation in the terms of union with the
new province was the obligation on the part of the Dominion
to secure the commencement simultaneously, "within two years
after the date of the union, of the construction of a railway
from the Pacific towards the Rocky Mountains, and from such
point as should be selected east of the Rocky Mountains towards

378 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

the Pacific, to connect the seaboard of British Columbia with
the railway system of Canada ; and further to secure the com-
pletion of such railway within ten years from the date of the
union." This line, we need scarce say, is not built yet, though
it has had a prodigious catastrophe, resulting in the wreck of a
great party, as shall be told further on. The Hon. William
Joseph Trutch was appointed lieutenant-governor of the newly
acquired province. The prosperity of Ontario was now devel-
oping in bounds, and Hon. John Sandfield Macdonald, with the
strange daring that had more than once led him upon the rocks,
appropriated a large sum of the public funds for railway pur-
poses without the consent of the legislature. A storm arose,
and the premier could not withstand it. His enemies thundered
their censure, and his friends dropped off. He resigned in
December, and the governor r-sked Mr. Edward Blake to take
his place. One of the first acts of the new provincial govern-
ment was the offering of !$5,00() reward for the apprehension of
the murderers Riel and Lepine, who, were now living saus i)eur
at their homes. Sir George Cartier had made common cause
with Monseigneur Tach^ in shielding Riel, who was eventu-
ally, but not till he had sought parliamentary honours, induced
to leave the country.

The last session of the first Dominion parliament opened on
the 11th of April, 1872. The most important question was the
clause of the Washington treaty to which we have reverted,
Mr. Blake excelling himself in clever argument, sarcasm, and
snecial pleading in his attack upon the measure. A question
of much interest was the New Brunswick " School Bill," which
had passed the legislature of that province, in May, of the pre-
vious year. The New Brunswick Act, in brief, provided for the
establishment of free non-sectarian schools, which were to be
taken out of the hand of the Jacks-of -all -trades, administered
under government supervision, and supported by municipal tax-
ation and a grant from the provincial legislature. A wise
measure, however, was marred by blemishes affixed by a bigo-

THROVGH STORMS TO THE BEEF. 370

try that made a triumph of reason an engine of injustice, groa»
and contemptible. The question, through the local constituen-
cies, became not one between the old and barbarous plan of edu-
cation, and the new system, but between protestant and catho-
lic. The catholic priesthood became alarmed, and saw the hand
of Satan guiding the new movement. The free-school people
affected to see something nearly as bad on the other side, the
Pope resisting the spread of education and thought. The priest
was over fearful, the free-school champion was over zealous.
The most with which the former is to be charged is extrava-
gant dread, and a profusion of evil prophecy that he came for-
ward himself, in time, to falsify ; but against the latter there is.
a much less creditable count. They studded the new law with
provisions, called by some one " millinery regulations," deliber-
ately intended to insult and harass the Roman catholics, while-
one politician,* who is now, thanks to the unfortunate system
of party which rules everything in this country from the bench
to the buck-saw, a judge in New Brunswick, carried his un-
manly bigotry so far as to declare on the hustings, that he
had no feeling in common with Roman catholics, and did not
want their votes. Such a spirit was odious enough in the cam-
paign, but it was carried into the bill, and provided that na
teacher should wear crosses, badges or garbs pertaining to any
exclusive order ; the object being to exclude religious of the
Roman church from the work of teaching. It was while the
law remained in this intolerable state, that the two prominent
Roman catholics from New Brunswick in the Canadian legis-
lature sought to have the obnoxious measure set aside. In May,
therefore, Mr. Costigan moved a set of resolutions praying for
the disallowance of the act, in which he was strongly seconded
by Mr. Timothy Anglin. The following session he moved >
" that the government should advise his excellency to disallow
the acts passed by the New Brunswick legislature," which was-

* Hon. (now Judge) John J. Fraser.

380 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

•carried ; though the question remained open for several years
afterwards. The next year again he moved for " an address to
her Majesty praying her to cause an act to be passed amending
the British North America Act, 1867, by providing that every
religious denomination in New Brunswick shall continue to
possess and enjoy all such rights with regard to their schools
as they possessed and enjoyed at the time of the passage of the
said Act." This resolution was withdrawn, though Mr. Costi-
gan was unceasing in his exertions from session to session, till
his desires were virtually accomplished bj' the amendments to
the New Brunswick act which expunged the obnoxious regula-
tions. In the early stages of the agitation, as we have seen.
Sir John was in office, and during this time Mr. Costigan had
the heartiest support from Mr. Anglin ; but he stood alone in the
struggle when the reformers came to power, when Mr. Anglin
was elevated to the Chair, and agitation on the measure men-
aced his salary and perquisites. The New Brunswick legisla-
ture very properly resisted the attempts at Ottawa to set aside
legislation which it felt it was competent to enact ; and Hon.
{now Judge) William Wedderburn, one of the most powerful
^nd brilliant speakers in Canada, moved a series of resolutions
in defence of the law, asserting the exclusive authority of the
provincial legislature over the question, and resolving that its
jurisdiction or powers should not be impaired or abridged with-
out an appeal to the electors at the polls ; a id that without the
consent of the local body the imperial parliament or the par-
liament of Canada ought not to interfere. Meanwhile the
priests had refused to permit Catholic children to be taught in
the "godless" institutions, and the parents were burthened
with the uouble expense of paying the municipal tax to main-
tain the public schools, from which they derived no benefit, and
of supporting the separate schools to which no contribution was
made from the provincial funds. The bishops and their clergy
found themselves obliged by conscience to refuse paying the
public school-tax ; but the officer seized a horse and carriage, or

THROUGH STORMS TO THE REEF. 381

any chattel that he could lay hands upon, and went his way.
It is related that the cow of a certain priest was seized five
times for the tax, some pious parshioner as often " bidding in "
the animal, and thus satisfying the law and the clerical con-
science. But this state of affairs could not continue. The
catholics began to groan at the double burthen put upon their
shoulders. Then the priests had now and again paid a visit tO'
the government schools, and found no pictures of Satan hang-
ing upon the wall, nor heard any boy say that the name of our
first parent was Protoplasm. The legislature, too, had shown
a disposition to fair play by purging the school statute of in-
sult and intolerance. Still the clergy remained aloof ; but on
their behalf leading citizens opened regotiations with the free-
school authorities. Through the influence of Mr. (now Senct-
tor) Boyd and other prominent citizens in St. John, Bishop
Sweeney capitulated, and in Fredericton, the capital, amalga-
mation was accomplished through the tireless exertions of Mr.
Patrick McPeake, the leading Roman catholic in the city. Now
while we have denounced the stain that bigotry put upon the
school law as at first established, and admired the manly, able
and uncompromising way in which Mr. Costigan battled for
justice to his co-religionists, we must not be regarded as hav-
ing the remotest sympathy with those who opposed non-secta-
rian schools upon 'principle. Ten years ago he who visited a
parish school, from which God had not been banished, saw an
institution seething with disorder, which was ever pouring a
stream of youth upon the country, many of whom were more
vulgar and vicious than if they had never seen the inside of
the school walls. But it is different now ; and the system of
education enjoyed by the people of New Brunswick, would be
a boon and a credit to any country. We could wish that of the
sj'stem in this noble province we could say as much ; though
this is more than we dare to hope so long as it maintains the
political taint. ^ -jr- - -— ----r--- ^^--r^ ---^

382 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

Parliament prorogued on the 14th of June, and eight days
afterwards the governor-general bade good bye to Canada.
During his administration he had been raised to the peerage
of the united kingdom with the title of Baron Lisgar, of Lisgar
and Bailieborough, in the county of Cavan. While amongst us
he won our good opinion and respect, though he neither flat-
tered the people nor courted popularity, doing his duty with a
courteous (^uiet dignity that pleased without effort. " His hospi-
tality," says Professor Goldwin Smith, " was simply that of an
English nobleman; it had no ulterior object, and as an example
could do nothing but good." His successor was Frederick Tem-
ple Hamilton Blackwood, Earl of Dufferin, eldest son of Captain
Price Blackwood, afterwards fourth Baron Dutt'erin and Clan-
deboye, in the peerage of Ireland. The new governor was a
man of some distinction in diplomacy and literature when he
came amongst us. He had been under-secretary of state for
war, and in the same capacity at the Indian office. He went
to Syria as commissioner of the crown, where he ended the
turmoil between the Christians and the natives. " He suc-
ceeded," says Mr. Stewart, "in mastering the details of this deli-
cate mission; and not only satisfactorily arranged the Turkish
troubles, but also compromised matters between the French
and the warlike Druses. He gave a constitution to Lebanon,
and we have here the first evidence of his ability as a states-
man and diplomatist." If by letters in his own right he was
not famous, he was distinguished through his ancestry. His
mother was the author of " The Irish Emigrant," and other
ballads, which, if not showing a deep poetical vein, contained a
wealth of feeling, and many passages of tender, melancholy
pathos. For an aunt, he had that pretty song-bird, the Hon.
Mrs. Caroline Norton, whose sweet verse and bright eyes, scandal
said, lured Lord Melbourne so often away from the cares of state.
And through this siren he was connected with a name of still
greater note, of whom a great poet has said:

* ' * * * Nature fo'-med but one such man,
And broke the die in moulding Sheridan."

THROUGH STORMS TO THE REEF. 383

Lord DufFerin was educated at Eton and Oxford, and in 1850
was created an English baron. He was not long amongst us
when it was found that the proverbial gift of his countrymen
sat upon his tongue. In making speeches he could outdo our
most confirmed orators ; and in this respect his example was
not good. If a governor-general could only, by his example,
help to curtail the platform trade, he might well feel that his
vice-regal mission had not been fruitless, and that he had not
been bom in vain. But it is not encouraging in a political
country like this, where the tendency is to an epidemic of
speech, to have a vi'jeroy appear among u? with this run-
ning at the mouth. Pei-haps, but for this never-failing
eloquence on every subject from a hot-water tankard to the
constitution, it might be said that Earl Dufferin's administra-
tion was delightful. He possessed a warm sympathetic heart,
and took a genuine interest in the welfare and aspirations of
our peopl^ ; and in return, there sprang up among us for him, a
deeper and kindlier feeling of regard, than had ever before been
entertained for a Canadian governor. Everywhere the viceroy
and his great-hearted wife, the countess, went, they stirred the
feelings jf all by the genuine and hearty way in which they
sympathized with, and entered into the feelings and aspirations
of, those they visited. When they departed from our shores a
void was left in the hearts of our people that it would be hard
to fill. .

The first parliament of Canada, having lived out the full
term of its constitutional life, was dissolved on the loth of July.
The elections came o^f through the summer and early autumn,
and the government found itself confronted by staunch opposi-
tion. The ghost of poor Scott, murdered in the North -West,
rose against it ; the Washington treaty " was shaken in the face
of the country;" the gigantic railway -building, a duty to which
the country had been pledged, was declared by the opposition
to be a mad and impossible scheme ; and the reform party in
Ontario was made sturdy by the strength of Mr. Blake and the

384 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A, MACDONALD.

provincial ministry. The government came shattered, though
not defeated, out of the contest. Sir Francis Hincks was
worsted in South Brant, but Vancouver, British Columbia,
offered tht^ worthy kinght her seat, which he accepted. Sir
George Cartier was put to flight in Montj-eal east, but was wel-
comed to the arms of Provencher, Manitoba. Ontario declared
herself hostile chiciiy because the government had failed to
punish Scott's murderers ; Quebec refused her usual support
because a full amnesty had not been granted. The dignity of
the archbishop was at stake — though resting upon an absurdity
and a misunderstanding — and that was of more importance
than the cruel and wicked shedding of a follow creature's blood.
There once was a commandment — but it was under the Jewish
dispensation! — though written upon stone by the finger of God,
which said, " Thou shalt not kill"; but Sir George Cartier, and
his French supporters, and Bishop Tachd, and his priests and the
faithful, blotted out that old edict, and put in its stead, " Thou
shalt not dishonour the promise of a bishop." Notwithstanding
the defections, a count of forces after the contest was ended
satisfied Sir John that his government had an ample working
majority. In October, the Ontario legislature passed a resolution
prohibiting dual representation ; so that Messrs. Blake and Mac-
kenzie were compelled to choose betwx'jen the provincial and
general parliaments. Naturally, their ambition, patriotism, cu-
pidity, and any other quality they may have possessed, found
stronger attraction in the wider sphere and larger flesh-pots.
Their choice necessitated a reconstruction of the provincial
government, and Mr. Blake suggested to the lieutenant-governor
that Mr. Mowat ought to be invited to lead the ministry. The
lure was too strong for the judge, and he left the bench. What-
ever of public immorality there was in this proceeding, Mr. Blake,
at all events, was the seducer. From that day to this, Mr. Mowat
has held the leadership of the Ontario government, and though
his administration has not been brilliant, and is in many impor-
tant respects incapable, it has been honest ; if the adjective can

THROUGH STORMS TO THE liEEF. 386

1)0 appHorl to a system of rule made subservient to the eiuls of
party. Towards the closi; of the year M. Joly, leader of the
opposition in tlie Quebec legislature, moved for a conunission
)f Inquiry into certain charges made against M. Caucbon, the
local member for Montmorency, and whom we liave also met
in tht Canadian parliament. The incjuiry revealed that this
me'ii) er had, while occupying a seat in the local liouse, been a
secret contractor with the provincial government in connexion
with the Beauport lunatic asylum. To avoid expulsion M.
Caucbon resigned ; but the same moral sentiment that had so
zealoasl}' shielded murder, now condoned corruption ; and ho
was straightway elected again. Early in the following year,
several important changes took place in the Canadian ministry,
the most prominent of these being the acceptance of the port-
folio of finance by the Hon. S. L. Tilley in place of Sir Francis
Ilinck.s, who had grown tired of official worry, and longed for
the calm of private life. Dr. Tupper succeeded to the office of
Mr. Tilley as head of the department of Customs. The new par-
liament opened on the 5th of March, 1873. Prince Edward
Island had got over her little tiff, had reasoned out the ques-
tion of union, grown sorry over her stubbornness, and asked to
be admitted into the federation. A measure was promptly pre-
l)ared to give effect to the wish, and was forwarded to the im-
perial parent, who, of course, held the right of giving the daugh-
ter away. The debt of the little island was placed at $4,701,-
050 ; and interest at 5 per cent, per annum was to be paid from
time to time on the diflference between that sum and the ac-
tual amount of the provincial debt. An annual subsid}' of
.S30,000 was granted, and the eighty cents for each head of the
population which the census of 1871 showed to be 94,021.
In the midst of the routine labours of the bouse, one day, a
member arose, with face pale, and flung a bomb upon the
floor which convulsed the parliament and the country. _____ .

CHAPTER XXI.

THE GOVERNMENT AND SIR HUGH ALLAN,

IT will be remembeied that one of the terms under which
British Columbia consented to enter confederation was
that the central government should construct, within ten years,
a railroad from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Two wealthy com-
panies composed of superior business men were formed, the one
the Inter- Oceanic, at the head of which was Mr. D. L. Mac-
pherson, the other the Canada Pacific, the president of which
was Sir Hugh Allan. As the session of 1872 drew near, the air
was full of rumours concerning these two organizations, oppo-
nents of the government affirming that Sir Hugh Allan was
to get the contract, that his company was largely composed of
Americans, that the road would be made tributar}'^ to American
commerce, that all this was an outrage upon the country, and
that the motto should be " Canada for the Canadians." Parlia-
ment met and the legislature granted a charter to both compa-
nies, authorizing the gOA ernment to enter into contract with
either, or with an amalgamation of the two, or, if taey should
see fit, to grant a royal charter to a new and distinct company.
We need not repeat that to the construction of the railroad the
country was by honour and by stipulation bound ; and for this
purpose the legislature had agreed to grant 50,000,000 acres of
land and !*30,000,000 to any company that would build the
line. The project .r--'s not alone one of national importance,
but was the most gigantic undertaking up to that time, or
since, knowii to Canada. Tho grant made by parliament
appeared enovmous and was therefore, tempting to the eye of

386

THE GOVERNMENT AND SIR HUGH ALLAN. 387

those who may have had but little conception of the vast
task of building a road across the rugged breast of a con-
tinent ; so that it beca ^.e the duty of government to give ear
only to persons upon whose wisdom, experience and integrity
they could rely, and whose commercial standing was such that
they would be able to obtain the entree into the money mark-
sets of the world for the prosecution of the work. On the 14th
of June the session closed. Parliament was dissolved on the
^th of July, and from the 15th of the same month till the
l2t]i of October the country was plunged into an election
contest. An engrossing topic with the ministry was the rail-
way, which it was felt should be begun as early as possible, as
skilful engineers hinted that every day of the term allowed
would be required to link ocean with ocean. The cry against
"' Sir Hugh and his Americans " had waxed louder in the
meantime, but Sir John, from the first, expressed himself hos-
tile to outside aid in building the line. Sir George Cartier,
v/ho frequently examined great questions through the eyes of
somebody else, followed the lead of his chief and confirmed his
opposition to " Yankees" with an oath. It was Sir John's
ilesire now to get the two companies amalgamated, and to this
€nd negotiations were opened ; but the ambitions of the two
presidents were irreconcilable, Sir Hugh claiming that his inter-
^?sts were of such magnitude that it was proper he should have
the presidency, Mr. Macphersr n holding that the question in
dispute ought to be settled by tne shareholders. Union having
been found impossible, Sir Jo!in announced that the govern-
ment would avail itself of the legislation of the past session and
endeavour to form a new company. Sir Hugh now dropped his
American associates and leagued himself with a number of
Canadian gentlemen of high standing, and large means and
experience. On this organization the government looked with
favour in consideration of the high integrity, the financial abi-
lity, and the credit possessed by its members. The leading
member was Sir Hugh Allan, the owner of the proud fleet of

388 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

ocean steamers which bears his name, a gentleman of vast
energy and enterprise, and possessing advantages, by the extent
of his capital and his credit in the European money-market, not
held by any other person that offered to undertake the work.
The duty of the government was to close the contract at the
earliest moment, to treat with those who were best qualified
to do the work ; and so, after some consideration, issued the
charter, appointing Sir Hugh president.

Parliament met in due course. Ministers announced that a
new and powerful company was now ready to commence the
great work, and that all needed was the sanction of the legisla-
ture. So gigantic had seemed the task to which the Dominion
had committed itself, that the large bulk of the house, now
learning that there was a body of responsible men actually
ready to go on with the work, regarded the fact as a brilliant
triumph for the government. Ministers began to rejoice in the
work of their han'^ls, and some of their opponents admitted
with grudging grace that, under the circumstances, perhaps as
good an agieement had been made as was possible. But then
came out of the political sky a whisper that set the heart of
opposition bounding, that brought light to its eye. This-
" small voice " said : " Doom is hanging over the ministry ; soon
the hoYj shall fall." The work of the session went on, the
ministers, with buoyant hearts and sunny faces, dreaming of
no evil to come. Their opponents made no unusual sign, save,,
perhaps, that of late they had appeared less factious and more
reserved than usual. Sometimes, imieed, one spectator has re-
corded, a prominent reformer would steal an ominous glance
across to the treasury benches, and then resume his work in a
preoccupied way, as if " there was something in the wind." At
last arrived the 2nd day of April. A sort of calm had seemed
to have fallen upon the house. Some members were writing at
their desks, others lounged in their chairs, or read the news-
papers. The treasury benches were full ; the speaker sat in the
chair, and pages flitted across the floor with notes. Sir John

THE GOVERNMENT AND SIR HUGH ALLAN. 389

Macdonald was sitting at his own desk, one leg across the other,
and leaning his head against his hand. He gave a " barely
perceptible " start — Mr. Lucius Seth Huntington, with pale
face, was standing at his place, and had begun to read from
a paper the following motion : —

" That he, the said Lucius Seth Huntington, is crediblj^ in-
formed and believes that he can establish by satisfactory evi-
dence, that in anticipation of the legislation of last session. Ei
to the Pacific Railway, an agreement was made betweei; Sir
Hugh Allan, acting for himself, and certain other Canadian
promoters, and G. W. McMullen, acting for certain United
States capitalists, whereby the latter agreed to furnish all the
funds necessary for the construction of the contemplated rail-
ivay, and to give the former a certain percentage of interest, in
consideration of their interest and position, the scheme agreed
upon being ostensibly that of a Canadian company with Sir
Hugh Allan at its head, —

" That the government were aware that these negotiations
were pending between the said parties, —

" That, subsequently, an understanding was come to between
the government. Sir Hugh Allan and Air. Abbott, one of the
members of the honourable house of commons of Canada, that
Sir Hugh Allan, and his friends should advance a large sum of
money for the purpose of aiding the elections of ministers and
their supporters at the ensuing general election, and that he
and his friends should receive the contract for the constiuction
of the railway, —

" That accordingly Sir Hugh Allan did advance a large sum
of money for the purpose mentioned, and at the solicitation and
under the pressing in stances of the minister, —

" That part of the moneys expended by Sir Hugh Allan in
connection with the obtaining of the act of incorporation and
charter were paid to him by the United States capitalists un-
<ler the agreement with him, —

390 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

" That a committee of seven members be appointed to enquire
into all the circumstances connected with the negotiations for
the construction of the Pacific Railway, with the legislation of
last session on the subject, and with the granting of the charter
to Sir Hugh Allan and others, with power to send for persons,
papers and records, and with instructions to report in full the
evidence taken before, and all proceedings of, said committee. "^

Soraotimts, as he read, he paused and cast his eye about hiri»
to note the clleot of his disclosures. Some sat Avith heads,
thrust forward, eagerly drinkin ^ every word ; others with a
stolid air, and a look of stony in> "fference. Not a few there
were with the light of triumph in .^iieir eye ; and some felt, or
assumed to feel, the most unbounded horror. But as the mem-
ber's eye rested upon one figure, he became abashed, and hi»
voice grew timid. This was the pi'ime minister who sat with a
face as inscrutable as the Sphynx, betraying no sign of fear or
any show of anger. Once Mr. Huntington caught his eye, and
saw there the blaze of scorn ; and contempt was upon his lip.
Having read his motion he sat down, amid a " silence deep a*
death ; and the boldest held his breath for a time." It would
have given relief to this agony of silence had the accusing
member made any explanation, or spoken any word ; or had
any other member of the house asked a question or offered
comment. The accuser was not as one who had performei^l
some deed of wondrous valour. " He had spoken," says Mr.
Stewart, " with some feeling, but it was the feeling of fear.
It was as if he had chalked ' No Popery ' on the wall and had
then fled." There is now no doubt that when Mr. Huntington
made his charges, his authority was vague rumour ; that he had
not in his possession, nor had seen, the telegrams and docu-
ments which afterwards came to light ; and that his motion was
thrown out as a feeler, with the hope of bringing some member
of the governmei\t to his feet, and making statements which
might serve as a clue to the supposed wrong-doing, or lend
colour to the allegations. Every eye was now turned upon the

THE GOVERNMENT AND SIR HUGH ALLAN. 391

prime minister, but he sat at his debk as if he had been a figure
of stone; he uttered no word, and made no sign. The motion
was seconded without comment, was put to the house, and, out
of that sickening Suillness, came one hundreu and seven " nays,"
and seventy-six "yeas." A long breath of relief was drawn ;
the silence found its tongue, and a continuous buzz-buzz pre-
vailed for many minutes. Tlien adjournment.

A meeting of the cabinet was hastily called, Sir John in-
forming his colleagues that the slander must be promptly and
boldly met. Next night, we may be sure, there was little
sleep for the premier. He was aware that certain transactions
between members of the ministry and Sir Hugh Allan were
susceptible of being distorted into a form corresponding with
the charges made by Mr. Huntington, and that the government
would have a serious task to put the case in its true light be-
fore the country; but he was resolved to face the slander
firmly and challeiige the accusers, knowing that he had less
to fear from a thorough exposS than from the insinuations of
Mr. Huntington barely seasoned with distorted fact. Looking
more wearied and anxious than he had ever appeared in that
house before, he took his place the following day and, rising,
offered the following resolution, which was carried : — " On mo-
tion of the Right Honourable Sir John A, Macdonald, that a
select committee of five members (of which committee the
mover shall not be one) be appointed by this house to enquire
into and report upon the several matters contained and stated
in a resolution moved on Wednesday, the 2nd of April, in-
stant, by the Hon. Mr. Huntington, member for the county of
Sheftbrd, relating to the Canadian Pacific Railway, with power
to send for persons, papers and records ; to report from time to
time, and to report the evidence from time to time, and, if need
be, to sit after the prorogation of Parliament."

The members named for the committee were Hon. Messrs.
Blake, Blanchet, Dorion, Macdonald (Pictou), and Cameron
(Cardwell).

392 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

To guard against the admission of unreliable testimony, it
was provided that the commission be authorized to examine
witnesses upon oath ; but as the committee, as such, had no
power to so examine, a measure called the Oaths Bill vas
promptly introduced and passed, conferring upon the commis-
sioners that authority. In this, however, parliament tran-
scended its powers, and the act was disallowed by her majesty
on the advice of the laM' officers of the crown. While the fate
of the bill was unknown the commission met, and on the 5th
of May decided, in view of the absence of Sir George Cart^-^r,
and the Hon J. J. C. Abbott, and th j impossibility of the inves-
tigation being carried on in a proper manner without oppor-
tunity being afforded these gentlemen of being present and
hearing the testimony adduced, that it was advisable that the
committee adjourn until Wednesday, the 2nd of July, if parlia-
ment should be, on such date, in session. According to the
customs of Lynch law, nothing is so absurd as the plea that
the accused should be present at his own trial to offer his de-
fence ; and the opposition grew wroth at the decision to stay
proceedings till the impugned members returned and had an
opportunity of defending themselves. Some time after this,
Sir John waited on the governor-general, and advised adjourn-
ment, with a view to meeting and prorogation, on the 13th of
August. Lord Dufferin saw that the suggestion was good ; the
spring had well advanced, and it was to the interest of mem-
bers to be at their homes ; the business of the session had been
ended; the presotice of the legislature could not promote the
work of the commission which might go on taking the evi-
dence ; and he decided to accept the prime minister's advice.
Upon this understanding. Sir John proceeded to the house, and ,
from his place announced in distinct terms, that parliament
would be prorogued on the 13th of August, " that the re-assem-
bling would bepro/o?'ma, that no business would be done beyond
receiving the report of the committee, which could then be
printed .with the evidence, and go before the country ; that the

THE GOVERNMENT AND SIR HUGH ALLAN. 393

members would not be required to return, and that only the
Speakers of the two houses would need to bo in their places."
All this the house seemed to clearly understand, and no op-
position was oftered to the arrangement. Mr. Blake expressed
the opinion that the commission might go on taking evidence
from the rising of the house til) the meeting of the regular
session in February, forgetting that the powers of a parlia-
mentary commission expire with prorogation. Mr. Holton
said he believed a quorum would be necessary to receive the
report ; and muttered between his teeth that he and a quorum
would be there. Sir John, in reply, observed that if a quorum
were considered necessary, a sufficient number of members for
that purpose could be found in the neighbourhood of the cap-
ital. On a distinct understanding of the facts as above related,
the house was adjourned; after which members returned to
their homes, and the opposition abandoned themselves to false-
hood and conspiracy. Instead of a quiet meeting with the two
speakers, only, present, or a quorum, with the 13th of August
appeared the opposition in full strength, intrigue in their
hearts, falsehood upon their tongues. And when asked for
what purpose they had mustered en masse, they answered :
" We didn't understand that the meeting was to be iwo forma;
we thought a full attendance was desirable." The intention
was — since the ministry, abiding by the terms of adjournment,
was at a serious disadvantage in having but a few of its sup-
porters at the capital — to overthrow the government by the
force of numbers. And, certainly unlike men of honour, they
chuckled at the trap into which they believed the govenmient
had fallen.

During the period between adjournment and the 13th of
August, the governor-general was making a tour of the mari-
time provinces, and filling public halls and school-houses with
his infinite eloquence. During that summer recess many strange
tidings fell upon the public ear. First came the announcement
that the Oaths Bill had been disallowed, and that the work of

394 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

the commission was at a standstill. It ii not to be wondered
at that some of the opposition screamed out that this was the
doings 01 Sir John ; had God sent a bolt from heaven and smit-
ten the five commissioners, their inclinations for the moment
would have been to believe that the premier was in some mea-
sure responsible for the taking off. On receiving notice of the
disallowance, the governor put himself in correspondence with
the prime minister. The commission would meet in a few
days, and it was desirable that the public mind should be sat-
isfied as to the truth or falsity of the heinous charges. Sir
John said there was one way that the end sought could be at-
tained, and that was by issuing a royal commission to the com-
mittee, which cou'd then go on as had been originally arranged,
placing the evidence before parliament which might take
whatever steps it chose upon receiving the same. This is the
only practical way lying open now, wrote the prime minister,
to probe the fac; of the case. Lord DufFerin grasped at the
suggestion, and actid upv.n it without delay. " No one can
doubt," he said, " that for the purpose for which the committee
was originally constituted, its conversion into a commission can
make no practical difference. As a commission it will take
evidence ; and as a committee it will report upon that evidence
to the house." Armed with the governor-general's authority^
Sir John wrote to each of the five members stating that, as
the oaths' bill had been disallowed, it was his intention to
issue to the committee a royal commission. The acceptance
of the commission, h^- ;jointed out, would accomplish the object
originally in view, and hasten the work. But Messrs. Blake
and Dorion, the two reform members, I'efused to act, on the
ground that they would be under the control of the accused
parties. This view, in a constitutional sense, was undoubtedly
correct, though it was subsequently affirmed in the house that
the crown, not the ministry, had issued the commission, and
had control of the enquiry. But this ground at once becomes
untenable when we reflect that the viceroy is bound to take

THE GOVERNMENT AND SIR HUGH ALLAN. 395

the advice of his council, and that during the sitting of the
commission some of the impeached ministers wore the trusty
advisers of tlie crown, which refused to consider them guilty,
or unworthy of confidence, till their guilt had been proven.
This obJL^tion then might well have been regarded as fatal,
were the commission possessed of judicial and final powers ;
but its functions were only inquisitorial ; it was merely to
collect evidence and report to the house, which might accept,
reject, or ignore the same, as it saw fit. There was, unfortu-
nately, no other way, owing to the imbecile tying up of our
powers by the act of the foreign si:ate. by which the matter
could be probed ; and under such circumstances the duty of
Mr. Blake was to have come out of the clouds and surrendered
to the real and the practicable.

On the 4th of July, certain information contained in the
Montreal Herald fell upon the public ear like a clap of thun-
der. This information comprised a number of letters and tele-
grams sent to one C. M. Smith, of Chicago, a banker, and one
Geo. McMullen, of Picton, who seemed at first to be a speculator
or the representative of American capitalists, but who subse-
quently appeared as an adventurer. In this correspondence the
history of Sir Hugh Allan's exertions towards obtaining the
railway charter is set forth, the expenses he had incurred in
pushing his scheme, — expenses which he declared exceeded
3300,000 in gold — and certain relations with Sir John Mac-
donald and Sir George Cartier. At once the hostile and the
hasty swallowed the statements, and concluded that the enor-
mous sum which Sir Hugh alleged he had paid away had gone
into the hands of the ministers for corrupting the constituencies
at the late elections. On the following day, an aftidavit deal-
ing with these charges, made by Sir Hugh, appeared in the
Montreal Gazette. It was a wet blanket flung upon the pre-
vious day's story, and depressed, sadly enough, the spirits of the
opposition. We need not here go into the details of this state-
ment. The deponent admitted that there were many inaccu-

396 LIFE OF SIR JOUN A. MAC DON ALL).

racies in his hastily-written business-letters; hut the statement
with which we are concerned, and which .at once vindicated the
innocence of ministers of the crimes inferred from the allega-
tions in the letters, was as follows. "... In these and similar
ways I expended sums of money ajjproacliing in amount those
mentioned in the letters, as I conceive I had a perfect right t(^
do ; hut I did not state in those letters, nor is it thefaet, that any
'portions of those sums of money were jxtid to the members of
the fjovernnient, or ivere received hy them or on their behalf
directly or indirectly, as a consideration, in any form, for any
advantage tj me in connection vMh the Pacijic railway con-
tract." So far then, the accusations against the ministry had
fallen to the ground, and Mr. Huntington's allegations were re-
garded by a large bulk of the people as reckless slanders. And
.so the opinion would have stood had not the blackmailer, Mc-
Mullen, come forward with what purported to be a concise and
circumstantial statement of the corrupt relations of the gov-
c'rnraent with Sir Hugh Allan, in which he put forward in-
ferences as Aicts, and assumptions as transactions happening
under his own eyes, bringing his disclosures to an end with a
number of stolen telegrams, containing requests from Sir Jo'in
jMacdonald and Sir George Cartier, to Sir Hugh, for certain
sums of money. There v/as no indication as to the objects for
which the money was intended, or upon what conditions it had
been received ; but once more the hostile and the rash wore
assured that it had been obtained from Sir Hugh in considera-
tion of the sale of the Pacific railway charter to him and his
American friends ; and that Mr. Huntington had alleged the
whole truth and nothing but the truth. And we must leave
one and both to nurse their charitable opinion till we reach the
stage in our narrative for another explanation. - ^,

The governor-general had reached Prince Edward Island
when newspapers containing the McMullen narrative came to
hand. He was considerably startled, Mr. Stewart tells us, at
leading the correspondence, and at once sent for Messrs. Tilley

THE GOVERNMENT AND SIR HUGH ALLAN. 39T

and Tupper who were at the time on the Island on official
business ; but both these gentlemen assured him that satisfac-
tory explanations would be made in due course ; and his lord-
ship accepted the declaration as a ''.onfirmation of his hopes.
He had before setting out upon his tour provided for pro-
rogation on the 13th of August, by commission, but now felt
that the case had assumed such a shape as to demand other
arrangements. On the morning of the 13th, his excellency
was in the capital, and within a few hours after his arrival wa»
waited upon by the premier, who, on behalf of the ministry^
tendered the advice that parliament should be prorogued as ori-
ginally agreed upon. His lordship went over the grounds put
forth by Sir John, and found they were good ; and since he still
had confidence in the prime minister and his colleagues, nothiiig^
remained for him but to be guided by their counsel, as he cheer-
fully was. He consented to the arrangement, but upon the
condition that parliament should meet again as soon as wa.s
consistent with the reasonable convenience of members, after
say six or eight weeks ; to which proposal Sir John gave his^
hearty consent. In the meantime the opposition, or the " party
of punishment," as they were not unwilling to be styled, had
resolved on a course of their own. While his excellency was in
the maritime provinces, they had adopted the manly and hon-
ourable course of endeavouring, by stealth, to prejudice and
poison his mind against his ministers. Mr. Huntine'ton who
apparently was not in the habit of allowing dignity or a sense
of manly pride to stand in the way of his inclinations, collected
a number of newspapers, containing the charges against the
ministry, which he enclosed and directed to his excellency ; but
they were returned to him unopened. On the morning of pro-
rogation, the governor learnt that a large body of members of
parliament was awaiting an audience ; and he was at no littlo
loss to guess what could be their mission. His speculation was
soon put at an end by Mr. (now Sir) Richard J. Cartwright,
who introduced the delegation, and then presented a memorial

998 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

signed by ninety-two members praying that his excellency
might not prorogue parliament until the house of commons had
bad an opportunity " of taking such steps as it may deem ne-
cessary with reference to this important matter." Of course
this request was an assumption that the governor either did
not know, or was unwilling to perform, his duty ; but gross
though as the impdrtinence was, his excellency answered the
delegation with his usual courtesy, refusing promptly and firm-
ly, however, to grant their request. This was an utter collapse
for the opposition hope. They had nursed their plot through
the hot summer, and now that the hour had come when it was
to be put to account, the figure of the governor must rise
and thwart them. Only thiity-five ministerialists were at the
■capital, but the reformers, as we have seen, were there in force,
" an eager, expectant and exultant throng. Their faces showed
<letermination, but no mercy ; their actions convinced the min-
istry that they would give no quarter. For weeks they had
waited for this moment ; and now the hour had arrived," *

They set up a cry of disappointment and rage ; and their
newspapers loaded the governor-general and the prime minister
with libel. Among those flying with the storm, regardless of
their dignity, was seen the figure of Mr. Edward Blake. He had
.sat apart for many weeks feeding his mind on solitary medita-
tion, and when he met his brethren ..t Ottawa assured them
that he had discovered at least two courses by which parlia-
ment could confer the power, upon a committee of its own
members, to administer oaths. One of these ways the Earl of
Kimberly afterwards stated, " would be beyond the powers of
the parliament of the Dominion ; " the other, also, was proved
to b3 unconstitutional. Sir John pointing out that Mr. Blake
had misread the case occurring during the administration of
William Pitt, which he had taken as an analogy. Meanwhile,
the opposition party, through the ministrations of its orators

* George Stewart, Jr, in Canada under the Adminiitration of the Earl of Duffeiin.

TUE GOVERNMENT AND SIR HUGH ALLAN. 399

and pres-s, continued to sound the charges against the ministry
up and down the land.

Reformers having refused to sit as royal conuuissioners, Sir
John suggested to the governor the expediency of issuing a
conmiission to three or more judges of the land, whose posi-
tion would remove them fi'om the susj)icion of partiality in
conducting the enquiry ; and acting on the advice, which he
believed to be good, his excellency chose the honourable judges
Day, Polette, and Gowan, who promptly began the work as-
signed them. It would be too much to expect that any min-
isterial arrangement could satisfy the opposition ; and it is
hardly to be wondered at that before the new commission
met at all it was loaded with slander by the reform press
and its members, and characterized as the creature of the
prime minister. An atmosphere, more poisonous than that
wind which " breathed in the face " of Sennacherib's arniv,
now floated over the province : the aroma from a corrupt min-
istry, and from tainted ermine. Mi'. Mackenzie, who some-
times himself, does not hesitate at exaggeration, at least wh»jn
writing political biographies, did not believe that either party
would knowingly utter falsehood upon examination, and, there-
fore, regarded the terrors of the oath unnecessary ; but even
Mr. Blake shuddered, inwardly, as he thought of such men
as McMullen coming into the box and testifying upon their
" honour." Yet he, no more than any of his brethren, was
satisfied with the judges upon the new commission, though it
was impossible for him to condescend to the allegation that
these gentlemen would falter in their duty, But his choice
lay between smirching the honour of the comn>issioners, and
accepting their appointment as good, unless, indeed, he was
more anxious that formality should be observed, than that the
charges against the government should be thoroughly investi-
gated. Yes, answers Mr. Blake, that k very well, but what if
the ministry tied up the hand? of the judges, and thwarted en-
quiry in fatal directions ? And or<r answer is this : The com-

400 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALJ).

misHion was held in the liglit of day ; seats were proviJed for
the reporters; Mr. Huntington was reonested to furnish a list
of liis witnessoK, and invited to come forward and (question
these as he w(»uld ; advertisements were put in the papers
calling upon any persons who knew aught of the case to come
forward ; a large array of witnesses for and against the ministry
was present; they were submitted to the most searching cross-
examination by members of botli political parties, and ques-
tions were asked by the reform side, and answers given, which
would not have been tolerated in any court of law, without
challenge. In what way, then, pray, Mr. Blake, were the hands of
the judges tied ? Whence, pray, reformers of lesser dignity, came
the taint on the ermine ? But ha<l the judges been base as
Jeffreys himself, the terms of the commission were fatal to par-
tiality. Lord Dufferin distinctly, at the beginning, traced out
the chart by which the judges were to be guided. " Your duly is
not judicial, Ijut inquisitorial," were his instructions ; they were
not to pronounce, to condemn, or to exculpate, but to collect
evidence and report tlie same to the commons without comment :
to the commons that might accept or reject that testimony as
it chose. And as instructed, so they did. They furnished the
evidence without comment, though they stated, as they had
the right to do, that anybody who cared to learn their private
opinion, might have it. Many sought that opinion ; it was that
there ^^'as nothing in the evidence to corroborate the charges
preferred by Mr. Huntington. Now it might have been sup-
posed tliat in the interests of pure government, the gentleman
who made the odious charges against the administration in his
place in the house, would have been found among the host of
witnesses called ; but he came not — though he furnished the
the names of witnesses to the commission. And it might have
been supposed that McMullen, who had levied blackmail on Sir
Hugh Allan, rifled cabinets, stolen telegrams, and steeped him-
self to the lips in dishonour for the sake, also, of pure govern-
ment would have come to judgment, but he appeared not ;

TilE GOVERNMENT ^ ,Vi> SIR HUGH ALLAN. 401

neitlier came the Chicago bankor, C. M. Smith, whom it had
l)een alleged Sir Hugh Allan had " fleeced " to buy up the
ininiHtiy, and Reduce the constitueneit i. These gentlemen re-
mained away, and listened IVomi bcihind the doors to the evi-
dence, tossing their caps in glee when any testimony was ad-
duced that they l>elieved lent colour to thei-' allegation. But
it is sickening work to wade through this record of dishonour,
antl we pass on.

The commission finished its work, and as tli £3rd of Octo-
ber drew near, the political combatjints girded oh th u' swords.
Sir Hugh Allan returned from England ; but before ' ■ ft meet-
ing of the session had resigned the charter. On t' 27th of
October the memorable debate began. Mr, MacjkiJisy.'e made,
as he always does, a speech that one who hears m likely to re-
member. Mr. Mackenzie is a largr deaJcr in facts, which some
may call "dry," but which we designat-^. as ' Imrd;" and to
these he has the faculty of giving a bias which it i.s frecjuently
impossible to detect. His speech against Sir John and the
iriinistry was perhaps the ablest, in its way, that he has ever
delivered. The argument was strong and was poured out like
some stinging, dissolving acid. In amendment to the second
paiagraph of the ministerial speech, he moved -. — " And we have
to acquaint his excellency that, by their course in reference to
the investigation of the charges preferred by Mr. Huntington,
in his place in this house, and under the facts disclosed in the
(evidence laid before us, his excellency's advisers have merited
the severe censure of this house."

Mr. (now Judge) James Macdonald, of Pictou, followed in a
speech of great power, moving as a second amendment : — "And
we desire to a^^suro his excellency, that, after consideration of
the statements made in the evidence before us, and while wo
regret the outlay of money by all political parties at parlia-
mentary elections, and desire the most -stringent measures to
put an end to the practice, we at the same time beg leave to

402 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

express our continued confidence in his excellency's advisers,
and in their administration of public affairs."

As the debat*^ progressed, the premier sat indifferently at his
desk, sometimeo smiling, now with the light of scorn in his
eye ; but as the days wore on, and he knew the tempter had
been among his followers, and that some had fallen, a shade
of anxiety was seen in his face ; never fear. It was not that
he regretted the loss of power, but it wrung him to the heart's
core that any of his own friends should doubt his honour
Yet like a brave man, who in 'he hour of such sore trial, turns
to his conscience, the premier bore with calm fortitude a con-
demnation which he knew came net from conviction but from
interest, ar?d soothed himself with the assurance that time
heals all sores, and that the day would come when his coun-
try would commute its sentence, and acknowledge the injustice
it had done him now. It was now necessary that he should
be sacrificed, his honour assoiled, his name smirched, that his
opponents might triumph. Woe to the man whose honour is
cast in the scale against the interest of a political party, raven-
ous for po""^er ! On the sixth day of the debate, and after
the commons had expended most hi its oratorical strength.
Sir John arose, amidst the deafening lieers of those v/ho hav-
ing known him honourable, honest, manly and true, through
the dark day, and in the sunshine, believed in him still. The
anxiety upon his cheek was replaced for the moment by some-
thing like a gleam of hope, as the house rang with the plaudits
of his followers ; but the old expression soon returned, though
the language seemed trustful, and he seemed as one who ad-
dressed a court while standing upon his own funeral pyre.
Yet as the reader will see, who poruaes the speech,* there was
a manifest hopefulness of tone as point after point in the alle-
gations was met and overthrown. We need not refer to the
speech in detail, contenting ourselves with a word as to the

* See appendix I,

THE GO VERNMENT AND SIR HUGH ALLAN. 403

charge that the government had sold the Pacific railway charter
to Sir Hugh Allan, in consideration of certain sums of money
to be used in the elections. On this point let us hear 3ir John
himself. " The government never gave Sir Hugh Allan any
contract that I am aware of. We never gave him a contract in
which he had a controlling influence. We formed a committee
of thirtc n men, chosen carefully and painfully for the pur-
pose of promoting Sir Hugh Allan from having any undue in-
fluence. 'Ne provided that no one on the board should hold
more than one hundred thousand dollars of the stock, . . .
Now, Mr. Speaker, I have only one more thing to say on this
point : I put it to your own minds. There were thirteen gen-
tlemen, Sir Hugh Allan and others, incorporated by that char-
ter. That charter — study it, take it home with you. Is there
any single power, privilege or advantage given to Sir Hugh
Allan with that contract that has not been given equally to the
other twelve ? It is not pretended that any of the other twelve
paid money for their positions. You cannot name a man of
these thirteen that has got any advantage over the other, ex-
cept that Sir Hugh Allan has his name down first on the paper.
Can any one believe that the government is guilty of the
charges made against them." This needs no amplification at
our hands. But let us recall the charge — that Sir Hugh Allan
had disbursed over $300,000 in gold in buying his way to the
charter. That Sir Hugh spent enormous sums at the early
stages of the proceeding we have no doubt; that he paid
French lawyers and orators to go through the country, subsi-
dized newspapers, and scattered money broadcast where influ-
ence was to be secured is almost certain ; but that the govern-
ment cared not for this, and was in no wise concerned, is proven
by the fact that after all this lavish expenditure Sir John tele-
graphed to Sir George Cartier, that Sir Hugh Allan's terms,
the terms to ivhich he had been buying his way, could not be
granted. The whole scheme came to an end ; Sir Hugh's " pow-
der and shot " had been wasted on the air ; and the govern-

401 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

ment formed a new and distinct company of its own. And how-
far from serving the interests of Sir Hugh in the new compan}'
was Sir John or the ministry, we learn from Mr. Tilley'f*
statement, to the effect that when he was seeking for directors
for the company from the lower provinces. Sir John's injunc-
tion was, " But take care that those you select be no*, men who
will fall under the influence of Allan." Every step in the
negotiation was made with a view to circumscribing the
powers of Sir Hugh, as the governr ?nt knew his ability in
manipulation, and the power he held by reason of his influ-
ence in the money markets. If Sir Hugh chose to fling away
his hundreds of thousands in buying influence through the
province of Quebec that was no affair of the government.
Money is the greatest power known to man, and those who
have it use it to accomplish their ends. It is only a few days-
ago since a " railway magnate " passed through our province
scattering gold ; and in his progress bought up, it is estimated,
over fifty newspapers. But we need not waste time. This much
is as clear as day. If the government had been under obliga-
tion to Sir Hugh, if they had taken his money in lieu of their
su'pj>ort in the railway scheme, he would have been the favour-
ed one in the charter ; buc instead of this we find he is one
man of thirteen, given the same amount of stock ($100,000),
as each of the other thirteen receives, getting no preferences,
save the presidency, which he would have obtained from the
company itself, and that he is hedged in at every point by
government restriction -i. Madness itself could not suppose a
bargain or an understanding in light of such facts, unless on
the assumption that Sir Hugh Allan was an idiot ; and with
Sir Hugh alone, o£ the company, was the government charged
with trafficking. One point, only, remains now to be disposed
of. To what did the stolen telegrams, in which Sir John and
other members of the government ask Sir Hugh Allan for cer-
tain sums of money, refer ? Let us hear Sir John. He makes
no attempt to deny that money was spent at the election. It

THE GOVERNMENT AND SIR HUGH ALLAN. 405

was needed, and it was legitimately spent, as money is needed
and spent at every election known to man under responsible
government. " We were simply subscribing as gentlemen, while
they were stealing as burglars," affirms Sir John. He found
the Ontario government with its purse and its promises in the
field against him, and he had to figlit fire with fire ; but never
he says, was a dollar spent corruptly. This local government
force was sprung upon him ; he found the enemy strong at
every point, and had to meet its strength with like strength. •
Sir Hugh Allan came forward and said that if the government
had not had sufficient time among their friends to get what
money they needed, he could advance them a certain sum.
Promptly we may be sure was the offer accepted, with the
understanding that friends of the government would do as
they have always, whether properly or improperly, been asked
to do, make up the amount of the loans, and other expenses.
But this did not tie the government to Sir Hugh ; already
they had refused his overtures, and ended his hopes of the
scheme for which he had disbursed his $300,000 in gold ; in
their succeeding relations they treated him as they did his
twelve associates. Here then was the feature which the gov-
ernment's opponents called " bad : " accepting loans from a
contractor in a public work. But we have shown that the
act did not influence the course of the government in dealing
with the lender in his relation to the contract: hence the
charge of impropriety goes to the wall. Perhaps some will
suggest " indiscretion " foi' impropriety. We shall not quarrel
with whomsoever does so. One more point remains. Was it
proper that the government should scatter all this money
through the electorate ? Is not that debauching the public
mind? It is, we answer without hesitation, but the sin rests
on the shoulders of the systeux which prevails in every country
under responsible, and party government. Sir John simply
did as his neighbours, no more, and nothing worse. At every
election there are expenses, some light, and some vast, and

406 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

these have to be borne by ministers and their friends. The
spectacle may be pitiable, and it is pitiable, but it is true,
and is a part of our system as much as the ballot itself. At
the last general election, if the reporter of the Globe, who at-
tends to keyholes, is to be believed. Sir John gathered the
manufacturers about him, and levied an election tax. Probably
he did ; and his reform friends were not behind him. The
reformer as well as the tory, has his " fund " at election time,
and he does not use it to make the electors purer and more in-
dependent. Once, indeed, he did move in this direction, when he
levied a large sum to "put down corruption." The only differ-
ence between the conservative and his neighbour in this respect
is that the latter sometimes goes in debt to bribe and corrupt,
as we see by the post-election scandals with which men like
Mr. David Blain now and again regale the public nostril. We
need not do more than say in conclusion, that every judge of
the land, every impartial observer who has studied the story
of the connection between the prime-minister and 3ir Hugh,
is forced to admit, that, while the accidental relations between
the giver and the receiver of the railway charter, assumed, at
the first, an aspect strongly suggestive of wrong-doing, that
there remains no tittle of evidence, no unprobed source, not
even the breathing of a fact to prove that the conduct of Sir
John showed aught than fidelity to his public trust, or wa»
other than that of a man of honour. This, too, is the verdict
of the people who have repented of their rash judgment and
taken him back to favour. And it will be the verdict of
history. '

CHAPTER XXII.

" A WET SHEET AND A FLOWING SEA."

FINDING the struggle a wrestle with the inevitable, Sir
John, on the morning of the 5th of November, placed his
resignation, and that of the ministry, in the hands of the gover-
nor-general. About an hour later, he rose in his place in the
house, announcing that the government had resigned, and that
his excellency had called upon Mr. Alexander Mackenzie to form
a ministry. Then the great cloud of change rolls in, shutting
from our sight the figure upon whom our eye so long had rest-
ed with pride and admiration ; and a new crew appear upon the
deck of the ship of state. Two days after Sir John's resignation,
the new premier was able to announce his ministry, which was
as follows :

Hon. Alexander Mackenzie Premier and Min. Puh. Works.
" A. A. DORION ... - Minister of Justice.
" Albert J. Smith - - Min. Marine and FisJieries.

Luc Letellier de St. Just
Richard J. Cartwright -
David Laird

Isaac Burpee - - -
David Christie -
Telesphore Fournier -
Donald A Macdonald

- Mill, of Agriculture.

- Min. of Finance.

- Min. of the Interior,'*

Min. of Customs.
Secretary of State.

- Min. Inland Rev

- Postmaster- General.

* This department had been recently created in lieu of that of secretary of state
for the provinces, which, being at once useless and a travesty on the imperial office,
was abolished.

407

408 LIFE OF SJP. WHN A. MACDONALD.

Hon. Thomas Coffin . - _ - Receiver-General.

" William Ross - - - Min. Militia and Defence.

" Edward Blake .... (ivithout portfclio).

" Richard W, Scott ... {without 'portfolio).

Mr. Mackenzie was determined on a thorough cleansing of
the Augean stables, and asked for a dissolution, which was
granted. If the reform newspapers were to be relied upon, a
large number of members had bought their way to the legisla-
ture with Sir Hugh Allan's money ; and by a new election,
candidai'^s would have an opportunity of judicious bribing with
purer cash. There was not a superfluity of brotherly love in
the cabinet, and Mr. Blake could not hide, or probably did not
try to conceal, his scorn for Mr. Mackenzie ; while Sir Richard
Cartwright, who looked with no friendly eye on responsible
government, was sadly out of his element among radical states-
men grown up from the trades. The chilly relations between
Mr. Mackenzie and Mr. Blake then, as now, were due to the
leadership which passed the latter because he could not bend
to negotiation. If Mr. Blake has ever had a political in-
trigue, which we do not believe, then surely must it have been
different from those of other men. We can imagine this sin-
gularly icy statesman threading the long winding-stair of a
solitary tower, and, having reached the top which looks out
into the star-lit night, carrying on an intrigue with his own
half mystical ambition. Never can our imagination picture
him courting his colleagues or the people for their preferences ;
never of him can anybody say :

" Off goes his bonnet to an oyster wench ;
A brace of draymen bi(^ God-speed him well."

On the 2nd of July, the old parliament cea.sed to exist, and
the two parties went to the polls. The reformers had no
rigidly defined policy to propound, their chief mission being to
purify the country. They pledged themselves to keep faith
with British Columbia, but gave warning that they considered

''A WET SHEET AND A FLOWING SEA." 409

the construction of the Pacific railway within the time specified
impossible, and that they would not bind themselves to that
portion of the contract. The other measures in the programme
were not of more than ordinary significance, the chief being a
readjustment of the franchise, and the taking of votes by bal-
lot ; a revision of the militia and insolvent laws ; the qualifica-
tion of members for the legislature ; the creation of a Court of
Appeal for the Dominion ; the promotion of immigration ; an
improvement of the canal system, and the development of un-
occupied territory. As well might one standing upon the
shore reason with the ocean that has been lashed into fury by
the storm, as Sir John implore Canada, disturbed and startled
by the alarming scandal which the reformers had ridden up
and down the land, to listen to reason, to hear his defence. She
stopped her ears, and turned away. The reformers " swept the
country," and Mr. Mackenzie, in the new parliament, found a
majority of eighty at his back. We differ from Mr. Mackenzie
in our view of many public questions, and have no admiration
for him as a writer, much less as a biographer painting a por-
trait under the coercion of party prejudice, but nevertheless we
do not hesitate to say, that his influence upon the political life
of Canada has been good ; that he was faithful to his trust, and
strove to do his duty. We should like to be able to say that
he was a popular administrator ; but we cannot. He was, and
is, out of sympathy with the spirit of our time ; and the robust
judgment of the young country is against him. Cast-iron
theories always hedged him in, and set bounds to his every im-
pulse and plan ; at last they grew so narrow as to become his
cotiin. A man who follows a doctrine, of course, has no need
for brains ; and reminds one of the captain on the lee shore
who scorned the advice of his ofiicers, went by the " Navi-
gator's Guide," and put his vessel upon the rocks. But it is
only ignorance or prejudice that would deny to Mr. Mackenzie
a place amongst the foremost statesmen of his time In and
out of oifice he has exhibited a tireless industry in -amining

410 LIFE OF SIR KUm A. MACDONALD.

and mastering every sabjort Txjionging to the public sphere ;
and those who have seen his i ir.er life declare he has never
lived an idle day. Of his policy of stubborn resistance to the
popular will, he certainly was the heir rather than the arbiter,
and if he ever desired to be free from the yoke of that power
which dominated almost every important action of his admin-
istration, his escape from the leading strings was made after
his opportunity had been lost, and when he never again could
breathe the breath of confidence into the people. In later
years his head rolled on the block to propitiate the decrepit
policy of his master's making. Nor has the deposed leader
any loyalty for the hand that cut off his head ; but repays his
lucky rival with a support as frigid as the latter gave to him
when he became prime-minister. Too often the community
is the measure of the man, the " village Hampden " seldom at
taining to the stature of the giant ; and if our col.nial states-
men develop smallermindedaess in the political sphere, than
British statesmen, the fault is perhaps rather the country's
than their own. But this mich If certain; From 184C to
1852, Lord John Russell was prime-minisoer of England, with
Palmerston as foreign secretary ; but in 18-55, the latter be-
came premier, his former leader taking the colonial secretary-
ship ; and the most amicable relations existed between the twO'
statesmen. In 1835, the Duke of Wellington accepted the
foreign secretaryship, under Peel, with cordial loyalty, bending
to the wishes of his party ; though the bluff o] 1 statesman was
not without the opinion that his prowess in the council was only
equalled by his skill in campaigns. British history abounds
with similar in.stances, the leader of to-day becoming the subor-
dinate of to-morrow, not regarding the change as a personal
injury by the fortunate rival, but at^ one of the fortunes of po-
litical war. One of Mr. Mackenzie's faults seems to have been
a repellent manner which he could no more control than if it
had been dyspepsia ; but many a one who had claims upon his^
courtesy came out of his presence vowing revenge. Such slight

"A WET SHEET AND A FLOWING SEA." 411

faults, however, help sometimes to make up a bill of assassina-
tion. But the change of heads, surely, did not make the re-
form atmosphere warmer. The p'^Hy lost a leader, whose blood
was cold ; and got an iceberg.

When Mr. Mackenzie assembled his forces at the capital, he
soon discovered that office is a boisterous sea, studded with
rocks, where shipwreck awaits the helmsman who is given to-
napping. The ghost of poor Scott, whom the reformers had
conjured at the election, arose in the cabinet, the premier find-
ing that the task of conscientious duty was vastly easier out
of office than when leading a government. The murderer Riel,
for whose apprehension Mr. Blake, with the approbation of Mr..
Mackenzie, had offered a reward of $.5,000, was elected for
Provencher, at the general elections, and actually presented
himself at Ottawa ; was introduced to the clerk of the house,
took the oath, and was enrolled a member of the legislature.
During the election of 1873, " the blood of poor Scott " had been
the chief reform battle cry ; but a year later Mr. Mackenzie
permits the unpunished murderer to come into the capital,
brazenl/ stalk through the city for days, and then boldly pre-
sent himself to the clerk of the house of commons and sign the
members' roll. We have not been able to express any feeling
but indignation at the conduct of Sir John Macdonald's govern-
ment in shielding Riel from the consequences of his crime ;
but indignation has been succeeded by contempt for the action
of Mr. Mackenzie in permitting this felon, red-handed, and pre-
suming, to present himself before an officer of the legislature,
and to swear upon the Holy Scriptures the oath of an unbrand-
ed man. On the loth of April, Mr. Mackenzie Bowell, the pre-
sent minister of customs, moved for the expulsion of the mur-
derer from parliament, which was carried by a vote of 124 to-
G8 ; but sixty-eight members did actually vote that this man-
slayer should be permitted to retain his seat. Let some histo-^
rian who does not care whether or not he soils his page, put in
the pillory the names of this sixty-eight.

412 LIFE OF SIR JO UN A. MACDONALI).

Among the other difficulties with which the premier found
he had to cope was the agitation on the New Brunswick school
liill, to which we have referred; and complications arising out
■of the repudiation of the contract to build the Pacific railway
within the specified time. The engineers employed upon the
surveys alarmed the ministry by pictures of gigantic difficulties,
and ten yeara was deemed insufficient to complete the work ;
though the reader will conclude that even great engineering
<il)stacles disappear in the face of proportionate energy. When
British Columbia learnt that we had broken faith, refusing her
marriage portion, her aignation knew no bounds ; and to ap-
pease the storm of passion in the mountainous colony, Mr. Mac-
kei. despatched thither Mr. J. D. Edgar, a gentleman of much
ability, and of good addre.ss, to endeavour to pacify, with ex-
planation, the excited colonists. Mr. Edgar held several con-
ferences with the premier of the colony, Mr. Walkem, but the
conduct of that gentleman does not seem to have been either
politic or dignified, and the envoy, without having accomplish-
•ed anything, though the fault was not his, returned to Ontario.
After some diplomatic wrangling, the " Carnarvon terms " were
proposed to the Dominion government, which provided for the
construction of the railway from Esquimault to Nanaimo with
all possible dispatch ; that the surveys on the mainland should
be pushed with all possible vigour ; that the waggon road and
telegraph line should be immediately constructed ; that a sum
of not less than $2,000,000 per annum should be expended on
the British Columbia portion of the line, and that the railway
■should be completed and open for traffic from the Pacific sea-
board to a point at the western end of Lake Superior, before
the 31st of December, 1890. Legislation was introduced to
•carry these terms into effect, though it was reserved to a suc-
ceeding ministry to remove the road from the statute book to
the prairie and the mountain.

We cannot in the space now remaining to us, follow Mr.
Mackenzie through his administration, but must content our-

"A WET SHEET AND A FLOWING SEA." 41$

selves ^ylth a ha.sty glance at his most important work. Dur-
ing the year 1876, the United States demanded of Great Britain
the extradition of certain fugitives from justice, under the-
terms of the tenth clause of the Ashburton treaty, but the
English government refused to grant the ret^uest, unless upoa
the condition that the offenders should not be tried for any
offence other than that for which their surrender had been
demanded. To this wrong-headed stipulation the United
State government would not agree, and the operation of the
clause named was for the time suspended. Canadian criminals
fled across the boundary, finding protection under the Ameri-
can flag, and forgers, murderers and escaped convicts came
trooping from the republic into our cities, where they laughed
at the laws they had outraged. Such a state of affairs was, of
course, intolerable ; the British government with a grace in
which there was no dignity receded from its position of stupid
obstinacy, and the suspended clause assumed its former virtue.
A Canadian extradition act was passed by the Dominion par-
liament on the following year, but owing to the existence of
the imperial law, it has since remained as lumber on the
statute book. In 1874, the general election law providing for
vote by ballot, simultaneous elections, and the abolition of
property qualification for members was passed ; in 1875, was
establi.^hed the Supreme Court of Canada, having civil and
criminal jurisdiction throughout the Dominion, and taking away
— though only in name — the right of appeal to England, except
where imperial interests were involved ; in the same session
were passed the Canada temperance, the homestead exemption,
the petition of right, the militia, the maritime court, and the
public accounts audit acts. By the latter it was provided that
the auditor-general should be a detective, his functions being
to keep his eyes open for ministei'ial dishonesty ; and his office
was put beyond cabinet control. As the assumption of the act
was that governments are given to steal, and that auditors are
not incorruptible, persons as suspicious as the framers of the

414 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

measure must be in a state of perpetual alarm, lest dishonest
ministers may some day league themselves with the temptable
auditor for the purpose of plunder. Besides these important
measures, it is to the credit of Mr. Mackenzie that he hay left
to us, though in leges non scriptce, a wider range of constitu-
tional privilege. That respectable fossil in the colonial office,
during the early years of Loi'd DufFerin's regime, had through
the plural pronoun of the first estate, issued these instructions
to the governor-general. " If, in any case, you see sufficient
cause to dissent from the opinion of the major part, or the
whole of our (sic) privy council for our (sic) Dominion, it shall
be competent for you to exercise the powers and authorities
vested in you by our commission, and by these our instructions,
in opposition to such their opinion." These, of course, are the
words of a scribe, and the sentiments of a sovereign, innocent
of the trend of modern history, and of the nature of Canadian
spirit. Mr. Mackenzie, to his credit let it be said^ challenged
this insolent impertinence, opened correspondence with the
colonial office, and contended that the governor-general, his
council and the parliament of Canada should bear the same re-
lation to the people of the Dominion, with regard to all acts of
<lomestic policy, as the Queen, her privy council, and ':he im-
perial parliament bear to Great Britain. To this firm conten-
tion, the home office, after some resistance, with a supercilious
shrug, at laat consented. It is difficult to read these des-
patches, much less to write about them, and keep one's temper.
"We have only this to say : When we are ready for separation,
and the day is not far, it is our desire to part from our mother
with feelings of good will ; but this will be imposisible if the
colonial office is permitted to go on provoking our resentment.
An imperial puppet at Ottawa, in the present temper of our
people, would be surprised at the suddenness with which Cana-
dians would return him to the government whence he came, did
he dismiss a ministry in whom the parliament and the people
had confidence. Few suppose that the rash attempt will be

"A WET SHEET AND A FLOWING SEA.*' 416

made ; we are assured even from imperial quarters that T'i'own-
ing street has withdrawn her hand j yet the wolf we saw yes-
terday may not be dead, and we must not be charged with over
timidity, if we show anxiety about our folds. In 1848, we
thought we had seen the last of the Downing-street wolf ; but
a,s he appeared again in 1873, there is no sufficient guarantee
that we are not to have still another visitation. We have no
faith, we must confess, in frightening away the wolf; we will
bc5 able to rest without fear only when we see him fairly de-
stroyed. A good deal has been written by light writers and
by heavy writers, concerning the functions of a governor-gen-
eral, or his lieutenant, under responbible gnvexTiment; and we
have long seen Mr. Alphous Todd, C.B., pickinr;- his feeble way
through a waste of constitutional tombs by the light v)f a tal-
low dip. Some assert that the duty of tlte governor-general is
m>w merely to sign documents ; while others maintain that he
is tlie agent of the state that appoints him, and holds in his
hand a power greater than the people. With the latter view,
we may say, wo are in accord. To talk of the supremacy of
the people in a subordinate slate, is to utter a paradox, even
though the shadow of foreign domination fell across our coun-
try but once in a generation. Practically, (though there is at
kast one important exception) we do now govern ourselves ;
but we sometimes forget that we do so only by the sufferance
of the foreign agent at Ottawa. The type of a perfect legisla-
tive and governing system is the municipal institution. The
warden (or the reeve as he is sometimes called) is not himself
the authority, but the executor of the council's will ; the recep-
tacle wherein resides the authority c the assemblage. Author-
ity is indivisible, and is resident only in unity; and in the
municipal institution is begotten of the council — which is an
embodiment of the people's will — and is expressed through
the persor presiding. The warden has no power save that
which he ( erives from those over whom he presides ; but he is
at once the executor and the representative of the will of that

416 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. '

body. This is, then, the true type of government by the people.
In the Canadian cabinet, the authority of ministers is resident
in, and administered by, the president of the council ; but that
authority is paraded before the overshadowing authority of the
foreign power, as vested in the agent of the latter, and may be
accepted or set aside. In our provincial governments the case
is the same in form, though differing greatly in nature, the
Canadian ministry filling in a large degree the place of the
foreign power with respect to the higher cabinet. Our friends
in the republic glory in sounding upon their trumpets that
they have government by the people ; but in the veto, which
is an assumption that one man is wiser than many millions,
there is more than the phantom of a king. The governor-gen-
eral then, may be a " wooden horse," but like that of th-3 Greeks
before the gates of Troy, he has within him a powe) whereof
few of us dream. We have been fortunate in the mild domi-
neering of such foreign agents as the DufTerins and the Lornes ;
but we may get another Metcalfe before we are all gray, and
then we shall probably have — independence.

In 1877, it became known to Mr. Mackenzie, that the impe-
rial government were about appointing, as the Canadian repre-
sentative at the Halifax fishery commission, an English diplo-
matist. The premier at once offered a firm protest, and main-
tained that it would be an outrage if the Dominion were to be
without a local representative in view of the magnitude of her
interests at stake. The imperial government, however, did not
consider that we were entitled to a domestic commissioner,
contending, among themselves, that it was an affair of the em-
pire — though the interests of Canada alone were at stake.
Yielding, however, to the uncompromising attitude of Mr. Mac-
kenzie and the ministry, and "to satisfy the colonists," Sir A.
T. Gait wap nominated as the Canadian re^jresentative. In ad-
dition to the higher grounds of manhood, equality and liberty
which make the scheme of Canadian independence so dear to
all those who scorn to be " subjects " of a foreign state when

"A WET SHEET AND A FLOWING SEA." 417

they may be " citizens " of their own, are several questions
bearing upon the trade and welfare of our people, by which we
suffer from being held in the leading-strings. It is surely more
than an imaginary grievance that we are not permitted to make
our own commei'cial treaties, but must be content to accept the
agreements entered into on our behalf by the foreign gpvern-
ment. In a speech of tremendous power, during the session of
1882, Mr. Blake contended that the right of making Canadian
treaties should be in the Dominion government. Some time
afterwards, certain writers in the newspapers declared that Mr.
Blake was at heart a staunch friend of Canadian independence;
whereupon, at a public gathering in Montreal a few months
later, he repudiated his utterances at the late session of parlia-
ment, by declaring that we now, practically, had self govern-
ment in Canada. Mr. Blake's great speeches, unfortunately,
but too often resemble railway trains run^iin^ in different di-
rections, eventually meeting in disastrous collision.

After the defeat of Sir John at the polls, the conservative

party resembled

" . . Scattered sedge
Afloat, when, with fierce winds Orion armed
Hath vexed the Eed Sea coast," . '

and were many dreaiy weeks before they had spirit to raise
their heads. Two or three members at a caucus, which at last
made a desperate effort for life and organization, were of the
opinion that Sir John had seen his time and done his work ;
but "such counsel only stirred the deep-seated loyalty of the
party to the chief who had led them so often to victory, to a
new activity. Once again the well-beloved leader sat at the
head of his erstwhile scattered vollowers, and began to whisper
in their ear the words of hope. He had been studying the poli-
tical situation, and saw that decay had laid its hand upon the
ruling party. The country had fallen into a state of commer-
cial feebleness, and year after year, during the administration
of Mr. Mackenzie, saw the situation grow worse. Enterprise

418 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

was without heart, capital shrank timidly away, and confidence
had fairly gone out of the country. Each session of parliament
showed a large deficiency in receipts in comparison with the
expenditure. For some time previous to 1874, the customs
duties on unenumerated imports had been 15 per cent., but in
the session of the last-named year, to meet the threatened de-
ficit, Mr. (now Sir) R. J. Cartwright, minister of finance, intro-
duced a measure providing for an increase to iTi per cent. Mr.
Cartwright, like all other statesmen, had no hesitation in ad-
mitting that taxation was bad ; but he preferred taxation pure
and simple, to taxation with a saving clause. His increase fell
into the gaping jaws of deficit, which still hungered for more.
Year after year the balance was on the wrong side of the book,
till at last trade was languishing so low that it would have died
had that been possible ; commercial houses and financial insti-
tutions which had been regarded firm as the hills came toppling
down ; our people were fleeing the country in thousands look-
ing for work, while the solicitations of the idle for work, and
of the hungry for bread, were heard in every Canadian city.
The government cannot manipulate the state as it manages a
department ; nevertheless crises do sometimes arise, when a ju-
dicious touch of the hand may give a new direction and a life
to motionless commercial forces. The people, whether unrea-
sonably or not, believed that it lay within the power of legisla-
tion to better their condition, and they waited upon Mr. Cart-
wright in hundreds, telling their woes and asking his help.
But that statesman assured them that in such an emergency as
this, and face to face with these problems of trade, that govern-
ment was only a fly on the wheel ; and, turning gloomily away,
the sufferers heard it whispered abroad that the cure the fin-
ance minister had for this deplorable state of things was direct
taxation. " Our opportunity has come," said Sir John, to his
colleagues, at a caucus held about this time ; " want has over-
come the prejudice of a theory, and we will propound a policy
that will better this wof ul state of affairs and carry us back to

"A WET SHEET AND A FLOWING SEA." i}^

•office." From that day forth the conservative chief began to
organize and marshal his forces ; to " get his hand upon the
pulse of the country," and to breathe into his followers the
same hope and ardour that filled himself. Sir Richard Cart-
wright sneered at the " new-fangled doctrines," and his chief
losing a momentary restraint upon his vernacular, affirmed in
broad Scotch, " that the scheme was the corn laws again with a
new face." The question presented to the ministry was one
between commercial misery and a favoured theory, " but, in
deference to the formula, they chose to be stiff-necked, and
kicked complaining industry into the camp of their oppo-
nents." * In the house of commons on the 10th of March, 1876,
Sir John boldly laid down the " broad national policy " of his
party, in a speech of much vigour and point. His contention
was that there should be a thorough reorganization of the
tariff, which should be constructed in such a manner that it
would, while producing sufficient revenue for the current ex-
penses of the country, also afford a stimulus and a protection
to home industry, entice capital to the country, and keep our
own artisans at home at the employment which must arise
under the fostering legislation. Once again the cry went
abroad, and this time at the dictation of the conservative
chief, " Canada for the Canadians ; " and the heralds appeared
through the country giving the shibboleth a liberal translation,
assuring the clamorous workmen it meant that when they
came to the liberal-consw vative ministry for bread, they would
not be offered a stone in the form of direct taxation; that
henceforth our raw material would not be sent out of the
country to give employment to the artisans of foreign cities ;
and that no longer would the American " drummer " be found
selling his goods upon the thresholds of our crumbling and idle
factories. On the 17th of September, 1878, the two part'---"
appeared at the polls, Mr. Cartwright and the ministry bou d

, * Prof. Gold win Smith, in The Bystander.

420 • LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

neck and heel to their idol ; Sir John with the light of hope ii>
his eye, and " Canada for the Canadians " upon his lips. The
change which he predicted had come. It swept the country
in a whirlwind, and the ministry and their god of clay fell in
ruin :

*' Like tha leaves of the forest when summer is green,
That host with their banners at sunset were seen ;
V Like the leaves of the forest when autumn hath blown,
That host on the morrow lay withered and strown."

Kolls away the cloud again which had hidden for a brief
time the hero of our story, and we find him at the head of his
cabinet, potent still for vast endeavour and great national en-
terprise. Mr. Mackenzie, who must have cursed idols and phan-
toms of every kind, did not wait till the assembling of parlia-
ment, but, with the demeanor of an honest man, who had tried
to do his duty, quietly gave up the ghost. The new cabinet
was as follows :

The Right Hon. Sir John A. MacdonaldP^ imier and Min.

■-::^ of Interior.

Hon. S. L. Tilley - - - - Min. of Finance.

" Charles TuppER . - - Min. of Pi blic Works.

" H. L. Langevin - - - - Postmaster-General.

" J. C. AiKiNS - ^ - - - Secretary of State.

" J. H. Pope Min. of Agriculture.

" James Macdonald - - - - Min. of Justice.

" Mackenzie Bowell - - - Min. of Customs.

" J.'C. Pope . _ _ Min. Marine and Fisheries.

" L. F. G. Baby _ - . . Min. Inland Revenue.

" L. F. R. Masson - - Min. Militia and Defence.

" John O'Connor - - - - Pres. of Council.

" R. D. WiLMOT - Speaker of Senate (without portfolio).

The magnum opwi of the new administration was the Na-
tional Policy, which, less for brevity than ridicule, has come to

"A WET SHEET AND A FLOWING -SEA." 421

he known as the "N.P." The framing of a tariff strikinof at
the root of our whole financial and mercantile system, was a
task of tremendous importance ; but the difficulties disappeared
before the masterly ability and skill of Hon. S. L. Tilley. No-
thing was done in haste or blindly ; every commercial " inter-
■est '^ in the country was carefully considered, and its intelligent
opponents consulted before the law was put to paper ; and
though, as was only to have been expected in any law ever yet
framed by the wit of man, for a country possessing more or less
a, diversity of interests, its operation bore harshly here and
there at f "st, upon the whole it was a triumph for enlightened
statesmanship and commerce. The aim of the new tariff was
twofold : to stimulate home industry, and to produce a revenue ;
and with this end in view, upon all imported goods which we
were capable of producing at home, there was levied a heavy
specific, and an ad valorem tax ; while upon such articles as
we could not manufacture among ourselves, was put a lower
duty. The tariff pinched in many places during its early
operation, and many cried out against an overtaxed breakfast-
table ; but at last complaint had her mouth stopped with
home-made sugar. It is not necessary to make predictions
when we have at hand an array of facts. The national policy
has been four years in operation now. When submitted by
Mr. Tilley to the parliament, Mr. Cartwright loaded it with a
sneering scorn, and declared that it would neither raise revenue
nor stimulate industry ; that, on the contrary, it would throw
s, weight upon the shoulders of struggling trade, and make the
people more powerless than before to pay the tax. But the
result is different. It has raised a revenue, and produced a
surplus; and has been coincident with, if it has not in great
measure occasioned, the appearance of an era of prosperity be-
fore not equalled in Canada. We know that the wevil or the
<lrought is stronger than ministries, and that statutes are
powerless to make the corn to spring or the sun to shine, but
we do not hesitate to record our conviction that Sir John

422 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

Macdonald's ministry came upon the scene at an important
time, that its very cry upon the hustings before it put a line
upon the statutes roused the spirits of the country, brought
public confidence to its feet, and drew capital out of its hiding
place. By its legislation it has done, and it is only folly or
prejudice that will deny it, an enormous amount of good ; it
has brought into our lap millions upon millions of dollars of
foreign capital, and added to the gross of our national w^ealth
in an amazing degree. The best proof that it has done so is
found in the refusal of the people, after its four years' trial, to^
give it up. There are portions of the Dominion, particularly
in the maritime provinces, where the people derive no benefit
from, and perhaps are to some extent burthened bj', the direct
operation of the policy ; but they are amply repaid for this
by the fuller throb, from the general prosperity of the country,
which they feel in their veins. The outlook at the present is,
that, while we may still expect some gi-umbling down by the
sea, and hear notes of discontent, mollified by the restraining^
influence o^ the smuggler in the prairie province, the national
policy for many a year, if not for a generation that will know
us not, is to be an institution of the country.

During the month that witnessed the re-appearance of Sir
John upon the ministerial scene. Lord Dufferin took his de-
parture from Canada ; and on November following the present
Governor-General, Lord Lome, accompanied by his consort the
Princess Louise, arrived in Halifax. The fates which seem to
have takea so kindly an interest in Lord Dufferin, anrl de-
lighted tO assist him through troublesome places, must iiavo
grown afraid for their portegd and kept back the storm which
hung ready to break over the vice-rcj^al oflice when Lord
Lome reached the capital. In December, 1876, M. Letellier de
St. Just, a Dominion Senator, a pronounced, perhaps we ought
to say a rash, reformer,* and a member of Mr. Mackenzie's-

• Merely for courtesy's sake the writer uses'the word " reformer," which is the
name of a party absorbed, as we have seen, many years agro into the Liberal-Conser-

"A WET SHEET AND A FLOWING SEA." 423

ministry, was appointed lieutenant-governor of Quebec. M. Le-
tellier was undoubtedly an able man, but he was defiant and
haughty ; and it is doubtful if he could look at any question
except from the standpoint of party. Unfortunately for him,
and worse still for political morality, he carried into the gub-
ernatorial chair all his party loves and hates, which he made
no effort to hide. The conservatives were led by the premier,
M, De Boucherville, in the legislative council, and by M. Angers
in the lower chamber. It is useless to deny that M. Letellier
came to the administration with an exaggt^rated sense of his
functions and powers ; but what was worse still he believed
that he had, and he really did have, the countenance of the
Mackenzie ministry in his feeling and attitude towards his
cabinet, while he was egged on to hostilities by the rash coun-
sels of George Brown and many other Upper Canada voformers»
as well as by the leading rouges of his own province. Upon
the other hand, the Quebec ministry, at the first, received the
new governor with contempt, and gave him plainly to under-
stand that his inclination or prejudice was of no consequence
to them; that he had a certain figurative duty to perforin ;
that he was to sign their documents, and, so far as administra-
tion was concerned, to think only as they thought. There
was soon open war between M. Letellier and his advisers, the
former disapproving of several acts of the government's public
policy; and after his ministers had several times treated his
suggestions with contempt or scorn, he took the leader of the
opposition, M. Joly, into his confidence. This state of affairs
could not continue, and at last, at the advice of those who
had spurred him on to the conflict, the governor dismissed his
ministry. His justification for this act he based on three
separate grounds : first, that he doubted whether his advisers
possessed the confidence of the province ; secondly, because
his ministers had introduced measures without laying them

vative coalition. Historically speaking the two parties now iu Dominion politics
are the Liberal-Conservatives and the Grits,

424 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

before him and obtaining his sanction ; and thirdly, that
although they had known of his determined hostility to the
railway and stamp measures they passed them through, nomi-
nally with his consent, although he had never sanctioned them,
instead of either abandoning them or resigning his office.*
Tlie subject was promptly carried to the Canadian legislature
during the session of 1878, wliere it immediately became a
party question, and gave rise to a long parliamentary brawl.
Sir John Macdonald made a masterly speech in condemnation
of the action of M, Letellier, and offered a motion affirming
that the dismissal of ihe Quebec ministry was " unwise and
subversive of the position accorded to the advisers of the crown
since the concession of the principle of responsible government
to the British North American colonies." "f This motion was
lost by a vote of one hundred and twelve to seventy ; but on
the return of Sir John to office, M. Letellier was dismissed.
This, then, was the storm in which the new gubernatorial boat
put out, Lord Dufferin getting across the Atlantic before it
broke. We have not space here to discuss the merits of the
question, neither have we the desire to say more than this,
that the whole affair was alike disgraceful to the governor and
the ministry, is a stain upon our history, and serves to show
how unwise it is to drag the little municipal questions of pro-
vincial jurisdiction through the grooves of federal parties. But
one by one each province is dropping into the maelstrom o^'
general politics. New Bruaswick | being the last to cast aside
her individuality.

* Mr. Stewart, in Canada under the Administration of the Earl of Dufferin. Mr.
Stewart treats this question at considerable length, and with much vigor and
clearness.

t See Canada Hansard, Session 1878, Vol. II., page 1878.

+ In New Brunswick, by a system of seduction and compromise, a sort of mosaic
administration had been perpetuated from confederation down to the present year,
when Mr. A. G. Blair appeared upon the scene at the head of a new ministry.
Mr. Blair would be an ornament to any legislatr.re, and his chief colleague, Mr.
Elder, is a politician who might take rank among our foremost public men. It
is the fate of controversy and party questions in small communities to assume

'M WET SHEET AND A FLOWING SEA," 426

In 1S79, on the retirement of the former incumbent, Hon,
(now Sir) William Johnston Ritcliie, one of the puisne judges
of the supreme court of the Dominion, was appointed to the
chief justiceship. He was the son of the honourable chief jus-
tice Ritchie, of Nova Scotia, and was born at Annapolis, in that
province, in 1813. His paternal grandfather came from Scot-
land and settled in Nova Scotia some time before the Ameri-
can revolution. His mother was Eliza Wildman Johnston, the
descendant of a distinguished U. E. loyalist family ; her grand-
father being a Scotchman of the Annandalo line. He was educat-
ed at Pictou college ; studied law at Halifax with his brotlier,
Hon. John William Ritchie, late chief judge in equity for Nova
Scotia; was called to the bar of New Brunswick in 1838;
practised in the city of St. John from 1836 to 1855, and was
cieated a Queen's counsel in 1854;. He sat for the city and
county of St. John in the New Brunswick assembly from 184:8

personal aspects, and to be embued with a bitterness titterly unknown where the
field is wider, and the interests greater ; and if we are to believe the newspaper
accounts of the late ministerial change in that province, there was a display of
private rancour, to say nothing of the violation of the coiirtesies and anieiuties
which ought to be known at least to gentlemen — which are well understood in the
history of party etitiuette, where they are held to be inviolate— that did little
credit to those concerned. For our part we consider a legislature with its king and
its house of lords and all the othe^* hollow paraphernalia, for each one of the little
maritime provinces, under the confeUi .ati m, un expen.^e and a folly ; yet they may
vindicate some right to an existence, if tliey will show less of Ihia petty grabbing
for office, and give their attention (we refe) jiartictdarly now to New Brunswck)
to the conservation of their forests which are the only source of income they have
after the Dominion purchase money. T ley have for many years pursued a
suicidal policy with their timber lands ; yet it may not be now too late to mend.
The commissioner has come, session after session, to the legislature telling the
number of trees that have been destroyed during the year— and the more cut down,
the more he glories, boasting of the quantity of revenue he has secured— never
having a word of a tree that has been planted, or of one conserved. The system
too of selling out large tracts of timbered land is unwise, nay, more, it is monstrous ;
and is like unto a man, who, not content with drawing interest, falls upon, and
bef;ins to devour, his capital. The lumber lands (they are not, generally, ad-
apted for settlement) are all the capital New Brunswick has, and these should be
held by the province ; not so much as an acre should be parted with ; for by an
ajiplication of the simp'e principles of forestry, and the adoption of careful regula-
tions, these tracts would yield, and reyield, vast quantities of timber for an inde-
finite number of generations, and thus be a perpetual source of revenue to the
province.

4M LIFE OF SIR JOHN A, MACDONALD.

to 1851 ; in 1854 he entered tlie executive council of Now
Brunswick, and the following year was a[)pointed to a puisne
judgeship of the supreme court, which position he retained till
his accession to the chief justiceship, on the death of justice
Parker. In 1875 he was appointed a puisne judge of the Do-
minion, and four years later, as we have seen, succeeded to the
chief justiceship. He has been twice married, first, in ISto, to
Miss Martha Strang, of St. Andrew's, who died in 1847, l>y
whom he has a daughter living ; second, to his present win-
ning and amiable wife, Grace Vernon, daughter of the late
Thomas L. Micholson, Es([., of St. John, New Brunswick, and
step-daughter of the late Admiral W. F. W. Owen, R.N., of (Jam-
pobello, by whom he has tw(dve children. As a lawyer, Mr,
Ritchie was an ornament to the bar, and his various promotions
were only the recognition of a rare order of merit. To the judicial
seat which he now fills, he has brought an adorning talent,
a vast breadth of view, a sober understanding, and a fault-
less judgment, that have won universal admiration and respect.
It is a mistake to suppose that a lotos-eater's calm surrounds
the occupants of our benches ; on the contrary, there is now a
kind of judicial war, proper and discreet, going on between the
Dominion court and the inferior tribunals. Owing to obscure
definition of certain provincial powers upon the one hand, and
of federal jurisdiction upon the other, in the British North
America Act, there is in this quiet way some conflict of opinion
among the judges as to " provincial rights," much as there is
among the politicians ; but the trying task of holding the
balance evenly between the aggregate of the province, and
each province singly, at once calls for the highest taleiii ?,nd
the keenest discrimination. And in this important respect, as
in all others belonging to his sphere, Sir W. J. Ritchie gives a
lustre and a prestige to our highest Canadian seat of justice, r
Towards the close of the year 1880, it became known that
the government had entered into contract with a powerful
syndicate for the construction of the Canadian Pacific railway,

"^ yyjST SHEET AND A FLOWING SEA," 427

which had for many yearn besn proceeding in a half-hearted
and desultoiy fashion. The entire road, from ocean t(j oc( an,
it was Hpccititid, was to ho completed within ten years froin the
date of the contract, i nd that portion known as the prairie sec-
tion, and roughly estimated at 1,000 miles, extending from
Manitoba to the Rocky Mountains, was to bee(iuip[)e(l and run-
ning within three years. In return for this work, tno syndi-
cate was granted a cash subsidy of $25,000,000 and 25,00* ,000-
acres of prime land, in alternating sections along the railway
route, and was to receive the roads already built under gov-
ernment control. During the discussion on the contract in
parliament the following session, one or two opponents o. the-
ministry turned aside from the legitimate debate to indulge
in bitter insinuation with respect to the " Pacific scandal."
The prime-minister defended the new contract in a speech of
much power, and paused for a moment, as he glanced at the
mcuil; ;rs who had sought to sting him. "I will not," he said,
" drag into this discussion, as far as I am concerned, and a»
far as my remarks are connected with the subject, any refer-
once to the political past. Allusions were made to it by thosfr
opposed to the government, especially by those who desired
to asperse myself; but, sir, there is the record, there is the fruit
of the appeal to the country — and I am prime minister of
Canada." Well might the prime-minister be excused for hurl-
ing the unmanly insinuations back, in a tone of pride, and in
these triumphant words. He took occasion, too, to show to
what extent the countiy had been the loser by the miscarriage
of the Allan contract of 1872. " Nine precious years have been
lost since that time which can never be recovered, during the
whole of which that road would have been in successful pro-
gress of construction ; the men engaged in that scheme, if they
could have got the ear of the European capitalists, were strong
enough to push the road acrosr the country, and now instead
of there being scarcely the foot-print of the white-man outside-
the province of Mnnitoba, there would have been hundreds of

428 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. *

thousands of persons who have gone from mere despair to the
United States, in our own north-wes<^ tomtorics. That coun-
try, instead of having but a small settlement in the eastern
<3nd of it, would have been the happv home of hundreds of
thousands — to use the smallest fig . e — of civilized laen, of
earnest, active, labouring men, working for themselves and their
families, and making that region, much sooner than it will be
now, a populous and prosperous country."

In the summer of 1882, we find the conservative /hief once
again before the electorate, asking judgment on the acts of his
administration. Nor for all the battles he has fought does he
seem the feebler ; but is in the thick of the fray, with the fire
of other days in his eyes, still wielding that subtle and irresis-
tible fascination over the crowds who have gathered to hear
him. A writer who makes pen-portraits moving with life, saw
the chief under the glare of the lamps, in the Toronto " amphi-
theatre," addressing a large assemblage, and among other
touches has given us this portion of picture.* "' Always clear-
voiced, always turning, always watching , . . ; he pours out
that succession of argument, of wit, of joke and of story, many
of them old, of flashes of thought, many of them new and
bright, of political reminiscence and political fact, rambling yet
not unconnected, and always bearing straight on the point,
a,ll of which have, for many a long year past, among Canadian
populace or in Canadian legislature, been more powerful than
the voice of other living man. I look on him, facing th's way
and that, imagining, declaiming, striving, and think of Praed's
Sir Nicholas :

" ' The gallant knight is fighting hard, his steel cap clove in twain,
His good buff jerkin crimsoned deep with many a gory stain ;
And now he wards a roundhead's pike, and now he hums a stave,
And now he quotes a stage-play, and now he fells a knave.' "

The result of the election is too fresh in the mind of the
reader to re-state it here. It is enough to say that the people

* R. W. PbipiJJ, in the Toronto WmU.

"A WET SSEET AND A FLOWING SEA." 42»

approved of Sir .Tohn's a/lrainistration, and sent him back to
office with a poweiful majority in his following. Previous to
dissolution certain changes had been made in the personnel of
the cabinet, the mos' important of these being the accession of
Hon. A. W. McLelan ■ o the department of marine and fisheries,
in the room of Hon. S. C. Pope ; and the assumption by Hon.
John Costigan of the purti'olio of inland revenue. It is un-
fortunate, but unavoidab] , that it is necessary to take the
minister raw from the constituency and put him in charge of
a department which is a complicated organization of special
knowledge. It follows that an inferior, or even an ordinary
ability, in such a position jails complotely into the meshes of
the subordinate, from which he is never able to clear himself.
An ambition that is above being the pipe whereon the clerk's
finger may sound what note it please, will struggle out of the
bondage, though it cannot do so immediately, and will over-
come the mysteries of the labyrinth bit by bit. Of the impor-
tant and intricate office of marine and fisheries, Mr. McLelan
had no more special knowledge than he possessed about making
boots or clocks, but his energy and his fine ability stood by him
in the hour of need. We liave, however, this to say : our popu-
lation is rapidly increasing, and our fisheries are speedily dis-
appearing. Science has pointed out to us a means by which
we may resist the forces of destruction. If the science of fish-
breeding by artificial means is not a delusion, and we do not
believe it is, then is it entitled to more than a homeopathic
application ; and we consider it to be the duty of the minister
to take the matter firmly in hand.

An important addition to the cabinet also, as we have said,,
was Mr. John Costigan, the minister of inland revenue. He
was born at St. Nicholas in the province of Quebec in 1835,
was educated at St. Anne's College, after which he removed to
Victoria, New Brunswick, where he was appointed judge of
the supreme court of common pleas. He sat for his present
seat in the New Brunswick assembly from 18G1 to 18GC when

430 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD. •

he was defeated. He was returned to the house of commons
in the general elections of 1872, and has not been defeated
since. We have already seen Mr. Costigan through our nar-
rative and recorded our admiration of his actions. His ap-
pointment to the cabinet was the just recognition of an unfal-
tering fidelity to principle and public duty, and of an ability
endowed with special qualifications for administration ; an
unbiassed judgment, and a calm and sound understanding.
"We are inclined to accept the many statements abroad that
his hand is already seen in the management of a department
which had been, for but too long before his appointment, a
marvel of red tape and inefficiency. One thing there is we
would wish to say just here and it is this : that we would there
had been less stress laid upon Mr. Costigan's appointment as a
Roman Catholic Irishman, than as a gentleman whose talent
would be a decided gain to any administration. The " Catholic
vote," like the " Orange vote," is fast becoming a reproach to
Canadian politics, insulting to such Irishmen and Irishmen's
sons as do not haunt the shambles at election times, and above
all most degrading to religion. It is notorious that the votes
of Roman catholics have come to be regarded as political mer-
chandize, to be bought and sold; and that this monstrous state
of aTairs is due to a vanity in high ecclesiastical places which
imagines it is being invested with an importance and a dignity
while really degrading itself to a marketable commodity, be-
coming the game of lawyers and political adventurers, for
whom all these put out their hooks, and of whom they dis-
course in their business letters in such a manner that one
might fancy the " he " under discussion was a horse, but that
here and there " His Grace " appears on the page. While an
uncompromising advocate of the rights of his co-religionists,
Mr. Costigan's intiucnce has never been in the direction of
separation and estrangement — being universally esteemed by
his protestant fellow-countrymen — much less towards promot-
ing the state of affairs to which we have reverted, and which

"A WET SHEET AND A FLOWING SEA." 431

must bring the blood surging into the cheek of whomsoever
calls himself catholic or Irishman. Mr. Costigan is the type
of a tiue man, who conceives a certain line to be his duty,
and having set up that star, unfalteringly follows it to the end.
Through the storm and the sun -shine he has ever held on his
course, wavering not to the right hand nor to the left.

It would not be well that we should close our historical
sketch, such as it has been, without devoting a word to the
great party leader whose oratory has made the land pregnant
through the campaigns, and who reached his present eminence
before the smoke had rolled away from the Waterloo of his
party. Mr. Edward Blake we need not introduce at any length
to the reader. He is the son of the Hon. William Hume Blake
of whom w'^ have spoken in the early part of our book, and
who was one of the greatest orators that has ever appeared in
a colonial parliament, becoming afterwards a judge whose tal-
ents and judicial insight long adorned the bench. Mr. Blake
may be said to have come into the political world with a com-
pound mill-stone about his neck, a code of party traditions,
and a set of private opinions, both diametrically opposed in
nature and direction, yet being afraid to disavow the one, or to
proclaim the other. Hence, he is to the superficial looker-on
the embodiment of a mystery ; while his career is a record of
indications gone astray. As in our solar system, where, by the
union of the two great forces, — the centripetal by which the
earth seeks the sun, and the centrifugal by which it would fly
away, — the planet is restrained and accomplishes only a great
circle once in the year, so too does the force of inclination drag
Mr. Blake one way, and that of party tradition the other, result-
ing in political revolutions that give delight to his enemies.
We set ourselves to this criticism with no little feeling of re-
gret, as there is no writer that ever set pen to paper in this
country who has a higher estimate of Mr. Blake's abilities, and
his capacity to do good, and to perform great things, than we.
But nature let him ofi' her hands wichout backbone, and in

432 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

every important step in his political life, he has hesitated as a
man in mortal fear on the brink pf some abyps which he fears
is about lo swallow him up, tortured between the pleading-
voice of his own opinion and the merciless mandate of expedi-
ency. The writer has sometimes seen him in public places, and
gloried as he saw him, tear himself away from the party idols,
and strike that loftier, nobler note which appeals to that in
man above the degraijing interests of faction and of party.
At such times he has seemed to us as one alone upon the
mountain-top, the clouds around and the world below him,
teaching a greater and a purer political gospel ; — but before the
morrow we have found him among the throng making gods^
out of the dregs of party clay. This fault is a legitimate
subject for the biographical vivisectionist, because its influence
is traceable in the practical life of the country; the other
great short-coming of Mr. Blake is more his own affair than
ours. We need hardly awy that to hii manner it is that we
refer. He seems to have in cdted the traditional whig cold-
ness ; and it may be said of hit , as it was of Lord John Russell,
that it is impossible to be enthasiasiic about him, for if any one
were rash enough to be tempt<^d nito momentary admiration,
the ebullition might be checked v ,. : i a chilling word, a look or
a letter. As a debater who speak entirely from the head Mr.
Blake's place is undisputed in Ci,* ida; he is indeed, intellect-
ually, as great an orator* a3 GIa<lstone and superior to the

* Mr. R. W. Phipps, in the Torout > World, in an admirable portrait of Mr.
Blake, says, in Bi)eaking of certain oliu i|ualitie8 of that gentleman as an orator ;
, . . " Add to this a voice whic!* 9eeait w roach you just as it left the speaker,
though far away ; a power, possesstvl ecjuuly it y no other Canadian, of framing and
of clearly delivering in long successio;. v ipro,>i; fu sentences, always grammatical,
often magnificent, and always in perfection conveying the idea ; add to this a
peculiar assuredness of expression and i am t, and you have the leader of the
opposition delivering an address." And on ihe attitude of the opposition leader
to the national policy, the same writer sayi- : " Tut on the great and living sub-
ject of the national policy he is lamentably v^iuk. Ready to destroy the sources
of independent strength, to play into the hands ( t' the foreign manufacturers, he
can be no leader for the young and ardent spirits of the growing north. As I have
before said, he appears unable to appreciate the result of the injury he propose*

"A WET SHEET AXD A FLOWING SEA.'' 433

English statesman, who wears his " heart upon his sleeve for
daws to peck at," in showing cold indifference to petty annoy
ance. There is a suspicion that he fondles the idea of Cana-
dian independence to his heart, though upon the subject he has
been as silent as the tomb. But this matters little now. The
tide has ebbed past, never again return to him, and his skiff
lies high upon the flats. This glorious scheme is reserved for
warmer hearts, and champions loyal enough to the cause they
love, to boldly avow their faith. The other day we heard with
a thrill that a champion had arisen in the chair which inclina-
tion would lead Mr. Blake to fill, with " nationality" for his
guiding star; but looking, we saw he was a party slave with
chains upon his heels and wrists.* Some newspaper represen-
tatives attending the session of 1882, at Ottawa, waited upon
Mr. Blake with a modest presentation, which was accompanied
by an address. It was gratifying to the delegation to be
assured that Mr, Blake recognised the press as rendering a
" very great deal of assistance to public men in getting their
speeches before the country," Suppose a delegation of those
winged postilions that are said to drive the chariots of Phcobus
through the ?ether, were to wait upon the leader of the oppo-
sition with a sheet of parchment, he would, we may be sure,
treat them with the same measured courtesy and scant effu-

to work. Knowingly, I do not believe lu' would advocate it. But at present
give him command of the good ship National Policy, and he summons the master,
' Your shrouds to leeward, master, are duties on coarse goods, prime necessaries
and raw material, I see. I do not approve of them. Pii)ij all hands. Cut them
away 1 '

" ' Why, bless my eyes, cut aw.vy the shrouds to leeward, sir ! ' says the old salt,
' every mast '11 go hy the board ! '

" ' Your oi)inion is inaccurate,' returns Mr, Blake. ' You will observe that the
pressure of the wind can in no degree affect the safety of the masts, as it comes from
the other quarter, and the masts are supported by the shrouds on that side.'

" ' But blow me tight ! Your honour ! Sir ! ' cries the veteran, the picture of
dismay, ' what '11 happen when we tacks ? '

" ' You do not,' saj i Mr. Blake, solidly, 'enjjy the confidence of the reform
party, and cannot, therefore, understand fiscal navigation. Cut away the
shrouds ! '"

* Mr. W. B. McMurrich, ex mayor of Toronto.
BB

434 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

sion. Without exhibiting our imagination at all, we can fancy
him saying, • } es ! — thank you gentlemen. You are here
from the sua. That orb I recognise to be of considerable im-
portance to us in showing light," Mr. Blake entered the field
with a sturdy bow and an unerring shaft; his arm was strong
and the object blazed like a star. The prize and the day have
passed ; the morrow and the might-have-been have come.
Edward Blake is opportunity in ruins.

We have approached the end of our story ; and the ta})er
burns low. However our narrative may be received we ha^'e
striven to do what we have believed to be our duty, and have
written by the light that has been given to us. If in going-
through our pages there should be any reader who finds his
idols broken, let him be assured that, while our judgment may
have been at fault, and an ampler study of the subjects pass-
ing in such rapid review along the current of our story might
have lent a different colouring to our pictures, what we have
put to paper is our deep conviction, and is done with an
earnest desire to tell the truth. Actors along the ground over
w^hich our labours have led us, have here and there arisen, for
whom an antipathy has grown up, as one learns to hate in one
short hour, at the theatre, the wicked and detestable Richard ;
but while for such our dislike has been hearty, we have striven
to giv3 them, grudgingly though we must admit, such credit
as has been their due.

CHAPTER XXIII.

THOUGHT AND JJTERATURE.

HAVING kept our readers for forty years in the desert
where politicians play their part, we now gladly enter
that fairer land where soft windswhisper to the summer leaves
and wild flowers grow. We have only a little space at our
disposal, and we do not propose to lumber it up with the good
and the bad, like an auctioneer's inventory ; for certain other
Canadian writers, from whom we trust wo differ on most things,
are exceedingly partial to this habit. Neither can we give a
list of all the good, reluctantly though we leave some of these
sweet flowers of the wild-wood to blush unseen. Less than
fifty years ago, Lord Durham made a study of the social con-
dition of our people, concluding that the French-Canadian race
must become absorbed by the English population ; and one
of the reasons he adduced was that they had no literature.
Manv changes have come since Lord Durham wrote that re-
port. The province of Quebec has now not alone seats of learn-
ing distinguished by their scholars, and their labours, but an
array of native littdrateurs that do an honour to our young
Dominion. Nay, more, up to a recent period, she has distanced
all her English sisters in the field of literature, and notably in
the departments of history and belles lettres. In the former
she still maintains the supremacy, but by our own Mr. Roberts
her poetic crown has been disputed, though her athlete of
the muses has borne the laurel away from the Institute of re-
gal Paris. It may not be considered out of place to say here,
that Jjord Durham was not astray alone in his prediction of a

blank of letters for our French sister, but in the belief that

435

4M LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

the French-Canadian would disappear before a sufficient force
of statutes. It is only by a gradual process of absorption that
the piece of old Franco which lies along the banks of the St.
Lawrence, will cease to be. The union of the two pi"ovincea
with a preponderance of English power in the legislature, an
Durham proposed, could in time have crushed the French na-
tionality, except that here and there, in the backwood villages,^
a barbarous yatois, and some antique custom would still be
found to linger, as he who travels through the less-civilized
districts of Ireland finds the embers of the Celtic tongue glow-
ing brightly in a cluster of cabins upon which the light of the
age has yet not dawned. But chiefly to geography and con-
federation the people of Quebec are indebted for the prospect*
of their old-time customs ; and the traveller who, five hundred
years from now, visits our great Dominion, will find flourishing
on the banks of the St. Lawrence, a quaint civilization, instinct
with the blood of youth, yet wearing the semblance of old
age ; a social system that will remind him of a creature with
the sturdy limbs of a lad, and the hoary head of an aged man.
To our young Canada, developing into robust nationhood, it
is a cause for fraternal as well as patriotic regret to see among
such an important section of our ])eople, opportunity and thrift
wedded to an obsolete civilization ; and it would be false deli-
cacy for us, much as we admire the devotion of our Quebec
fellow-countrymen to the language and customs of their be-
loved France, the ability of their scholars and public men, and
the frugality and the industry of peasant and artizan, to hide
the regretable but palpable fact, that the ordinary French-
Canadian citizen is the social inferior of his fellow in the
sister provinces. He who passes on the rail-cars from the
English to the French territory, is at once sensible of having
passed from a superior to an inferior order of civilization ; he
sees not the husbandman employing the skill or resource of the
age upon his farm, but finds him still a slave to the customs
adopted in France a hundred and fifty years ago. The leaven

THOUGHT AND LITERATURE. 4X1

of modern contrivance through tlie rest of Canada stops, as if
confronted by a wall of iron, when it reaches the French-Can-
adian province. Like the island of Calypso, — though the com-
parison will not stand " on all-fours," of which Mr. Roberts
says in his delightful ballad,

" The loud, black flight of the storm diverges
Over a spot in the loud-mouthed main,
Where, crowned with summer and sun, emerges
An isle unbeaten of wind or rain " —

stands the province of Quebec in the Dominion of Canada.
The invigorating gales of our modern civilization blow over
all the rest of the land, but diverge on reaching this quaint
})rovince, which is left to the repose of its old-time ways.

One of the litterateurs of tho French province is P. J. O.
Ohauveau, who obtained some eminence in the sphere of letters,
less through that merit which finds a warm place in the human
heart, than through his prominent jj'lace in the political and
social world. He wrote Charles Guerin, a passionless novel
devoted to the social customs of the first half of the century.
The crudity which its critics took so much to heart, was per-
haps its least fault. The book by which M. Cliauveau will be
best known is Mouvement Litt(^raire et Intellectuel, though
nothing of his that we have seen entitles him to a niche in the
temple of fame.

Among the French- Canadian writers a prominent place be-
longs to J. M. Le Moine. This writer has been subjected to
some very stupid criticism, on the ground that his style is
too circumstantial, but it is in this very respect that Mr. Le
Moine's contributions are chiefly valuable; and though the
painstaking author does not reach high flights, or make am-
bitious pictures, some of his narrative is sweet and interesting ;
and his work is certain to live on its own account, and also to
furnish food to an army of literary workmen.

A writer of some note is Monsieur J. C. Tachd who once
wrought himself to the pitch of writing that barbarous moral

48t LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

<liarna Trols Ugpiulcs de Mon Pays in wliich he endeavouiod
to portray tlie religious and social history of the aborigines.
His best book is perhaps his Forestiers et Voyageurs, which, as
we may gather from the name, is redolent of the music of tho
pines and the delightful romance and incident of the wild-wood.
M. Tachd has an unerring aim, and sometimes strikes with an
iron hand. His style is pure, clear and vigorous ; and a spirit
of poesy breathes through his pages.

L'Abbd R. H. Casgrain tears himself away from theology to
revel in Les L.4gendes Ganadieniies. He loves to write in
sonorous phrase, that rings on one's ear like the music of a mel-
low bell ; and it is unfortunate that he has not at his command
a more inharmonious prose for the conveyance of his murder-
tidings. The Abbe's enthusiasm is so strong that it frequently
takes him from " the straight and narrow road " ; and his esti-
mate of the character of some of the early Indian tribes should
not be taken without a respectable modicum of suspicion.

Prof. Hubert La Rue has written a series of domestic and
other sketches, wherein one sees the humble lot of the habitant
after the day's toil is ended, and hears the prattle of the little
ones gathered about the parent's knees, as if, indeed, the picture
was not in the imagination, but that he had stretched himself
as the sun went down, before the cottage door, by the waters of
the St. Lawrence.

In his 7Gth year M, Philip Aubert de Gaspd came with
stsady step before the world with his marrowy, warm-blooded
book Les Anciens Caiiadlens, teeming with legends of tho
chivalrous period ; and M. Faucher has delighted a large Cana-
dian circle and not a few readers in France, with the charming
collection of sweet home-portraits of wood and dale, the fire-
side, summer evenings, the field and the garden, and the whole
round of rural spots hallowed by time, and so dear to the habi-
tants, in A la veilUe, contes et rScits. M. Faucher has a riotous,
imagination, and would sometimes seem to have an ambition
to be regarded as a sort of Munchausen.

TnOTJ GUT A ND LITER A TV RE. 439

The story of early Canadian history lias a strong charm for
M. Joseph Marmette, who tells in Hffroisme et Trahison the
thrilling story of the defence of Fort Vercheres by that modern
lioadicea, Mile, de Vercheres, against a band of forty-five In-
dians, with no assistance save her two brothers, boys undca"
twelve, one servant, two cowardly soldiers, an old man of eighty
and some women and children. M. Marmette has evidently
gone back through the years and let a keen-eyed imagination
enter that fort where this brave young girl with flowing hair
and resolute dark eyes fronted the savage foe. This writer
has the gift of the picturesque and a hunger for the horrible.

M. Benjamin Suite has caught the attention of a large and
admiring circle of readers ; and among his contributions to
literature, Au Coin du feu is perhaps the best. He who
loves to escape in the summer-time from the hubbub and
glare of the city, and go out into the great woods where the
calm majesty of nature reigns, will find a fund of delight in
reading Une Chasse tl Vours, and. Le Loup-Garou, the record
of one who has not learnt forest ranging out of books. This
writer is sometimes able to come away from the grotto and the
pine grove, and pencil, with life-like fidelity, an historic scene
of the long-buried past of his country.

To Canadian letters the premature death of Louis P. Tur-
cotte was a serious loss. Still, he has left behind him an im-
perishable contribution in Le Canada sous V Union. M. Tur-
cotte's opinion is that Lord Sydenham, the first governor under
the union, was actuated by a narrow view, being imbued in his
dealings with the French-Canadians by an anglicising and
protestantizing spirit. When writing our own sketch of this
governor, we were unable to turn up all the documents w^e
should like to have seen ; nevertheless, from w^hat we did see,
our conclusion was that Sydenham had a narrow mind, and v/as
capable of becoming a Metcalfe in proper season. But it is al-
most impossible to believe, yet is it not the less true, that M. Tur-
cotte considers that Metcalfe held the balance fairly between all

440 LIFE OF SIR JO UN A. MACDONALD.

parties. It might seem almost as if a portion of the same poison
"vvliich seduced poor old Vigor fmm the path of duty, had in
some manner found its way to the car of the hrilliant young
historian.

Abbd Ferland has put literature likewise in his debt, in the
production of his very clever Ilido'irc da dmada ; not indeed
that we think his book ought to remain " a whole unto itself
alone," but that it contains a vast quantity of material which
some other builder may be able to turn into a more comely
shape. The good abbe has contributed various papers on
literary topics, and once in the summer's heat slipped over to
Labrador, giving some delightful sketches of that dreary land.

A neat little volume Literary Sheaves, recently published by
P. Bender, sums up the current literary work of the French
province in a form that is terse and delightfully readable.

Of the current and late literature of the English provinces,
with three or four exceptions, there is very little to be said.
Mr. McMullen has written a history of Canada for which we
are unable to speak with any degree of respect; and Mr. Withrow
has produced a book also purporting to be a history of Canada,
which is, if possible, a still poorer publication than its negative.*
Mr. Tuttle's ambition also led him in the historical direction;
and he has written a history of Canada in two large volumes.
The first volume is a creditable compilation of others' labours,
is written with some grace, and here and there may be said to
contain passages of much strength ; the second volume speaks
with divers tongues, and reminds one of a large crowd of per-
sons tied together, somehow, by a rope, each one pulling in a di-
rection contrary to his neighbour. It would seem as if each
character, figuring since confederation, in this second part, has
written all that refers to himself ; while the whole has gone to
the public reeking with printer's errors. Dr. Henry H. Miles
has written a history of " Canada under tlie French Regime"

* Withrow 's book is a refurbishment of McMullenV.

TUO UGfiT AND LITER A TUllE. 441

a conscientious cooipilation, exhibiting a (.'oM-hlooded desire to
record facts. StiKleir*} go to this work at) ships go to a wharf
for ballast; it 's a ina^N of unimpeachable record. A remarkable
book in its way is Mr. Robert Christie's HlHtory of the lata
province of Oil i-niiada; in five volumes. It occupies the
place in literature •. aa.'. a variety store does in trade ; is a vast
aggregation of fac^. bundled together, higgledy-piggledy, a
hopeless wilJi/irness of disorder, without even an index to help
the explore/ t rouf^h the labyrinth. Dr. Canitf's Bay Qainfe
is a valuable -joL-ioivn of raw material, also thrown together at
heads and joints, ^ .i, which is nevertheless valuable material
for the future workman. The book deals with the struggles of
the settlers who first came to the shores of Quintd Bay, and
contains some delicious scraps in which you get the perfumu
of the cedar, and hear the whirr of the wild duck's wing. A
very excellent book is Mr. James Hannay's Hlstonj of Acadia,
uhich narrates the story of Acadie during the period of its
O-'cupation by the French, and up to the time of its final sur-
render to England by the treaty of Paris. Everything that
the slop histoi3 is, this book is not, the author accepting little
evidence at second hand, but going direct to the original docu-
ments, containing the vitals of the story. Mr. Hannay's stylo
is limpid, vigorous and chaste ; and here and there, though he
modesvly disclaims in his preface any attempt at fine writing,
he bursts out into passages of genuine eloquence. There is a
passage relating to the drowning of the wicked Charnisay that
we cannot forbear quoting. " In 1650 he was drowned in the
river of Port Royal. Neither history nor tradition gives us
any further particulars of his fate than is contained in these few
words. But if It is true, as some say, that a man who goes down
to death through the dark waters sees before him in an instan-
taneous mental vision a panorama of his whole life, than surely
deep anguish must have smitton the soul of the dying Charni-
say. * * And above the shadowy forms of those whom he had
wronged and murdered, the face of one victim must have im-

442 LIFE OF SIR JO HI' A. MACDONALD.

pressed him with a deeper remorse than aU the rest, I tt of the
heroic, noble and faithful lady La Tour." Mi-, Hannay's vol-
ume is one of the books that deserve to live in our literature.

There have been several histories of Nova Scotia given to the
public, and some of them are said to have had not a little merit.
Colonel Gray's Confederation, so far as it goes, is a valuable
book, but there, is not enough of it. Mr. Nichohv'? Flood Davin,
in the literary firmament, is a very bright star; but he needs
more discipline than he is ever likely to get. The Irishman
in Canada is Mr. Davin's chief literary production, and may
be regarded as one of the most brilliant books that has ap-
peared in Canada. There is much information of historical
value in the volume, and some of the pen-portraits exhibit
a marked capacity for character sketching;, though the very
brilliancy of Mr. Davin's glance sometimes blurs the object h»'
seeks to depict. His style fairly bounds, and there is a contin-
uous ripple of mother-wit, telling allusion and sparkling anoc-
dote along the page, which seem to chatter with you, and keep
you in a si ate of glee as you follow the author in his excur-
sions. JMr. Davin ha.^ contributed some searching papers, with
this saiiKj glittering quality, to the Canadian Monthly, and the
best of tlie number was " Great Speeches," from which, let us
hope Sir Charles Tupper and Mr. Blake derived some profit.

Mr. W, J. Katti'ay is another of the literary guild of which
Canada has reason to be proud ; and the work by which we
know him best is The Sect in British North America. The
book is not complete yet, but the literary |)nblic will not re-
quire guaruatees froia Mr. Rattray as to the quality of that
portion to come with that already published before them. It
is not certain that Mr. Rattray h;vs we Ided himself to the sub-
ject with which he is best fitted to deal, though like the rest of
us who have literary ambitiori, but who lack a private fortune >
he cannot follow his inrlinal ori, h-\\, must address himself to a
special market. If S'.iakespeaio to>K his entire set of plays uj>
and down Toronto to-morroW; he couM not get a publisher

ThOUQRT ANL IVi 'l.TURl \Vi^

to "t tu- ii thp'-i •'' bu if ho inducw'i 'jis stage iT'''n;\i:;t-i v ' wii:
a book f'boit ■ ' Mt diodlsts,'' "'• <■> 5 "Tories/' or the " Ej»i.s-
Cop:'% ';% ui '; ■?•;:!. )eti, ijI' ■. : ''Id " _,jt ^.n " a gooi cooic-
book, there '■ . not a ^' 1 11 ^ ■ i;i i r. Toronto who would not prompt-
ly enter with i, iv vjoo artiJ^j - a pnlaieation. The fault we do
not lay at the door o^ tLa publibiici's, for they cannot be expect-
ed to she , ' a literary ^.liilanthropy at the expense of their poc-
kets. Bv.t t shows that there is something; rotten in Denmark.
A good h >jk ought to fimi a publisher anywhere ; but, notwith-
standing wliat a writer who is not an authority said iiie other
day betw ( t. covers, a good hcok will not be published here un-
less it ap(,;; o ."ome ^ec'ion of the community ; which will
then buy i ' vhe her it i. good or bad. Our own poor effort is
case in point. We have taken the most popular subject in
Canada, Sir .Tohn Macdonald, and we appeal to a great pubhc
party ; so iincial success would be assured to the pub-

lisherj, though we filled every ]iage with garbage ; while had
wo come with a much better hook to IVl r. Rose, or to any other
publisher, which appealed to nobody in particular, he or they
would have been obliged to send us sorrowing away, with
something at least to light our fires. Mr-. Rattray has com-
mand of a vigorous style, and he brings a calm and unbiassed
thoughtfulness to every subject he discusses. But he is not a
pugilist ; if he had a little more of the fighting instinct — for
fight we must, now and again, if we expect to get along
through this world — we sl;ould like him better. But there he
is, the George Arthur wlio never fought, but who had his own
hig] ■ sphere as well as Tom Brown who did ; and we take
^Avc m him as a member of the guild,

A ittle volume lately published in Montreal by Dawson
Brov\ers, entitled A Study of Tennyson's Poem, ' The Princei^s'
by !\ir. S. E. Dawson, we may say is one of the most meritor-
iciii? ">coka ever published in this country. Its tone is cosnu
p<lii.an, exhibiting not a trace of provincialism or Philistinism,
or V ay of < be stale rehash in which so many of our critics deal.

444 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

It is a piece of pure and polished literary workmanship, subtle
•and pointed in its analysis, ardently appreciative, deeply poetic,
and altogether masterly. It quite demolishes a score or more
of blockhead Quarterly Reviewers and other British worthies
who have undertaken to set the " erring steps " of Mr. Tenny-
son aright. The little book has been well received in Eng-
land, though, as a rule, our Canadian press has been as dumb
•as cattle, and has a long article by Ernest Myers devoted to
it in the last number of Macmillan's Magazine.

Mr. Charles Lijidsey has some literary reputation also, but
he earned it when writei-s, like clear land and schoolmasters,
were scarce. His greatest work is The Life and Times of
William Lyon Mackenzie, a book showing much vigour, but
reeking with errors, and written on the bias. He sadly de-
serves a place, however, in our native literary circle. Di*.
Scadding wrote a very gossippy and entertaining book called
Toronto of Old, and he has contributed some very valuable
papers to Mr. G. Mercer Adam's Canada Educational Monthly.
Lieut.-(^olonel Dennison has had some of the sweets of litera-
ture without r.ny of the bictt'i. Tie is not in any sense a lite-
av'-y aiaii, • « Ms History of Cavalry from the Earliest Times,
ici/l' ■■ .-iooni^ for the Fui.i.rc (a fciti*^ \ liich might have been
pl :a,. ^ as " 'T'he Yr/-,r. ir.nl futn'*' of cavalry," instead of using
th<- prucl. \.ation I'l . a of express !0,\) waa '-• work o" ma:h note
i 1 mili-Liy circles. In 1874, tlui Grand Duko Nicholas, of
.Russia, offered three prizes for the t. ^ee best works on the his-
tory of cavaliy Col. Dennison's es.saj was translated into Rus-
sian ; the author visited St. Petersburg, and bore away, above
■aW competitors, the purse of ronoles. Of the many histoies of
(Canada written in English, that by Dr. Archer is incompat'ably
th3 best, though it is evident that the author, in bringing down
his work to the school-house limit, has put it through a vast
oi'deal of iii'Ttilation. Dr. Archer has a style in which there is
A sir gular sweetness, and that charm that is only coexistent
with a deep poetic instinct ; and unlike the most of our other

THOUGHT AND LITERATURE. 445

English historians he has gone to the fountain for the greater
portion of his material. The pity is that Dr. Archer has not
written more ; for he might well contribute that which future-
generations would not let die.

The fame of Dr. Alpheus Todd, C.B., rests upon his writing*
on constitutional subjects. He has written Parliamentary/
Government in England, and Parliamentary Government in
the British Colonies. If the doctors could get the body of Mr.
Todd when he dies, they would, we will wager our reputation,
find stamped upon his heart the words " British North America
Act." Mr. Todd has rendered some valuable assistance, now
and then, no doubt, where complex constitutional points have
arisen, but the question has come to be with him now, not
was this or that right or wrong, for that is of minor conse-
quence, but, " What says the British North America Act ? " The
king in Mr. Todd's eyes can do no wrong, and the British North
America Act must be always right. If an act of parliament,
imperial or subordinate, pinch us in any way, the true course
is to have the cramping clause substituted by what we desire,
instead of seeking consolation by excursions through constitu-
tional graveyards. Mr. Todd's work is the mi'iew of literature.

One of the most assuming of our late historical contributions
is The Last Forty Years, by Mr. John Charles Dent. The bouk
discusses the chief political events since the union of 1841, in
a circumstantial manner, and the writer endeavours to lay the
various sides of the question, under treatment, open to the view
of the reader, in every case, however, closing the exhibition with
his own opinion. The book is valuable cliiefiy because u is a
fairly accurate record of the chief events of the time within its
purview, faithfully recorded in chronological order. There is
not much party bias in the book, though the writer's head " has
a cant " towards government ; and as a rule Mr. Dent's bones
are man-owless, and his blood is cold. To enthusiasm he does
not once rise from the first cover to the last. One might
fancy that he was a fish which had lived under the ice in the

44« LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

Arctic Sea all his life, till captured by the publisher to write
The Last Forty Years. Mr. Dent has Mr ability, much pru-
dence, and a mind and impulse under a state of rigid discip-
line. He is cleverer than several Canadian writers whom we
know, and inferior to many others that v/e have met. He
has not the faintest scintilla of genius ; he nfjver sinks below
<;ommon sense, and never rises to superiority. In his whole
book there is neither a bad nor a good sentence, save where he
describes Mr. W. H. Blake's eyes as assuming " the lurid glare
of forked lightning," and compares the sparkling of Gavazzi's
orbs to the glint of "royal jewels." He is very pedantic here
and there through his book ; and has a way of putting quotation
marks around poor phrases of his own coining. He is usually
correct in his statements, and has no mercy in that cold heart
of his for a brother who makes a slip in recording a date or an
incident ; yet there glares out through his own pages, among
some other inaccuracies, the statement that the present chief
justice (Sir W. J. Ritchie) was one of the confederate delegates
to England, and that Mason and Slidell were taken oft" the Trent
in " mid-ocean." But Mr. Dent' book is a valuable addition to
. our literature ; as is also his ( j,nadian Portrait Gallery, which
contains sketches of our leading Canadian public men.

One of the most delightful books it has been our good for-
tune to read, is Roughiiu/ it in the Biish, a vivid story, told by
Mrs. Susanna Moodie, of the hardships to be endured by the
emigrant who comes from a homv* of refined ease, to grapple
with life in the wild-woods of Canada. We have all of us our
favourite books — those that, read once, leave a clinging remem-
brance J bout the heart that time is unable to efface. So perfect
a picture is Mrs. Moodie's book of the struggles, the hopes, the
dark days, and the sun-spots of that obscure life that fell to her
lot in the forest depths, that its whisperings form a delight-
ful music to the memory. The style is limpid as a running
brook, picturesque, and abounding with touches that show a
keen insight into character, and an accurate observation of

THOUGUT AND LITERATURE. 447

external things. There is no padding or fustian in the book,
and no word is S(iuandered, Mrs, Moodic regarding tlio mission,
of language to be to convey thought, not to be put on a useless
parade. Here is a description of a whirlwind seen near her
vottage, among the stumps, of a sultry summer day : " The ther-
mometer, in the shade, ranged from ninety-six to ninety-eight
degrees, and I gave over my work and I'etired with the little
ones to the coolest part of the house. The young creatures
stretched themselves upon the floor, unable to jump about or play;
the dog lay panting in the shade; the fowls half buried them-
selves in the dust, with open beaks and outstretched wings. . .
I took Donald in my arms, and my eldest boy by the hand, and
walked with them to the brow of the hill, thinking that the air
would be cooler in the shade. In this I was mistaken. The
clouds over our heads hung so low, and the heat was so great,
that I was soon glad to retrace my steps. The moment I turned
round to face the lake I was surprised at the change that had
taken place in the appearance of the heavens. The clouds that
had before lain so still were now in rapid motion, hurrying
and chasing each other round the horizon. It was a strangely
<iwf \1 sight. Before I felt a breath of the mighty blast that
had already burst on the other side of the lake, branches of
trees, leaves and clouds of dust where whirled across the lake,
whose waters rose in long, sharp furrows, fringed with foam,
as if moved in their depths by some unseen but powerful agent.
Panting with terror, I just reached the door of the house as
the hurricane swept up the hill, crushing and overturning
everything in its course. . . . The hurrying clouds gave to
the heavens the appearance of a pointed dome, round which
the lightning pla^-^ed in broad ribbons of fire. The roaring
of thc! thunder, the rushing of the blast, the impetuous
downpouring of the rain and the crash of falling trees were
deafening." A picture like this becomes framed in the mind,
and years will not dim it. Mrs. Moodie, who also wrote other
works of much merit, among which may be mentioned Flora

448 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

Lindsay (\nd Life in the Clearings, is a member of the talented
Strickland family, which, out of six sisters, xurnished five
distinguished writers. Her sister, Mrs. Traill, has been a va-
luable contributor to Canadian literature, her best-known
works being the Backwoods of Canada, and Ramhlings in the
Canadian Forest ; and her brother, Lieut.-Colonel Strickland,
has earned a place in our letters by his work Twenty-seven
Years in Canada West, a record of his own experiences in the
bush, abounding with numerous realistic touches. Among
native authors, a place must be given to Mrs Leprohon, who
contributed so many charming tales to the Garland. Mrs.
Leprohon has a sweet fancy, and a genuine sympathy in every
subject touched by her pen. Ida Beresford is perhaps her
most popular work, though the Manor House of De Villerai
will longest endure, because of those vivid sketches of the man-
ners and customs of the habitants of Lower Canada, which it
contains. The praises of Le Ch'ien d'Or, by Wm. Kirby, have
been sounded by abler pens than ours ; and we have no desire
to detract aught from the fame of this weird story. Mr. Kir-
by's imagination is rich, and sometimes can take on as many
shapes as Proteus himself, now arraying itself in the fantastic,
and again coming in the guise of something so weird as to send
a shiver through the blood ; but he is a poor artist. He is like
a lady with a rich wardrobe, and an ample store of pearls, who
has no taste, and appears in colours and combinations that do
literally commit murder before the eyes of all who see her.
Some interest was excited in literary circles some years ago,
over the clever detection by Mr. G. Mercer Adam, of some petty
larceny by two English novelists, from LeChien d'Or. The
charge of " picking other people's brains," * was intolerable to
the Englishmen, who cabled a denial in very hot language ; but
Mr. Adam, with a calm and dignified mercilessness, substantia-
ted his allegation, and fairly nailed the two authors, as a pair

* Thifl is Prof. Goldwin Smith's expression, and is applied to Bishop Wilberforce
in the inimitable critique in JS^»<«rie/er. /

TJIOUGnT AND LITERATURE. 449

of kites, to the wall, an example for future transgressors. The
greater part of the Popular History of Ireland, by Thomas
D'Arcy McGee was written in C-anada, and may therefore be
lanked among our native literature. It would bo impossible
for McGee to write an unnieritorious thing in seriousness, and
while we have but very little interest in his book, we pay our
tribute to its merit, and to the flashes that gleam over its
pages. It has been the custom to quote Mr. McGee's poetry,
but, as we have seen, while this brilliant Irishman had the poe-
tic instinct, he did not know what poetry was, writing only
brilliant verse, rather than the heaven-given thing itself. One
cannot accomplish one thing, by doing a totally different thing ;
that is to say, the writing of an essay on agrici'.lture will not
accomplish the digging of a turnip patch. The name of Dr.
Grant rings through our literary circles, but this must be rather
by virtue of what the distinguished " principal " is capable of
doing, rather than by what he has done. His chief contribu-
tion to literature, so far, is the book Ocftan to Ocean, which we
have road and re-read, not alone witli delight, but with enthu-
siasm, for it is redolent of the breath of the mountain, the mys-
tery of the wood, and the perfume of wild flowers. It is a sort
of pastoral poem, written in prose, containing a wholesome
spice of the practical with the exuberant and the spiritual.

Among our scientific writers of note may be mentioned pro-
fessor Dawson, whoSe contributions to geology will be im-
perishable ; Sir William Logan, who has laid the same science
under deep obligation ; professor Bailey, whoso whole life is
a series of scientific research, and who has not confined his
splendid talents to the pursuit of geology alone, but to the
elucidation of this and its kindred studies in numerous lectures,
which, while profound are always delightful, and appreciable
even to ordinary understanding ; professor Hind, who loves sci-
ence well, and has made many valuable contributions to its
literature; and professor Macoun, whose explorations in the
north-west, and hip book on that region, published in connec-

450 LIFE OF ISIIi JOHN A. MACDONALD.

tion with Dr. Grant, have brought his fine abilities into notice.
Among our writers on the important subject of forest preserva-
tion and rei)roduction, are Mr. Edward Jack, of New Bruns-
wick, whose efforts have been useless in endeavouring to press
the importance of forestry regulations upon the dull ear of an
apathetic government ; and professor Brown, principal of Guolph
agricultural college, has rendered valuable assistance in the same
direction in Ontario, though Mr. Mowatandhis colleagues are
too much occui)ied with the affairs of faction to pay much at-
tention to what he has written. Several writers have appeared
before the public on religious subjects, but none of their fruits
are wedded to our memory now, save the inimitable translation
of the book of Job, by Bishop Medley, the metropolitan of Canada.
This distinguished divine is the ablest Hebrew scholar in Can-
atla, and his translation of the most difficult and most beauti-
ful book in the bible is unequalled, in the opinion of competent
scholars, by any other translation yet made. The very flavour,
and that delightful poetic fervour, running through the religi-
ous pathos of the original, seem to have been turned, without
diminution or change, into the English equivalent. There is
another writer who employs a quaint style, of much charm, as
if ho had drunk deep draughts of tho old Saxon wells, who now
and again contributes papers on various subjects, trade, litera-
ture, and social improvement, to the daily press ; we refer to
Mr. R. W. Phipps, whose careful thought on all subjects with
which he deals, and felicitous use of imagery fresh from his own
mint, give him a literary standing that may well be envied.
On the important subject of pisciculture Mr. Samuel Wihnot
has contributed much valuable information, and to him and
that excellent magazine, Forest and Stream, the only publica-
tion that we know of which has a department devoted to fish-
culture, the public is under great obligation.
. Mr. Charles Rumball, now a resident of Canada, may be
ranked among our littdrateurs, though his sketchy and gossipy
book, Tlie Pedlar, was printed before he left England. A

THOUGHT Ah'D LITERATURE. 451

Cunstltutional Histovy of Canada, by the lato Mr. Samuel
James Watson is a valuable addition to our constitutional litera-
ture ; and ho who reads it must regret that the author was not
spared to finish his work. Mr. Watson also wrote some very
sweet verse, which this writer should like to see published, as
well as the remainder of the histo'y remaining in manuscript.
Among those who take a foremost place in our realm of
letters, it is not necessary to say, is Mr. George Stewart, Jr..
whose various contributions have so lonjj deliffhted a lartje cir-
cle of readers. Literary honours, upon Mr. Stewart, have fallen
thick and fast. In 187!), he was elected an associate member
of L'Association Litteraire Internationale of Europe, Victor
Hugo, president ; and is the only Canadian that enjoys this dis-
tinction. The other members of the association from this side
of the Atlantic were Longfellow, Emerson, Col. J. W. Higgin-
son, Francis Parkman, and Edward King. In 1881 Mr. Stewart
was elected a member of the Prince Society of Boston ; and is
one of the original twenty members of the English literature
section of the Royal Society of Canada, selected by Lord Lome.
He was subseciuently elected secretary of that section, which
position he now holds. In 1880 he was chosen with Mr.
J. M. Le Moine, as a delegate to represent the Literary and
Historical Society of Quebec, at the American Academy of
Arts and Sciences, held at Boston, Root. C. Winthrop, presi-
dent. He is likewise a corresponding meiaber of the New
Brunswick Historical Society, and first vice-president of the
Literary and Historical Society of Quebec Mr. Stewart's
literary career has been one of unceasing activity, crowned with
success. In Steiuarfs Quarterly, a magazine with a strong
literary sparkle, appeared a number of his earl'e ■ contributions ;
later he was editor of Belford's Magazine. \n Toronto ; and
about this time wrote those entertaining papers of his, known as
"Evenings in the I ibrary." Later still, he been me editor of the
Canadian Month \ and during his occupatic . of the editorial
<jhair contribute J a number of literary pa pert It was then he

452 lAFE OF SIR JOHN A, MACDONALD.

*
wrote the book Ly which he is best known, Canada Under the

Admimsf ration of Earl Du(f'eHn, which brought him into in-
stant repute. Severing his connection with the Montldy, he took
the editorial chair of the Quebec Chronicle, which position he
still holds. But journalism during these years have not won
the tireless activity of Mr. Stewart away from the pursuit ho-
loves. In his lectures on Alcott, Thorcau, Carlyle, Emerson,
and Longfellow (which by the way we would like to see boun<l
up in one volume) he has made an enduring contribution to
literature, by which alone he would be assured the remem-
brance of posterity. Mr. Stewart's style thrills with life, and
he frequently succeeds in getting his images down while they
are at white-heat. The following extract from his tlelightful
lecture on Alcott, the " Concord Mystic," selected at j-andon),
exhibits the ^'itaiity arid the nervousness of Mr. Stewart's
style. It is of Alcott he speaks : "For awhile he supported
himself during he summer months by tilling the soil, and in
the winter tirar he cho[)ped wood. But whether he planted or
reaped in the gars ten, iu jlie tielu, or felled giont trees in
the resounding forest, his fancy still turned to tltoughts of high
rndeavonr, and his el? ^uerf imagination pictured the airiest
A i'^ioiis and tlu, iiosti Jovely of all lovely things. His mind
was full of qrich -coming and beauv,iful creations, and li];e
Wordsworth, like Bryant, like Thoreaii the friend of his youtli,
he listened to the songs which the brooks seemed to sing, tf>
the lays which the birds chanted i^ his ear, and to the hymnal
sounds and roundelays ■'.vhich eclioo.i from th-e dark recesses of
the wild woods he loved so dearly. And again : " He talks on
with the ail of one who might l>e inspired — like a poet who
cannot restrain the utterance of the fanciful things which
strugglt in his mind ; like a romancer who in vain attempts to
call back the escaping children of his brain. His tones are like
the riOt( s of the sweetest music you ever heard. You find
yours<: f going over them softly tc» yourseli". You seem to beat
time, i d as one mellow strain, more delightful, perhaps, than

Til OUGHT ANJJ LI TEE A TUR E. 453

its fellows, floatn through the air, you resign yourself in reck-
less abandon to the intoxicating impulses of the moment ; and
the calm and graceful soliloquy of the speaker still goes on."
Mr. Stewart has now a number of literary irons in the fire.
He is preparing two articles for the Encydopcvdia Britannica,
one on New Brunswick, the other on Nova Scotia ; has com-
pleted a cha))ter of forty pages on Frontenac and his times for
Justin Winsor's " History of America," a book to appear in eight
volumes and promising to be one of the greatest literary pro-
ductions of the ,ige ; and he is collecting material for a history
of the rebellion of 1837-.S8, to be published in the spring of
1884. In all these subjects there is no doubt that Mr. Stewart
will appear at his best, and add more bays to Ms chaplet.

But of all the names mentioned, none there is more deserving
of high and honoured place than that of Mr. G. Mercer Adam,
whose figure we have seen so long in the hand -to-hand struggle
with Philistinism, full of hope, even when all around him was
dark, and cheering the strugglers on. If ever man lived who
loved literature for its own sake,— who has thrown time, and
energy, and talent, gratuitously into a cause that was kicked
and spurned by the coarse heel that was making of letters a
gross sort of comuierce, and a political trade, — then such a one
i.^ Mr. Adam. He was for several years editor of the Canadian
Monthly, and during that time fought the battle nobly, against
tremendous odds, always with a word of cheer to those who
came to him for advice, or with their literary offerings, always
l)rcathing the breath of hope, in his kindly way, into those who
had met with a sneer or a cold rebuff in quarters where letters
not alone received no welcome, but were regarded with hostility.
The Canadian Monthly, as might have been expected, died ; nor
could the warm heart or the competent hand of Mr. Adam avert
the inevitable. The publishers loyally did their part, but the
time came when they saw how useless it was to continue the
struggle, and v/ithdrew their hand. No publication like the
Monthly can live in Canada, unless it have the generous sympa-

464 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

tliy of the press and the co-opei'ation of the literary brotheihooil
of the country. Yvovx the firHt, tlio i\foii(ldy >vas regarded as an
enemy by the Globe, whicli lon{j;od to see it out of the way ; and
was received with an a])athy, worse still than hostility, by the
^fail, which set down all Canadian literature, just then, as
" liog wash ; " though a more enlightened management and a
heart with a warm corner for letters, after doom had cast its
shadow on the struggling magazine, showed akindly spirit and
put out a helping hand. Mr. Adam, however, is not out of har-
ness, but is still helping on the good cause. To the Canada
Educational Monildy, under his editorial control, go many of
tliose who in other days went to the Canadian Monthly with
their literary messages. We have said that to many a one with
a yearning for a place in letters, and the gifts to shine there,
has Mr. Adam lent a kindly hand, and whispered hopes ; what-
ever our own poor meiit may be, and whether we are worthy or
unworthy to appear in the " community of mind," wo liave to ex-
press our sense of undying obligation to J|im for the quickening
he has given to the impulse which led us to venture launching
our barque on the literary sea ; and for kindly words of encour-
agement on first coming to Toronto, a stranger to all, to perse-
vere though we had been assured by the managing editor of a
great paper in the most contemptuous of tones, that " I'o one
could make his salt at literature in Canada." In addition
to being the warm-hearted friend of letters, Mr. Adam is a most
chaBte and graceful writer himself, and his English might well
be regarded aa a model. The Toronto parts of Picturesque Can-
ada, it is new known, have been written by him, as we might
have judged by the terse grace of the style. Let us quote from
one of these parts now lying before us the summing up of his
hopes of what the future of our country promises. He has
made a review of the past : " But a happier star is now in the
ascennant. The ds-ys of colonial pupilage are over; the strifes-
of the cradle-time in the province are gone by ; and it is now
the era of progress and consolidation, of national growth.

TJIOUGTIT AM) UTEJUTriiE. 465

aii<l the fo'inntion of national charactn. . . . Education is
sprcauintf, and its refining inHuonce in cvei'y when operative.
Party and sectarian animosities aie on tJic waiio ; aii<l the in-
Ihience of reason in journalisin and politicf* is assc rting itself.
Let there be but more patriotic- feeding, a fullef national senti-
ment, with a more expressive public spirit, and a better deter-
mined civic life, and the metropolis of the jn'ovince will take
its proper position amoti;^' the various communities of the Do-
minion."

And then wo come to a name that we write down in the
Canadian list •with a thrill of pride. It is no little for us to be
able to boast that the brightest living star of literature is ours,
is in our midst, one of ourselves, sharing in our hopes and our
aspirations, urging us liere, restraining us there, all the while
pointing out to us the honourable and the true, and stimulating
us by the elevating influence of his own example. The ap-
pearance of Professor Goldwin Smith in Canada marked the
beginning of a new era in rational aspiration and literary am-
bition ; and it also called forth in a certain quarter of our press
such an outbreak of ^|V alousy and hate as has never before dis-
graced journalism in this country. Professor Goldwin Smith
came among us with a great name, with unsurpassed talents ;
and no sooner had we heard his voice, than we saw, what we
had already surmised, that ho was at once a liberating and an
elevating force among us ; that he aimed to break the party
fetters that bound the people, and to prepare the way for laying
the foundation of something higher, nobler, and more enduring.
But while to all who longed for the higher and the bettei' he
seemed a deliverer, to others he was an intruder and an enemy ;
because they saw in his presence a menace to their monopoly
of perverted opinion. It is riot pleasant work now to recall the
campaign of malice that the Globe and its accomplices carried
on against this high-minded geiitltman. Seldom has a great
nt'vspaper, indeed, sunk so low; und those who at the first stood
with folded arras while the foul assailants struck, at last grew

4d6 LJPE OF .'III JOHN A. MACDONALD.

aishamed, auil denounced the course of thei»' orga.i, which th'iy
had been led to think could do no wrong with opor and U'l-
nieasured censure. Of course it was inipossibl) or the gentle-
man aspersed t; > retaliate in kind, though sucii dtJercc as he
found compatible with his own senst of hoiu,.,i', juid with the
dignity of journalism, was madi, ' with sucli tr^iiendous
effect, that those who liad to bep.' c . lauiit v>-':l' hus-: occasion
to remember it to their dying dr . ;' at b'-iu'^hout, tie con-
test was as bet we n ..rtillery in v o v- n fi u^ and i, rew of
assassin sharpshooter; ; in an.lus! , Ii- i^ plea, i.ig to ki owthat
if the Glohe is still wed i^d <j f ' le ob : iete trade idols, and is
sometimes sec'i with the mop e^^ u'').; mgto resist the tide of
public opini (u, thai it lights tw o- '^er with a bludgeon, and
that the gei lemdn whom it oii-: . '.:<. an led and reviled, now has
its respect nd admiration : the .gh conviction bounden to
party necessity cannot always agr ;e with unbiassed pinion.
Mr. Smith's pen, immedi" r j!«'' afte;" his arrival, becan)L active in
several influent'a! quarte • , itri'ci.igkey notes, and letting floods
of light, in the -vriter's . a-iv i.lbd manner, upon topics never
before discussed within ;olcni.*M hearing. Every chord touched
was vital, and it is no wonder hat this new teacher, inculcating
lessons of self-reliance, and pointing out that dependence and
inferiority need not be our perpetual portions, unless we willed
it so, at once became the leader of our manly-spirited young
Men, who wanted a guiding star, and longed for some way for
their footstep,"^ besides the 'aditi »nal ruts of party. Several
of his contributions api)ea'.v- in the Nation and the Canadian
Montlibj, while he maintained, concurrently, his connexion
with the leading British aiul American magazines, in which, on
occasion in his masterly style, he discussed several Canadian
questions. But in the beginning of the year 1880, he estab-
lished Tlte Bystander, a monthly iragazine, written entirely by
himself, and containing a current review of all leading politi-
cal, literary, religious, social and scientific events, foreign and
domestic. One of the reasons put forward by the founder for

THOUGHT AND LITERATURE. 467

the establishment of his magazine was that " an English peri-
odical cannot often deal with colonial affairs, and, if it could,
its reflections would call alv^ays for a supplement, and some-
times foi' an antidote. The political ))ress of Europe is under
the special influences of its owr continent; and among these
influences at present iire lassitude and disappointment, the
legacies of revolution, and the cynical scepticism engendced
in all spheres of thought and action l)y the rapid decay of
religious belief. It is not well i/hat the unwholesome dew of
the European reaction should bo distilled without correction
on the fresh character and unblighted hopes of a con^nunity
of the now world." Certainly a most wonderful force in the
community of opinion was this new magazine. It was im-
possible to read its delightful pages from month to month
without standing in positive amazement to reflect on the fer-
tility ( r the writer's mind; and to note that while all impor-
tant current topics were touched, every one was treated with
a master liand. There was no circumlocution and roundabout
irrelevancies, like an explorer poking his way through a thou-
sand miles of unnecessary forest or desert to discover the foun-
tain of a river, but the reviewer, at the first glance, seemed to
look into the very miirrow of his subject, which he dissected and
held up to the gaze of the reader, as if it had cost him but half
an effort. We remember to have read no English author, dead
or living, whti has exhibited tliis faculty to such a marvellous
degree. Wo have so)uetimes read a dissertation from a irreat
writer that might, taken as a whole, have comi)ared with one
of professor (J uldwin Smith's, though we have not, in the works
of any author that we are aware of, since the days of Tacitus
hnnself, the faculty, in the same degree, of flinging out upon
the page terse sentences, made, we <lo really believe, without
eflbrt, pregnant of expression and of subtle suggestion, and
forming, at the same time, a living, moving- picture, as possessed
'»y professor Goldwin Smith ; but not any one that it lias fallen
'0 us to read, has this instinctive iiisight into ever}'^ subject, in

458 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. NACDONALD.

every dopartniont of thouglit. The drauiatic quality that we
soirujtiincs, and not inijjropeily, iriake a siilj)(x;t of worsliip
in the man who can send lii.s intelli^a'iice out oi hiin.self, and
make it enter into the lieart of that which it seeks to portiay
and fashion, from the in.side out, not from the outside in, — that
method whieh Carlyle ol)jur<(ated — as a I'ule, only dis|)lays
itself in conceiving and painting character; but this indefin-
a})le gift professor Ooldwin Smith carries Ijeyond the dramatist's
splicsre, and into universal service. Pei'haps we ought to marvel
less at the man so i-iehly and so singularly gifte<l, than at the
wondrous power wliich is always at his service, that is as some
ministering intelligence wluch comes from wc know not where,
and not at his calling, and whose name is (jf',ii."s. Genius,
whatever that may be, to the very highest degree, and in pro-
fusion, lias he. We cannot define genius, hut m'c can show the
(iifierencc between it and talent. The per ion who possesses
iahiut i.i seldom troubled with " moods " as he writes or reasons ;
but, if his mind be thoroughly (lisci[)lined, he is one who can
tell exactly, on dtie consideration, what he is capable of saying
on any given subject, and the line his thought will take; and
turning in his mind the books he has read, he will, by the same
ditiught-horse force, be able to conjure up cold illustrations,
and as he goes on framing his work, })ick each allusion out of
its own pigeon hole, and set it demurely into its allotted place.
When the speech is made, or the essay read, the ear of the list-
oner may be tingled, his intelligence may be convinced, his
literary sympathies may be delighted, but there is a spot which
such ammunition never touches — the soul of the man. Let the
physiologist not get out his microscope to look at our terms ;
W3 have a certain idea of our own as to what " soul " means,
and any one who can sympathise with the feelings we have as
wo write this, can readily understand us ; and we do not care
how many battalions may come out of the dicti'maries against
us. But the person v»'ho possesses genius — ar>l let us not
startle the reader by telling him that not probably more than

THOUGHT AND lATiaiATURE. 459-

one in every five niillions of tlie sons of men does po.ssess [jenius
— sitting down to write Ids essay, or his critifiue, or to prepare
his speecli, is, so far as the higlier (jualities he is to display in
relation to his suhjeet are concerned, in the hands of a power
whereof lie can predicate r»othing. Just how much he has at
his hand he knows, and its jelation to the suhject he well un-
derstands ; and he may have, or he may not have, all the (juali-
ties possessed by him who has only talent ; ma}' rememl)er
illustiative passages in books, and be able to arrange tliese in
desirable places; l)ut as his work goes on, the''^ tlafdies out of
the abyss that surrounds him — not at his conjuring, neither at
his desire — the voice of an intelligence of which he knows no-
thing, save that it does come without calling, and datlv into
his soul like the lightning out of the womb of night. And for
an example of this, wo take the reader to nearly any page of
The Byalawhr. Sometimes you read along, charmed with the
incisive style, and pei'suaded by its clean-cut, merciless logic ;
but, as in all .such work of the brain, it is oidy the brain that
is so far ajtpealed to ; but suddenly there gleams acros.s the page
a master-stroke that you knew came not to the autlior for the
asking: there is genius. Sometimes, and oftenest, this fla.sh
shoots across the vision, so to speak, in reading the works of
profcssorGoldwinSmith.inthe guise of an e])igramw}iich you are
at once a.ssured was not elaborated in that .shape in the writer's
mind, but was boin there exactly as you see it. Other writers
beat tlieir epigi am out of cold material, and make it under the
.same inspiration, that a blacksmith makes a lionseshoo ; but on
the page it is in the guise of a corpse, a production as much to
be praised as an acrostic, or any other cold-blooded contrivance.
Ml'. Smith's epigram never stalks like a chilling phantom, save
when that gui.se is deliberately intended for its own ])uri)0se, >)Ut
fla.shes a living thing beforeyou.as it was first revealed tohiniself,.
and appealing at once to the understanding and the soul. It i»
scldo.n that the picture and the epigram go together, but in the
writing.s of this gieat author they invariably do, and fre-

4G0 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

quontly, that which is rarer still, the latter includes the former.
Ad<l to this every thou<fht in the writer's miad seeiiis to ally
itself with some figure, by an aillnity as strong and as inevit-
nl)lc as that between the rt.agnet and the iron ; so that a page of
Bjjstander is a series of thoughts expressed through pictures,
that only flash, bat do not exhaust, their signilicance upon you.
Some of Milton's grandest touches have been these vague pic-
tures of grim fires, and God seen hurling liis thund<;rs against
the rebellious ; and this art Mr. Smith possesses to such a de-
gree that he sometimes gives the glim})se of a picture like a
gleam suddenly seen through a rift of cloud, disappearing
again, but which lingers and haunts the memory and the imagi-
nation. Neither is there an English writer, of v/hom we have
any knowledge living or dead, who possessefc in so great a de-
gree that curloHa felicitas of expression, the aptitude for coin-
ing new and telliisg {^hraso that at once reveals itself as a mas-
ter-stroke. We have all heard i»f the trade of picking other
people's pockets, but we never heard literary theft described
as " picking other people's bi'ains," till professor Goldwin Sn\ith
charges Bishop Wilberforce with the practice. But this is oiily
of a piece with hundreds of other phrases not less apt, such as
England " keeping a stopper in the Dardanelles," or tho desciib-
ing of slaughter on .e battle-field as " heroic surgery," True
humour is one of th tests of genius and that quality which
puts error in masqueiade, making to laugh whomsoever looks
upon it. Underlying most of Professor Smith's writings is a
humour powerful and uri obtrusive, that will not unlikely, in
some dissertation on a budget speech, rise to confound and
ovei whelm with provoking drollery the subject under the
vivisdfctionist's knife. Many writers have confuted the asser-
tion that " the British party cabinet is only a committee of
the privy council," but none of them, surely, has ever so effec-
tually done so as in this piquant aiid overwhelming stroke of
humour. " It is a committee of the privy council in the same
sense as a shark is a committee of a nefjro whom he swallows."

THOUGHT AND LITERATURE. 4G1

Or who has ever before seen the effort to combine the Evariffeli-
eals witli the AngHcans in this light ? " At one time the Bishop
[Wilberforce] strove to com'niio the Evangelicals with the An-
glicans in resistance to Rome and Dissent, by superposing upon
Anglicanism the evangelical doctrine of conversion; and his
soul, supposing it to have accepted this combination, v, ould, if
disembodied, have appeared like a man M'ith two coats put on
opposite way?." Turning again to some otlv^r page, we come
upon a pa.is«ge whose lofty grandeur stirs every chord that has
connection with ti o moral nature. See the calm, noble majesty
of this passage iiiken from that incomparal de English classic,
" The Great Duel of the Seventeenth C'entuvy." Gustavus had
fallen bf^fore his hour : " Te Dev.m was sung at Vienna and Ma-
drid, and with good reason. For Vienna and Madrid the death
of (fustavui was better than any victory. For lunnanity, if
the interests of humanity were not those of Vienna and Madrid,
it was worse than any defeat. But for Gustavus himself, was
it good to die glorious, and stainless, but before bis hour ?
Triumph and empire, it is said, might have corrupted the soul
which up to that time had been so pure and i/rue. It was
perhaps well for him tliat he was saved from temptation. A
rleeper morality replies that what was bad for Gustavus' cause
and for his kind, could not be good for Gustavus; and that
whether he were to stand or fall in the hour of temptation, ho
had better have lived his time and done his work. We, with
our small philosophy, can make allowance for the greater
dangers of the higher sphere ; and shall we arrogate to our-
selves a larger judgment and ampler sympathies than we allow
to God ? " This, too, is a fair .sample of the sweet, mellow
cadence of his style; and he always writes in an English as
limpid and pure, to use his own phrase, as " the burn that
runs down a heathery hill-side." For some time Bystander
was suspended, but it has lately been resumed, though as a
(quarterly instead of a monthly. We still could wish to wel-
come ;* as often as before ; but since that is impossible, let us

462 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

be thankful that we have its presence still, four times in the
year; its influence always. The teaching of professor Goldwin
Smith is permeatiiin- the thought of our young country ; and
what a boon is not the fruit of this lipe and excellent judgment,
at the formative period of our national character, when much
of the habit we acquire will prove enduring. The morality of
Bystander is robust and wholesome, and a disinfectant of the
polluted party air about us. Above all, the unwavering adher-
ence to duty, and the high sense of integrity and honour, whicli
characterize his course as the expounder of opinion and the
leader of our domestic press, is, whether unconsciously to our-
selves or not, a constant star that we have now begun to follow,
and whose influence, when the gifted writer is no more, will
still be there, to lead us on to the higher and the better.

It is hardly a compliment to our chapter on. literature to in-
troduce upon the scene the rank and flic of Canadian journal-
ism. The truth is that at the door of the Canadian press rests,
in a great measure, the blame of the failure of domestic liter-
ary eflbrt. The majority of such of our newspapers as have
the greatest control of opinion have regarded native literary
ambition either witli scorn cr hostility ; and where one or other
of these enviable qualities has not been present, the good and
the bad of our home endeavour have met with indirt'orence.
If the press continue in this attitude, then must our literary
guild take the matter in hand. It is perhp.ps not too much to
expect neithot assistance to Canadian talent, nor competent crit-
icism, after the reviev/ we read the other day, in the Mail, of
Browning's latest volume of verse ; and after being told by one
of the barley editors of the Globe in its "Answers to correspon-
dents " that "Tennyson has written a great deal of trash."
We do not suppose that the really talented editor of the Mail,
Mr. Griftin, saw the impertinent and idiotic notice of Browning's
volume, or it would not have gone beyond the fire ; yet is it not
deplorable that such light store fihould be set on the literary
and critical department of a great newspaper like that in ques-

THOUGHT A NJJ LITERA TURE. 463

tion ? Assaults on authors by the Globe have been usually made
with a spade on literary strivers, though under its new man-
agement there is room to hope for better things ; and let us say
that we do not believe that Mr. Houston, himself a finished
^scholar, and deeply interested in questions of Canadian edu-
cation and literature, would pei-init an application of the hoof
to Tennyson. It would be ungenerous and unfair, however, not
to bear tribute to what the Mall has been to literature under
the brilliant editorship of Mr. Griffin, who has not alone high
literary attainments of his own, but is one of the band who
have striven to create a republic of native letters, taking eveiy
opportunity to forward the cause. Yet is the chain of tradition
too strong for the desire even of an able and popular editor ;
for if he gave rein to his inclination, wo suppose he would
soon have in his ears the thunders of an irate directorate. As
tor the Globe, if it is net zealous in helping letters now, it is
neither hostile nor indifferent; though it Avould need to go
long in sackcloth and ashes to atone foi- the past. Under the
management of the elder Brown, the journal was only the min-
ister of the ambitions and the animosities of its owner, and
that owner having no culture himself, had no sympathy for
literature and showed it no kindness. Under the late manage-
ment, its policy was one of tradition and personal hate ; vvhile
litoraiy effort was regarded by it with positive hostility, chiefly
V)ecause the editor had no education, nor any instinct of culture
save what he might have derived from his exchanges. One
newspaper we have, which, without impairing its value to the
" politician," or the " farmer," loses no opportunity to lend a
helping hand to home talent : we refer to the Qu ^bec Ohronide,
under the editorship of Mr. George Stewart, Jr. Since party
tirade in the editorial columns is no more literature than the
broken string of a violin is a hornpipe, wo ought not to discuss
that topic here ; and shall not, save to remark tha*^. party jour-
nalism is on the decline, and the star of the independent press
in the ascendant. Perhaps that which, in the Mail and Globe,

404 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

disgusts us most, is the slavish loyalt}' to the throne and Brit-
ish connexion whicli tliey pour out, whenever the whisper of
Canadian manhood is borne to their ears. Yet we do not be-
lieve that the editors of these papers care three straws for
British connexion ; at least we know the Mail's loyalty has its
price, and just what the figure is, for wlien somebody cried out,
" The N.P. is bad ; it discriminates against English merchan-
dize, and menaces British connexion," that newspaper very
promptly replied, " Then so much the worse for British con-
nexion." And in the very national policj', as in its name, we
unconsciously indicated our views with regard to our obliga-
tions to the parent. " National is, at all events," says B>/-
stunder, " the adjective corresponding to nation ; and if the
treason axe can cut between the adjective and the- substan-
tives, its edges must be very keen." Very keen, truly ! It is
a hopeful sign foi this cause of our hearts, tliat some journals
are springing up amongst us with Canadian independence for
their motto, Mr. W. McLean is one of the young men who has
cast his energies into the struggle, and his journal, the Toronto
World, is a vigorous exponent of the independence view.

Of our native Canadian litterateurs, beyond any comparison
the palm belongs to some of the writers of our song ; yet noth-
ing of Canadian effort has received so chilling a reception as our
home-made verse. Some coarse-minded writer in the Globe
once said that M. Frechette might have a career, but he would
not find it on this continent. Every Saturday the Globe and
Mall each gives three or four columns of literature, embracing
selections frorr. prose authors, interspersed with snatches of
foreign song, a large proportion of which has as much wood as
spirit in its composition. They use translations sometimes of
the most worthless of fugitive French verse ; but never will
print a stanza from the incomparably superior verse of Fre-
chette, who is living amongst us, and whose song is redolent of
our woods and lakes, and of everything Canadian, while suit-
able for all seasons ; and though they cram in sonnets and bits

THOUGHT AND LITERATURE. 463

that have appeared in the corner of some magazine, into the
page, never will they use a line ut our own Roberts, of whom
no doubt some of them have never heard, but whose song is the
equal of Matthew Arnold's, or of Browning's, or of any other
of our great English poets' verse, world-wide too, in its sym-
pathy, and ample enough in its range even for season or festi-
val application. It is our intention now to take a brief review
of our Canadian singers and their important songs, in the order
of their merit.

Beyond any comparison, our greatest Canadian poet — we
have already ranked him with Matthew Arnold, and Browning
— is Mr. Chai'les G. D. Roberts, of Fredericton, New Brunswick.
Besides Mr. Roberts' surpassing gift of song, he is one of the
most accomplished of our native scholars, and the master of a
marrowy delightful prose that is not surpassed by that of any
other Canadian writer. He is a graduate of the university of
New Brunswick, where he took the classical scholarship in his
Freshman year, the alumni gold medal in the junior year, gra-
duating, in 1879, with hoaours in mental and moral science, and
political economy. The f rst volume of Mr. Roberts' verse, Orion,
and Other Poems, Philadelphia, J. B. Lippincott & Co., and dedi-
cated to his father, Rev. G. Goodridge Roberts, M.A., rector of
Fredericton, New Brunswick, appeared in 1880. Of this volume,
says a discriminating critic, in a lengthy and almost rapturous
review, in the New York Independent : " The author has not
i'ushed before the public wjth a great bundle of ail kinds in his
hands, but he has given us a little book of choice things, with
the indifterent things well weeded out. Orion is a poem which
Morris might not disdain, an J which has thi-j advantage over
that poet's treatment of classic themes that it is not dependent
for its interest on a sensuous imagination. * * * Fine as this
is, therti is more as fine in the little book. The ' Ballad of the
Poet's Thought ' is an uncommon piece of work, turaing on a
deep and subtle thought, whicli nothing not akin to go i *s could

raise so high above the commonplace form in which \w) are

;, DD ' , '

466 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

familiar with it. Very dittbrent is the ' Ballad to a Kingfisher/
But how simply and easily in these lines a common theme
grows into a uni(|ue creation — a thing apart, like itself alone '. "
We huve read from time to time a large number of reviews of
this voiumo in the English and American press, and one and
all have liailed in Mr. lloberts the appearance of a poetic star of
the first magnitude : we shall of ourselves now give to such of
our readers as have not seen Orion, a glance into some of the
incomparable beauties of that volume. First let us take hii^
invocation of the Spirit of Song. Surely a grander roll of
music has never come from pen of English poet :

" White as tli : jes blown across the hollow heaven,

Fold on 1 )id thy garment wraps thy shining limbs;
Deep thy g.ii'/ as morning's llamed thro' vapours riven,

Bright thino hair as days th^,t up the ether swims.
Surely I have seen the mnjeaty and wonder,

Eeauty, might and spleudoir of the soul of song ;
Surely I have felt the spell th.vt lifts asunder

Soul from body, when lip,; faint and thought is strong ;
Surely I have heard
The ample sileaoe stirred
By intensest music from no throat of bird : —
Smitten down before thy feet
From the pjtths of heaven sweet,
Lowly I await the soag upon my lips conferred,"

Hero we \xuvq all the strengt' , and the richness, and the sen-
suous music of Swinburne, — not as one picture is painted after
another, but as one strong, grr^nd sou) rosembloi another ; — hero
too, we have confessed to us the faith and the humility of
genius. If, then, we find at the threshold such a glorious out-
burst of song as this, when we get inside we shall not wonder,
while we may be astonished, at what may come. The first and
longest poem in the collection is Orion, whence the volume
takes its name. In the steep -shored Chios, the same island,
shattered with earthquake about three years ago, once lived
the king (Enopion, who had a daughter of wondrous beauty,
named J\"[erope. Orion, ,?, great iiunter, seeing the princess,

THOUGHT AND LITERATURE. 467

became smitten of her wondrous charms, and demanded her
hand of the kin^,' ; but (Knopion, who secretly hated and feared
'the son of three gods," refused the request unless upon the
condition thp.c the suitor should rid his island of wild beasts.
The compact was ratified, and Orion went into the jungle.
The poem opens with a description of tlic island ; and at the
set of sun (Enopion

" Stood praying westward; in his outstrotclied hand
The tjriding knife, well whetted, clothed with dread,"

preparing for a sacrifice. And then came youths, " chosen of
Chios' faii'cst race," bearing the viiitim. But let the reader
hear this description of the intended ofi'ering : —

* * "A tawny wolf,
Blood-stained, fast-bound in pliant withes, fed fat
On many a bleating spoil of careless folds,
Hia red tongue lolling from his fangod jaws,
His eyes inflamod, shrinking with terror and hate,
Ilia writhen sinews strained convulnively."

The high-\ater mark is touched in the three last-quoted lines,
whiL-h. as a piece of description, wo have never seen excelled
in Ensrlish ons;. But while the king offers sacrifice, the hun-
ter, who h.vs been among the mountains destroj'ing the wild
l)casts, returns ; and here is how Mr. Koberts tells of his com-
ing throu;- 1 the golden glow of the sunset, and the mien the
comer wears :

" Meanwhile, from out a neighbouring gorge, which spake
Rough torrent thunders through its cloak of pines,
Along the shore came one wJto seemed to uxar
The grandeur o/ the mountain f''-r a robe,
Tke torrent's strength fur girdle, at. d for crotvn,
' The sea's calm, fur dread fury capable. "

It thrills us, as we make this extract, to think that we have a
native Canadian who can write such verses as these — song that
would add a lustre to any living English poet. More powerful

468 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

lines than these three given in italics we have never anywhere
seen. Yet, in this poem all is of such astonishing merit, that
it is with difficulty we can discriminate in making the ex-
tracts. The hunter now approaches the king, and tells him
tha*". ho has done his best in ridding the island of the beasts
that infested it :

" The inland jungles shall bo vexed no more
With muffled roarings through the cloudy night,
And heavy solashings in the misty pools.
The echo-peopled crags shall howl no more
With hungry yelpings 'mid the hoary firs.
The breeding ewe in the thicket will not wake
With wolves* teeth at her throat, nor drinking bull
Bellow in vain beneath the leopard's paw.
Your maidens will not fear to quit by night
Their cottages, to meet their shepherd lads."

The king received the tidings with feigned gladness, and filled a
cup of sullen wine, in which ho poured a Colchian drug, which
he bade the hunter drink in pledge

" Of those deep draughts for which thou art athirst ; "

and, depu^^ing,

* * "he went
Up from the shore and in among the vines,
Until his mantle gleamed athwart the lanes
Of sunset through the far, gray olive-groves."

The hunter went apart " by the sleepless sea," for the drug
had begun to work its spell, " and his eyes were dim and his
head heavy ; "

" He guesped the traitorous cup, and his great heart
Was hot, his throat was hot ; but heavier grew
His head, and he sank back upon the sand ;
Nor saw the light go out across the sea,
Nor heard the eagle scream among the crags,
Nor stealthy laughter echo np the shore,
- ' Nor the slow ripple break about his feet * * *

The deep-eyed night drew down to comfort him,
And lifted her gi'eat lids and mourned for aim." * * * *

THOUGHT AND LITERATURE. 469

And as ho lay by the shore in the silent night, stealthily out
of the fog appeared the king, accompanied by a torch-bearer,
and poured a burning poison irto the eyes of the sleepy hun-
ter, who knew not his woe till the dawn, when " the maids
beloved of Doris," came out of the sea weeping for the " god-
begotten " and s'.nging upon their lyres, while " their yellow
hair fell round them." The lyrical interlude here is worthy of
quotation in full, but we must tear ourselves away if we would
have the reader see other phases of this gifted writei-'s song.
Following the command of the sea-maids,

" Then get thee up to the hills and thou shalt behold the morning,"

the hunter rises, and groping his way to where

* * "a sound
Of hammers rise behind a jagged cape,"

one comes forth to meet him, " to be to him for eyes," on the
journey to the hills, where the radiance of the morning sun
would restore his sight. And when he reached the top, what a
picture of surpassing loveliness does not the grand imagination
of our author give us : what a scene for the sight of the hun-
ter to whose eyes night had clung because of the treacherous

poison :

• * " All the morning's majesty
And mystery of loveliness lay bare
Before him ; all the limitless blue sea
Brightening with laughter many a league around,
Wind-wrinkled, keel-uncloven, far below ;''...

and here Eos awaited him.

'•' Now Deles lay a great way off, and thither
They two rejoicing went across the sea."

And listen to the bridal following that our poet gives them :

• • " And every being
Of beauty or of mirth left his abode
Under the populous flood and journeyed with them.

470 LIFE OF SIE'JOIIN^A. MACDONALD

Out of their deep green caves the Nereids came
Again to do him honour, . .

With yellow tresses streaming. Triton came
And all his goodly company, with shells
Pink-whorled and purple, many-formed, and made
Tumultous music . . .

• • "And so they reached
Delos and went together hand in hand
Up from the water and their company.
And the green wood received them out of sight. "

So ends the poem, not anything like a just idea of the won-
drous beauty, richness, grace and strength of which wc have
been able to give by these few extracts. We noticed in a
friendly and appreciative critique of this poet lately by a Can-
adian writer the statement that Mr. Roberts is under the influ-
ence of the English lyrical poets. This is not correct. Mr.
Roberi }, who shows not the faintest touch of provincialism,
writes as a master and not tentatively, and while his thought
is in harmony with the modern poetical school, — of Swinburne,
Matthew Arnold, Morris, Rossetti, — there is nowhere a trace
of imitating the manner of any one of these. Mr. Roberts has
a graceful, sustained strength, and a thoroughly classic spirit,
aflame with the old Greek religious fire, that no other living-
poet surpasses ; he has a wealth of language nnd happy epithet
that is unrivalled, and is in lyrical rush and intensity the equal
of Swinburne himself, though he never ran,^ into the riotous-
ness of passion and phrase, and never mars a line or a thought
with a mannerism, as does Swinburno. There is certainly a
striking resemblance between Mr. Roberts and the English
singers who are masters, and who appeal to the wide world, un-
like Cowper who sang only to England. And here comes the
op\ ortunity for us to state in opposition to the opinion of a
writer for whom we have the deepest lespect, and who is the
friend and benefactor of most of our poets and writers, thatCana-
pian poetry should be Canadian wholly in matter, manner, and

TUOUGHT AND LITERATURE. 471

everything else. And why pray should this be so ? The
whole world, surely, is as much open to the Canadian singer as
to writers in Great Britain or anywhere else. Tom Moore
wrote Lallah Rookh, a poem of the East, though an Irishman,
and now Edwin Arnold sings of " The Light of Asia." No one
blames Englishmen for ranging heaven, and earth, and hell for
subjects; and why should wc be re(;[uired lo set a limit to our
soaring, to tie our imagination to one country, a country with
all its glorious 'dawn of promise, still raw, and unfertilized with
the life and death of great names of humanity \ No; we should
be sorry to see the transcendent genius of Mr. Roberts cage
itself within the bounds even of this ample Dominion ; and
though he may find in our wondrous forests, and our rushing
rivcis, as he has found, inspiration, and harmony as high as has
yet been wakened by human hand, yet if he wish to go beyond,
and sing to all quarters of the world a note that posterity will
not let die, as he will, for his seems to be the ambition, and his
power is supereminent, then shall we gladly let him go, bid-
ding him God speed. For whether he win laurels at home, or
in other lands, since he is ours, with him we shall share the
glory.

Let us take a stanza or two from "Ariadne." The classical
story is familiar to the reader, and in brief runs thus : This love-
ly Cretan, who was tlie daughter A Minos, and ardent in her pas-
sion, fell in love with Theseus, who had come with the offerings
of the Athenians for the Minitaur. But the heart of the beau-
tiful stranger was false, and, sickening of his bride, he left her on
the lonely shore of Naxos, and pursued his way. It so happened
that Bacchus, once having occasion to pass along the solitary
strand, saw the maiden as " she lay face downward on the sigh-
ing shore ;" and went away smitten of her loveliness, resolving
to return again to woo her. The maiden saw not her divine
suitor, but still lay cast down where her heartless love had
left her, and " clenched the ooze in mute despair." The poem,
from which we have taken the two last-made extracts, open^

472 LIFE OF Sin JOHN A. MACDONALD.

in the evening, the moon looking " like a ripe pomegranate o'er
the sea." Something the maiden hears in the still, silvery air
makes her start. Let us hear Mr. Roberts :

" A many-throated din came echoing

Over the startled trees confusedly,
From th' inmost mountain folds hurled clamoring
Alon:^ the level shore to droop its wing :

She blindly rose and o'er the moon-tracked sea
Toward Athens stretched her hands : — ' With shouts they bring

Their concjuering chieftain home ; ah me ! ah me ! ' "

And hear too this next not less lovely stanza :

" But clearer camo the music, zephyr-borne.

And turned her yearnings from the over-seas.
Hurtled unmasked o'er glade and belted bourne, —
i)i dinning cymbal, covert-rousing horn.

Soft waxen-pipe, shrill-shouted Evoes :
Then sat she down unheeding and forlorn.
Half d;'eaming of old Cretan melodies."
Anon

* ' The thickets rocked ; the ferns were trampled down ;
The shells and pebbles splashed into the waves ; . .

Tor god Bacchus with his " hoofed sylvans, fauns, and satyrs ""
had come to woo his love :

. . ■ " And straightway by the silver waste of brine
They laid them gently down with gesture mute.

The while he twindd his persuasions fine
And meshed her grief-clipt spirit with his lute.

• . . • • «

And so with silver-linked melodies,

He wooed her till the moon lay pale and low ;

And first she lifted up her dreaming eyes

And dreamed him her old love in fairer guiso ;
And then her soul drew outwards, and a glow

Woko in her blood of pleasure and surprise,
To think it was a god that loved her so."

Hear then this stanza impregnate with that soft, delicate sensu-
ousness to be found alone in Keats, and in that poet only at his

THO UGIIT AND LIT ERA TUR E. 47*

very best, that deep breathing of what mny be called the re-
finement of intense passion, toichod with a master hand. The
maiden's heart becomes at last captive to the god, and she rose

and

" . . Went with him where lonry-dew distils

Through swimming air in odorous mists and showers,
Where music the attentive stillness fills,
And every scent and colour drips and spills

From myriad quivering wings of orchid flowers ;
And there they dwelt deep in the folded hills
Blissfully hunting down the fleet-shod hours."

Let us then go away from classic story with our poet into the
greenwood, and hear him sing of the maple. We make no
apology for quoting in full :

" Oh, tenderly deepen the woodland glooms,

And merrily sway the beeches ;
Breathe delicately the willow blooms,

And the pines rehearse new speeches ;
The elms top.s high till they brush the sky.

Pale catkins the yellow birch launches,
But the tree I love all the greenwood above.

Is the maple of sunny branches.

Let who will sing of the hawthorn in spring,

Or the late-leaved linden in snmmer ;
There's a word may be for the locust tree,

That delicate, strange new-comer ;
But the maple it glows with the tint of the rose

When pale are the spring-time regions,
A nd its toivers of flame from afar proclaim

The advance of ti nter's legions.

And a greener shade there never was made

Than its summer canopy sifted ,
And ranny a day, as beneath it I lay,

Has my memory backward drifted
To a pleasant lane I may walk not again,

Leading over a fresh green hill,
Where a maple stood just clear of the wood —

And oh, to be near it still ! "

We cannot, for our space is growing small, speak the admi-
ration here of which we are so full ; and can call attention to

474 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

those four surpassing lines only by italics. A short quotation
or two must content us from tlie ode " To Winter," a poem
which wo would compare to the Allegro in charming vignette,
and tlie rivulet-Kke lyric-flow. The poet has apostrophized
winter in a succession of master touches, but, turning, chal-
lenges comparison with tlie milder season. Hear these verses :

" But what magic melodies
As ill the bordering realms are throbbing,
Hast thou Winter ? — Licjuid sobbing
Brooks, and brawling waterfalls,
Whose responsive-voiced calls
Clothe with harmony the hills,
CJurgling meadow-threading rills,
Lakelets lispitig, wuveleta lappbuj
Round a flock of tr'dd dnclcs napping,
And the raptiiroas-nited wooings,
And the molten- throated cooings,
Of the amorous multitiides
Flashing through the dusky woods.
When a veering wind hath blown
A glare of sudden daylight down i " »

• • • •

And tuining again to Winter :

" Less the silent sunrise sing
Like a vibrant silver string,
When its prisoned splendours first
O'er the crusted snow-t^elds burst.
But thy days the silence keep.
Save for grosbeak's feeble cheep,
Or for snow-birds busy twitter
When thy breath is very bitter.

So my spirit often acheth
For the melodies it lacketh
'Neath thy sway, or cannot hear
For its mortal cloake'dear.
And full thirstily it longeth
For the beauty that belongeth
To the autumn's ripe fulfilling ; —
Heaped orchan' baskets spilling

TUOUGUT AND LITERATURE. 475

'Neath tho laiightor-shaken trees ;
Fields of bnckwheat full of bees,
Girt with ancient groves of fir
Shod with berried juniper ;
Beech-nuts mid their russet leaves ;
Heavy-headed noddinjj sheaves ;
Clumps of luscious blackberries ;
i'urple-clustered traceries
Of the cottage climbing-vines ;
Scarlet-fruited eglantines;
Maple forests all aflame
When thy sharp-tongued legates came."

Here the reader is no less sensible that a ina,stcr hand is
painting nature, and what is more, making so intensely a Cana-
dian picture that he who has ever seen our fields or wilds in Oie
autumn or winter, at once i-ecognises the portrait, than he
stands to wonder at this very lyrical vuhJi, and the wealth of"
phrase that waits ui)on the warm, rich imagination of tho poet.
And here also he sees, as in the rest of Mr. Roberts' work, the
wrought art the author brings into the service of his verse
highly the complete technical mastery, and the firm grip of
the subject ; and above all the contained enthusiasm and the
well-regulated flow of the thought.

We are sure the reader will not be tired, but rather delighted,
if we make an extract from " Menmon," a poem which tirsu
appeared in Scrihner's magazine. A traveller,

" Weary, forsaken by fair, fickle sleep,"

rises, and as the moon hangs low over the desert, standing
before his tent, is startled to hear an image of stone,

# * ** Prostrate, half on wound
With rod, unstable snnd-wreaths,"

utter words of musical anguish^ ilcmnon was the son of
Tithonus, and Aurora the goddess of the morning. When he
died, the ^Ethiopians or Egyptians over whom he reigned,
erected upon the bleak sand a monument to his memory ; and
this statue, tradition relates, had the wonderful property of

476 LIFE OF Sin JOHN A. MACDOXALD.

uttsriiig a melodious sound ovory day at the rise of the sun,
' like that which is heard at the breaking of the string of a harp
when it is wound up." And the figtn-e was said to be possessed
of all the feeling that belongs to man — to suffer pain, and heat,
and cold, and the tortures of the sand-blast. This is the stoiy
which Mr. Roberts' fervid imagination seizes and shapes into a
thing of Much imperishable beauty. And now

" Faint streaks quietly creep
Up from the east, into the dusky sky ;
Aurora's yellow hair, that up the steep
Streams to the rear of niyht full breezily."

This is the mother of the tortured figure coming. Hear the
son's plaint :

" Sweet mother, stay; thy son require th thee!

All clay the sun, with massive, maddeniny glare.
Beats on my weary brow and tortures me.

All day the pitiless sand-blasta gnaw end wear

Deen furrows in my lidless eyes and bj.re.
All day the palms stand vp and mock at me ;

And drop cool shades over the dead bones there,
And voiceless stones that crave no canopy :
O beautiful mother, stay; 'tis thy son prayeth thee.

Hyenas come and laugh into my eyes ;
Tlie weak bats fret me inith their small, shrill cries.
And toads and lizards crawl in slimy glee.

Oh, dewy-lipped mother, stay; thy son desireth thee."

And this surelj'' may pass for a stanza not excelled in our
literature :

" Soon will for me the many-spangled night

Rise, and reel round, and tremble toward the verge;
Soon will the sacred Ibis her weird flight
■^ Wing from the fens where shore and river merge,

jv'i With long-drawn sobbings of the reed-choked siin/e. \
The scant-voiced ghosts, in wavering revelry

■^-~^— — '-'"- For Thebes' dead glory, gibber a fitful dirge; ,_ —

Would thou wert here, mother, to bid them flee!

O beautiful mother, hear; thy chained son calleth thee." —

THOUGHT AND UTEHATURE. 477

We have made the italics occurring in these extracts ; for again
we cannot wait to say what our entliusiaHin suggests, of the
verses so marked. At one other of Mr. Rohcrts' poems we can
only glance before closing our review, and that " OfT Pelorus,''
which does not appear in the volume before us, but which we
find in a number of the Canadian Mont/di/, under Mr. G.
Mercer Adam's editorship. This poem is founded on one of the
incidents in the wanderings of Ulysses. After the return of the
king from the shades, he sojourned on Circe's island ; and when
he again set forth, he had to pass by the strait of Scylla and
Charybdis, where the sirens sang their luring songs. These
were Circe's words of warning to the reckless prince in Pope's
mechanical strains :

..." Where sirens dwell you plough the seas
Their song is death and makes destruction please."

As for you, said the goddess to the king, I know your love
for me will be proof against the witching music of the sirens ;
but stuff your rowers' ears with wax, lest the songs might over-
come them. See that before you reach the charmed coast,
your rowers bind you to the mast. Ulysses then set out,
and submitted to the instructions of the goddess. The poem
•opens off T*"lorus, the cape named from the pilot of Annibal.
The sea is drowsy, the sirens sing, the rowers labour at the oar,
the king is bound to the mast :

'S3

" Crimson swima the sunset over far Pelorus ;

Burning crimson tops its frowing crest of pine,
Purple sleeps the shore and Hoats the wave before us
Eachwhere from the Otarstroke eddying warm like wine."

Let us read en. Circe's precautions were not ample ; for what
the rowers see intoxicate them :

" Soundless foams the creamy violet wake behind us ;

We but sec the creaking of the laboured oar ;

We have stopped our ears — mad were we not to blind us,
-— r Lest with eyes grown drunken sail we hence no more." """""

4T8 LIFE OF SIR JOlfN A. MACDONALD.

The sirons lived on this enchanted cmst ; and while their
Hon^' took captive tlie ear, the hixurioiisness of their aUode
intoxicated the eye. How n)ntchle.ssly Mr. Holierts ha.s f^'rasped
the .spirit of the legend and \n rought it into a picture niovini>-
with life. Hear thi« stanza, and i;ay if even Mr. Robert.s may
not be proud oF it :

" Idly took wo thought for still our eyei betray us.—

Lo ! tho white limbed mnida with beckoning arms divine,
Throhh\n(j bout mm bare, loosed fuiir, soft hands to day us,
Throats athrob with sony across the charniiif brine,"

And here also is a matchless .stanza :

" See tho king he hearke''^:, -hears thoir son^ — strains forward, —
As some mountair. snake attends the shepherd's reed ;
Now with urgent hands he bids us turn us shori'ward : —
Bond the groaning oar now, give the king no heed ! "

How admirably does not the movement of the first line pic-
ture the action of the mountain snake in the second ver.se on
hearing the shepherd's pipe, — moving in jtiks. It is the com-
munity of thought and feeling among ihe rowers we receive
so far. This, after Mr. Roberts' skilful and harmoidous weav-
ing, is the song of the luiing charmers on tlie shore. They
reach out their " beckoning arms divine," as they sing it — luid
imagine such a song floating across that gorgeous summer sea :

" Much enduring wanderer, honey-tongued come nigher,
Wisest ruler, bane of Ilion's lofty walls ;
Hear strange wisdom to thine uttermost desire,
Whatsoe'rin all the fruitful eart'\ Ijofalls."

A siren truly might not have been ashamed of such verses.
The song be "ilders the poor king, and he struggles to free him-
self from the taast. Then the rowers tell us :

-— << go ^g j.|ng p twain and make hjs bonds securer ;-- "^—

S uthes .v.M startled sen now from the surging blade,

—^—— Li'!i;>8 the dark ship for / aa wv v^ith hearts grown surer, —

• • ■* Eyes Averse and war-vorn face^ made afraid,,

TllOVnilT AND UTFMATVRE. 470

O'or tho waste ftfid warm roaches drive our prow Hoa-cloaving

I'ast the luring death, into the folding uighf : -
Homo shall hold us yet — and cease our wives froia grieving —

Safe from st(jrm, and toil, and Hame, and clanj^ing light."

Surely now it is plain to all who have followed us that a singer
has risen in Canada of whom any nation, or M\y literature,
might be proud. I^et us with such glorion ^ vo; fo as this hear
no more of " hog wash," or bo told again thai, " native litjv-
ary fruit is wrapped yet in the future." Space forbade us to
show our reader any til in.^ of " A Blue Blossom," the " Kpi.stle to
Bliss Carman," the " Ode to Drowsihood," tho latter perha]is
containing a subtler and intenser note than any other poem in
tho boek,"One Night," "A Ballad of Three Mistresses," "Launco-
lot and the Four Queens," " Sappho," " Ballad of the Poet's
Thought," and various other delighiiul things. We have been
a close student for many years of our mo lern English singers,
and wo now say without fijar of refutation that we have in Mr.
Roberts a poet who has a note as int(mse, as sweet, as high and
as varied as any singer in tho British choir. In strength ho
is fully the equal ot Browning ; and in lyrical flow and j)a.ssion,
— his fire is not a spluttering blaze, but a sober, intense-
glow — he is not surpassed by Swinburne. Sometimes we find
that " lyrical cry," that sad sweet note that marks such poems,
as " Marguerite " and " The Forsaken Merman " of Matthew
Arnold ; while in the curious felicity of expression, such as
" gossiping grass " for an expanse of sedges and weeds fretted
by tho wind, the " ivlmiovjlwj soft gray wings of marsh owls ''
&c., he is not surpassed, if equalled, by any of our modern
poets. How Mr. Roberts would adorn one of our university
chairs of English literature ! Surely, if his seivicos a\e avail-
able, Trinity, which has wakened from her sleep and feels a new
life and jr-ipulse in licr veins, and decided to endow a literature
chair, might seek hi^ services. He wo'dd, \v. such a place, dra v
all the aspiring and better ones among our young men around
him; or might not our more comprehensive institution, Un^-

430 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

vevbity College, add to its excellent faculty this adorning star
of native talent, this example of Canadian possibility 1

We may observe that the genius possessed by Mr. Roberts
extends to his sister Miss Jane E, G. Roberts, and we judge
by contributions of hers we have seen in the Canadian
Monthly and the Illustrated Canadian News, verse, though the
product of a young lady only sixteen, which is not unwortliy
of Jean Ingclow, and equalling Mrs. Ilenians at the lattor's
very best. When the next reviewer of our literature takes up
the pen. Miss Roberts, we doubt not, will be a poetic star on
which the eyes of no small portion of our people will be turned.

Next in order of meiit as a Canadian poet we take M. Louis
Honoi'c Frechette to whom the exclusive doors of the Institute
of France were opened, and from which he bore away the lau -
rels above all the brilliant writers of the nation for Les Fleurs
Boreales, and Lea Oiseaux de Nelge. M. Frechette's writings
reveal a depth of poetic instinct, a soaring and exuberant ima-
gination ; while he brings to his aid a style so graceful and ar-
tistic that his very excellences in this respect are sometimes
accounted a fault. It is certainly true that the thought of this
brilliant singer is sometimes frivolous, and decked out in quite
too gaudy a dress ; but this fault forms but a rare exception to
a rule of high excellence. We have chosen La Lihevte as the
best representative of M. Frechette's intensity of feeling, his
subtle quality, and his gift of luxurious imagery. We give
this poem in the original :

" Enfant naif, j'ai mis ma l^vre avide

Aux cbupes d'or d'enivrantes amours.
Helas ! ma soif n'a trouvd que du vide,

Et la tristesse a plane sur mes jours. ,

Quand les mondains promiinent k la ronde

Le tourbillon de leur folle gaiety,
Reveur, je songe ^ I'avenir du moade ;

Je n'ai plus qu'un amour, c'est pour la Libert^ !

THOUGHT AND LITERATURE. 4Sl

II.

" J'ai tout chant(^ ; la jeunesse fri''ole,

L'amitie sainte, et mes rt-ves aimoo,
Les fleurs des champs et la brise qui vole,

L'etoile blonde et les bois parfumes.
Mais le couur change, et notre ume s'emousse

Au froid contact de 'a realito' ;
Et maintenant, comnie les nids de la mousse,

Je n'ai plus qu'un refrain, c'est pour la Liberte !

III.

" De saints espoirs, ma pauvre time a'inonde,

Et men regard monte vers le ciel bleu,
Quand j'aperoois dans les fastes du monde,

Comme un e'clair, briller le doigt de Dieu.
Mais qyielquefois, incline sur le gouffre

Oil rhomme rampe Ji rimmortalite,
En contemplant I'humanite qui souffre,

Si je prie, en pleurant, c'est pour la Liberte ! "

We have been fortunate in finding a masterly translation of
this poem in the Quebec Chronicle, by our Eiiglish-Canadian
poet, Mr. Roberts, which, besides giving the flavour of the
original, is a delightful bit of work in itself. But let the reader
compa.re and judge. He will see that while Mr. Roberts does
not adhere to a literal rendering, he has melted the French
poem down in his brain, and given it to us instinct with a now
life exactly like the original.

" A child, I have set the thirsting of my mouth

To the gold chalices of loves that craze.
Surely, alas! 1 have found therein but drouth,

Surely has sadness darkened o'er my days.
While worldlings chase each other madly round

Their giddy track of frivolous gayety,
Dreamer, my dream earth's utmost longings bound:

One love alone is mine — my love is Liberty,

II.

" I have sung them all: — Youth's lightsomenesa that fleet",
Pure friendship, my most fondly cherished dreams,
EE

482 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MaCDONALD.

Wild blossoms and the winds that steal their sweets,
Wood-odour?, and the star that whitely gleams.

But our hearts change; the spirit dulls its edge
In the chill contact with reality; —

These vanished, like the foam bells in the sedj^c:
I sing one burden now — my song is Liberty,

III.

" I drench my spirit in ecstasy, consoled.

And my gaze trembler towards the azure arc,
When in the wide world-records I behold

Flame like a meteor God's finger thro' tho dark.
But if, at times, bowed over the abyss

Wherein man crawls toward immortality,
Beholding here how sore his suffering is,

I make my prayer with tears — it is for Liberty. "

In commenting upon this translation, Mr. Roberts says : " In
the above lines, which are a feeble attempt to fix in English
verse some fragment of the imperishable beauty of M. Fre-
chette's poem. La Liberie, I have been willing in one or two
instances to make a sacrifice of verbal fidelity for the sake of
a closer approach to the spirit and motive of the original. I
have not dreamed of a possibility of doing justice to this poem ;
I have merely sought to render a faint copy of its grace and
its splendid lyric fervour. In some of M. Frechette's lines, as,

for instance,

' ' — * incline sur le gouffre
Oil I'homme rampe A I'immortalit^ ' —

exist that perfect fitness of expression, that note of calm power,
of serious and profound compassion, which may be looked for in
the work of the finest genius only. The untranslatable and
inimitable quality in verges of Francois Villon —

' Ainsi le bi i temps regrettons
Entre nouj, pauvres vieilles sottes,' —

m passages of Keats, and in some of Shakespeare's and of Ro-

: jciS .sonnets, may be perceived also, here and there, in the

best of M. Frechette's lyrics ; but it is so subtle a flavour as

THOUGHT AND LITERATURE. 483

to bear no handling. My hope is that the above paraphrasie
may retain sufficient likeness to its original to tempt more
English readers to seek aequai stance with M. Frechette's
genius at first hand."

Charles Heavysege, among our native poets, let us see
next. His chief work is, "Saul: a drama, in three parts;
Boston: Fields, Osgood &: Co., 1869." Saul is the most notable
production, in the way of dramatic verse, that Canada has
produced, by very long odds, and is ' work of which we may
well be proud. It displays a vast range of vigorous thought
and imagination, with dramatic insight and originality. The
blank verse is strong and flexible, though sometimes harsh and
unpolished, and the language Is quaint, striking and suggestive.
Some of Malzah's demon songs are wonderful, for the manner
in which they hold one, through all their demoniacal grotesque-
ness and wildness of fancy. The vocabulary is closel}'^ studied
from the Elizabethans. Heavysege also wrote Jephtha's Daugh-
ter, a work immeasurably inferior to Saul, and some sonnets,
which, while possessing passages of imaginative insight and
eloquent utterance, are apt to fall into turgidity and bombast.
His genius, if justice is to be done it, must be judged only after
careful consideration of his masterpiece, Saul.

In point of merit a very high place should be given to Mr.
Charles Pelham Mulvany, who comes here, too, with other
poetic laurels than those won in Canada. Heavysege and Mrs.
Maclean who come nearest to him are only a distant second.
He is the only one of those two mentioned of whom we may
unquestioningly predicate genius; a wild and erratic genius
perhaps, but genuine. He is the only one, too, of these who has
gained an entree into European poetical society ; because he
writes as a master, not tentatively. He is unaffected with the
taint of provincialism, the only one of our poets, Koberts ex-
cepted, who is. His " Messalina," " In Nero's Gardens," and
" Theodora," are dramatic lyrics of wonderful power of penetra-
tion, displaying an accurate comprehension of the tone, temper

484 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

and atmosphere of the times in whnh their scenes are laid.
Their descriptions have the exact flavour of Imperial Rome, in
its earlier and later days, and prove the widest familiarity with
post-Augustan Latin literature. But one o" two ox contem-
porary poets could have produced them — Browning perhaps, or
Dante Rossetti. They combine what are so difficult well to
combine — draTnatic force and lijric fire. Air. Mulvany is a
lyrical artist. He is capable of an exquisite and unerring
note, though this he does not always attain, by any means. He
has no rival in Canada as a writer of keen, witty, polished, yet
pathetic vers de societe'. He has short fugitive poems with the
flavour and grace of Heine, and finely original. Such a lyric
as " Some one Comes," proves the master's hand undisputably ;
containing as it does deep passion, bitter yearning, music of
utterance, and what Matthew Arnold calls " the lyrical cry."
Witness these verses : —

" I am Love, whom years that vanish

Still shall find the same'"
Still ! as when in Southern sunshine

First the phantom came ?
With a fond word, long unspoken —

A forgotten name !

" I am Death, I only offer

Peace — the long day done.
Follow me into the darkness" —

Welcome ! Friend, lead on —
Only spare my dog ; let something

Grieve when I am gone !"

Mr. Mulvany is one of the very few poets who can wield
successfully the hexameter line. His translations in hexame-
ter verse from the Iliad and the ^Eneid are masterly, both for
their faithful rendering cf the original and for the beauty and
sweetness of the language. He has done but little in sonnet-
writing, but that little is of rare value. " Troy Was " may
well stand for perfect sonnet ; and that one commencing, "
weary current of life's languid tide" is only second to it. Mr.

THOUGHT AND LITERATURE. 485

Mulvany's Latin verses, by the metrical skill and the fine
Latinity displayed, prove not only his broad culture, and his
familiarity with that language in its classic purity antl ele-
gance, but also his intimate acquaintance with the curious
monastic poetry of the middle ages. Some of his poems, how-
ever, are not up to the mark in polish. He is capable of
exquisite finish, but does not always give it us. Sometimes,
too, lie is guilty of very bad rhymes ; and in several of his
poems both motive and method undergo a complete revolution
before the poem reaches its completion. These are faults of
carelessness, and cannot be excused.

Mrs. Kate Seymour Maclean is equal to Mulvany in original
inspiration, perhaps, and also in depth of feeUng, and sensitive-
ness to rhythm and music. Her poems possess the singing
quality, the haunting lilt, more uniformly than do Mulvany's,
but she is not by any means the literary artist that he is.
She is far inferior to him in strength and dramatic insight, in
accuracy and wealth of culture, and in all technical qualifica-
tions. Her work neither calls for nor will bear such close
study as Mulvany's. It will always be more popular, but
never of one-tenth part the value of his to the poet, the stu-
dent, or the man of letters. Her work does not escape the
influence of provincialism as wholly as his verse does. But
she possesses the singing voice, and the seeing eye ; her poetry
is true to nature and the human heart. She has a vast com-
mand of pathos ; her feeling is simple, direct and healthy ;
and her whole tendency if. sweet and natural. She has also at
her command a ringing tr.^mpet note, and some of her verse is
markedly sonorous and inspiriting. The " Burial of the Scout"
is in all respects a powerful poem, imaginative, touching, and
virile in its strength :

"Along the reody marge of the dim lake

I hear the gathering horsemen of the North ;
The cavalry of night and tempest wake, —
Blowing keen bugles as they issue forth
To guard hif homeward march in frost and cold, a thousand spear-
_„ men bold,"

480 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

This poem calls to mind tlmt of Mrs. Homan'.s on the " Land-
ing of the Pilgrim Fathers," which it equals for eloquence,
while far surpassing it in poetic feeling and roach of imagina-
tion. There have been some very beautiful Easter poems writ-
ten in America, by Mrs. Thaxter and others, hni Mrs. Maclean's
" Marguerite " stands easily at the head of them all. Then
wliat a deep utterance is " The Voice of Many Waters," the
music and language of which are great: —

" But I hear thy voice at midiiighi., .-imitiug the awful silence
With the 'ong suspiration of the ^mn suppressed ;
And all Iho blue lagoons, and all the lid.ening islands
Shuddering have heard, and locked thy seen t in their breast ! "

Mrs. Maclean's volume is entitled The Coming of the Princess,
from the initial poem, which is not one of her best, though con-
taining some imaginative passages. The general tone of the
author seems to savour of half-realized republicanism, which
perhaps accounts for some lack of inspiration on this subject
which should be of such supreme and engrossing importance tO'
every loyal Canadian heart. Mrs. Maclean's admirable little
volume is badly disfiguied in spots by hopeless rhymes, and
lines that refuse to be scanned. She makes " chrism " rhyme
with "arisen," " speed " with " feed3," and has other slips which
are hard to account for among so much work that is often
artistically and skilfully wrought.

Mr. John Reade's work will offend the reader's taste even
more rarely than it will carry him away with enthusiastic
delight. Mr. Reade's muse Is chaste, quiet, discreet, and some-
what reserved. Such verse always gives pleasure, but is not
likely to compel admirat; Dn. It will always command re-
spect ; and at times the reader pauses to admire the scholarly
taste exercised in the com] osition of these poems — the wealth
of dainty and sweet fancy, a 'id the extent of restrained feeling
lying under the serenely di[rufied calm of this language. But
occasionally the singing impulse gets its way, and a musical
and tender lyric such as " Sing me the songs I love," is the

THO V GH T AND LI TER A T UR E. 487

result; — a song whose sweet cadence and tender depth ji[rows
upon one while it is as <lelightful to the artist as to the lay
reader. Or we luve a graceful lil-tle thing, simple, delicate and
unstrained, such as " Apollo dropt a seed of song ; " or an out-
burst of fluent and luxurious melody (reminding us of some of
Moore's best work), in the lines,

" Thalatta ! Thalatta ! "
*' In my ear is the moan of the pines — in my heart is tlie song of the

sea," —

* * * * #

II.

■' From the rock where I stand to the sun is a pathway <jf sapphire and
gold,

Like a waif of those Patinian visions that rapt the lone seer of old, — "

******

III.

'•' Westward ho ! Far away to the East is a cottage that looks to the

shore —
Though each drop in the sea were a tear, as it was I can see it no more;
For th<^ heart of its pride with the flowers of the ' Vale of the Shadow'

reclines,
And — hushed is the song of the sea and hioarse is the moan of its pines. "

" The Prophecy of Merlin," is a specimen of creditable blank
verse, generally fluent and musical, and clear in expression; but
its subject is merely laudation of Prince Arthur, which might
have been quite as successfully accomplished without all the
elaborate preliminaries ; while there is nothing in the poem to
leave a lasting impression upon the mind. One simply feels
after perusing it, that he has not been offended by awkward or
ungrammatical writing, and is content to refrain from a s3eond
reading. "Balaam" is a much more n.eritorious poem, con-
taining many strong and vividly imagined passages, carefully
wrought out, with an effective and rememberable ending. It
is a dignified and stately poem. Mr. Reade's work, altogether,
is lacking in originality to some degree, has no strong lyric rush,

488 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

fails to impress or move one potently ; but it is earnest, cultured,
sweet, clear-cut, contemplative. These (pialities show to beat
advantage in the sonnets, of which Mr. Reade has given us
several. For general evenness of merit, thoughtfulness, inge-
nuity of fancy, and well-balanced expression, these sonnets
will stand as Mr. Ileade's best work ; and they entitle him to the
po.sition of our leading sonnetteer. One or two others may have
reached higher ground than Mr. Reade in an individual sonnet
or so, but the uniform high quality of the latter's, leaves his
title to superiority unquestioned.

Miss Agnes M. Machar, is a clever, thoroughly educated,
cultured writer, w!io now and again writes thoughtful and
suggestive poems in periodicals. Sho has not published in
book form, therefore it would not be fair to judge her work
conclusively. But to decide from fragments, her work is quite
out of sympathy with the modern school, and with modern
feeling. She points most of her poems with a moral, which,
howevei-, Ib alv/ays well put and forcible. Her verse is medi-
tative and pleasing, rather than strikingly individualistic-
But she is a thinker, has something to say, and her work will
always repay perusal. Some time ago, there appeared in Scrib-
ners Magazine, a poem )f hers on the " Whip-poor-will," which
revealed a power of lyitc speech and a command of haunting
cadences hardly to have been expected from her other work.
Miss Machar writes under the nom de -pluine of " Fidelis."

John Hunter-Duvar is a Prince Edward Island dramatic
poet. He has published " The Enamorado," a clever but un-
even piece of work founded on a mediieval Spanish tale of chi-
valry. Like Hcavysage, Mr. Hunter-Duvar gets his vocabulary
largely from Shakespeare. " The Enamorado," necessarily by
its subject, and also by reason of the author's manner of treat-
ment, is lighter and more airy than " Saul." It displays less
dramati, insight and power of analysis, and less rugged
strengtij than the latter poem, which is distinctly a greater and
more notable work. But Mr. Hunter-Duvar is a finer and

THOUGIir AND LITER ATiltK. 480

truer poet than Heavysege; liis inind is richer stocked and
mellower, his iinagination more sensuous, his colouring warmei',
his music more alluring. This drama contains niany brilliant
and poetical massages, much sharp dialogue, and a vast deal of
wit and flashing fancy. Some of the repartee is admirable. It
abounds with puns and quaint conceits, after later Elizabethan
fashion, and the personages pelt each other with similes unin-
termittingly. This has the flavour of the olden days :

D^ErcUla. " Is the Queen stirring > "

Maziui. " Nay, how should 1 know / I am not the king ;

But an' thou ask vi& I should aay, ' not so I '

My lady stirs not lest she shanie the sun ;

The dew I see, but not her dewr eyes ;

K > breath but zephyr's brea^^Vi nia'tes balin the air ;

I only hear the bird's awakening note ;

And, therefore, I should si.y my lady stirs act."

The clown in this play is a witty uud discerning fuol, and
never oflPends by quitting his absurdity, c en when delivering
himself of the wisest matter. To his query : — " Perpeml, —
what is a queen ?"

Sancho replies profoundly — " A queen is — a queen I "

And thus the clown :

" A quean with a peacock's tall. One that with the rosy nail of her little fore-
finger points you— Fellow ! do thia,— and when 'tis done looks blank beyond and sees
you not."

And acrain —

'tn"

Clown :— •" Dids't ever see a pearl, Master Sancho ? "

Sancho : — "Aye, and an oyster too. Why our Clara is called the pearl of "

Clown :—" Pur-r-r-r — aroynt the man I Sir, oyster is a creature given us for
our good, and pearl be but oyster scab. A pearl doth not walk abroad and wear
farthingales. A pearl doth not say to me this blessed Mary morning : ' Knave,
thou art foul, avoid me, thou smellest of stables.'

From all which it may be observed that Messir Clown is very
democratic.

At the close of the drama, when the Clown is in the Church
of St. Catherine where the hero, Mizias, the Enamorado, is

400 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACUONALD.

buried, and where tombs areallabout, Nuguo, the faithful vak't
of Mazias, says: —

" Tri'iul lovpreiitly, jfood "lown. There lien my inaHtor. A l»etter, kindt'r. tuiver,
a-o-pla^'ue on't there muHt be oniona in the air." [WeepN.]

VVheicupoii the Clown renuirks seiitentiously : —

" In the luidHt of death wu an- in life, luul HhoiiUI be thankful for it."

Mr. Hunter-Duvar can also write a very exijuisite lyric, full
of passion and verve. The pity is that he has not given uh
more ol" his song; but let the tbllowing ([notations provi- that
he has the true tire. Mazias, standing at his [)rison window,
thus bleaks out into verse :--

" The arching nky is brijfht, the »cent of flowew
Stealii like an inoenHu tliroiiKli ni.v jiriHon bars,
Yet feel I \w\ tiie bree/.e, nor know it there
.Save for a little Hhudder of the leaven.
Anear, still life, but in the middle diHtance
Are cattle feeding' underneath tall tree. ;
While, like li;,dit feathcrH, in the leafy wcreen
Are CI rls of blue that tell of cottage fireH.
A brave back-ground of mountains, grand sierras
That wear for half the year their hoods of snow
hut now are rosy-tipped with purple shadows.
The genius of tlie place is satisfying.
Yet, somehow, hangs a glo'jni around my heart,
A sense of coming ill, -a shifting cloud.
Now dark and thick througli which im ray may pierc^^
Now lighteinng till half the stars look througli, -
'.fi . ■ They say such feelings come with creejiing chill

; When steps are passing o'er your unknown grave.

Va I banish such slim weakness, Mazias I
Even as a lift-nlnfe fettered to the wall
'^i'M' . Will shui a HoiHj of freedom, and <tt once

•*1' - . tlis shackles fall, —lU} luimer walls hold in,

, W . But he is far away among green fiields

. ; . i,. ■ ., With those he loved when his seared life ivut young ;

'* ■ ,So I, who prisoned am with double bond

(Jf fettered heart that love hath chafed and worn
And iron bars between me and the sun, . . ,

Will slip the chain of doleful circumstance

And bask in the impossible iind gone ' ' - ■-•'

Of love recjuited for a love bestowed. — - f ; ^ -"-'!: — '^---^
[Singf.] .. : .

" Fly out, O rosy banner, on the breeze !

TIlOVdllT AND UTEIiATUliK. 4t»l

I . C'lmth, limbic, in iv toinpi-iit wild itiul free !

King out, () bcilM, above the wuviiig treeH !
Sliino HUH, t'lirtli sinilc, jiml iidd tliy vi)i<!e O Hoa !--
My liuly- liidy Ihvom iiic I "

This |»lay contains other lyrics even excellinj,' this is beauty
and hixuriance. John Hunter-Diivar is a true j)oet and a facile-
witted dramatist. His worst fault, perhaps, is an occasional
stiffness, caused by an over-abundance of archaic phrase and
words; and, more rarely, a slip-shod structure of blank verse.
His best dialo^me is in prose. His blank verso is not flexible
and varied enoiigh, as a whole, for his thou<,dit; and is, at its
best, a monologue of a lofty or contemplative cast. But ho
never .swells into bombast or turgid raving. Ho has a delicate
feeling for external nature.

Among the French-Canadian poets, besides M. Frechette, may
be mentioned the late M. Octave Crdmazie. The verses of this
writer sometimes display grander idea and a stronger lyrical
flow than those of the " laureate," but his art is far inferior to
that of the latter. His muse, however, is only a colonist, and
a mere French-Canadian colonist at that. lie has no sympathy
for anything out of liis own latitude and longitude, under which
conditions it is almost a marvel that he is not a mere musical
wind-spout. He actually does sing notes of genuine sweetness,
and instinct witli the true poetic Are, though in the scale against
a Roberts, he is as a Lilijjut soldier to the king of Brobdingnag-
Neither is he, though some of his confreres seem to think other*
wise, the equal of Frechette; but he does sometimes displajt.
a loftier imagery, and sing a more bugle-like note than the lat-^
ter. M. LeMay has been expending his soul on a tender string y •
which breathes some mellow music betimes, through which you \
frequently catch the undertone of passion. Sentiment on i \.
small scale, his little sweet loving, and his ex([uisite polish
and gi'ace, keep this poet happy, nc doubt, and delight his
friends ; but he will hardly be quoted a thousand years from
now. Of M. Suite we have alreadv made mention, as one of
oar prose benefactors. In the literary sphere, this author is a.'*

4(»2 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALV.

jnc\ of-all-tnidos, nil artust ii none. l[o writes some «x-
oellunt voim-, but it is mero poOtical raw material, tho author
l)cing too iinpulsive and too impiti 'lit to j^'ivc hucU polish as
the thouj^ht deserves. Ilis phrase, tlioii^h brilliant, is often
uncoutli; and his inia<,'inati in. while rich and daring, is often
An errant star that leads, lo man can .say whither.

The Mimlon of Lore, nnd Other Poemn is the name of a vol-
ume recently publisliod by Hunter, Rose & Company, Toronto.
The writer uses the pretty tiom de plume " Caris Siina," but
we have penetrated tlit disguise, and ttnd^,that the fair author
is Miss C. Mountcastle, of Clinton, Ontario. Wo confess tliat
we are a good deal interested in this volume, though it is as a
gaiden in which there are several unseemly weeds growing side
by side with a number of delightful flowers. We do not find
Miss Mountcastle devoid of talent, of exceeding cleverness, or
<if the possession of a genuine note of song ; but her discrimina-
tion is not good, or she never would luive let that thing about
the oarsman Hanlan, whether written well or ill, — which would
not be here or there, — appear among her verses. It is bad
enough that brat-racers and horse-racers are to furnish food
to the public through the newspapers, but at all events let
us keep them out of our works of literature. Tlie place for the
proff,-)si( nal ' .culler" or the racing horse is the pool, and he
nevvj- should be brought in the sight of anybody except those
who trade in his speed. In some other respects, too, but no-
where to the extent mentioned, has the author sinned, in using
indifferent matter; — having said all of which, we are over our
little fit of temper, and gladly point out two or three of Miss
Mountcastle's many sweet and delightful verses. In " The Voice
of the Waters " is a wild wealth of imagination, a flowing music,
a profusion of epithet, and a boundless command of rhyme.
Here are three lovely lines, spoken by Strathallan to his love
Eleila:

' ' 'Neath the headland, my love, where the white gulls are flocking,
My boat on the wave of dark Huron is rocking,
And waiting for thee."'

Tiio van r a nd liter a ture. 4i)a

IUm'c i.s a l)it of clever verse:

♦ ♦ " Oh, merciful Heaven,
How womon lUtcoivH,

With thuir diiaplin^ aiul nniiling, and oruel ccxiuetting,
Tho wiles of tho enomy, Sattui, abetting ;
With a hunrt like ii Htuno in u fiiir gilded setting.
O — fool ! to boliuvo

In the shallow all'oction thi\( womon profess,
Or hoed thu soft glanoon or tund r caress I
I'm sick of buliovinK in anyiltinK iiunian,
And tender and boantiful; 'specially woman."

In " (jlinipses of Inner Life" occur her liest vor-ses, and here
are two which no livinjj; poet might be aslianiod to acknow-
ledge :

" There lingers around thee, my darling, yet,

The perfume sweet of the mignonette;

And still, with thu faintest of carmine streak,

Doth tho wild rose blossom upon thy cheek."

And what a delightful stanza tliis is :

" My lore, my darling I my pale,fUi) moon
That lights, though distant, my lifo's dark noon,
With memory's biit.,htnes8 my sad heart filJ,
Sweet jiower of the i>ildwood, be with m,e.itUl."

We have put these two lii.j in italics, because tliey seem to-
us to contain the genuine jk <

We must close with thos :m o stanzas from " A Retrospec-
tion." They arc worthy o Irs. Henians, and are cf^ual to the
best verses of that poet :

" In tho long pat' (^aya of my childhood,
I sat at a cottage door ;
And saw with a childish rapture
The 8unli^j;ht t^lint or. the tloor ;

And over the hilia and the moadows, ,

" ' And fretted through beech- wood grcve

Where thrushes and lobins were siiging

-- ■ ' ' "• •; ' Their wonderful tales of K)ve,

494 LIFE OF SIR JO UN A. MACDONALD,

" And I watched the cumulus cloudlets

Piled, and like mountains riven,
And mvch I marvelled if that nxi.-i thf. road

That people walked up tii heaven.
The ascent for a space seemed easy,

And then came a step so high,
I never could hope to climb up it

Without I had wings to tly."

Again we have put in italics those two delightful linos on
the last quoted stanza. We should like to see this author less
sparing in weeding out the inditi'ereni lines from her poems ;
we should like to see hor keep a greater control over the in-
strument, to hold in, if that expression may be allowed us, and
give more attention to finish, while not permitting any verse to
go from her hands that has a weak spot. These are not vital
shortcomings, but are essential to her art; and a less rigid dis-
cipline is unw<>ftliy of her deeply passionate imagination, and
wealth of ver~;o. Miss Mountcastlo is an acquisition to our
choir ; she sin^fs a genuine note, but must learn to confine her
great abilihes to subjects worthy of her pen.

The arduous duties of journalism prevent Mr. Martin
J. Griffin from devoting his talents more to contributions to
endurin;; literature. A daily ntjwspaper is a vast absorbent,
sapping out of the most exhaustless mind all its freshness,
mellowness, and flavour ; yet the journalist ought not to forget
that what he writes from day to day is only an evanescent
food, looked at, thrown aside, and seldom remembered again ;
while a work of literature, if containing merit, will endure, and
instruct, and make better generations yet unborn. This is
how, when we are departi.ig; we can

. . " leave behind us
Footprints on the sands of time."

But Mr. Griffin contributed to the last Christmas number of
the Mail a poem addressed to Oliver Wendell Holmes, so

THO U GUT A ND LITER A TURE. 496

swinging, airy and free, that we give one or two of the
stanzas :

" And so he's taken leave at length

Of college grave and students antic,
To spend his last remaining days

In writing papers for th' ' Atlantic I '
His last / — his best ! go to ! ye knaves,

That say our poet's getting oldish,
Do ye fiiid weakness in the rvaves 1
D^ye think the sun a little coldish."

There is in this the lilt and swing of Gerald (Jriftin at his
best ; while the lines in italics are altogether masterpieces of
cleverness. Here is a rominisconce of the buried past; and
Mr. Griflin touches the chord with a feeling hand : —

'* Or friends might re id with eyes half dim

And hearts with time grown rather mellow,
And reading, calJ, ' A health to him.

He wasn't halt <* baddish fellow I
We knew him once — 'twas years ago,

When we were yonng and flowers were springing ;
We saw him daily come and go.

And heard and praised his simple singing,'

" ' 'Twas, how the pine woods ivhispered sweet
Their secrets to the wanderinj oceaii,
And how the surges murmured meet
Responses to the deep emotion. ' "

The music in these lines marked is harp-like and striking,
and the sentiment is pleasing. It is not too much to hope
that Mr. Griffin will be able to steal away sometimes from the
turmoil of journalism, and contribute from the fulness of his
fine talents something to our store of native letters.

In the Gancidian Monthly a number of writers, many of
whom deserved encouragement, appeared from time to time.
We cannot wait now to refer at length to " Seranus " whom
we understand to be Mrs. J. F. Harrison, of Ottawa, who some-

496 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

times wrote fragments instinct with intense passion and a depth
of melody. Another valued contributor to the Monthly was
Mr. J. G. Bourinot, B.A., clerk of the house of commons, Ottawa.
Mr. Bourinot's contributions to literature have been valuable in
their way, especially his pamphlet on the intellectual develop-
ment of the Canadian people. Mr. Davin lately set his lance
against Mr. Bourinot's English, but Mr. Davin's English is not
any better than Mr. Bourinot's, however many other charming
(jualities it may possess. Mr. W. D. Le Sueur also contri-
buted a number of subtle and searching papers to the Monthly
for the publication of which the blockhead editor of a religious
paper charged the editor, Mr. Adam, with leanings to agnosti-
cism. Among our younger writers who show decided promise
may be mentioned Mr. Archibald Lampman, B.A., of Toronto ;
and Mr. J. A. Ritchie, of Ottawa. We have seen in Our Con-
tinenty in the Canadian Monthly and elsewhere verses of there
young gentlemen that justify us in predicting brilliant things
of their future. Mr. Lampman has an exquisite touch, and has
already written some lines of the very highest merit. Mr.
Ritchie has awakened from the strings of his instrument, a
soft, mellow music, that is large with promise of admirable
things.

In nearly every school-book we find something from Mr.
Sangster, which is given as a sample of " good Canadian poetry;"
but any of this writer's verse tha b we have read, and we think
we have seen it all, was not wor.h a brass farthing. His npine
only appears here that he may not be confounded with our
Canadian poe^8.

And now while on this subject let us say that as well may
we hope for " roses in December, ice in June," as to look for a
literature without a nationality. But in the awakening of
that national life for which we yearn, we may count on a
creative period in our literature ; for the time when our young
nation will ]3ut on the intellectual blossoms o" 'cmance and
song. Somt) of those who, while believing that the days of

THOUGHT AND LITERATURE. 497

subordination and inferiority ought soon to coinc to an end,
still shrink timidly back into their shell, when asked to take
up the question of our disenthralnient practically, on the
ground that our confederation is yet only a tiny thing, that wo
would be *as a waif among the nations, forget that at the date
of confederation the joint population of our ])rovinces was
greater than that of any one, of fJnrtij-aeven J'Jaropean (Sov-
ereign States, and that at this day our population exceeds that
of either Portugal, Switzerland, Denmark, Saxony, Greece, or
Holland, more than doubling that of Dt'nmark, ani more than
trebling that of Holland. They have forgotten, too, that the
star of empire is moving in our direction ; that we have open
doors facing towards the emigrant of all quarters of the globe ;
that wo have to the west of us half a continent of wheat land,
capahle of sustaining ninety millions of people ; that already
railroads have thrown this unrivalled territory, open to the
husbandman ; that every ship that crosses the ocear is laden
with human freight for our new country ; that our western
cities are expanding by strides, an<I that capital, intelligence,
and enterprise are coming from all quarters of the civilized
world to cast in their lot with us. Neither are we like the
Irishman or the Russian unfit to take the supreme government
into our own hands ; for a beneficent educational system has
been for many years shedding its light among us, that now, the
intellectual condition of the mass of our people is far higher
than that of England herself, or of any other European state.
That a change must soon come in our political status, no one
whose opinion is of any value will now deny ; and to the spec-
ulating mind one of three courses will be open : Federation
with the empire, a scheme which is the birth of a disordered
poetic .^agination ; annexation with the United States — a pro-
posal for which we have not the remotest sympathy, and which,
we believe, would be unwelcome to the people, but which is
infinitely preferable to that disordered plagiarism of Mr, Justin

McCarth}'^ " the plan of a general federation " — and Canadian
FF

498 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

Independence. We need not repeat what we have expressed
■so often, that for this latter scheine are we heart and soul ; that
no other change will satisfy the manly, yearning spirit of our
young Canadians ; and that it is our duty now to bestir our-
selves, to organize, and to tire not uor rest till our Colonial-
ism shall have become a thing of the past, and our Canada
stand robust, and pure, and manly, and intelligent, among the
nations of the earth. But we must awake from our sordid
ignominy, our cowardly sloth ; unless, indeed, the chains befit
us, and we are happy in the bondage. If we be, then liberty
is an impertinence upon our lips, and the rights of free-born
citizenship a boon of which we are not worthy. If we be, then
is it the duty of our press and our public men to stifle the im-
pulse of manhood, till, coiling the chain about us, we lie down
in our dishonoured rest.

"Freeman he is not, but slave,

Who (stands not out on my side ;
His own hand hollows his grave,
Nor strength is in me to save ^

Where strength is none to abide.

Time shall tread on his name

That was written for honour of old,
Who hath taken a change for fame
Dust, and silver, and shame.

Ashes, and iron, and gold."

>■■■,.

CHAPTER XXIV.

SIR JOHN AT HOME — LADY MACDONALD.

rpHE career of a man who figures in high pubHc station is
X hke unto the passage of a boat down a stream whose course
lies through the rough way and the smooth: now he loiters
along through the rolling prairie, again he plunges through
M'ikl mountain-chasms, where sometimes the frail toy that car-
ries him is swallowed up ; or we see him in the boiling surge,
his eye bright-calm, his nerves tense and sure, as with steady
arm he steers triumphantly through the danger: yet again,
looking, we behold his boat enter some low, misty land through
which they say only those men wander who do dark-mysterious
things ; but the little barque can tarry not, for it is bounden to
the motion of the flood, which is borne on the never-ceasing
wheels of time, till at last the passage is made, and, as the sun^
goes down, the voyager reaches the arms of the haven, the
wide -spreading, tranquil sea.* We have followed Sir John

* The following -ire some of the measures of legislation accomplished by the Right
Hon. gentleman since entering public life: — The secularization of the clergy re-
serves ; the improvement of the criminal laws ; the promotion of public instruc-
tion ; the consolidation of the statutes ; the extension of the municipal system ; the
leorganization of the militia ; settlement of the seat of Government question ; the
establishment of direct steam mail communication with Europe ; the establishment
of additional penitentiaries, criminal lunatic asylums and reformatory prisons, and
providing for the inspection thereof : the providing for the internal economy of the
House of Commons ; the reorganization of the Civil Service on a permament basis ;
the construction of the Intercolonial Railway ; the enlargement of the canals ; the
enactment of a stringent election law ; the ratification of the Washington Treaty :
the confederation of B.N. A. ; the extension and consolidation of the Dominion;
the adoption of a National Policy, and a measure for the construction of the Canada
Pacific Railway .

499

600 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

Mactlonald down the .stream, and we believe he has done his
(hity. On some trivial occasionn his course may not have re-
commended itself to our judgment ; but oven these incidents
wo have had the disadvantage of viewing from distant groimd,
and might, on a close examination, find that it is we who wore
ujistaken. Party being unfortunately the Canadian vehicle of
government, our statesmen arc all, more or less, bondsmen to
the system ; and even that writer of history who sits down to
his task with the desire of discovering shortcomings in the
record of Sir John Macdonald will find, when his work is done,
that he is able only to make an array of such transgiessions
as are sanctioned by party morality, not fewer, neither more
heinous, than those to be laid at the threshold of any of his
contemporaries, domestic or foreign. But if he set himself to
follow the record in cold blood, and to do his duty, he would
find that the influence of Sir John Macdonald's career upon the
political life of the country, and upon public opinion, has been
greater and better, and of a nature that will pi'ove more endur-
ing, than that of any other Canadian statesman, whether dead
or living. That Sir John is a party ist it would be no use to
deny ; but there is no man in this country who more abhors
the tyranny of party than he ; and it is only a few days ago
"since he declared that the usefulness of that journal was gone
which had not an independent intelligence of its own, and
which became the mere organ of a doctrine or of a party of
men. Sir John has always, and to a far greater extent than
%ve could wish, sought to instil a feeling of loyalty among Can-
adians to the British empire ; but he has also, more than any
other Canadian statesman, taught us the duty of loyalty to
ourselves. His doctrine seems to us to have been like this : My
great wish is that Canada shall remain an ally of Great Britain,
and I desire to see the same sentiment among our people ; hut
to our own selves we must he true. We should be loyal to Great
Britain ; we must be loyal to Canada. Once, indeed, he char-
acterized a scheme of Mr. Blake's, of which we do not disap-

SIR JOHN AT HOME— LADY MACDONALD. 501

prove, as " veiled treason " — though had it been veiled treason
that would not have given it less value — hut this was only
ji platform small-arm ; he has taught us the adjective national,
and he has given us a national policy. Nay, more than this
when he believed that policy to be for Canada's best interests
— and his opponents cried out that it would endanger British
<ionnection, — a newspaper, voicing his sentiments, replied, "Tlien
HO much the worse for British connexion." It is notorious that
Sir John is ten times more popular with the young men than
either his late or his present rival ; and the explanation of this
is : the policy of Canadian loyalty to Canadian interests which
he has adopted. Both Messrs. Blake and Mackenzie have shown
deep concern in the welfare of their country, but it was a cold-
blooded interest, an instinct arising from an intellectual sense
of duty, with as much warmth of impulse as a sheriff might
feel in whipping a malefactor at the post. In a country like
this, too, where the tendency is to carry political malevolence
from the platform to the fire-side, the influence of Sir John
has been good. He has dealt hard blows to opponents, but he
puts no poison upor his blade ; and some of those who have
not been able to agree with the public policy of the right hon.
gentleman, and who have given him hard thrusts — which have
been repaid with " usury thereto " — are his warmest personal
friends. Among his own colleagues, his voice is a pervading
harmony ; and we have the testimony of those who have sat
with him, that sometimes, on his leaving the scene, the instru-
iiment has become jangled and o'lt of tune, till his hand has
again touched the strings and renewed the concord. The keen-
est listener at the keyhole or the windows of Sir John's council
chamber hears not the faintest note of discord, though some-
times we have seen the door open, and a colleague come out
who has never gone in again : the very " taking off" has been
•effected not alone with absolute secrecy, but positive harmony.
The same great newspaper that has likened Sir John's surpass-
ing gift of leadership to the feat of the Hindoo juggler in

502 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

keeping a half-dozon bulls in the air at once.as much comprehends
that power of subtle tact by which a miiid understanding
human nature rules through that knowledge, as its founder
knew of any way to manage a party except to drive it. Sir
John's rule has not been a regime of driving and the whip, but
one of Ivadiwj and good-will.

Sir John is scarcely less effective on the platform than \n
the council, though he is not a great orator ; ^et his speeches
have a strong appealing note, a flavour and a 'onquering sym-
pathy only found in a man of marked individuality; but this-
subtle quality does not bear handling, and ^ives no evidence of
itself in his printed addresses. The passionate outbursts of
O'Connell, instinct with the fire of personality, and thosa
weirdly fascinating utterances of Shiel, are pa uded upon the
page before us like corpses, with no more glow thnn one of the
insufferably eloquent, searching, and philosophic*! fluxes of
Burke, But the undefinable quality by which tho speaker is
able to gauge the intellectual and emotional capacity of his
audience, to keep his hand upon its pulse as he speaks, and tO'
sway it at his pleasure, Sir John possesses in a degrc;; sujierior
to that of any living statesman. Sometimes, by a i'f^n'^iar
word or two, you see him levelling distinctions between him-
self and the audience, as the clouds scattered when Ariel
raised his wand ; you observe that one and all, the farmer, the
labourer, the mechanic, feel that they and the prime-minister
are assembled thorc on a common mission — the prime-minister
only happens to he prime minister, and speaking then ; any one
else, also, might have been — the / is lost in the ive ; yet by little
stages we observe that the crowd is led to see that the speaker
is the man v:ho is doing their work the best. He makes nO'
reservations, and never sets up the barrier of ice between the
prime-minister and the crowd. Neither does he pose as a per-
fect man and an infallible politician, but as Lord Jol.n Russell
did in his " Recollections," tells them that in his public course
his footsteps here and there have erred, but that he has striven

SIR JOHN AT I/OME—LADY MACDONALD. mw

to ilo his duty. Sir John has a fund of Innnoroiis anecdote
and joko which ho uses in his speeches, and liis liearers look for
these flashes even throu«^h his treatment of a Boundary Award
or a trade ([uestlon ; but, with one firm step, still with the
smile upon his face and the twinkle in his eye, you see him rise
to the <,'round of di<,milied seriousness, and you listen to some
broad principle laid down in clear, torse language, and argued
in a style incisive and logical. Yet we know how diffictdt it is
to rise from levity to seriousness, and he who can do so with-
out sacrifice of dignity, reveals that which claims a respect too
<leep to be shaken by the flashy foibl'.'s of a speech. Sheridan
usually carried "pickled puns" in his pocket to the house of
commons; but at last he found, to his horror, that he had raised
a ghost which he could not put to rest ; — that his audience had
refused to consider liim in earnest, even in his most serious
and sententious moods. Sydney Smith was often a paragon of
cold, penetrating sense and dignity; yet he had got the repu-
tation of a humourist, and when he sought to be most serious
had the mortification of finding that his hearers wore preparing
to laugh, under the impression that he was elaborating a joke.
Once while he said grace at a very solemn dinner, a young lady
burst out laughing.

If you enter the house of commons and the premier be there,
you will be likely to see him sitting at his desk, one leg crossed
over the other, frequently his head resting on his hand. He
does not fall into that clammy torpitude as if he were a coiled
snake, as did Mr. Disraeli ; neither does he sit there his heart
upon his sleeve, and a cloud of daw^s [jecking at it, but with eyes
and ears open to see and hear all going on ; never taking even
an unkindly thrust to heart, but playfully overwhelming some
sententious labourer with a flash of repartee, good-naturedly
but decisively and with dignity correcting some garbler of fact,
or chatting in open-hearted and jolly friendliness with a knot
of his followei-s. Some members like Darby Griffith, have a
faculty for asking troublesome, and sometimes even imper-

r»04 LIFE OF SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD.

tinont rjuostions. Darliy ono day so ])rovoko(l tliu luinistcis Ity
Mcekin*,' for fHcts vvhicli ho liad no ri^^lit to know, that Disiiieli
wlio sat then at one of the treasury benches, uncoiled and com-
ing toliis feet complimented tlie hon. member on tin; })Ossession
of "a luminous intellect; " then sat down. Mr. Gladstone is
kept in a perpetual hot l»ath by mendxirs asking (piestions ;
and sometimes delivers himself of a proclamation where yes or
no would be .sufficient. Sir Jolin's way of dealing with the
smell-fun<'us mendjei's is nmch like Disraeli's; if he can irive
the information he either simply gives it, or tells them it will
be brought down ; or, if ^ , deem tliat they ought not to have
it, then without any qualu.s, and with a pregnant brevity tells
them so ; even though some of his own valued supporteis be
among the enquirers. Never does that matchless tact seem to
fail him. There is no use in denying that Mr. Blake is a dan-
gerous opponent ; and that Ids view of ([uestions of law and
fact are, in the main, almost ceitain to be right ; and this Sir
John cheerfully recognises, though taking the record the opinion
of the conservative chief has, on matters of precedence, and on
constitutional and other questions, been far less often astray
than the leader of the opposition. But should Sir John or one of
his colleagues or supportei's have a bill or a resolution before
the house, and Mr. Blake called attention to any bad feature,
or offered a substitution that Sir John believed to be an im-
provement, the latter has invariably adopted the suggestion
with cheerfulness, and courteously acknowledged its value. In
like manner, too, has he given, the benefit of his best thought
to the framing of the supreme court act and other measures,
while ioiader of the opposition. Sir John seldom makes a long
speech, and apart altogether from the magnetism of his ad-
dresses, the house, for this reason, would be prej)ared to hear
him when he rises. Long speeches have become an intolerable
nuisance in the house of commons, especially the outpourings of
members who have nothing original to say, but who are merely
reiterating the opinions of speakers who have gone before them.

SlJt JOHN AT IIOMK LADV MACVONALD. r,((r»

In nil his relations, oithcrwith opponents or (iifferinfjf frionda,
Sir John is conciliatory ; hut he never recorles from a position
the tenahility of which ho has assured himself. His intellect is
clear and rohust, and lie has an eye to detect error in an oppo-
nent's )»osition, lurk where it may. His speeches, as a rule, may
1)0 re<.,'ardcd as models of clear, pure, ineisiv(i Kn^dish, in which,
as we have seen, there is to he found the flash of wit, and an .
under current of stron}^ humour ; while sometimes there darts
out a keen sting of sarcasm, or a shaft of scorn. His sword fre-
(piently cuts deep, Imt it cuts clean ; he is rarely severe, and
never shows any malice or coarseness in attack. It has heen
sai<l, and truly, "If Sir John make a statement of puhlic policy,
then you may know he is etpinl to the occasion." And if the
<lifHculty in his way grow into a crisis, then is he, too, able to
ri.se and grapple with it at the climax.

Sir John luis heen twice married, first to his cousin Isabella
Clark, in September, 1848, and by whom ho had two children
John Alexander, who was born in 1847 and died the following
year, ami Hugh John, who was born in Marcli, 18o0, and is still
living. His first wife died in 1857. He married again in
1807, his present wife, Susan Agnes, daughter of the late Hon.
T. J. Bernard, a member of Her Majesty's privy council of
the Island of Jamaica. In 1805 he received the degree (hon-
orary) of D. C. L., from Oxford University, and is also LL.D.
of Queen's University, Kingston, and a 1). C. L., of the Uni-
versity of Trinity College, Toronto. In July 1807, he wfis
created a K. C. B. (civil) by Her Majesty ; and in 1872, wns
created a knight grand cross of the royal order of Isdhcl de
Catolica of Spain. In the ^'^me year he was nominated a
member of Her Majesty's privy council ; and was sworn a
privy councillor, in August, 1879. Sir John's residence is Sta-
dacona Hall, Ottawa ; Stadacona Club, Kingston, and the Ri-
deau and Yacht Clubs. In private life Sir John has his circle
of waim admirers as well as at the public board. He is frank
and genial by temperament, kind and courteous in his social

50(1 mn OF SIR joiir a. macdonald.

relations, "a very prince," says n (listin^ui.shcd ^niost once at
liis liotiHc, and a warm adnurcr, "at liis own hoard. " Tlmt
witinini,' ^'raco of nianiicr whifli tho.so who do not know hia
think lie wt'urs for political pu. [uvscs in puMic lifi-, shines ou
still more bri<,ditly in tho domost". and social .sphere ; that it i
really impossible lo know Sii .'ohn at tho fireside or tht
Ifoard, and not to love him. Th ^ poet is not always ri<^ht, t'cr
thus he sings :

" Ho who aacumlB to iio\intaiii fops shall find
Tho loftiest peaks mott wrap ' dotidn and snow ;
Ifo who siirpasBCo or subdue;, i vnkind,
Mtist look dowi >n the liate c 'i'i3ii ))ul(>w.
Though high >iho'i: the nun cj' tjlow

And fur beneath i le oar'.l vnc' w a.. ' npread,
Round him are ii y roti- id ! muly ]. w
Convnnillng tomptiti f.'i )■ .1 niii.'od head,
And thus n ,vard tho toil to whi ih those sum.jii l. . ."

Sir Jol;n has reached this country the iM i id that

a Canadian son may c' -b, bu ' ' does n ' tl s lofty

peak " wrapt in clouds v J sno , ^ rather wari:ii I ^;' the strong
devotion and affection of a band of friends w»i > udmire him
no lesd for tho j rare ;i^)iiities which make hi' " i e greatest
statesman on the Amc' 'can continent,* than r \ »oso large-
.souled and sterling personal qualities which hav m nd men
to him as with hoops of steel. When not receiving ''liends at
dinner or in some other social way, Sir John is to be found in
his little library attending to public business, or reading
until very late at night. He reads with great rapidity. The
range of his reading is very extensive and varied ; this may
be really said to form his only reci'cation. In conversa-
tion he is brilliant and entertaining, and as several with
whom he exchanges hospitalities ditter from him in poli-
tics, his convei'sation on public questions is tolerant, airy,
and good-natured. Mr. Goldwin Smith, once replying in
The Bystander to the allegation of having learnt some
ministerial trick at " Stadacona Hall " tells us that hia

* It is admitted, even by leading United States joiiruals, that Sir John is the
ableHt Htatesman on the continent.

SIR JOHN A T IWMK LAW MA VWNA Tj). Wf

impiossion is " tliivt there is ii'f much to I • leainf at SUda-
coim Hall I uyond thu lesHon ; nj^ht hy tliu exi'mpl<; of a rttntes-
iiiuii wlio k^iowH how to la} pt>litia aHiclo in the si)cial hotir
an<l is largo-minded enough to bear vitli opiiuui's diMerini;
from his own."

But the erosvn to Sir Johns sf ^ini y 'ccess is -xivnn by tht
1)1p.co his very acconiplishctl iUid po|j i . i wit"*- Lt-d ''ucdonuid
fills at the capital. (Jf tin' socirty ciiclo Dicfc, '.s .jlie voted
pre-en»incnUy, the queen ; vvhoic in every aojoot of social
ontorp'" e hIic is the first and the last, and no •,: s ♦he f^vouritt
i ihe Iderly and the demure, than of the >oiiP)jf I'ldk. To go
to Oil v. I and nwjntion the name of Lady }', I't maid to -my
of the young people there, is at onco to brin / forth « i-n- 1 in
her praise. Everything, they toll you that i-. to bo "g(i ly.
[ja.(\y I^Mcdonald ha.H a hand in, not indeed that t^ho seek^ .
take this place or oven cares u r it ; but so kindly is her natnn
that sh( is prodigal both of her time and . uorgy to maki-'
everything agreeable; whik iv is a fact that nothing seems to
go on so luiruioniously or successfully when -ih<i is not at its
head and front. Verily, thou she .seems to b*' in the sociid, wh^ t
her husband is in the public, sphere. Tn political questions too
this gifted It' iy takes no little interest, and her judgment is
.said to be scarce less sound tha!i that of Su' .'ohn, who, ii is
whispered, is in the habit of con.sulting her w en he is aVout
to take soine important political step. And \'hile v.e nave
no doubt that, like the wives ol' several di3t'n'i,uisli(:(l Eng-
lish statesmen, what rumoui- says of Lady vfactlonf^ld in.
this respect is true, yet it is the social sphere i.hat she most
adorns, where she is no less warmly admired by ladies .v'hose
husbands are politically opposed to Sir John than b. those of
his own friends. In domestic life. Lady Ma' i jn.ild is a model
woman, lavishing her tenderness upon an invalid daughter,
keeping a household that might well bo the en /y of any circle ;
attending to Sir John at late sittings o': the hoiso, and, as Mrs.
Disraeli used to do, and as Mrs. Gladstjue doea, wrapping up

503 LIFE OF SIR JOHK A. MACDONALD.

her husband after he lias made a speech, and zealously guarding
his health at hor.ie or whle travelling. And to quote the
young people again, who will insist on telling their gratitude,
«he is ready at tive m nutes warning, no mattei- how fatigued she
may ho, to have lun';U for a tired toboggan o.- snow-shoe party,
or to accompany gaiherings oi" young folks as chaperon. Add
to this her genial and kindly manner, her charity to the scores
who will j>ress their wants upon a lady in high station, and
especially when they find her heart tender and her purse open.
Altogether Lady Macdonald is a worthy mate for her thrice
worthy and distinguished husband.

.\s every labour, whether done in pain or lingered over
fondly must sometime end, so too must close this book. The
I bird making its first flight may not seem S' > grsjceful on the
wing as the accomplished veteran of the aii- — fhough it may ;
but no one will chitl i the ambition that prompted it ^o tost
its pinions. This is our first book, and we may be reminded ;
■"Ves, we know it is, for we have seen your flight;" and we
answer that the work may have been adventurous and perhaps
beyond our calling, but, nevertheless, that we are satisfied.
And if the conscience of a man upbraid him not, whether it be
his trade to write books or to rule empires, he need iiot to fear for
the critics who probably can do neither.

We have now followed Sir John through the wilderni;ss for
forty years, have seen him as a little boy with briL'^ht eyes and
curly hair looking upon the land now so full with his name,
and so onriehed by his work ; and we have see/? him with
"shining morning face creeping like a snail unv/illingly to
school ;" have wandered with him fishing-rod in hand around
the lovely shores of Quintd Bay, and seen him carry away the
palm frou) the school-room; and later still, delighted at his
talent, we have observed him struggling with all his strength
of heart and brain to free from doom a noble but misguided
client: and have looked upon him entering the stormy road of
politics, and seen him through a long roll of turbulent years

sin JOHN AT II OME—LA DY MACD ONA LI). 509

till the dawn of a peaceful and higher era glows in the sky,
and we hear his voice cheering his followers to prepare for the
better order coming ; then, too, this transition past, and the
dawn bloomed into the full day, finding him crowned —

. . " on fortune's slopes,
The pillar of the people's hopes,
The centre of the state's desire."

He has come through sunshine and tempestuous weather, has
borne the brunt of more than a hundred battles, yet is he still
as full of spirit, and as full of hope as when, in i)ublic harness,
we saw him first, forty years ago ; still is his arm strong, his
blood warm, his glance bright; and should he now care to
resign the place he has so worthily won, and so honorably fills, —
something however which he is not likely to do, and which his
country would mourn to see come to pass-»-ard sit down as
some men do by their cottage door as the afternoon advances,
glancing back as over some panorama at the record of their
lives, well might he feel that to him has come as much of glory
as usually falls to the lot of man ; well might a tinge of pride
steal to his cheek as he thought of the unbounded and lonfj-
continued trust the people have placed in his talents and his
honour ; then turning from the past to the present how might
he not thrill as he saw the glorious promise given to this young-
nation, marrowy, strong-ai'med and ambitious, and the goddess
with benign smile from her abundant store shedding down
upon the land over which he ruled, peace, prosperity and
content.

APPENDIX.

APPENDIX A.

THE REPRESENTATION BILL — 18.")3.

Tins bill gave rise to a warm discussion, Messrs. Hincks, Brown and

other leading reformers giving it sturdy championship. Mr. John A.

Macdonald resohitely opposed it for several reasons, one of which was

that the measure was to remain inoperative for three years, llis views in

this respect, it will be seen, were the same as those he holds at this day, on

the virtues of a p.arlianient shown to be unrepresentative of the people.

Mr. Macdonald said :

If there is one thing to be avoided, it is meddling with the constitution
of the country, which should not be altered till it is evident that the
people are suffering from the effect of that constitution as it actually
exists. I say that the government have never been called upon to bring
forward this measure. The voice of the country has been silent upon it,
and why ? Because the people have, under the present system, always
been fairly and thoroughly represesited by those whom they sent to parlia-
ment. The representatives, for the time being, have always fairly repre-
sented the people by whom they were elected, and there never has been
any want of sympathy between the people and their representatives. The
people have always been fully rei)resented by their eighty-four members.
The best evidence of this is that we have no petitions before us in favour
of this measure; no one has asked for it. A sacrilegious hand has been
placed upon onr constitution. In every question put to the people, clergy
reserves, rectories, or what not, the people of Canada have told their
representatives what course they wished them to take. Look at all the
other great questions of the day that have been put to the people of Can-
ada — are not our tables loaded with petitions regarding them ? Where is
there a single petition in favour of this measure from Upper Canada or
from Lower Canada ? It has been said that this has been made a test
question at the elections: but if that is the real state of the case, the peo-
ple would have made their intentions known by petitions. The inspector-

514 APPENDIX.

general introduced a bill which nearly doubled the number of represen-
ttitives, and yet he says that the government had no intention of putting
it into effect. The only reason that can exist for such a course, is that he
sees the people are fairly represented by the members now siting here.
There is no reason for his proceeding, but this, which is the only one thai
has ever been assigned : that the government can buy up the members and
can exercise more influence over them. The hon. the inspector-general
has a most winning way of exercising an influence over the members of
this house — a way much more potent than is possessed by any hon. mem-
ber on this side of the house. When 1 had the honour of a seat in the
cabinet, I found hon. members on the other side of the house a most
impracticable sot ; but the hon. inspector-general is a much better haiid at
that sort of thing. He is carrying this measure just as Lord Castlereagh
carried the union iu Ireland. He traps a member here and a member
there, just picking up votes whenever he can get them; and yet the strongest
reason ever given for this measure was, that it would prevent corruption
by the government. I am not afraid of this undue influence of the govern-
ment, lecause I believe the people of Upper Canada can take as good care
of her interests, even with only eighty-four members, as they could with
three times the number. I think also that I could not vote for this mea-
sure on account of the injustice of its details. Why, sir, to think that
60,000 persons in one place are to have six members, while 60,000 next to
them are to have but three members ! — there must be some strong reason
for this extraordinary inconsistency. It is evident that the country has been
cut and carved in all directions, without any regard to fairness or justice,
just to obtain the requisite number of votes to carry the measure. I know
that the inspector-general, if left to himself, would have done what is just
and right, but he is under the influence of men to whom he dare not say
nay. As I had made up my mind to vote against this bill, it is perhaps
not fair that I should refer to the details, but there is one great reason
why I should vf.te against the measure, and that is that it is not now to
go into efTect, Why should we now pass a bill of this import and nature
which is not to come into force for three years ? But I tell the inspector-
general that he dare not, according to the constitution of the country,
carry this idea into efl'ect. He dare not continue the present house one
moment after this bill comes into force. You not only declare that
there are not a sufficient number of representatives, but you declare by
the Franchise Bill that there are a large number of persons in Upper
Canada who are not represented, but who ought to be represented ; and
yet you Bn-j now, after declaring that their rights exists, that they are not
to be granted for three years to come. The inspector-general cannot

APPENDIX. 515

give this advice to the representative of the Crown, and if he doea he is
unworthy of the pluce that he holds. If he gives it, it will not be received.
Look at the Reform Bill in England. That was passed by a parliament
that had been elected only one year before, and the moment it wus passed
Lord John Russell nflirmed that the house could not continue after it had
declared that the country was not properly represented. How can we
legislate on the clergy reserves until another house is assembled, if this
bill pusses ? A great question like this cannot be left to be decided by an
accidental majority. Wo can legislate upon no great question after we
have ourselves declared that we do not represent the countiy. Do hon.
gentlemen opposite mean to say that they will legislate on a question
affecting the rights of people yet unborn, with the fag end of a parliament
dishonoured by its own confessions of incapacity. I have only one thing
more to say, and that is, that I would recommend my hon. friend the
attorney-general to look carefully into the Union Act before he consents to
allow this bill to pass.

APPENDIX B.

THE UNIVERSITY BILL — 1853.

On the 1st of April, Mr. Macdonald inflicted a memorable castigation
on Dr. Rolph, whom he charged, and not without good reason, which was
plain at the time, and proved afterwards, with having a personal interest
in the object sought by the bill. Mr. Macdonald said :

If there ever was a farce in the world it is this proposed university.
You exclude all law, all medicine, ill religion, and what have you left?
This bill has been prepared to meet the views of certain gentlemen in
Toronto ; it has been prepared to meet the views of the hon. commissioner
of crown lands (hear, hear); it has been prepared for that and for nothing
else. A great national school is to be destroyed by this bill — a noble
endowment for a great national institution is to be broken up ; and the
manner in which the inspector-general spoke, shows that he feels this. If
we are to have a great national institution in which the qualifications for
every profession are to be obtained, a great national school to which all

B16 APFKNDIA.

the Bubonlinatc colleges are to look up, what will be the use of this uni-
versity which is to exclude all practical knowledge. By this scheme wo
must go to Osgoodo II.iU for law, to the great institution of tiio commis-
sioner of cmwn lands for medicine, and to Dr. Charbonnol, or the Chris-
tian Brothers for religion (Hear, hear). This is the way in which the
endowment is to be frittered away for no purpose. For no purpose 1 Yes,
Mr. Chairman, for a purpose — a very sinister purpose. Why, sir, instead
of one great university a national institution, wo are to have a lot of little
institutions where people can learn a little Latin and less Greek, and
nothing well. Why are we to have this ? For, as I have said, a sinister
purpose ; to gratify the selfish ends and the personal feelings of the hon.
commissioner of crown lands.

Hon. Mr. Rolph said that the assertions of the hon. member for King-
ston were as unfounded as they were unworthy of that hon. member. Has
he descended so low as in his place in parliament to make assertions so
low as those he had just uttered ? I ask him what he means by those
assertions ] Has he a right to say that 1 stand up here and give my sup-
port to measures for my own personal advantage / How can he prostitute
his talents and his tongue to such calumny ? Such conduct is unparlia-
raeatary, and h would be better for the hon. member to move an amend-
ment, establishing a separate medical school with public endowment than
to make personal attacks on me. A university teaches nothing — it only
confers degrees.

Mr. Macdonald continued: — I made those assertions because I thought
they were true ; and I repeat them, because 1 think they are still true ;
and because I think them true I cannot retract them. And I believe
that my feeling on this matter is the general feeling of Upper Canada. It
is known in Upper Canada, it is known in Toronto, that the commissioner
of crown lands has coolly and deliberately sacrificed, to gratify his own
personal feelings, a great national institution. I apologise to the house for
anything that I have said that may have been unparliamentary ; but I
said it because it was true. I shall not repeat again what I have said,
because tho hon. gentleman says it is not parliamentary. The hon. gentle-
man seems to say that I do not xinderstand what a university is. Why,
air, if I know anything about it, I understand that the original meaning
of the word university is, a seat of learning >vhere all branches of science
are taught. They might remember that there was a time when there were
thousands of students at the university of Oxford before a single college
was established. Colleges are merely places where the students take
shelter. The university system means a great institution where students
from all parts of the country come together and study under the profes-

ArrENUlX. 517

florial Bystom. It is bo in Scutland, it is bo in Ciermany, everywhere in
fact except in England. Upon this very question what does the recent
report of the university couuuiasion say ? It recommends the doing away
with tlio colleges, and restoring to the university the power and discretion
of regulating the whole curriculum. I know just as well as the hon. mem-
ber the dillorence between a college and a university. This bill proposes
to establish what the university commission in England proposes to dises-
tablish. This bill proposes to do away with the university and restore
the colleges: just the very reverse of what is being done in England. By
this bill, law is nothing, medicine is nothing, and religion is a farce.
[t leaves nothing but mathematics and classics. Is it not known every-
where that the English system is a false one, and tiiat they should return
to the German free-scholar system ? Is not the report of the commission
that has beenpubliahed, strongly in favour of doing away with the colle-
giate system and restoring the university I The hon. gentleman says that
my remarks were rash; well, they nuvy have been so, but that depends on
whether they were true. Does not the hon. gentleman know that he has
been charged by every professional brother in Toronto, with destroying
a great medical school to advance hia own selfish purposes. I do not say
that the charge is true for that would be unparliamentary; but does he
not know that he has been pointed at with the fiugoi ^i scorn for doing
80 ] The hon. gentleman may have found that another 3< !. 'd protected
by the government interfered with his own. I do n ' mean to disparage
the school of the lion, 'gentleman, but I mean [o s -f t.*i)i, that while it
tiourished so well under his own immediate patronas<(?, tiir;ro was no reason
why the college school should be destroyed ; there was no reason for it at
all. It is since that hon. gentleman has not been abK to .-ittend to it
that the great evil has been discovered. The hon. gentleman sneers at my
remarks about the philosophy of law, but I tell him that law is a science,
and the prastice and philosophy of law are the same thing, and must be
taught together. Is that doctrine not laid down by Blackstona in every
line of his immortal Commentaries. Moral law is a moral science, but
civil law is that which protects one man from another, and one man's pro-
perty from another. That is law in the sense in which thia bill means, and
in that sense the philosophy of law and the practice of the law are the
same. I regret that I have been compelled to go into this discussion ; I
regret it exceedingly: b«t I thought, and still think, that this bill was
prepared solely with the view of doing away with a certain school of medi-
cine in Toronto. If I am mistaken, I have done wrong to the commi'-
sioner of crown lands and his colleagues; and if it be not as I have stated,
I can only say that my error is participated in by every educated man in

51S ArrENDfX.

ITppor Canada. Tliere is a Btrnnf; feeling in Upper Canada that these
great branchos of learning are excluded from the university, not from an**
desire for the public good, but from purely personal motives.

APPENDIX C.

TEMrKIlANCE BILL— 1853.

As early as 1851, the advocates of virtue, whelher-ymi-like-it-or-no,
induced a certain member to introduce a bill into the Canadian legislature,
to restrain the sale of intoxicating licjuors and promote temperance. Mr.
John A. Macdonald, who did not believe that legislation ouglit to take
the pl;ice of Christian perseverance, and that a man or a wcmRn to got to
heaven, cannot be helped there by the law of the land, since heaven la the
reward only of those who fight the good fight and ccnqier, and since, if
there was no temptation there could be no slrife, and hence no glory and
no heaven, opposed the bill in the following speech, which as will bo seen
is replete with searching logic, through which there ia an undercurrent of
stinging sarcasm. Say the newspapers of the time:

Hon. J. A. Macdonald ridiculed the remarks of the hon. member for
Lincoln, who looked on ardent spirits as a poison; and although he would
not have it here for himself, would send it abroad to poison his friends,
or else would have it all drunk up in the next eighteen months. This bill
struck at the very root of the excise altogether ; and the strangest feature
was, that the hon. gentleman «rho had introduced it, and wanted to make
it almost a crime to manufacture spirits at all, came down with the budget.
Now, the hon. member for Lincoln, a minister responsible for that bud-
get, wanted to introduce laws repealing license, except in relation
to the duties on distilleries (Hear, hear). How could that hon. gentleman
come forward and propose that all excise duties'in Upper Canada should
be repealed, except the duty on whiskey ? He preserved those duties
where he really advocated their existence, for the most mean purpose,
namely, that of augmentation of the revenue ; that appeared palpably
from the course which that hon. gentleman had pursued ; but he would

APPENDIX. 519

aak, (lid he not state, when he introduced hia bill, that the (jucstion waa
one far above pecuniary considerations f When the hon. member for
Kimcoe said that it waa a rovenno question, the hon. inspector general
said that the hon. member ou-^ht to be ashamed of himself to bring for-
ward Huch a atalemont ; for that the welfare of the country depended
upon the carrying of the bill ; but he. brings forward a measure by which
he wishes to wipe away excise duties, and still preserve liis distillery
duties; and for what purpose 1 For the sake of about £10,0(K). What is
the effect of this measure / To prohibit not only the use of ardent spirits,
but the use of any li<|Uors that will intoxicate. Wine was one of those
li({Uors [at least hn was lold so and he believed it was], and yet that hon.
gentleman according to hia measure wished to make wine cheaper to
everybody, so that the man who formerly paid Sa. for a bottle of Medeira,
should be enabled to got it now f(rr (51.* Now, he would aak the hon. in-
spector-general whether the measure for altering the duties on wine was
n(jt for the sake of reducing its price in the market ? Undoubtedly it was.
But there was a contradiction — there had been a total desprtion of the
great principles of responsible government by the ministry of the day. It
was just like those gentlemen, who declared that they never belonged to
temperance societies, that the only grounds of justice they brought forward
for advocating the measure in the house, wore, that in their little miser-
able municipalities, there were a let of men who joined together upon
this question. Those hon. gentlemen were therefore willing to sacrifice
their own principles for the sake of winning a support of that kind. He
held that the policy of the government was bad. The inspector-general
covdd no more legislate a man to be sober than to be religioua ; but with
all those resolutions of his, he would aay that in order to raiae a man, the
influence must proceed from the action of man upon man, and not by the
operation of a statute. It is only by the force of public opinion, and by
the force of the public mind being directed and laid on as it had been in
England, Ireland and the United States, against a particular vice, weak-
ness and frenzy, that you can succeed. The moment you trust to the law,
that moment your exertions cease. He would take one instance to estab-
lish the truth of his assertion. When his hon. and gallant friend, Sir
Allan MacNab was a young man, and in His Majeaty'a service, what was
the law in relation to duelling? If the one felt his honour injured, or
hi iself insulted, he would send a challenge ; the parties went out, and
they might shoot one another. But what was the consequences, if one
party did shoot the other and left him weltering in his blood, leaving a

• Tins is evidently a mistake of the reporter.

620 AVl'EMnX.

family bohind him: wliat Uia the law ducl.iro / It doclurod tliiit tho iiia
■huultl 1)0 haiigod hy tho i.eck until hit whh duad. Did tho oxistunco i t
that law pvuvcnt thu crimo of diiulliti^ ? No. tluw was it now? DiioUiiig ib
considerod out of date ; the fashion haa ({one out ; intblio opinion haH
declared against it. A man now who has had two afr.urs in his life is
oonsidurod uo lon<{ur within the jtale of civili/od H( ( oty. The fact of the
matter is, that public opinion in strongly a^^ainut sii i \\ ickud contests, and
therefore the custom haa almost ceased perforce i\w opinion of society.
Head the memoirs of tho last lix yeiT% about the people in Iroland. They
had a «luty on spirits which almost r'lde-ed it prohibitory- they could
not get it legally, and what was t!io c< 'iseqaenco / I would a:)k whether
the bottle of whiskey was nut as before present at thu wakes night after
night ? What was the law there ? Win u Faf'tr Matbow weiit there, ho
did not go with the Main Liipior Law in Ms har.d ; lie pro trailed upon
them by that moral suasion stronger than a!l the logislatiin everd)-
vised by hu:n:in brain, an I wrought i ito acts of parlianon.;, and pri-
duced a moral revolution whicli all tho King's laws and all Lhe King s
troops for tho last hundred of years were uuiUlo to obtain. Why endeav-
our to make people feel oppressed, injured, an I irritated by a measure
tried for nuinberloas moral piirposoa already, and as often proven futile /
I hope this bill will be thrown out, and that the house will not go bo far as
to admit that there o\ight to be an abiurd law like this, an oppresnive law
like this, and a futile law like this ; for it ha? been proved by every gen-
tleman who spoke, even by the advocates of it, that so valueless a law us
that could not be allowed lo exist. The hon. member for Kent (who had
made, he thoiigli"., the .trongest speech against '<i'\ said that any law intro-
dutid at a time when t,lie people were not \ epared for it was a futile
law, and he saiu "put i off t' 11 1855."

Mr. llRowN, — no, the hon. gcntuman was mistaken. Ha said, that for
his own nart he would like to have h'^ard from the special committee clear
evidence us to the state of the public mind upon tho question, for he con-
sidered that ihe bill should not be put into operation until public opinion
was clearly in favour of it. ITp was (p'i<^e willing to vote for the bill now
with tho proviso that it should oome lato force upon the first of January,
1855.

Mr. Maudonald resumed, in conclusion : Then he saw that the hon.
member for Kent was of the same opinion as the hon. member for Lin-
coln, to have the stock already in hand drank up first. He thought thut
it would be doing a great injury to the commuu'iy to pass this bill; and
he should therefore vote against the second readin.vj of it.

APl'ENJJlX. 621

APPKNDIX D.

COMI'ENSATION TO SEIONEUUS.

"Ml". Macduimld at this tiino did not believu that coinponsation ought to
be niado to soigueurs out of the funds of I'lipor Canada. Wo give tho
roBolutions oliurod by tlio govunnuent, aud tho aniuudiuunts oud the speech
of Mr. Macdonuld:

1. licsolved — That it is expodiont to appropriate for the payniunt of tho
indemnity to be awarded to seignioid, and other expenses to be incurred
under the bill to detinu seigniorial rights and to facilitate the redemption
thereof,a8uni equal to that coming into the consolidated revenue fund of this
province from the following Lower Canadian sources of revenue, that is to
say: From Qnint, and other diies which are now or hereafter shall become
payable to the crown in or upon the seigniories in Lower Canada, of which
the crown is the seigne\ir dominant, as well as from all arrears of such dues:
From the revenues of the seigniory of Lauzjii, and the proceeds of the sale
of any part of the said seigniory which may hereafter be sold, and all arrears
of such revenues; JV^m all moneys arising from auction duties and auction-
eers' licenses in Lower Canada: From all moneys arising in Lowi;r Canada
from licenses to sell spirituous, vinous or fermented liquois bj' retail in
places other than places of public entertainment, commonly called shop or
store licenses.

2. Besohed -That it is expedient that tho sums required to pay the said
indemnity and expenses, be raised by debentures to be issued under the
authority of tho governor-in-council, and chargeable on the consolidated
revenue fund; but that separate accounts be kept of the moneys coming
into the said consolidated revenue fund from tho several Lower Canadian
sources of revenue aforesaid; and that if the sums payable out of the con-
solidated revenue fund for the principal and interest of such delientures,
shall exceed the amount arising fiom the several sources of revenue men-
tioned in the preceding resolution, it will, in the opinion of this liouse, bo
expedient to appropriate a sui..i e(j|ual to such excess for some local purpose
or purposes in Upper Canada • - ■ ' ■ ,;^ -

To the first resolution, Mr. Blacdonald moved i i anundmant. "That it
is inexpedient and unjust i li.-.^ taxpayers of Canada t . , iropriate any
portion of the territorial • evormei of t'i'js province to the payment of the
iudr.vnity i,o be awarded t:> . * seigni as of Lower Canada, iiiasmuch as

522 APPENDIX.

the proposed legislation under the bill as now framed, it of local interest
only, and such indemnity should be paid by the parties immediately bene-
fited thereby."

To the second : "That it is inexpedient and unjust to the people of
Canada to charge the consolidated revenue fund of the whole province
with the payment of any portion of the said indemnity to seigniors, and
that such indemnity should be paid by that section of the Province im-
mediately benehted ^y the proposed measure."

And again, in amendment to the same resolution, " That the proposition
to pledge the consolidated revenue fund for the payment of the said indem-
nity, or any porti(j^ thereof, and thereby to increase the provincial debt and
taxation to a.i u^i^nown and unlimited amount, is improper, unprecedented
and ilangerous; that it deprives this house of the necessary check over the
public oxpemiiture and the public burdens; and that this house will fail
in its duty to the people of Canada if it assents to any such proposition."

In proposing this amendment, he went on to say that it was a most un-
precodented course that was now proposed by the government with regard
to this matter. Tiiat the legislature of this country, who are the guard-
ians of the public purje, should be called on to impose upon the people
and their children a burden the amount of which they did not know, was
a most objectionable and as well as inconsistent course of procedure. They
had no security whatever that the amount they were now called upon to
secure for this purpose might not be one hundred thousand pounds, or
that it might not be twice as much as that sum. He would ask the in-
spector-general if he could find a precedent for the course he now pro-
posed. It was true that a vote of credit had been given on one occasion,
but that was under extreme circumstances, and for one year only. Again,
they had undertaken great public works to advance the material interests
of the country, and how could they go on with their undertakings with a
burden of this kind upon their resources, the amount of which could not
be told, which the government themselves did not knoA', and Avhich they
said they could not find out. The hon.'gentleman then went on to allude
to the slavery question in England, which he contended was analogous to
this. When it was proposed to indemnify the slave-owners for their pro-
perty, the government did not ask parliament to pledge the revenues of
the country to an unlimited extent, but the secretary ^f the colonies.
Lord Stanley, came down with minute and elaborate calculations aa to the
value of each slave, and an exact estimate of the sum required. The in-
spector-general should have done the same in this case. He should have
formed an estimate of the amount required for every seigniory, and then
come down with an exact statement of the whole sum that would be re-

APPENDIX. 523

quired. A finance minister in England would be laughed at if he proposed
to tax the peoplo for an unlimited amount; and then what a miserable
proposition was this that was laid down in these resolutions. Two-third»
of the whole taxation of the country is paid by the people of Upper Can-
ada, and here tliey talk of taking a certain amount out of the consolidatecJ
fund for the benefit of Lower Canada, and then remunerating Upper Can-
ada by paying her a similar sum out of her own resources. The govern-
ment have already refused to reduce the custdnn duties on account of the
present burden arising from the public works, and yet they ask us to take
on ourselves another burden the amount of which they do not know; and
as far as the remuneration to Upper Canada is concerned, it just amounts
to telling her to tax herself for her own benefit. He thought it very ex-
traordinary that the people of Upper Canada and the eastern township*
should be taxed to settle the diffdrences between seigniors and censitaires
in Lower Canada. It was as much as saying that Upper Canada should
be bribed with her own money. The proposition was to be laughed at,
and he very much questioned whether even the hon. inspector-general
could be serious in proposing that the house should consent to these reso-
lutions. What in the world had the people of Upper Canada as a whole
to do with this question ? He would ask upon what principle it was that
the House could be called upon to vote such resolutions 1 The bill of the
attorney-general-east did not propose to do away with the seigniorial ten-
ure, but would only have the efiect Oi perpetuating it, which made the
proposition to pay indemnity out of the consolidated revenue the more
absurd. H the tenure were to bo done away with, some expediency might
be urged for these resolutions.

APPENDIX E.

" STEEPED TO THE LIPS IN INFAMY."

During the debate on the address, in 1854, Mr. Macdonald made a
scathing attack upon the ministry, and his speech furnishes excerpts, re-
presenting some of the most acrid utterances ever delivered by a Canadian
public man. It is not necessary to say here that the occasion gave war-
rant to the larguage employed. , •

aU APPENDIX.

Hon. Mr. Macdonakl, say the newspapers, remarked that it was a some-
what strange circumstance that Dr.- Rolph had not read with that accuracy
which might have been expected of one reading from a printed document.
The extracts, it appcaref"», 'lad not been correctly read, and the hon. mem-
ber for Kent had happerv. io detect what was of course an unintentional
mistake. Mr. Mi'tKloiiild Hiea explained the course he had taken last
session when the billb fur increasing the representation and extending the
■elective franchise were bef jre the house. When thor.e bills were intro-
duced, he had oppoti ■' tliem on the ground that the present parliament
fairly represented lu people, and that at the commencement of its exist-
ence it ought noL to p;)^s measures which seemed to invclve the admission
that it did not thus fiu rly lopresent the people. The government, how-
ever, strenuously m.,intained that they involved no such admission, and
that the house, duri7ig the ;yhole period of its existence, retained the
right to legislate upon any and every subject. So soon as the represen-
tation and franchise bills were read a second time, the solemn declaration
vas thereby made, which was quite as obligatory on the conscience of the
house as if the bills had then received the royal t ssent, that a large num-
ber of individuals wore excluded from the right of voting who ought to be
admitted. But they all knew that after this some of the most important
subjects of legislation had been brought before the house and were now
the law of the land. This very question which they were now discussing
was one of these, and night after night and week after week the attorney-
general pressed the seignorial bill on the attention of the house. But now
they said this house was incompetent to deal with that and similar ques-
tions! He (Mr. Macdonald) took up last session a strong position against
the passing of the franchise bill, on the ground that it was premature to
ask members of the house at once to divest themselves of all their rights
fl,nd privileges, but the hon. inspector-general stated over and over again
that the passage of the bill involved no such necessity. And the very last
Act or the government last session was advising his excellency to give the
royal assent to that bill, the first clause of which provided that there
should be no alteration in the franchise till the 1st of January, 1855.
Could they ha' =) meant then, on the supposition that the present parlia-
ment had declared itself incompetent, that there was to be no real legis-
lation to meet the wants of the country till the 1st of January, 1855 ? He
<(Mr. Macdonald) believed then that this house did represent the feelings
■of the people of Canada, and he has believed so still, and he felt quite
■competent to vote on any and every question that in any way affected the
interests of the people of Canada. He must say that he was surprised at
the announcement made by the hon. inspector-general at the opening of

APPENDIX. h1»

the house to-day. It exceeded any flightb of daring 6'. 3r before attempteu ,
even by that hon. gentleman himself. He might ae well at once, like
Cromwfiil, have ordered that bauble [pointing to the mace] to be taken
away, as to come down and tell them, forsooth, that they, a free parlia-
ment, representing a free people, were only to be allowed to pass two or
t'lree measures, which he named. Mr, Macdonald then alluded to the
charges of corruption which had been brought against the government.
He knew a great many reformers in his part of the country, and they were
continually saying to him. Any government, any change, anything to get
rid of the rampant corruption going on in this country. It was well known
that the system of the present government had been that of a most rampant
corruption, and appealing to the most sordid and basest motives of men.
In every part of the country their money was for use, and offices were offered
in return for influence brought to their aid. Even the postmaster-general
had said at Perth, in reference to the purchase of some government pro-
perty by members of the government, that there had been a job perpe-
trated by his colleagi'es, with whom he continued to sit at the same table
— that their conduct in that matter had been such as he could not approve
of. Now a government should be free even from suspicion, and should
feel a stain on their escutcheon like a wound on their person. Especially
should they keep their hands clear of any speculations in government pro-
perty. The great Mr. Pitt made it a rule to leave all attacks on his char-
acter and imputations on his motives unanswered ; but once he departed
from this rule. It was when he was accused, in a public newspaper, of
haviny made a purchase in the funds. When this accusation was made,
he at once handed the matter to the attorney-general, to bring the party
publishing the paper to condign punishment for i.ie foul and unfounded
slander. Had the members of our administration been equally sensitive
on account of charges far more serious '/ Had they dared, for example, to
bring an action against the newspaper which published the report of the
speech of their hon. colleague, the Hon. Malcolm Cameron, at Perth ? But
he would not any longer speak of Pitt. They had Walpoles in the minis-
try, not Pitts ; the government was steeped to the very lips in infamy y
they were tainted with corruption, collectively and individually, both in
their public and private characters. All honour had gone from them, and
all loyalty even to one another ; and the only bond to which they were
held together now was the bond of common plunder. It was time that an
end should be put to this system of corruption, which was disgracing Can-
ada more than any colony which Great Britain had ever had under her
w'ng

«26 APPENDIX.

APl'ENDIX F.

COLONIAL UNION.

After the union delegates had ended their visit at Charlottetown, they
proce A to Halifax, and at a meeting held in the dining hall of the
*' Halifax Hotel," Hon. Dr. Tupper in the chair, Hon. John A. Macdonald,
tn rt'ply to the toast, "Colonial Union," rose and said: —

My friends and colleagues, Messrs. Cartier and Brown, have returned
their thai.ks on behalf of the Canadians for the kindness bestowed upo.i
us, and J. shall therefore not say one word on that subject, but shall ap-
proach the question more immediately before us. I must confess to you,
sir, and to you, gentltmen, that I approach it with the deepest emotion.
The question of " Colonial Union " is one of such magnitude that it dwarfs
«very other question on this portion of the continent. It absorbs every
idea as far as I am concerned. For twenty long years 1 have been drag-
ging myself through the dreary waste of colonial politics. I thought taere
■was no end, nothing worthy of ambition; but now I see something which
is well worthy of all I have suffered in the cause of my little country. This
question has now assumed a position that demands and commands the
attention of all the colonies of British America. There may be obstruc-
ticms, local difficulties may arise, disputes may occur, local jealousies may
intervene, but it matters not — the wheel ia now revolving, and we are only
the fly on the wheel, we cannot delay it — the union of the colonies of Bri-
tish America, under one sovereign, is a fixed fact. (Cheers.) Sir, this
meeting in Halifax will be ever remembered in the history ot British
America, for here the delegates from the several provinces had the first
opportunity of expressing their sentiments. We have been unable to an
nounce them before ; but now let me say that we have arrived unanimously
at the opinion that the union of the provinces is for the advantage of all,
and that the only question that remains to be settled is, whether thj»t
union can be arranged with a due regard to sectional and local interestti
I have no doubt that such an arrangement can be effected, that every
difficulty will be found susceptible of solution, and that the great project
will be successfully and happily realized. What were we before this
question was brought before the public mind ? Here we were in th<>
neighbourhood of a large nation— of one that has developed its mili-
tary power in a most marvellous degree — connected by one tie only,

AVPENDIX. 527

that of common allcgianco. True it was we were states of one sovereign,
we all paid allegiance to the great central authority; but as far as ourselves
were concerned there was no political coi nection, and we were as wide
apart as British America is from Australia. We had only the mere senti-
ment of a common allegiance, and we were liable, in case England and the
United States were pleased to difter, to be cut of}", one by one, not having
any common means of defence. I bel'eve we shall have at length an or-
ganization that will enable us to be a nation and protect ourselves as we
should. Look at the gallant dafence that is being made by the Southern
Republic — at this moment they have not much more than four millions of
men — not much exceeding our own numbers — yet what a brave fight they
have made, notwithstanding the stern bravery of the New Englander, or the
derce dun of the Irishman. (Cheers.) We are now, I say, nearly four mil-
lions of inhabitants, and in the next decennial period of taking the census,
perhaps we shall have eight millions of people, able to defend their coun-
try against all comers. (Cheers.) But we must have one common organ-
ization — one political government. It has been said that the United
States government is a failure. I don't go so far. On the contrary, I
consider it a marvellous exhibition of human wisdom. It was aa perfect
as human wisdom could make it, and under it the American States greatly
prospered until very recently; but being the work of men it had its defects,
and it is for us to take advantage by experience, and endeavour to see if
we cannot arrive by careful study at such a plan as will avoid the mistakes
of our neighbours. In the tirst place, we know that every individual state
was an individual sovereignty — that each had its own army and navy and
political organization — and when they formed themselves into a confeder-
ation they only gave the central authority certain specific powers, reserv-
ing to the individual states all the other rights appertaining to sovereign
powers. The dangers that have arisen from this system we will avoid if
we can agree upon forming a strong central government — a great central
legislature — a constitution for a union which will have all the rights of
sovereignty except those that are given to the local governments. Then
we shall have taken a great step in advance of the American republic. If
we can only attain that object — a vigorous general gavernment — we shall
not be New Brunswickers, nor Nova Scotians, nor Canadians, but British
Americans, under the sway of the British sovereign. In discussing the
question of colonial union, we must consider what is desirable and prac-
ticable; we must consult local projudices and aspirations. It is our desire
to do BO. I hope that we will be enabled to work out a constitution that
will have a strong central government, able to offer a powerful resistance
to any foe whatever, and at the same time will preserve for each province

5L'8 ArrENDlX.

its own identity — and will protect every local ambition ; and if we cannot
do this, we shall not be able to carry out the object wo have now in view.
In the confi lerce we have had, wo have been nnited as one man — thero
was no diflorenco of feeling — no sectional prejudices or selfishness exhib-
ited by any one; — wo all approached the subject feeling its importance —
feeling that in our hands were the destinies of a nation ; and that great
would be our sin and sJiame if any different motives had intervened to
prevent us carrying out the noble object of founding a great British mon-
archy, in connection with the British empire, and under the British Q leen.
(Cheers.) That thero are difficulties in the way would be folly for me to
deny; that there are important (luestions to be settled before the project
can be consiimmated is obvious; but what great subject that has ever at-
tracted the attention of mankind has not been fraught with di'liculties I
We would not be worthy of the position in which we have been placeil by
the people, if we did not meet and overcome these obstacles. I will not
continue to detain you at this late perioi of the evening, but will merely
say that we are desirous of a union with the maritime provinces on a fair
and equitable basis: that we desire no a'lvantage of any kind, that we be-
lieve the object in view will be as much in favour as against these maritfnio
colonies. We are reatly to come at once into the most intimate connection
with you. This cannot be fully procured, I admit, by political union sim-
ply. I don't hesitate to say that with respect to the Intercoloaial railway,
it is understood by the people of Canada that it can only be built as a,
means of political union for the colonies. It cannot be denied that the
railway, as a commercial enterprise, would be of comparatively little com-
mercial advantage to the people of Canada. Whilst we have the St.
Lawrence in summer, and the American ports in time of peace, we have
all that is requisite for our purpDses. We rocognise, however, the fact
that peace may not always exist, and that we must have some other means
of outlet if we do not wish to be cut off from the ocean for some mcr.ths
in the year. We wish to feel greater security — to know that we can have as-
sistance readily in the hour of danger. In the case of a union, this railway
must be a national work, and Canada will cheerfully contribute to the ut-
most extent in order to make that important link without which no poli-
tical connection can be complete. What will be the consequence to this
city, prosperous as it is, from that communication ? Montreal is at this
moment competing with New York for the trade of the great West. Build
the road and Halifax will soon become one of the great emporiums of the
world. All the great resources of the West will come over the immense
railways of Canada to the bosom of your harbour. But there are even
greater advantages for us all in view. We will become a great nation, and

AFPENDU. 529

God forbid that it should be one separate from the united kingdom of
Great Britain and Ireland. (Cheers.) There has been a feeling that be-
cause the old colonies were lost by the misrule of the British government,
«very colony must be lost when it assumes the reins of self-government. 1
believe, however, as stated by the gallant admiral,* that England will
hold her position in every colony — she will not enforce an unwilling obe-
dience by her arms ; but as long as British Americans shall retain that
aame allegiance which they feel now, England will spend her last shilling,
and spill her best blood like wine in their defence. (Cheers.) In 1813
there was an American war because England impngssed American seamen.
Canadians had nothing to do with the cause of the quarrel, yet their mil-
itia came out bravely and did all they could for the cause of England.
Aga'.n, we have had the Oregon question, the Trent difficulty — question
after qiiestion in which the colonies had no interest — yet we were ready
to shoulder the musket and fight for the honour of the mother country.
It has been said that England wishes to throw us oflf. There may be a
few doctrinaires who argue for it, but it is not the feeling of the people of
England, Their feeling is this — that we have not been true to ourselves,
that we have not put ourselves in an attitude of defence, that we have not
doro in Canada as the English have done at home. It is a mistake: Can-
ada is ready to do her part. She is organizing a militia; she is expending
an enormous amount of money for the purpose of doing her best for self-
protection. I am happy to know that the militia of Nova Scotia occupies
a front rank; I understand by a judicious administration you have formed
here a large and efficient volunteer and militia organization. We are fol-
lowing your example and are forming an effective body of militia, so that
we shall be able to say to England, that if she should send her arms to
our resC'ie at a time of peril, she would be assisted by a well disciplined
body of men. Everything, gentlemen, is to be gained by union, and
everything to be lost by disunion. Everybody admits that union must
take place some time. I say now is the time. Here we are now, in a
state of peace and prosperity — now we can sit down without any danger
threatening us, and consider and frame a scheme advantageous to each of
these colonies. If we allow so favourable an opportunity to pass, it may
never come again; but I believe we have arrived at such a conclusion in
our deliberations that I may state without any breach of confidence — that
we all unitedly agree that iuch a measure is a matter of the first necessity,
and that only a few (imaginary, I believe) obstacles stand in the way of ita
cons-iimmation. I will feel that I shall not have served in public life with-

* Sir James Hope,vice-admiral on the North American station, and then in Halifax.

680 AI^PENDIX.

out a reward, if befdre T enter into private life, I am a subject of a great
British American nation, under the government of her majesty, and in
connection with the empire of Great Britain and Ireland. (Loud clieers.)

APl^ENDIX G.

THE WASHINGTON THEATY.

The following is the full text of Sir John A, JMacdonald's speech in de-
fence of his own and the government's course in relation to the Washing-
ton treaty, as taken from the Toronto d&UyMail, and delivered in the Cana-
dian commonu, May 3rd, 1872: —

Mr. Si'KAKER, — 1 move for leave to bring in a bill to carry into effect
certain clauses of the treaty negotiated between the United States and
Great Britain in 1871. The object of the bill is stated in the title. It is
to give validity, so far as Canada is concerned, to the treaty which was
framed last year in the manner so well known to the house and country.
The bill I proposed to introduce the other day was simply a bill to suspend
those clauses of the iishery acts which prevent fishermen of the United
States from fishing in the in-shore waters of Canada, such suspension to
continue during the existence of the treaty. I confined it to that object
at that time, because the question really before this house was whether the
fishery articles of the treaty should receive the sanction of Parliament or
not. As, hovcever, a desire was expressed on the other side that I should
enter into tlus subject fully on asking leave to bring in the bill, Jind as, on
examining tha cognate act which has been laid before congress at Wash-
ington, 1 find that all the subjects — even those subjects which do not re-
quire legislation — have been repeated in that act, in order, one would sup-
pose, to make the act of the nature of a contract, and obligatory during
the existence of the treaty, so that in good faith it could not be repealed
during that lime, I propose to follow the same course. The act I ask
leave to bring in, provides in the first clause, for the suspension of the
fishery laws of Canada, so far as they prevent citizens of the United States
from fishing in our in-shore waters. The bill also provides that during
the existence of the treaty, fish and fish oil (except fish of the inland lakes

A I'l'ENDIX. Ml

nf the United States and of the riverB emptying into those lakes, and tinli
prosorvod in oil), being the nroduco of fiwheries of the United Stiit«^H, hIihII
1)0 admitted into Ctmada fn i of duty. The third clause pr-ividus for the
continuanoo »)f the bi>nding ay. oin during the twoivo yoarH or longer pe-
riod provided by the treaty, ii lU tuo fourth clause provides that the right
of transhipment contained in the 'Mih clause of the treaty shall, in like
manner, be secured to the citizens of the United States during the exist-
ence of the treaty. The last clause oi the bill provides that it shall come
into effect whenever, upon an ordor-in-councii, a proclamation of the
governor-general is issued giving effect to the act. In submitting the bill
in this form, I am aware that objection iniL'bt be taken to some of the
clauses, on the ground that having relation to the (jiieBtions of trade and
money, they sliould bo commenced by resolution adopted in committee of
the whole. That abjection does not apply to the whole of the bill — to
those clauses which suspend the acti(m of our fishery act. But it would
affect, according to the general principle, the clause which provides that
there shall be no duty on fish and fish oil, and also the clausps respecting
the bonding system and transhipment. I do not, however, anticipate that
that objection will be taken, because in presenting the bill in this form I have
followed the precedent established in 1854, whtn the measure relating to the
reciprocity treaty was introduced in parliament. It was then held that the
act, having been introduced as based upon a treaty which was submitted by
a message from the crown, became a matter of public and general policy,
and ceased to be merely a matter of trade; and although those hon. gen-
tlemen who interested themselves ir parliamentary and political matters
at that date will remember that the act which was introduced by the at-
tornoy-general for Lower Canada in 1854 (Mr. Drumuiond) was simply an
act declaring that varicms articles, being the produce of the United States,
should, during the existence of the treaty, be received free into Canada,
and that the act repealed the tarifi" pro tanto, it was not introduced by
resolution, but after the treaty had been submitted and laid on the table,
and after a formal n>essage had been brought down by Mr. Morin, the
leader of the government in the house, to the effect that the bill was in-
troduced with the sanction of the governor-general. I do not, th arofore,
anticipate that objection will be taken by any hon. member, and I sup-
pose the precedent so solemnly laid down at that time will be held to be
binding now. Should objection, however, bd taken, the clauses of the
bill respecting the suspension of the fishery act and transhii>ment are sulli-
cient to be proceeded with in this manner; the other portions may be
printed in italics, and can be brought up as parts of the bill or separately
as resolutions, as may be thought best. The journals of the house state

^33 APPENDIX,

that on tlio 2l8t Soj)!., 1H54, Mr. Cbauveau Biibniittodac'>i.y of tho treaty
which was sot out on tho fiico of the journals. On tho saino day Mr.
Drununond askod Kiivo to briny in a bill t<> givo offoct U) a curtaia treaty
botwuun her majesty and tho United States of Atnorica, and on tlio 'J2nd,
on the order of the day for the stcond reading of the bill, Mr. Morin, by
coinuiiind, br.iught down a niussagi; from the governor-goniTal, signifying
that it was ')/ his excellency's sanction it had boon introduced, whereupon
the house proceeded to tho second reading. That bill was simply one de-
claring that various articles mcntiijned in the treaty should, during tho
•existence of tho treaty, be admitted into this ountry free of duty. Tho
house i\ow, Mr. Spi vkor, if they givo leave that this bill shall be intro-
duced and read a firs* time, will bo in possession of all those portions of
the treaty of Washington that in any way como within tho action of the
legislature. Although tho debate upon this subject will, as a matter of
■coirrso, take a wide range, and will properly include all tho subjects con-
nected with the treaty in which Canada has any interest, yet it must not
be forgotten that the treaty as a whole is in force, with tho particular ex-
ceptions I have niontionod, and the decision of this house will, after all,
be simply whether the articles of the treaty extending from tho 18th to the
125th shall receive the sanction of Parliament, or whether these portion*
of the treaty shall be a dead letter. This subject has excited a great deal
of interest, as was natural, in Canada over since tho 8th of May, 1871,
when the treaty was signed at Washington. It has been largely discussed
in the public prints, and oi;)inion8 of various kinds have been expressed
upon it — some altogether favourable, some altogether opposed, and niany
others of intermediate shades of opinion. And among other parts of the
discussion has net been forgotten the personal question — relating to my-
self — the position 1 hold and held as a member of this government, and
as one of the high commissioners at Washington. Upon that question I
shall have to speak by-and-by ; but it is one that has lost much of its in-
terest, from the fact that by the introduction of this bill the house and
country will see that the policy of the government of which I am a mem-
ber is to carry out, or to try to carry out, the treaty which I signed as a
plenipotentiary of her majesty. Under the reservation made in tho treaty,
this house and the legislature of Prince Edward Island have full power to
accept tho fishery articles or reject them. In that matter this house and
parliament have full and complete control. (Hear, he:ir.) No matter
what may be the consequences of the action of this parliament; no matter
what may be the consequences with rospect to future relations between
Canada and England, or between Canada and tho United States, or
between England and tho United States ; no matter what may be the

AlTEl^DIX. 633

oonBe([ueuco» as to the uxiHtence of tho proaont govornment of Ciiimilii,
it must nut bo forjjutteii thut this houso has full poNV»r to rujoct thi'so
claiisos of tho trouty if thuy ploiiao, iind luatitttiiii tho right of Ciiimda
to exclude Ainuriuans from our in-shoro tishoriea, ua if the treaty hud
never been niadu. (Hear, hear.) Thut reaurvution was fully provided
in tho trouty. It waa niado a portion of it — an oasontial portion — and if
it hud not boon ao niiidu, thu nunio of tho minister of juatice of Canada
would not have boon attached to it )» a plenipotentiary of England.
(Hear, hear.) That right has boon reaorvod, and thia parliament has full
power to deal with tho whole queation. I will by-and-by apeak more at
length as to tho part 1 took in the negotiations, but I feel that that reser-
vation having buon made I only performed a duty — a grave and serious
duty, but atill my duty — in attaching my signature to the treaty as one of
her majesty's ropresontatives and servants. (Hear, hoar.) Now, sir, let
me enter into a short retrosjject of the occurrences which transpirt;d some
years beforo arrangements wore entered into for negotiating the treaty.
The roci[)rocity treaty with the United States existed from 1854 to 18lJG,
in which latter year it expired. Grout exertions wore made by the gov-
ernment of Canada, and a groat desire was expressed by the parliament
and people of Canada for a renewal of that treaty. It was felt to have
worked very beneficially for Canada. It was felt to have worked also to
the advantage of tho United States, and thoro wivs a desire and a feeling
that those growing interests which had been constantly developing and
increasing themselves during the existence of the treaty would be greatly
aided if it were renewed and continued. I was a member of the guvern-
meiit at that time, with some of my hon. f lionds who are still my col-
leagues; and wo took every step n\ our power, we spared no effort, we left
no stone unturned, in order to gain that object. The house will remem-
ber that for the purpose of either effecting a renewal of the treaty, or, if
we could not obtain that, of arriving at the same object by means of con-
current legislation, my hon. friend, the member for Sherbrooke (Hon. Sir
A. T. Gait), at that time tinance minister, and the present lieutenant-
governor of Ontario, went to Washington on behalf of the government of
Canada. It is a matter of history that all their exertions failed; and after
their failure, by general consent — a consent in which I believe the peoplu
of Canada were as one man — we came to the conclusion that it would be
humiliating to Canada to make any further exertions at Washington, or
to do anything more .n the way of pressing for a renewal of that instiii-
ment ; and the people of this country with great energy addressed them-
celves to find other channels of trade, other means of developing and sus-
taining our various industries, in which I am happy to say they have been

634 ArPENnrx.

ootnplotdly succoHHfiil, (Ifear, hoar.) Imniodiiitoly on the expiration
of tho truaty, our right to tho uxoliuivo uno of thu in-nhoro tishorion
returned to ub, and it will bu in the runiumhranco of tho house that her
niajoaty's ^ovorn.nent doHirod oh not to rofmino that right, at least for a
year, to tho oxclusion of American tishurmon, and tliat tho prohibition of
Anioricans tishing in those waters should not be put in force either by
Canada or tho niaritiuie provinces. All the provinces, I beliovo, declined
to accede to tho suggostion, and it was pressed strongly on buhalf of thu
late province of Canada that it would bu against our interests if for a mo-
ment after tho treaty ceased wo allowed it to be supposed that Aiuerican
tishermen had a right to come into otir waters as before; and it was only
because of the pressure of her nuijesty's govornrnent, and unr desire to
be in accord with tliat governniont, as well uti bocai'se uf our desire tr>
cr.rry with ua tho moral support of (ireat liritaui, and the tnatciial aasist-
ance of her fleet, that we assented, with great roluc'^^iMiC'^, to the introduction
of a system of licenses for one year, at a nominal foe or rate. Tliis was
done avowedly by us for the purpose of asserting ^ir right. No greater or
stronger mode of assorting a riglitand obtaining t.h; laiknowledgmont of it
by those who desired to enter our watera for tho p rposo of fishing could
be devised, than by exacting payment for the peinnsaion, and therefore it
was that we assonted to the licensing syatoin. (Hoar, hear.) Although
in 18G6 that system was commenced, it did not come immediately into
force. We had not then fitted out a marine police force, for wo were not
altogether without expectation that tho mind of tiio governiuont of tho
United States might take a difTeront direction, and that there was a i)ro-
bability of negotiations being renewed respecting the revival of the reci-
procity treaty; and therefore, although the system was established, it was
not rigidly put into force, and no great exertion was made to seize tres-
passers who had not taken out licenses. In the first year, however, a great
number of licenses were taken out ; but when the foe was increased so as
to render it a substantial recognition of our rights, the payments became
fewer and fewer, until at last it was found that the vessels which took out
licenses were the exception, and that tho great bulk of the fishermen who
entered our waters were trespassers. In addition t(i the fact that our
tisherioB were invaded, that we were receiving no compensation for the
liberty, and that our rights were invaded boldly and aggressively, it was
now stated by the American government, or members of the American
cabinet, that the renewal of the reciprocity treaty was not only inexpedi-
ent but unconstitutional, and that no such renewal could or would bo
made. The government of Canad.',, then, in 1870, after conference with
the imperial government, and after receiving the promise of the imperial

AVPKNUIX. 635

govornmont that wo Bh')iil(l havo thu support of thoir floot in the protection
of our just rijjhta, a proiniHo whicli wan faithfully carried out, prepared
and Htted ont a autlicient force of maritio police voBsels to protect our
riKlits, and I am glad to believe that that policy was perfectly succensful.
(jreat Krmneas was lined, but at the snine time ^roat discretion. There
was no harshness, and no seizures were made of a doubtful character. No
desire tr) harass the foreign tlHliermen was evidenced, but on thu contrary,
in any case in which there was doubt, the oflicers in command of the aeiz-
ing vessels reported to the head of their department, and when the papers
were laid before the government, they, in all cases, gave the otlonding
parties the benelit of the doubt. Still, as it would be remembered, some
of the tishermen made complaints, which complaints, although unjust, 1
am sorry to say were in some instances made and supported on oath, of
harshness on tlie part of the cruisers, and an attempt was made to agitate
the public mind of Canada, and there was at that time a feeling on the part
of a large portion of the people of Nova Scotia, which feeling, I am however
happy to say, has since disappeared, that the action of Canada was un-
friendly. Her majesty's government were of course appealid to by the
authorities of the United States on all these subjects, and complaints were
bandied from one governmont to the other, and proved a source of great
irritation. While this feeling was being raised in the United States, there
was, riii the other hand, a feeling among our fishermen that our rights
were, to a very great degree, invaded. In order to avoid the possibility
of dispute — in order to avoid any appearance of harshness — in order, while
wo were supporting our fishery rights, to prevent any case of collision be-
tween I'lo imperial government and the United States, or between the
Canadian authorities and the United States, we avoided making seizures
within the bays, or in any way bringing up the headland (\uestion. This
was very unsatisfactory, beciiuse, as it was said by the fishermen, " if we
have these rights we should be protected in the exercise of them," and it
was therefore well that that question should be settled at once and forever.
In addition, however, to the (i[ueation of headlands, a new one had arisen
of an exceedingly unpleasant nature. By the wording of the convention
of 1818, foreign fishermen were only allowed to enter our waters for the
purposes of procuring wood, water and shelter; but they claimed that they
had a right, although fishing vessels, to enter our ports for trading pur-
poses; and it was alleged by our own fishermen that, under pretence ot"
trading, American fishermen were in the habit of invading our fishing
grounds and fishing in our waters. The Canadian government thought it
therefore well to press, not only by correspondence, but by a delegate,
who was a member of the government, upon her njajesty's government,

536 APPENDIX.

the propriety of ha>;ng that questicn bettled with the United States, and;,
conaeqiiently, my h 'end and colleague, the postmaster-general, went to
England to deal with that subject. The results of his mission are before
parliament. At the same time that ho dealt with the qxiestion 1 have just
mentioned, he forced upon the consideration of her majjsty's government
the propriety of England makiiAg on our behalf a demand on the United
States government fur reparatici? fur the wrungs known as the " Fenian
raids." England agreed to piess upon tlie United States both these
matters, and to ask that all dispued questions relating to the in-shore
fisheries, under the convention of 1818, should be settled in some mode to
be agreed upon between the two nations, and also to press upon the United
States the wro}ig8 sustained by Canada at the hands uf citizens of the
United States who had invaded our country. Before her majesty's gov-
ernment had actually, in compliance with iheir promise, made any repre-
Bentation on these two subjects to the United States government, England
had been engaged on her own behalf in a controversy of a very grave
character. The house is aware that what is commonly known as the
.4 /((6a7(((( claims' was a subject of dispute between the two countries, in-
volving the grave; ^ consequences, and that hitherto the results had been
niost unsatisfactory. An attempt had been made to settle the question
by what was kno.vn as the Jchnsnn-Clarendon treaty, but that treaty had
Deen rejected by th Ui'ited States authorities. So long as this question
remained unsettled between the two nations there was no possibility of
the old frien<lly relations that had so long existed between them being
restored; and England felt that it was of tin; first importance to her that
these amicable relations should be restored. It was not only her desire
to be in the most friei.dly ^.wisition towards a country which -.vas so closely
associated with her by every tie, by common origin, by common interest^
by common language, bui, it was also her interest to have every cloud re-
moved between the two nations, because she had reason to fee^ that her
position with respect to the other great powers of the world was greatly
affected by the knowledge which those other nations had of the p )sition
t f atfairs between the United States and herself. The 2)res%e of Great
Britain as a great power was affected most seriously by the absence of an
{.littide cordiale between the two nations. Two years ago England was, as
a matter of course, greatly interested in tl:e great and serious questions
which were then convulsing Europe, and was in dan^jer of being drawn by
some complication into the hostile relations of some of the conflicting
powers; and she felt — and I speak merely what must be obvious to every
hon. member in the house — that she cou?d not press or assert her opinion
with the same freedom of action so long as she was aware, and so long as

APPENDIX. 6ST

other nations were aware, that, in case she should be anfortunately placed
in a state of hostility with any nation whatever, the Unitad States <:;overn-
ment would be forced by the United States people to press, at the very
time when she niiyht be enfraged in mortal conflict with another nation^
for a settlement of those A labama claims. Hence, Mr. Speaker, the groat
desire of England, in my opinion, that that great question should be set-
tled, and hence, also, the intermingling of the particular questions relating
to Canada with the larger imperial questions. And, sir, in niy opinion,
it was of greater consequence to Canada than to England, at least as great
ft consequence, that the Alabama question should be settled. (Cheers.)
Sir, England has promised to us, and we have all faith in that promise,
that in case of war the whole force of the empire shall be exerted in our
defence. (Cheers.) What would have been the position of England, and
what would have been the position of Canada, if she had been called upon
to use her whole force to defend us when engaged in conflict elsewhere ?
Canada would, as a matter of course, in case of war between England and
the United States, be the battle ground. We should be the sufferers.
Our country would be devastated, our people slaughtered, and our pro-
perty destroyed; and, while England would, I believe, under all circum-
stances faithfully perform her promise to the utmost (cheers), she wo^ild
be greatly impeded in carrying ou*- her desire, if engaged elsewhere. It
was therefore as much the interest of this Dominion as of England that
the Alabama, and all other questions that in any way threatened the dis-
turbance of the peaceful relations between the two countries, should be
.i.'ttled and i.djuste.1 ; ami iheroforo, although to a considerable extent J
agree vitu the remarks that fell froru the minister of finance when he
made his budget speech, that, looking at the subject in a commercial
point of view, it might have be(>n better in th- interest of Canada that
the Fisiiory and Feiiiaa questions should have bee; • settled free and apart
from the imperial question, 1 am pleasec\ aii«.'. I .\'as pkased. that tiie fact
of Canada having asked England to make these demaiid.i on tiie United
States gave an opportunity for re-open lag the negotiations with respect tO'
the Alub'.ima and other matters. It was fortunate that we made that de-
mand, for England could not, with due self-respect, have initiated or re-
opened the Alabaxia question. She had concluded a treaty in Lciidon
with the representative jf the United States, and that treaty, having been
rejected by the supreme executive of the United States, England could
not herself have reopened negotiations on the subject. And^ therefore,
it was fortunate, I say, for the peace of the empire, and for the peace of
Canada, that v/e asked England to make these uemands upon the United
States, as it aiforded the opportunity of all these questions being made

538 APPENDIX.

again the subject of negotiation. The correfpondence which is before the
house between the secretary of state of the United States and the British
ambassador, Sir Edivard Thornton, has shown how that result was arrived
at. As the invitation was made by the British ambassador to consider
the fishery question, the United States government, I have no doubt,
though I do not know it as a matter of fact, by a (luiet and friendly un-
derstanding between the two powers, replied, acceding to the request, on
condition that the larger and graver matters of dispute were also mad*'
matters of negotiiition. Hence it was, sir, that the arrangements were
made under which the treaty of Washington was effected. Sir, I have
aaid that it was of the greatest consequence to Canada, and to the future
peace and prosperity of Canada, that every cloud which threatened the
peace of England and the United States should be dispelled. I was struck
with an expression that was used to me by a distinguished English states-
man, that those powers in Europe who are not so friendly to England
heard with dismay that the entente conUale between the two nations was
to be renewed (hear, hear); and you have seen mentioned in the public
press the active exertions that were made by one power, or by the repre-
sentative of one power, for the purpose of preventing that happy result
(hear, hear); and although M. Catacazy has been disavowed by the gov-
ernment of Russia in the same way as poor Vicovich was on a previous
occasion, when he was the organ of Russia in the East, I cannot but feel
that he was punished only because his zeal outran his discretion. I can
vouch for his active exertions for the purpose of preventing this treaty of
^Vashington receiving the sanction of the senate of the United States.
(Hear, hear.) While England was strongly interested in the settlement
of these questions, both for herself and for Canada, the United States
were also interested, and made overtures in a most friendly spirit. I be-
lieve that there was a real desire among the people of the United States to
be friendly towards England. I believe that the feeling of irritation which
had been caused by the unhappy events of the war, and by the escape of
the Alabama, had almost entirely disappeared; and I hope and believe
that the people of the United States were then, and are now, strongly in
favour of establishing permanently a friendly feeling between the two
nations. Then, besides, they had a further interest in settling all matters
in dispute ; for so long as the United States and England were not on
friendly terms — so long as they were standing s^loof from each other — it
affected very considerably the credit of the United States securities in
Europe. Not only the funds of the United States as a whole, but the
securities of every state of the union, and of all American enterprises
eeeking the markets of the world, were injuriously affected by the unsat-

APPENDIX. 539

iafactory relations between the two countries. They were, therefore,
prepared to meet each other in this negotiation. To proceed with the
history of the circumstances immeuiately preceding the formation of the
joint high commission at Washington, I will state that on the lat of Feb-
ruary, 1871, a communication was made to me by his excellency the
governor-general, on behalf of her majesty's government, asking me, in
«ase there was going to be a joint commission to settle all questions be-
tween England and the United States, whether I would act as a member
of that commission. I give the date because it has been asked for. The
communication was verbal, and foimded upon a telegraphic communication
to his excellency, which cannot be presented , and being of a nature which
the house can readily understand ought not properly to be laid before this
house. This communication was, in the first place, for myself alone. I
was not allowed to mention it for tho time to any one else. My reply was
that I would be greatly embarrassed by -ny injunction of secrecy as re-
gards my colleagues, and that under no circumstances would [ accept the
position without their consent. I subsequently received permission to
communicate it to thom, and I received their consent to act upon the
commission. Before accepting, however, I took occasion, for my own in-
forniPtion and satisfaction, to ask, through his excellency, what points of
agreement and of difference "xisted between England and Canada with
regard to the fisheries. The answer was a very short one by cable, and it
was satisfactory to myself. It was extended la the despatch of the IGth
February, 1871. It shortly stated that of course it was impossible for
her majesty's government to pledge themselves to any foregone conclusion;
that it was a matter for negotiation, and it was of course out of the question
on the part of either government to give cast-iron instructions to their re-
presentatives, because that would do away with every idea of a negotia-
tion. The despatch went on to say that her majesty's government con-
sidered our right to the in-shoro fisheries beyond dispute; that they also
believed that our claims as to the headlands just, but that those claims
might properly be a matter of compromise. It went on further to state
that her majesty's government believed that, as a matter of strict right,
we could exclude the American fishermen entering our ports for purposes
of trade and commerce, and that they could only enter our waters, in the
language of the treaty, " for wood, water and shelter," but that this, in the
opinion of her majesty's government, would be a harsh construction of
the treaty, and might properly be a subject for compromise. On reading
that despatch I could have no difficulty as a member of the Canadi .n
government in accepting the position to which my colleagues assented, of
plenipotentiary to Washington, because, as a matter of law, our view of

540 Ari'ENDlX.

those three points was acknowledged to be correct, and the subject wa»
therefore devoid of any enibarrivasnient from the fact of Canadians setting
up pretensions which her majesty's government could not support. (Hear
hear.) When the proposition was first made to me, I felt considerable*
embarrassment and j^reat reluctance to become a member of the coiiimi.s-
sion. I pointed out to my cclkaguea that I was to be one o" ?"e; that I
was in a position of being overruled continually in our discussions, and
that I could not by any possibility bring due weight from my isolated po-
sition. 1 felt also that I would not receive fioni those who were politically
opposed to me in Canada that support which an officer going abroad on
behalf of his coimtiy generally received and liad a right to expect. (Hear,
hear.) I knew that I would be made a maik of attack, and this house
well knows tliat my anticipations have been verified. I knew that I
would not get fair play. (He.-ir, licar.) I knew that the same policy that
had been carried out towards me fur years and years would continue, ai d
therefoie it was a matter of grave consideration to myself whether to ac-
cept the appointment or not. In that position, sir, a sense of duty pre-
vailed (cheers), and my colleagues pressed upon me also that I would b&
wanting in my duty to my country if I declined the appointment — that if,
from a fear of the consequences, from a fear tliat I would sacrifice the po-
Bition J held in the opinion of the people of Canada, I shoidd shiik the
duty, I would be unworthy of the confidence I had received so long from
a large portion of the people of Canada. ^Cheers.) " What," said my
colleagues, " would be eaid, if, in consequence of your refusal, Canada
was nut represented, and her interest in these matters allowed to go by
default ] " England, after having ofiered that position to the first minis-
ter, and it having been refused by him, would have been quite at liberty
to have proceeded with the commission and the settlement of all these
questions withotit Canada being represented on the commission, and those
very men who attack me now for having been there, and taken a certain
course, would have been just as loud in their complaints and just as bitter
in their attacks, because I had neglected the interests of Canada, and re-
fused the responsibility of asserting the rights of Canada at Washington.
(Cheers.; Sir, knowing, as I said before, what the consequences would be
to myself of accepting that office, and foreseeing the attacks that would be
made upon me, I addressed a letter to his excellency the governor-genera',
informing him of the grave difficulties of my position, and that it was only
from a sense of duty that I accepted the position. On proceeding to Wash-
ington I found a general desire among the two branches into which the joint
high commission divided itself — an equal desire, 1 should say, on the part
of the United States commissioners as well as on that of the British com-

APPENDIX. 541

missionora — that all quest iona in diaputo should be settled so far as the
two governments could do so. There was a Bi)ecial desire that there should
be a settlement of everything. It was very easy for the comniissionera or
the government through their representatives to make a treaty, but in the
United States there is a power above and beyond the government : the
Senate of the United States, which had to be considered. It was felt that
a second rejection of a treaty would be most disastrous for the future of
both nations ; that it would be a solemn declaration that there was no
peaceable solution of the questions between the two nations. An Ameri-
can statesman said to me, " the rejection of the treaty now means war. "
Not war to-morrow, or at any given period, but war whenever England
happens to be engaced in other troubles and attacked from other sources.
(Hear, hear.) You may therefore imagine, Mr. Speaker, and this house
tnay well imagine, the solemn considerations pressing upon my mind, as
well as upon the minds of my colleagues in Canada, with whom I was in
daily communication, if by any unwise course, or from any rigid or pre-
conceived opinions, we should risk the destruction forever of all hope of a
peaceable solution of the difficulties between these kindred nations. (Hear.)
Still, sir, I do not forget that I was their chosen representative. I could
not ignore the fact that I was selected as a member of that commission
from my acquaintance with Canadian politics. I had continually before
me not only the imperial question but the interests of the Dominion of
Canada, which I was there sj^ecially to represent; and the difhuulty of my
position was that if I gave undue prominence to the interests of Canada,
I might justly be held in England to be taking a purely colonial and sel-
tish view, regardless of the interests of the empire as a whole, and the
interests of Canada as a portion of the empire; and, on the other hand, if
I kept my eye aolely on imperial considerations, I might be held as ne-
glecting my especial duty towards my country of Canada. It was a diffi-
cult pof.ition, as the house will believe, a position that pressed upon me
with great weight and severity at the time, and it has not been dimin-
ished in any way since I have returned, except by the cordial support of
my colleagues, and I believe also of my friends in this house. (Cheers. )
In order to show that I did not for a moment forget that I was there to
represent the interests of Canada, I must ask you to look at the despatch
of the 16th February, 1871, which reached me at Washington, a few days
after I arrived th^re. It will be seen that Lord Kimberley used this ex-
pression: "As at present advised, her majesty's government are of opinion
that the right of Canada to exclude Americans from fishing in the waters
within the limit of three marine miles of the coast is beyond dispute, and
can only be ceded for an adequate consideration. Should this considera-

542 APPENDIX.

tion take the form of a money payment, it appears to her niajosty's govern-
ment tliat such an arrangement would be more likely to work well than
if any c(mditions were annexed to the exorcise of the privilege uf fishing
within the Canadian rvaiers.'' Having read that despatch, and the .sug-
gestion that an arrangement might be made on the basis of a money
payment, and there being an absence of any statement that such an ar-
rangement could only be made with the consent of Canada, I thought it
well to communicate with my colleagues at Ottawa; and altht)Ugh we had
received again and again assurancds from her maioaty's government that
tliose rights would lujt be aU'octed, given away or reded without our con-
sent, it was thought advisable, in consequence of tho omission of all refer-
ence to the necessity of Canada's assent being obt«ined to any monetary
a/rangement, to communicate by cable that Canada considered the Cana-
dian fisheries to be her pr(^per^y, and they could not be disposed of witl out
her consent. That communication was made by the Canadian government
on the 10th of March, and of that government I was so a member; and not
only did that communication proceed from the Canadian government to
England, giving them fair notice that the Canadian government, of which
I was a member, would insist upon the right of dealing with her own
fisheries, but I took occasion to press upon the head of the British com-
mission at Washington, that my own individual opinion as representing
Canada, should be laid before her majesty's government. The answer
that came back at onoe by cable was extended in full in the despatch of
the 17th IVrarch, 1871, and it was most satisfactory, as it stated that her
majesty's government had never any intention of ad\ising hor majesty
to part with those fisheries without the consent of Canada. Armed with
this, 1 felt that I was relieved of a considerable amount of embarrass-
ment. I felt tliat, no matter what arrangements might bo made, no matter
wliether I was outvoted by my colleagues on the commis.sion, or what in-
structions might be given by her majesty's government, the interests of
Canada were safe, because they were in her own hands, and reserved for
her own decision. Now, Mr. Speaker, it must not be supposed that this
was not a substantial concession on the part of her majesty's government.
It is true that Lord Kimberley stated, in his despatcli of the 17th Miu'ch,
that, when the reciprocity treaty was concluded, the acts of the Nova
Scotia and New Brunswick legislatures relating to the fisheries were sus-
pended by acts of those legislatures, and that the fishery rights of Canada
were now under the protection of a Canadian act of parliament, the repeal
of which would be necessary in case of the cession of those rights to any
foreign power. It is true in one sense of the word; but it is also true that
if her majesty, in the exercise of her powers, had chosen to make a treaty

APPENDIX. 545

with the United States, ceding not only those rights, but ceding the very
land over which those waters flow, the treaty between England and the
United States would have been obligatory and binding, and the United
States would have held England to it. No matter how unjust to Canada
aftei all her promises, still the treaty woald be a valid and obligatory
treaty between England and the United States, and the latter would have
the right to enforce its provisions, over-ride any provincial laws or ordi-
nances, and take possession of our waters and rights. It vould have been
a great wrong, but the consequence would have boon 'he loss practically
of our rights forever ; and so it was satisfactory that it should be settled,
as it has been settled beyond a doubt, appearing upon the records of the
conference at Washington. Now, the recognition of the proprietory right
of Canada in our fisheries forms a portion of the state papers of both coun-
tries. Now, the rights of Canada to those fisheries are beyond dispute,
and it is finally established that England cannot and will not, under any
circumstances whatever, cede those fisheries without the consent of Can-
ada ; so that, in any future arrangement between Canada and England,
or England and the United States, the rights of Canada wiU be re-
Bi>ected, as it is conceded beyond dispute that England has not the power
to deprive Canada of thorn ; so that we may rest certain that for all time
to come England will not, without onr consent, make any cession of those
interests . Now, Mr. Speaker, to come to the mode of treating the various
subjects which interest Canada more particularly. I will address myself
to them in detail; and first, I will consider the question of most importance
to us, the one on which we are now specially asked to legislate, that which
interests Canada as a whole most particularly, and which interests the
maritime provinces especially — I mean the articles of the treaty with re-
spect to our fishofy rights. I would, in the first place, say that the pro-
tocols which accompany the treaty, and wliich are in the hands of every
member, do not give, chronologically, an every day account of the trans-
actions of the conference. Although as a general rule, I believe the pro-
tocols of such conferences are kept from day to day, it was thought better
to depart from the rule on this occasion, and to record only the conclu-
sions arrived at. While the protocols substantially contain the result of
the negotiations ending in the treaty, they must therefore not be looked
upon as chronological dates of the facts and incidents as they occurred.
I say BO, because the protocol which relates more especially to the fisheries
would lead one to suppose that at the first meeting, and without pre-
vious discussion, the British commissioners stated "that they were pre-
pared to discuss the question of the fisheries either in detail or generally,
3o as either to enter into an dxamiiation of the respective rights of the

514 APPENDIX.

two countries under the troaty of 1818 and the general law of nations, or
to approach at once the settleniunt of the question on a comprehensive
basis." Now tlie fa';t is, that it was found by the British commissioners
when they arrived at Washington, and had had an opportunity of ascer-
taining the feeling that prevailed at that time, not only among the United
States commissioners, but among the public men of the United States
whom they met there, and from their communicaticju with otlier sources
of information, that the feeling was universal that all (piestions should be
settled beyond the possibility of dispute in the future; and more e8p«icially
that, if by any possibility a solution of the difiiculty respecting the (isher-
iea could be arrived at, or a satisfactory arrangement made by which the
fishery question could bo placed in abeyance as in 1854, it would bo to
the advantage of both nations. It must 'e remembered that the com-
mission sat in 1871, and that the exclusion of American fishermen from
our waters was enforced and kept up during the whole of 1870, and that
great and loud, though I believe unf(junded, complaints had been made
that American fishing vessels had been illegally seized, although they had
not trespassed upon our waters. Persons interest L:d had been using every
effort to arouse and stimulate lie public mind of the United States and
the people of the United States again^ Canada and the Canadian author-
ities ; and it was felt and expressed that it would be a great bar to the
chance of the treaty being accepted by the United States if one of the
causes of irritation which had been occurring a few months before should
be allowed to remain unsettled. Collisions would occur between .\merican
fishermen claiming certain rights and Canadians resisting those claims,
that thereby feelings would be aroused, and all the good which might be
effected by the treaty would be destroyed by quarrels between man and
man engaged on the fishing grounds. This feeling prevailed, and I, as a
Canadian, knowing that the people of Canada desired, and had always
expressed a wish to enter into, the most cordial reciprocal trade arrange-
ments with the United States, so stated to the British commissioners;
and they had no hesitation, on being invited to do so, in stating that they
would desire by all means to remove every cause of discussion respecting
these fisheries, by the restoration of the old reciprocity treaty of 1854.
An attempt was made in 1865 by the hon. member for Sherbrooke (Sir A.
T. Gait) and Mr. Howland, on behalf of Canada, to renew that treaty,
but it failed, because the circumstances of the United States in 18G5 were
very different from what, they were in 1854, and it appeared out of the
question and impossible for the United States to agree to a treaty Tvith
exactly the same provisions, and of exactly the same nature, as that of
1854; so that the British commissioners, believing that a treaty s^imilar to

APi'E.WIX. 545

Ihat of 1854 could not be obtivinod in words and in detail, thoiifjht that it
might bo obtiiinod in siiirit, ;ind this view was .stroiii^ly prissod upnn the
joint conunission. Tiiis will appear from tlio j)rotocol. It will also ap-
pear from the protocol that the United States commissioners stated that
u reciprocity treaty was out of the question; that it could not bo accepted
without being subuiitted to both branches of congress; that there was not
tht sliglitest possibility of congress passing such an act; that the agree-
ment by the two govorniuoiits to a treaty including provisions similar in
spirit to the treatj' of I8r4 would oidy insure the rejection oi that treaty
by the senate; and, therefore, that some other solution must bo found. I
believe that the United States CDiuinissioneis were candid and were accu-
rate in their view of the situation. I believe that had the treaty contained
all the provisions or the essential provisions of the treaty of l8.~)-4, they
would have ensured its rejection by the senate. When I speak of the
conferences that were held on the fisheries, [ would state for the informa-
tion of those members of the house who may be uiiiic(iuaintod with the
Uiage in such mutters, that the commissioners did not act at the discussion
individually. The conftrence was composed of two units — the British
commission and the United States commission. If a question arose in
conference on which either of the two parties, the British or American
branch, desired to consult together, they retired, and on their return ex-
pressed their views as a whole, without reference to the individual opinions
of the commissioners. As an individual member of the British commission,
and on behalf of Canada, when it was found that we could not obtain a
renewal tf the reciprocity treaty, I urged upon my English colleagues tliat
the Canadians should be allowed lo retain the exclusive enjoyment of t.io
in-shore fisheries, and that means should be used to arrive in some way or
other at a settlement of the disputed question in relation to the fisheries,
80 to seivle the headland question, and the other one in relating to trading
in o.ir ports by American iishermen; and I would have been well satisfied,
acting on behalf of the Canadian government, if that course had been
adopted by the imperial government ; but her majesty's government felt,
and so instructed their commissioners, and it was so felt by the United
States commissioners, that the leaving of the chance of collision between
the American fishermen and the Canadian authorities a matter of possi-
bility, would destroy or greatly prejudice the grtat object of the negotia-
tions that were to restore the amicable relations and the friendly feeling
between the two nations; and therefore her majesty's government pressed
that these questions should be allowed to remain in abeyance, and that
some other settlement in the way of compensation to Canada should be
formed. The protocol shows, Mr. Speaker, that the United States gov-
II

640 AVI'KNDIX.

ernmont, throu;,'li tlioir coinmiasioners, made a coiisidoralilo advance, or
at least aoino advanci', in tho diroctioii of reciprocity, bocaiiHo tlioy ofl'ured
to oxuhaiigu for our in-sSoro fiHlierius, in the tirat i)Iacii, tlio rij^ht to fish
in their waters, whatever that might he worth; and tlioy Tered to admit
Canadian coal, salt, fish, and after 1874, luinbor, free of duty. They
offered reciprocity in these articles, On behalf of Canada, tlie T^ritish
comniissionora said that they did not co 'aider that that was a fair equiva-
lent. (Hear, hear.) It is not necessary that 1 shoidd enter into all the
discussions and arguments on that poitit, but it was pointed out by the
British commissioners that already a measure had passed one branch of
the legislature of the United States, making coal and salt free, and stood
ready to bo passed by tlie other branch, the senate. It was believed at
that time that tho American congress, for its own purpose and in tho in-
terest of American people, was about to tako tlio duty off these articles,
and, therefore, the commission could not be fairly considered as in any
way granting a compensation, as congroaa was going to take off tho duty
whether there was a treaty or not. Then as regards the duty on lumber,
which was ofl'ered to be taken otl' after 1874, we pointed out that nearly a
third of the ;vhole of the timo for which the treaty was proposed to oxiit
would expire before the duty Avould be taken off our lumber. Tho British
commissioners tirged that under those circuuistances the offer coiild not
be considered a fair one, and that Canada had a fair right to demand
compensation over and above these proposed reciprocal arrangements.
Now, Mr. Speaker, bef()re that proposition was made, I was in communi-
cation with my colleagues in the Canadian government, who were exceed-
ingly anxious that the original object should be carried; that, if we could
not get reciprocity as it was in 1854, we should be allowed to retain our
fisheries, and that tho questions in dispute should be settled ; but her
majesty's government taking the strong ground that their acceding to our
wishes would be equivalent to an abatidonment of the treaty, the Canadian
government reluctantly said that, from a desire to meet her majesty's
government's views as much as possible, and not to allow it to be felt in
England that from a selfish desire to obtain all we desired, we had frus-
trated the efforts of her majesty's r^ivernment to secure peace, we con-
sented that this proposition should be made. And, sir, that proposition
was made to the United States. Although I do not know it as a matter
of certainty, I have reason to believe that if it had not been for the action
of this legislature last session, we would now be passing an act for the
purpose of ratifying a tre<aty in which coal and salt and lumber from Can-
ada would be received into the United States free of duty. (Hear, hear.)
I have reason to believe that had it not been for the interposition of this

A VPENDIX. M7

legi»lftturo — and I Bpoak now of political friends as well aa foos — the terms
wliich were ollurod hy the United States would have been the compensa-
tion to have been settled by arbitration, and would have constituted a
portion of the treaty, instead of as it in now. (Api)lau9e. ) I will toll the
huiise why 1 say so. The oiler was lu'ido early by the United States gov-
ernnient. The answer made by the Ih-itish coinnussionera was that, under
the circumstances, it was not a fair and adocpiatu coMi[)on8ation for the
privileges that were asked, ami (he Briti^ih coniiuisHioners, at the sugges-
tion of the Canadian government, referred the (pujstion to her majesty's
government, whether they ought not, in addition to this ofl'er of the United
States, to expect a pecuniary compensation — that pecuniary compensation
to bo settled in some way or other. That took place on the 25th of March,
1871. On the 25tli of March I think the linal proposition was made by
the United States i,'overnment, and on the 22ud March, two days before,
the resolution was carried in tliis house, by which the duty was taken off
coal and salt and the other articles mentioned. Before that res >lution
was carried here, no feeling was expressed a','ainst the taking oil" of the
duty on Canadian eoal and salt into the United States,, No one raised
any difiiculty about it. 1 am as well satisfied as I can be of a thing which
I did not see occur, that the admission of Canadian coal and salt into the
United States would have been placed in the treaty if it had not been for
the action of this legislature on the 25th of March. (Hear, hear.) Tiiat
oiler was made, and it was referred to England. Tiie government stated
that they quite agreed in the opinion that, in addition to that offer, there
should be compensation in money; and then, on the 17th of April, the
American commissioners withdrew their offer — as they had the right to do
— altogether. And why did they withdraw the offer altogether ? One of
the commissioners in conversation said to me, " 1 am quite surprised to
find the opposition that has s^^rung up to the admission of Canadian coal
and salt into our market ; I was unprepared for the feeling that is exhib-
ited." I know right well what the reason was. The monopolizers, having
the control of American coal in Pennsylvania and salt in New York, so
long as the treaty would open to them the market in Canada for their
products, were quite willing that it should carry, becau.se they would have
the advantage of both markets; b\it when the duty was taken off in Cana-
da, when you had opened the market to them, when they had the whole
control of their own market, and free access to ours, whether for coal or
salt, the monopolizers brought down all their energies upon their friends
in congress, and through them a pressure on the American government,
for the purpose of preventing the admission of Canadian cojI and salt into
the American market, and from that I have no doubt arose the withdrawal

648 A IT E MUX.

by the Aiiiorioan coiiiiniHNiomrs of thoir ( flbr. Wlii'ii my limi. frioiiil from
Botliwell (Mr, MiIIh) miiil, hiut BiiHftion, "TluwugueH IIim ('miii(lnin iiutional
policy!" ho little wiia awuro of tho coiiHutiuuuoca of thu ruukluss ooiirHu he
had takon. (Hoar, hoar, uitcl lauijlitor.) Hon, guntlemuii may latigh, but
they will fittd it no liin;,'hing matter. Thu pooplu of Canada, bolli uaat
and wuat, will hold to ittrict account t'loou who autod ao unpatriotically in
tho matter. (Hi'Hr, hoar.) Undor thoao circvunatancoa, Mr. Speaker, I
felt niyaelf powerleaa, and when the American cummiHaionora made their
lost oiler, which is now in the treaty, (IFviring reciprocity in tlie haliorios —
that Canadiuna ahould ti»h in Amoiican watira, and that Amuricina ahould
tish in Canadian waters, and that li^li and tith oil ahould bo reciprocally
free, and that if there ahould bo an arbitration it were foun I that the
bargain was an unjuat ono iu Canada and that aho did nut recuivo autHcient
conipenaation for her tisheriea by that arrangement — I agreed that it ahould
bo remitted to 'ler majeaty'a government to say what ahould ho done, as
will be aeon by tho laat aentenco of tho protocol: " 'J'ho .lubjoot waa fur-
ther diacuaaed in the conferences of April 1.8th and lUth, and the British
commiaaiont 8 having referred tho last propoaal to their govornmont, and
received inatnictiona to accept the treaty, artidea 18 to 25 vero agreed to
at the confeienco on tho 22nd April." Thiia, then, it occurred that these
articlea, from 18 to 25, are a portion of tho treaty. One of theae articles
reaerves for Canada '.ho right of rejection or adoption, and it ia for this
parliament now to say whether, under all tho circumatancos, it shall ratify
or reject thein. The papers that have been laid before tho house show
what was tho opinion of tho Canadian govornmont. Under tlio present
circun\stancc3 of that question, the Canadian government beliovo that it
is for tho interest of Canada to accept tho treaty— lo ratify it by legisla.
tion. (Hear, hear.) Thoy believe it is for the interest of Canada to ac-
cept it ; and they are more inclined to believe it from the fact — which I
must say has surprisod me, and surprised my colleagues, and has surprised
the country -that tho portion of tho treaty which was supposed to bo most
unpopular and most prejudicial to the interesta of tho maritirao provinces,
has proved to be the least unpopular. (Hear, hear.) Sir, I could not
have anticipated that the Canadian fishermen, who, to a man, were op-
posed to tho treaty, as inflicting on them a wrong, would now be recon-
ciled to it. 1 could not have anticipated that tho tishermen of the mari-
time provinces, who at first expressed hostility, would now, with a few
exceptions, be anxious for its adoption. (Hear, hear.) In reviewing
these articles of the treaty, I would call the consideration of the house to
the fact that their scope and aim have been greatly misrepresented by that
portion of the Canadian press which is opposed to the present government.

APPENDrX. M

It haH bttou allo^'od to be an iKtioiiiiiuou!) nalu of tlui i)r()])orty of Ciiimda,
ft biirteriii;^ ftwiiy of tho tortitoriiil li^litH of thin country for inonoy. Sir,
tliiit allo^lltioll could not \w tnoru iilturly iinfonmltMl than it in. (Hoar,
iii'itr. ) It in no luoru a transfer and Halo of tlut territorial ri^dilH of
Canada than waH tho truaty of 1854. Tho vory hatis of this treaty is rooi-
(jrocity. (Ilimr, liuar.) To beanro, it does not gu so far and oinbraco so
niMiy articles aa tho treaty of l.S')4. I am sorry for it. I foiii,'ht hard
that it should bo so; but tho terms of this treaty are terms of reciprocity,
ftnd the very tirat clause ou}{ht to be sulHcieiit evidence upon that point,
fur it doclaies that CamuUaua shall have the same right to tiah in Ameri-
can waters that Americans will have under tho treaty to tish in Canadian
waters. True, it may bo aaid that our llHheriea are more valuable than
theirs, but that does not afl'ect the principli'. Tiie principle is this — that
wo wore trying to make a reciprocity arrangement, and going aa far in tho
direction of reciprocity as [jossildo, endeavouring to carry out a reciprocity
law, although nut a reciprocity treaty in form. Tho principle is tho same
in eacli case, and as regards tho treaty that lias l)een negotiated, it is not
conlinod to reciprocity in fiah. It provides that tho [jroducts of tho fish-
eries of tho two nations — fish oil as well as fish — shall bo intcrchaugod
free. The only symptom of departure from that principle is that if it
were found that Cauiida had made a bad bargain and liad not received a fair
compensation for what she gave; if it were found that while thoro was re-
ciprocity as to tho enjoyment of rights and privileges, there was not true
reciprocity in value, provision was made by which tlio dill'eronco in value
shoidd be ascertained and paid to this country. (Hear, hoar.) Now, if
there is anything ajiproaching to the dishonourable and the degrading in
these proposals, \ do not know tho meaning of those terms. (Hoar, hear.)
This provision may not be one tliat will Tneot tho acceptance of the coun-
try, but T say tliat th ! maun r in which it has been ckaracteri/od was a
■ wilful and deliborato use o*^ language which the parties employing it did
not believe at the time to be accurate, and to which thoy resorted for po-
litical reasons and in order to create misappndiensions in the country. Sir,
there was no humiliation. Canada would not tolerate an act of humilia-
tion on the part of its government; ami England would neitlior advise nor
permit one of her faithful cohMiies to be degraded and cast luwn. (Cheers.)
But it is said that the American fisheries are of no value to I's. They are
not very valuable, it is true, bu! still they have a substantial value for us
in this way — that the exclusion of Canadian fishermen from the American
coast fisheries would have been a great loss t >> the fishing interests of the
maritime provinces, and I will tell you why. It is quite true that the
mackerel fishery, which ia the most valuable fishery on these coasts, be-

660 APPENDIX.

loners to Canada, and tha* the m.ackerel of tho American coast is far infe-
rior in every respect to ti. ' '" nadian; but it is also true that in American
waters, tho menhadden, th > favourite bait to catch the mackerel, is found;
and it is so much the favoivite bait, that one tiching (resael having this
bait on board will draw awa^ a whole school of mackerel in the very face
of vessels having an inferioi >ait. Now, tho vulno of the privilege of en-
tering American v/aters for c; celling that bait ia very groat. If (/anadian
fishermen were excluded from Auierican vvateii by any combination among
American fishermen, or by any act of congress, they would be deprived of
getting a single ounce of the bait. Amoric.vu fishi'rn sn might combine
for that object, or a law might bo pf ml by congress forbidding the ex-
portation of menhadilea ; but by the provision made in the treaty, Cana-
dian fishermen are allowed to enter into American waters to procure thii
bait, and the conse(iuen;o of that is tli-it no such combination can exist,
and Canadians can purchase the bait a .i' ' o able to fish on equal terms
with the Americans. (Hear, he<ar.) It 's thus seen, sir, that this reci-
procity trer*^^y is not a mere matter of g'r 'tiinent — it is a most vo,iUable
privilege, which is not to be neglected, or k^pised, or sneered at. With
respect to the language of those articles, aon^Q questions have been raised
and placed on the paper, and L have asked t • . hon. gentlemen Avho were
about to put them to postpone doing so; and ! ow warn hon, members —
and I do it with tho most sincere desire toprot ^cSand vindicate the inter-
ests of Canada — if this treaty becomes a treaty, an-' \te ratify the fishery
articles, I warn them not to raise questions whic'i othorwiso might not be
raised. I think, Mr. Speaker, there is no greatei i; n'ance in which a wise
discretion can be used than in not suggesting any doubt. With respect,
however, to the question which was put \>y the hon member for the county
of Charlotte — and it is a question which might well be put, and which re-
quires somo answer — I would state to that hon. gei; Hi'inan, and I think he
will be satisfied with the answer, that the treaty of l."^71, in the matter his
question refers to, is larger and wider in its provisions in favour of (/aiiada
than was the treaty of 1854, and that under tlie treaty of 1854 no ([uestion
was raised as to the exact locality of the catch, bat all fish bi'ouglit to the
United States market by Canadian vessels were free. I say this advisedly,
and I will discuss it with the hon. gentleman whene'^er he may chooaa to
give me tho opportunity. The same jiraclice will I have no doubt, be
continued under the treaty of 1871, unless the pe \ le of Canada thera-
Eelves raise the objection. T'ae warning I have just low expressed I am
sure the house will take in tho spiiit in which it is ntended. No hon.
member will, of course, be prevented from exercising his own discretion;
but I felt it my duty to call the attention of the house to tlie necessity for

A L'PENDIX. 651

great prudence in not raising needless doubts ai to the terms of the treaty.
It will be renienibored that wo have not given all our lisherios away The
treaty only applies to the tisheries of the old British Aniericriu provinces;
and in order that tlio area should not be widened, it is provided that it
shall only apply to the fisheries of Quebec, Nova Soiitia, New lirunswick
and Piince Edward Island; so that the treaty does not allow the Ameri-
cans to have access to t^^he rac-Hc coast tisheries, nor yet to the inexhaust-
ible and priceless fisheries of the Hudson Bay. These are great sources
of revenue yet undeveloped, bat after the treaty is ratified they will de-
velop rapidly ; at\d in twelve years from now, when the two nations sit
down to reconsider the circumstances and readjust the treaty, it will be
fo\ind that other and greater wealth will be at the disposal of the Domin-
ion. I may bo asked — though I have not seen that the point has excited
any observation — why "were not the pn)ducts of the lake fishciios laid open
to both nations? and in reply may say that thos'j fisheries were excepted
at my instance. The Canadian fisheries on the north shore of the great
lakes are most valuable. By a judicious sjstem of preservation and pro-
tection we have greatly increased that 8o;.rce of wealtli. It is also known
that from a concurrence of circumstances, and from situation, the fisheries
on the south slioro are not nearly so valuable as ours; and it therefore ap-
peared that if we once allowed tiie American fishermen to have admission
to our waters with their various engines of destruction, all the care taken
for many years to cultivate that source of wealth would bo disturbed and
injured and really prejudiced, and there would be no end of quarrels and
dissatisfaction in our narrow watti^, and no reciprocity ; and, therefore,
that Canada would be much better off by preserving her own inland fish-
eries to herself, and have no right to enter the Ameriaan markets witii the
products of those fisheries. This was the reason why the lake fisheries
were not included in this arrangement. Now, sir, under the present cir-
cumstances of the case, the Canadian government has decided to press
upon this liouso the policy of accepting this treaty and ratifying the fish-
ery articles. I may be liable to the charge of injuring our own case in
discussing the advantages of the arrangements, because every word used
by me may bo (pioted and used as evidence against us hereafter. The
statement I'.as been so thrown broadcast that the arrangement is a bad one
for Canada, that in order to show to this house and the country that it is
one that can be accepted, one is obliged to run the risk of his language
being used before the commissioners to settle the amount of compensation,
as an evidence of the value of the treaty to us. It seems to me that in
looking at the treaty in a commercial point of view, and looking at the
question whether it is right to accept the articles, we have to consider

662 AVPENDIX.

mainly tliat interest whicli is most, peculiarly ali'ected. Now, unless I am
greatly misiiiforaiod, the fishtry. interests in Nova Hcotia, with one or two
exceiitions for local reasons, are altogether in favour of the treaty. (Hear,
hear.) Theyareauxious to g ;1 ''rec! ad mission for their tish into the American
market, that they wo.ild view with g'eat sorrow any action of this house
which would exclude them from that, market, that they look forward with
increasing confidence to a large development of iheir trade and of that
groat industry; and I say that that being the case — if it be to the ii\terest
of the iishermeii and tor the advantage of that branch of national indus-
try, Retting aside c other considerations — we ought not wilfully to injure
that interest. Why, sir, what is the fact of the case as it stands ? The
only market for the Canadian No. 1 mackerel in the world is the United
States. That is our only market, and we are practically excluded from it
by the present duty. The oorsequence of that duty is that our fishermen
are at the mercy of the American fishermen. They are made the hewers
of wood and the drawers of water for the Americans. They are obliged
to sell their fish at the Americans' own price. The American liohermen
purchase their fish at a nominal value, and control the American market.
The great profits of the trade are handed over to the American fishermen
or American merchants engaged in the trade, and they profit to the loss
of our own industry and our own people. Let any one go down the St.
Lawrence on a summer trip, as many of us do, and call from the deck of
the steamer to a fisherman in his boat, and see for what a nominal price
you can secure the whole of his catch; and that is from the absence of a
market, and from the fact of the Canadian fishermen being completely
under the control of the foi-eigncr. With the duty oflF Canadian fish, the
Canadian fisherman may send his hsh at the right time, when he can ob-
tain the best price, to the American market, and thus be the means of
opening a profitable trade with the ^Tnitrd States in exchange. If, there-
fore, it is for the advantage of the maritime provinces, including that
portion of Quebec which is also largely interested in the fisheries, that
this treaty should be raiiiied, and that this great market should be opened
to them, on what ground should we deprive them of this right ? Is it not
a selfish argument that the fisheries can bi Ui.nd as a lever in order to gain
reciprocity in flour, wheat and other cereals ? Are you to shut our fisher-
mei out of this great market, in order that you may coerce the United
Statee into giving you an extension of the reciprocal principle ? Why,
Mr. S]/ f»ker, if it were a valid argument it would be a selfish one. What
would ''■ said by the people of Ontario if the United States had oflfered,
for tlioir own purposes, to admit Canadian grains free, and Nova Scotia
liad objected, saying: "No, you shall not have that market; you must be

APPENDIX. 553

deprived of that niarkct forever, unless wo can take in onr fisli also. You
must lose all tlmt great advantage uniil wo can get a market for our lisli."
Apply the argument in this way, and you will see how selfish it ia. Jiut
the argument lias no foundation, no basis of fact, and I will show this
house why. In 1854, by a strict and rigid observance of the principle of
exclusion, the Aniericau tisheruien were drivt-n out of those waters. At
that time the United States were free from debt, and they had a large
capital invested in their fisheries. Our fisheries were then in their infancy.
They were a " feeble " people, just beginning as fishermen, with little
capital and little skill, and their operations were very restricted. I do
not speak disparagingly, but in comparison with the fishermen of the
United States there was an absence of capital and skill. The United
States were free from taxation; they had this capital and skill, and all they
wanted was our Canadian waters in which to invest that capital and exer-
cise that skill. lUit how is that altered ? Now our fisheries are no lever
by which to obtain reciprocity in grain. What do the United States care
for our fisheries ? The American tishermen are opposed to the treaty.
Those interested in the iisheries are sending petition after petition to the
United States government and congress, praying that the treaty may be
rejected. They say they do not want to come into our Wcaters. The
United States government have gone into this treaty with every desire to
settle all possible sources of difliculty. Their fishermen complain that
they will suffer by it, but the United States government desire to meet
us face to face, hand to hand, heart to heart, to have an amicable settle-
ment of disputes. They know that they are not making political friends
nor gaining political strength, because interests most affected by the fishery
articles are against the treaty ; but they desire that the ill-feelings which
arose during the civil war, and from the Alabama case should be forgotten.
A feeling of friendship hns grown up between the nations, and it can be
no other desire than to foster and encourage that feeling which dictates
the agreeing to these particular .irticles. If, then, Canada objects to the
treatj', the United States government will simply say : " Well, if you do
not like these arrangements, reject them; and the consequence be on your
own huad if this friendship st) auspiciously commenced is at any time bro-
ken by unhappy collisions in your waters."

It being six o'clock, Mr. Speaker left the chair.

AFTEK UECESS.

Sir John Maodonald resumed his speech as follows: — I am afraid I
must apologise to the house for the uninteresting manner in which I have
laid the subject before the house so far. I was showing, as well as I could,

nriA APPENDIX.

my opinion, ami my reasons for that opinion — that under the circum-
stances, the treaty, althoiif^li it is not what wo desire, and altlioiigh it is
not what I pressed for, ought to be accepted. J shall not pursue that
branch of t}>e auliject to proater length, as during the disctission of the
measure I have no doubt that 1 shall liavo a<jain an opportunity to re-urge
Ihese and further views on the same subject, as they may occur to me, or
as they may be elicited. 1 shall, however, call the serious attention of
the house, and especially of those members of the house who have given
attention to the question in dispute, as regards tlio validity of the several
treaties between the United Stat(!8 and England, to the importance of this
treaty in this respect, that it pets at rest now and forever the disputed
question as to whether the convention of 1818 was not repealed and ob-
literated by the treaty of 1854. This question, Mr. Speaker, is one that
has occupied the attention of the Ignited States jurists, and has been tho
subject (>f serious and elaborate discusf- ions. BVom my point of view, the
pretension of the United Statefc is erroneous, but it has been constantly
pressed — and we know the pertinacity with which such views are pressed
by the United States; we have an example in the case of the navigation of
the river St. Lawrence, which, while it was discussed from 1822 to 1828,
end was apparently settled then forever between the two nations, was re-
vived by the president of the United State?, in his address of 1870, and
the difference " etween the point of view as pressed in 1828 by the United
States and that presaiid in 1870, was shown by the result of the treaty.

Mr. Blakk— Hear, hear.

Sib John 1\Iacdonai,T) — And, sir, it was of great importance, in my
point of view, that this question which has beer, so pressed by American
jurists, and considering also the pertinacity with which such views are
urged, should be set at rest forever. The question has been strongly put
in the American, Laio Beview of April, 1871, in <an article understood to
have been written by .Judge Pomeroy, a jurist of standing in the United
States; and that paper, I believe, expresses the real opinion of the writer,
erroneous though I hold it to be — and his candour is shown by this fact,
as well as from the known standing of the man — that in one portion of tho
article he demolishes the claim of the American fishermen to the right to
trade in o\ir waters. He proves in an able argument that the claim of the
American iishermeu to enter our harbours for any purpose other than
wood, water and shelter, is without foundation. The view taken by that
writer and others, and among them by a writer whose name I do not
know, but whose papers are very valuable from their ability — they ap-
peared in the New York Nation — is this : the treaty of 17S3 was a treaty
of p<»ace, a settlement of a boundary; and a division of country between

APPENDIX. 655

two nations. The United Statoa contended tliat that treaty was in force,
anu is liow in force, as it was a treaty rt'speccinj,' the boundary, and was
not abrogated or aOected by the war of 1812. Under the treaty of 17H3,
HTK^ by the terms of that troaty, the fishermen of tlie United States had
the unrestrained right to enter into ail our waters up to our shores, and
to every part of Bniish North America. After '815, England contended
that that pi I mission was abrogated by the war, ui'' \\rB not renewed by
the treaty of peace of 1814. Tlio two natiors wery lius, ..t issue on that
very grave poi it, and those who look bacic to tl c !i 'tory of that day will
find that the difference on that point threatened a rei/ jwal of the v ir, aud
it was only seti'.ed by the compromise kn*. wn as tho convention of 1818,
by which the cl.ams of the Americans within thfeo miles of our '?hore8
were renounced. The argument is, however, of a nature too technical to
be of interest to the house, and requires to be very ccrefnlly studied be-
fore it can be understood. I will not, therefore, trouble the house with
that argument, but I will read one or two passages to show the gene) .*
statement of the case:

" We shall now inquire whetlKr tlip convention of 1818 is an exi.stiiiij compact,

and if not, what are tlie rights of American fiKshermen under th^ treaty of peace of

1783."
I

" Since the exiiiration of the reciprocit " treaty in 18GG, the Britisli gov ernment,
both at liomo and in the provinces, ha?, i i its statutes, its official instruc.tious, and
its diplomatic correspondence, quietlj assumed that the convention of 1818 is again
operative in all its provisions. That the state department at Washington should
by its silence have admitted the coridctness if this assumption, which is equally
opposed to principle and to authority, ia remaikable. We shall m.iinl.iiu the pro-
position that the treaty of peace of 1( S."} is now in full force ; that, all limitations
upon its efMciency have been removed; and that it is the only source an I foundation
of American fishing rights within the 'iorth-easteni territorial waters, ^n ijursuing
the discussion we will show, first, that the renunciatory clauses of the convention of
1818 have been removed; and secondly, that article III. of the treaty of 178.'3, thus
left free from the restrictions of the subsequent ronijiaot, was not abrogate! by tha
war of 1812."

The writer thus concludes:

" Article III. of the treaty of 178.'5 is thei efore iu ilio i: icure of an executed grant.
It created and conferred at one blow rights of proi>6;ty, ptrect in their nature, and
as permanent as tln' dominion over the national soil. Th' at lights ^re IieM Ijy the
inhabitants of the United States, and are to le exercised in ■'ritishterritL' ial waters.
Unaffected by the war of 1812, they still exist i.i full foici' cvnd vigour, binder the
provisions of thi-i treaty, American citizens are now <ji Utled to take . h on such
parts of the coastt) <:f Newfoundland as British fishenrien use, anJ also on all the
coasts, bays and creeks, of all other his Britannic majesty's dominions iu America,

XioG APri<L\UIX.

and to dry ti-v] cure fish in any of the unsettled bays, hnrboura and creeks of Nova
Scotia, tlio Mii;,'(l:il(/ii i.slauils and Laliradnr.

" 'I'lif linal conulusion tliim reached id sustained by principle and by authority. We
submit that it should be adii|)ted by the government uf the United Stated, aud made
the basis of any further negotiations with Great Britain."

I quote this for the purpose of showing that the pretension was formally
set lip and elaborated by jurists of no mean standing or repvitatioa, and
therefore it is one of the merits of the treaty that it forever sots the dis-
pute at rest. The writers on this subject — the very writerp. oi whom I
have spoken admit that under this treaty the claim is gone, because it is a
formal admission by the United States government that, under the con-
vention of 1818, we had, on the 8th of May, 1871, a proprietary right in
these in-shore iiaheriesj and tlus was so admitted, after the (juestion had
been raised in the United States, tliat the ratification of the treaty of
1854 was equal in its ellect to an abrogation of the convention of 1818.
They agree by this treaty to buy their entry into our waters, and this is
the strongest possible proof that their argument could be no longer main-
tained. Just as the payment of rent by a tenant is the strongest proof of
his admission of the I'ight of the landlord, so is the agreement to pay to
<?anada a fair sum as an equivalent for the use of our fisheries an acknow-
ledgement of the permanent continuance of our right. So much, sir, for
the portion of the treaty which affects the fisheries. I alluded, ,a few
minutes ago, to the St. Lawrence. The surrender of the free navigation
of the river St. Lawrence in its natural state was resisted by England
up to 1828. The claim was renewed by the present government of the
United States, and asserted in a message by the president of the United
States. Her majesty's government, in the instructions sent to her com-
missioners, took the power and responsibility in this matter into their
own hands. It was a matter which we won.ld not control. Being a
matter of boundary between two nations, affecting a river which forms
a boundary between the limits of a part of the empire and the limits
of the United States, it is solely within the control of her majesty's gov-
ernment; and in the instructions to the plenipotentaries, this language was
used: " Her majesty's government are now willing to grant the free navi-
gation of the St. Lawrence to the citizens of the United States on the same
conditions and tolls as are imposed on British subjects." I need not say,
«ir, that, as a matter of sentiment, I regretted this; but it was a matter of
sentiment only. However, there could be no practical good to Canada in
resisting the concession; and there was no possible evil inflicted on Canada
by the concession of the privilege of navigating that small piece (if broken
water between St. Regis and Montreal. In no way could it affect preju-

APPEND I A'. 557

dicially the interests of CiinacU, her trade or her commerce. Without the
use of our canala the river was useless. Up to Montreal the St. Lawrence
is open, not only to the vessels of the United States, but to the vessels of
the world. Canada courts tlie trade and ships of the world, and it would
be most absurd to suppose that the ports of Quebec and Montreal should
be closed to American shipping. No greater evidence short of actual war
can bo adduced of unfriendly relations, than the fact of the ports of a country
being closed to the cunnuerce of another. It never entered into tlie niinds
of any that our ports should be closed to the trade of tlie world iu general,
or the United States in particular, no more than it would enter into the
minds of the English to close the ports of London or Liverpool — those
ports whither the Hags of every nation are invited and welcomed, (Ciieers.)
Frem the source of the St. Lawrence to St. Regis the United States arc
part owners of the banks of the river, and by a well known principle of
intornr.tional law the water flowing between the two banks is common to
both; and not only is that a priiiciple of law, but it is a matter of actual
treaty. The only questi( n, then, was whether, as the American people
had set tlieir hearts upon it, and as it could do no harm to Canada or to
England, it would not be well to set this question at rest with the others,
and make the concession. This was the line taken by her majesty's gov-
ernment, and which they had a right to take ; and when some one writes
my biography — if I am ever thought worthy of having such on interesting
document propai'ed— and when, as a matter of history, the questions con-
nected with thin treaty are upheld, it will be found upon this, as well as
upon every other point, I did all I could to protect the rights and claims
of the 'Dominion, (Cheers.) Now, sir, with respect to the right itself, I
vvuiu { call the ,i*tention of the house to the remarks of a distinguished
Engluh jurist upon tlie point. I have read from the work of an Ameri-
can jurist, and I will now read some remarks of Mr. Phillimore, a standard
English ^ Titer on intcinational law. What I am about to read was writ-
ton uTider the idea that Americaub were claiming what would be of prac-
tical use to them. Re was not aware that the difliculties of navigaiion
were such that the concession would be of no practical use. He writes
as follo' i;

" Grea Putain possesaea the northern shores of the lakes, and of the river
in its wh< . > ; xtent to tho t i, and also the southern bank of the river from the
latitude k i,y live degree'^' north to its mouth. The United States possessed
the south ei ■ shores of the la js, and of the St. Lawrence to the point where
their northi 'n boundary toiiv,';'3d the river. These two governments were there-
fore placed ^irctty muoh in ibe same attitude towards each other, with respect
to the navig vtion of the S^ Ljawrence, as the United States and Spain had

958 AI'J'ENDIX.

I)eeniu witii lospect to the uavi^utiou of the MisHiasippi, before the acquisitioua
of Louibiaim iviul Florida.

"Tbu argument on the part of the United Statoa was much tlie Haino as that
which they had oinpioyod with respect to the navigation of the iMifl»is8ii)pi.
They referred to the dispute ahout the opening of the Sehehlt, in 178-4, and
contended that, in the ease of that river, tha fact of the banks hn^iijg been the
creation of arlijicial labour was a niucli stronger reason than could be said to
exist iu the ease of the Mitmissippi for closing the mouths of the sea adjoining
the Dutch canals of the Sas and the Swiu, and that this [leculiaiity probably
caused the insertion of the stipulation iu the treaty of WeHtphalia; that the case
of the St. Lawrence dilTered materially from that of the Scheldt, and fell di-
rectly under the principle ot free navigation embodied in the treaty of Vienna
respecting the Khine, the Ncckar, tiie Alayne, the .Moselle, the Mouse and the
Scheldt. But especially it was urged, and witii a force which it must have
been dillicult to i)arry, that the present claim of the United States w ith respect
to the navigation of tlie St. Lawrence was precisely of the same nature as that
which Great Britain had put forward with respect to the navigation of the
Mississippi, when the uouth and lower shores of that river were in the posses-
eion of another state, and of which claim Groat Britain bad procured the recog-
nition by the treaty of Paris in 1703.

" The principal argument contained in the reply of Great Britain was, that
the liberty of passage by one nation through the dominions of another was, ac-
cording to the doctrine of the most eminent writers upon international law, a
qualified occasional exception to the paramount rights of property; that it was
what these writers called an intpcr/tct and not & jjcr/ect right; that the treaty of
Vienna did not sanction this no' ion of a natural right to a free passage over the
rivers, but, on the contrary, the inference was that, not being a natural riglit,
it required to be established })y a convention; that tlie light of passage once con-
ceded, must hold good for otlier purposes besides those of trade in peace — for
hostile purposes in time of war ; that the United States could not consistently
urge their claim on principle without being prepared to apply that principle by
way of reciprocity, in favour of British subjects, to the navigation of the Mis-
sissippi and the Hudson, to which access might be had from Canada by land
carriage or by the canals of New York and Ohio.

"The United States replied, that practically the St. Lawrence was a strait,
and was subject to the same principle of law; and that as straits are accessory
to the seas which they unite, and therefore the right of navigating them is
common to all nations, so the St. Lawrence connects with the ocean those great
inland lakes, on the shores of which the subjects of the United States and Great
Britain both dwell ; and on the same principle, the natural link of the rioer,
like the natural link of the strait, must be equally available for the purposes of
passage by both. The passage over land, which was always pressing upon the
minds of the writers on international law, is intrinsically difTerent from a pas-

AW EN VI X, 659

sage over water; in the latter iistancc no dotrimont or inconvenionco can bo bus-
tainud by the country to which it bolongB. Tlie tra'.'k of a aliip is eflaced as soon
as made; the track of an army may leave serious and Innting injury behind.
The United Staten would not ' shrink ' from the application of the analojiry with
respect to the navij,'ntion of the MissiMsippi, and whenever a connection was
efl'cctcd between it and Upper ',,,'iinada, siiiiihir to that existing l)etwoun the
United States and the 8t. Lawrence, the same principle should bf> applied. It
was, however, to be recollected, that the case of rivers which both rise and
diseniboguo theniHclves within the limits of tlm sanio nation is very distinj,'ui8h-
able, ujion jirinciplc, from that of rivers which, liavinj,' tlieir sources and navi-
gable portions of their streams in states above, discharge themselves within the
limits of other states below.

"Lastly, tlie tact that the free navigation of rivers had boon nia<le a matter
of conccnlhm. did not disprove that this navigation was a matter of natural riijht
resiored to its proper position by treaty.

"The result of this controversy has hitherto produced no efTect. Groat
Britain has inaintainod her exclusive right. The United States will remain
debarred from the use of this groat higliway, and are not permitted to carry
over it the produce of the vast and rich territories which border on the lakes
above, to the Atlantic ocean.

"It seems difiicult to deny that Creat Britain may ground her refusal upon
strict law ; but it is at least equally difiicult to deny, first, that so doing .she
exercises harshly an extreme and harsh law ; secondly, that her conduct with
respect to the navigation of the St. Lawrence is in ,,'laring and discreditable in-
consistency with her canduct with respect to the navigation of the Mississippi.
On the ground that she possessed a small tract or domain in which the Missis-
sippi took its rise, she insisted on her right to navigate the entire volume of its
waters; on the ground that she possesses both banks of the St. Lawrence where
it disembogues itself into the sea, she denies to the Unitcil States the right of
navigation, tliough about one-half of the waters of Lakes Ontario, Erie, Huron
and Superior, and the whole of Lake Michigan, through which the river flows,
are the property of tli'i United States.

" An English writer .ipon international l.tw cannot but express a hope that
this summumjus, which in this case approaches to isuiiiina injuria, may be vol-
untarily abandoned by his country. Since the late revolution in the South
American provinces, by which the dominion of Rosas was ov<.rthrown, there
appears to be good reason to hope that the states of Paraguay, Bolivia, Buenos
Ayres, and Brazil, will open tli'' river Parena to the navigatio.x of the world."

On reading a report of a speech of my hon. friend tli'? member for
Lambton, oa this subject — a very able and interesting spjech, if he will
alio,? me so to characterize it — I find ' \at, in speaking of the navigation
of Lake Michigan, he stated that that ' .ke was as r uch a portion of the
St. Lawrence as the river itself. I do not know under what principle ray

660 Al'rKNUJX.

hon. friend nudo that stiitoinunt, but those inhuid seas are seas, as iiuii:h
ns tliu lUack seu is a sua iiiid nota river. The luko is eiiclnsedon all sidus
by United States territory. No portion of its shores belongs to Canada,
and England lias no right \>y intorniitional hiw to chiini it.s navigation.
Sir, she never has chiiined it, for if my hun. friend will look into thu
matter, he will tind that tliese great lakes have over been treated as in-
land seas, and as far as magnitude is concerned, they are worthy of being
so treated. Altho igh her majesty's commissioners pressed that the navi-
gati<m of Lake Michigan should bo granted as an e(|iiivalent f(.r the navi-
gation of Liio St. Lawrence, the argument could not bo based on the same
footing, and we did not and could not pretend to have the same grounds.
It is, however, of little moment whether Canada has a grant by treaty of
the free navigation of lake Michigan or not, for the cities of the shores of
that lake woidd never consent to have their ports closed, and there is no
fear in the world of our vessels being excluded from those ports. The
Western states, and especially those bordering on the great lakes, would
resist this to the death ; and I would like to see a congress that would
venture to close the ports of Lake Michigan to the shipping of England, or
of Canada, or of the world. The small portion of the St. Lawrence which
lies between the two points I have mentioned would be of no use, and
there would be no advantage to be obtained therefrom as a lever to obtain
reciprocity.

Mr. Mackrnzie— Hear, hoar.

Sir John Macdonald — My hon. friend says "hear, hear"; but I will
tell him that the only lever for the obtaining of reciprocity is the solo
control of our canals. So long as we have the control of these canals
we are the masters, and can do just as we please. American vessels on
the down trip can nm the rapids, if they get a strong Indian to steer them;
but they will never come back again unless Canada chooses. (Hear, hear.)
The keel drives through these waters, and then the mark disappears for-
ever, and that vessel will be forever absent fnmi the place that once knew
it, unless by the consent of Canada. Tlierefore, as I pointed out before
the recess, as we had no lever in our iisheries to get reciprocity, so we had
none in the navigation of the St. Lawrence, in its natural course. The
real substantial means to obtain reciprocal trade with the United States
is in the canals, and is expressly stated in the treaty; and wli n the treaty,
in clause 27, which relates to the canals, uses the wordu: ""'he govern-
ment of her Britannic majesty engages to urge upon the government of
the Dominion of Canada to secure to the citizens of the L nited States the
use of the Welland, St. Lawrence, and other canals, in the dominion, on
terms of equality," etc., it contains an admission by the United States —

APPENDIX. 501

and it is of Bomo advantaj^je to have that adminsion — that the canals are
oiir own property, whieli wo can open to the IJnitod Status aa wc ploaso.
Tlu) roason why this admisiHion ia important ia tliia : " Article twenty six
providea that the iiavii^ation of the river St. Lawrunco, aacending and de-
scending from the 45tli ])arallel uf north hititiide, wliere it ceaaea to form
the bonndary between the twt) counties, from, to, and into the sea, ahall
forever remain froe and open for the pnipnaea of commerce to the citizens
of the United Statea, anlgect to any laws and regnlations of (ireat Britain
or of the Dominion of Canada not inconsistent with sucli privileges of free
navigation." Therefore, lest it mi^^ht be argued that as at the time the
treaty was made, it was known that for the purpose of ascent the river
could not bo overcome in its natural courdc, the provision granting the
right of ascent must bo held to include the navigation of canals through
which alone the ascent could be made. And so the next clause providea
and Bpecifiea that those canals are specially within the control of Canada
and the Canadian government, and prevents any infconce being drawn
from the language of the preceding article. I know, air, that there haa
been in some of the newapapera a aneer cast \ipon the latter paragraph of
that article, which gives the United States th( free use of the St. Law-
rence — I refer to that part of the article which gives the Canadians the
free navigation of the rivers Yukon, Porcupine iud Stikine.

Mr. Mackknzie— Hear, hear.

Sir John Macoonald — My hon. friend gain aays "hear, hoar." I
hope that ho will hoar, and perhaps he will bear something he does not
know. (Hear, hear.) I may tell my hon. friend that the navigation of
the river Yukon is a growing trade, and that the Americans are now send-
ing vessels, and are fitting out steamers for the navigation of the Yukon.
1 will tell my hon. friend that at this moment United States vessels are
going up that river, and are underselling the Hudson Bay people in their
own country (hear, hear), and it is a matter of the very greatest import-
ance to the western country that the navigation of these rivers should be
open to the commerce of British subjects, and that access should be had
by means of these rivers; so that there is no necessity at all for the ironi-
cal cheer of my hen. friend. Sir, 1 am not unaware that under an old
treaty entered into between Russia and England, the former granted to
the latter the free navigation of thesie streams, and the free navigation of
all the streams in Alaska; but that was a treaty between Russia and Eng-
land, and although it may be argued by England that when the United
States bought that territory from Russia, it took it with all its obligations,
Mr. Speaker, there are two sides to that question. The United States, 1
venture to say, would hang an argument upon it; and I can only tell ray
JJ

502 APPENDIX.

hon. friend that the officers of the United States have exercised authority
in the way of prohibition or obstruction, and have offered the pretext that
the United States now hold that country, and would deal with it as they
chose ; and, therefore, aa this was a treaty to settle all old questions and
not to raise new ones, it was well that the free navigation of the rivers I
]-.'ive mentioned should be settled at once between England and the United
States, as before it had been between England and Russia. Before leav-
ing the question of the St. Lawrence, I will make one remark, and will
then proceed to another topic ; and that is, that the article in question
does not in any way hand over or divide any proprietary rights in the
river St. Lawrence, or give any sovereignty over it, or confer any right
whatever except that of free navigation. Both banks belong to Canada —
the management, the improvement, all belong to Canada. The only stip-
ulation made in the treaty is that the United States vessels may use the-
St. Lawrence on as free terms as those of Canadian subjects. It is not a.
transfer of territorial rights; it is simply a permission to " navigate the
river by American vessels, that navigation shall ever remain free and oiien
for the purpose of commerce," — and for the purpose of commerce only —
" to the citizens of the United States, subject to any taxes and regulations
of Great Britain or of the Dominion of Canada, not inconsistent with such
privilege of free navijation." Now, Mr. Speaker, I shall allude to one
subject included i:i the treaty, which relates to the navigation of our
waters, although it was not contemplated in the instructions given to the
British commissioners by her majesty's government — in fact, the subject
was scarcely known in England — and that is, what is known as the St.
Olair flats question. It is known that the waters of the river St. Clair
and the waters of lake St. Clair divide the two countries; that the boun-
dary line which divides them is provided by treaty; that the treaty of 1842
provides that all the channels and passages between the islands lying
near the junction of the river St. Clair with the lake shall be equally free
to both nations, so that all those channels were made common to both na-
tions, and are so now. Canada has made appropriations for the purpose
of the improvement of these waters. There were also appropriations made
I forget whether by the United States, the state of Michigan, or by pri-
vate individuals — ior the purpose of improving these waters, and the
United States made a canal through the St. Clair flats. The question
then arose whether this canal was within Canadian territory, or within
that of the United States. I have no doubt that the engineering oflicer
appointed by the United States to choose the site of the canal and to con-
struct it, acted in good faith in choosing the site, believing that it was in

APPENDIX. 503

the United States ; and from all I can learn, subsequent observations
proved that to be the case.

Mr. Mackenzie — Hear, hear.

Sir Joiiv Machonald — My hon. friend says " hear, hear," and I have
no doubt ho will fjive us an argument, and an able one too, as he is quite
competent to do, to show that under the treaty this canal is in Canada.
An argument might be founded in favour of that view from the language
of the report of the international commissioners, appointed to determine
the boundary between the two countries — that is, if we looked at the lan-
guage alone, and combined with that language the evidence of those ac-
customed of old to navigate those channels. I admit that an argument
might be based on the language of the report, when it speaks of the old
ship channel, and that from the evidence and statements that have been
made as to the position of that channel, might have left it a matter of
doubt whether the canal, or a portion of it, was within the bcmndary of
Canada. The commissioners not only made their report, but they added
to it a map to which they placed their signatures; and to any one reading
the report with the map, and holding the map as a portion of the report,
the canal will appear to be entirely in the United States. It might, but
for the treaty of Washington, have been unfortunate that it is so, because
it might perhaps have impeded the navigation ot the flats by Canadian
vessels. But the question is whether, under the old treaty, and the re-
port and map made according to its provisions (which report and map
form, in fact, a portion of such treaty), the canal is within the United
States boundary or not. When the point was raised that the map was
inconsistent with the report, her majesty's government — I have no doubt
under the advice of her majesty's legal advisers — said tllat it was a point
that would not admit of argument, that the two explained and defined the
meaning of the language of the report; so that her majesty's government
declined to argue a propoeition so unworthy of being urged as that the
map was not binding and obligatory upon them. But, sir, "out of the
nettle, danger, we pluck the flower safely. " The house will see by look-
ing at the clause referred to, that it is a matter of no consequence whether
the canal is in tho United Stateo or Canada; because, for all tim.e to come,
the canal is to be used by the po(;ple of Canada on equal terms with the
people of the United States. In the speech of my hon. friend, to which I
have referred, he says the canal is only secured to Canada during the ten
j'ears mentioned with reference to the fishery articles of the treat}'. I say
it is secured for all time, just as tho navigation of the St. Lawreveo is
given for all time. The United States have gone to the expense of build-
ing the canal, and now we have the free use of it. If the United States

864 APPENUIX.

have put on a toll there, wo pay no greater toll than the United States
citizens; and it ia of the first and last advantage to the commerce of both
nations that the deepening of those channels should he gone on vt ith; and
I can tell my hon. friend, moreover, that in this present congress there is
a measure to spend a large additional sum of money on this canal out of
the revenues of the United States, for that object. So much for the St.
Clair Hats. Now, sir, as to some of the advantages to be gained by the
treaty. I would call the attention of the house to the 2l)th article, which
ensures for the whole time of the existence of the treaty, for twelve years
at least, the continuance of " the bonding system." We know how valu-
able that has been to ub, how valuable during the winter months when we
are deprived of the use of our own seaports in the St. Lawrence. The
fact that the American press has occasionally called for the abolition of
this system, is a proof of the boon which they consider it to be. They
have said, at times, when they thought an unfriendly feeling existed to-
wards them in Canada, that if Canadians would be so bumptious, they
should be deprived of this system, and allowed to remain cooped up in
their frozen country. If the United States ever conceived the folly of in-
juring their carrying trade by adopting a hostile policy in that respect —
and they have occasionally, as we know, adopted a policy towards us adverse
to their commercial interests — they could do so before this treaty was rati-
fied. They cannot do so now. For twelve years we have a right to the
bonding system from the United States, over all their avenues of trade ;
and long before that time expires, I hope we shall have the Canadian
Pacific railway reaching to the Pacific ocean, and with the Intercolonial
railway reaching to Halifax, we shall have an uninterrupted line from one
seaboard to the other. (Cheers.) This, sir, ia one of the substantial ad-
vantages that Canada has obtained by the treaty. Then, sir, the 30th article
conveys a most valuable privilege to the railways of Canada, that are run-
ning from one part of the country to another; and I must take the occa-
sion to say that if this has been pressed upon the consideration of the
American government and the American commissioners at Washington,
much of the merit is due to the hon. member for Lincoln (Mr. Merritt).
He it waa who supplied me witli the facts; he it was who called attention
to the great wrong to our trade by the act of 1866 ; and, impressed by him
with the great importance of the subject, I was enabled to urge the adop-
tion of this article, and to have it made a portion of the treaty. Now, air,
that this ia ox importance, you can see by reading the Buffalo papers.
Some time ago they were crying out that entrance had been made by this
wedge which waa to ruin their coasting trade, and that the whole coaating
trade oi' the lakea was being handed over to Canada. Under thia clause,

APPENDIX. 505

if we chooBe tc> accept it, Canadian vosHels can go to Chicago, can take
American produce from American ports, and carry it to Wiiidaor or Col-
lingwood, or the Welland railway. That same American produce can bo
sent in bond from those and other points along our railways, giving the
trailic to our vessels by water, and our railways by the land to lake On-
tario, and can then be ro-slupped by Canadian vessels to Oswoyo, Ojidens-
burg, or Rochester, or other American ports; so that this clause givts us,
in some degree, a relaxation of the extreme — almost harsh — excinsive
coasting system of the United States. (Hear, hear.) And 1 am quite sure
that, in this nge of railways, and when the Votes and Proceedings show-
that so many new railway undertakings are about to start, this will
prove a substantial improvement on the former state of affairs. There is
a provision that, if in the exercise of our discretion we choose to put a
differential scale of tolls on any vessels jjasaing through our canals, and if
New Brunswick should continue her export duties on lumber passing
down the river St. John, the United States may withdraw from this ar-
rangement; so that it will be hereafter, if the treaty bo adopted and tl.ii
act passed, a matter for the consideration of the government of Canada in
the first place, and of the legislature in the next, to determine whether it
is expedient for them to take advantage of this boon that is oll'ered to them.
As to the expediency of their doing so, I have no doubt; and I have no
doubt parliament will eagerly seek to gain and establish those riglita for
(jur ships and our railways. (Hoar, hear.) Ihe only other subject of
peculiar interest to Canada in connection with tlie treaty — the whole of it
of course is interesting to Can.ida as a part of the empire, — but speaking
of Canada as such, and of the interest taken in the treaty locally, — the
only other subject is the manner of disposing of the San Juan boundary
(piestion. That is settled in a way that no ono can object to. 1 do not
know whether many hon, membeiu have ever studied that question. It is
a most interesting one, and has loiig been a cause of controversy between
the twt) countries. I am bound to upli(ild, and I do uphold, tlie British
view respecting the channel which forms the boundary, as the correct one.
The United States government were, I. believe, as sincerely convinced of
the justice of f;heir own case. Both believed they were in the right, both
were firmly grounded in that opinion; and such being the -case, there was
only one way out of it, and that was to leave it to be settled by impartial ar-
bitration. I think the house will admit that no more distinguished arbiter
could hava been selected than the emperor of Germany. In the examina-
tion and decisit)n of the question he will have the assistance of as able and
eminent jurists as any in the world; for there is nowhere a more distin-
guished body than the jurists of Germany, who are especially familiar

566 APPENDIX.

with the principlos and practico of intornational law. Whatever the de-
cision may be, wiiuthor fur England or againat it, yon may be Hatisfiod
that yuu will gut a moat learned and careful judgment in tlie matter, to
which wo must bow, if it ia againat ua, and to which I am sure the United
States will bow if it is againat them. (Hear, hoar.) I think, sir, I have
now gone through all the articles of interest connected with Canada. I
shall now allude to one omisaaion from it, and then I ahall have done, and
tliat ia the omiasion of alluaion to the settlement of the Fenian claitus.
That Canada was deeply wronged by those outrages, known as the Fenian
raids, is indisputable. England has admitted it, and we all feel it. We
felt deeply grieved when those raids were committed; and the belief was
general^in which, I must say, I ahare — that sudicient vij^ilanco and due
diligence were not exercised by the American g* vornment to prevent the
organization within their territory of bands of armed men, openly hostile
to a peaceful country, and to put an end to incursions by men who carried
war over our border, slew our people, and destroyed our property. It
was, therefore, proper for us to presa upon England to seek compensation
at the hands of the American government for these great wrongs. As a
consequence of our position aa a colony, we could only do it through Eng-
land; we had no means or authority to do it directly ourselves, and conse-
quently we urged our case upon the attention of England, and alio con-
sented to open negotiations with the United States upon the subject. In
the instructions it is stated that Canada had been invited to send in a
statement of her claims to England, and that she had not done so; and I
dare say it will be charged — indeed, 1 have seen it stated in some of the
newspapers — that it waa an inatanco of Canadian neglect. Now, it ia not
an inatuuce of Canadian neglect, but an instance of Canadian caution.
(Heal, hear.) Canada had a right to press for the payment of those
claims, whatever the amount, for all the money spent to repel those in •
cursiona had been taken out of the public treasury of Canada, and had to
be raised by the taxation of the country. Not only had they a right to
press for that amount, but every individual Canadian who suffered in per-
son or property because of those raids, had right to compensation. It
was not for Canada, however, to put a limit to those claims, and to state
what amount of money would be considered as a satisfactory liquidation
of them. It has never been the case when commiaaiona have been ap-
pointed for the aettlement of audi claims, to hand in those claims in detail
before the sitting of the commission. What Canada pressed for was that
the principle should be establiahed, that the demand should be made by
England upon the United States, that that demand should be acquiesced
in, that the question of damages should be referred tr) a tribunal like that

APPENDIX. 667

tiuw sitting lit W-ishington fur the invostigiition of claims connected with
tho civil war in the South, that time should be given within which tho
Canadian govurnmont as a government, and every individual Canadian
who suffered by those outrages, sliould have an opportunity of filing their
claims, of putting in an account, and of oil'eriiig proof to establish their
right to indemnity. The Canadian government carefully avoided, by any
statement of their views, the placing of a limit \ipun those claims in ad-
vance of examinatiim by such a commission; and I think the house and
country will agree that we acted with duo discretion in that respect.
(Hear, hear.) Now one of the protocols will show the result of the de-
mand for indemnity. The demand was made by the British ocjinmiHsiou-
«r8 that this (piestion should be discussed and considered by the commis-
sion, but the United States commissioners objected, taking the ground
that the consideration of these claims was not included in tho correspon-
dence and reference. In doing that, they took the same ground that my
hon. friend, the member for Sherbrooko, with his usual acuteness and
appreciation of the value of language, took when the matter was discussed
in this house before my departure for Washington. Ho said then, that
he greatly doubted whether, under tho correspondence which led to the
appointment of the high commission, it could be held that the Fenian
claims were to be considered; and although my hon. friend, the minister
of militia, thought it might fairly be held that those claims were included,
I myself could not help feeling the strength of the argument advanced by
the hon. member for Sherbrooko, and I staled at the time that I thought
there was great weight in the objection which he pointed out. The Amer-
ican commissioners, as the event proved, raised that objection, maintaining
that the point was not included in the correspondence in which tho sub-
jects of deliberation were stated; and when it was proposed to them by
the British, the American commissioners declined to ask their government
for fresh instructions to enlarge the scope of their duty in that respect.
Now, we could not help that. There was the correspondence to speak for
itself, and it was a matter of considerable doubt whether these claims
were included in it. The British ambassador represented that he had
always thought that the correspondence did include them; and he was
struck with surprise — perhaps I ought not to say surprise, for that wac
not the expression he used, — but he was certainly under the impression
that it had been regarded by all parties that they were cov red by the
correspondence. Still, let any one read these letters and he will iindit is
very doubtful. As it was doubtful, and the objection was raised on that,
ground, the British commissioners had no power to compel the American
commissioners to determine the doubt in their favour, and force thes^

6G8 APPENDIX.

claims upon thoir conRidoration. Thu cuiiaeqiience was that they were
(imittud from thu dolibcratioii of tho commiBsion. Whosu fault was thi' '
Certainly not ours. It wis the fault of her majesty's government, m not
demanding in clear language, in terms which could not bo misunderstood,
that tho invi'stigatiou of thus.) claims should he one of tho matters dealt
with by the commission. (Hear, hoar.) It was a great disappointment
to my colleagues in (J<inada that the objection was taken, and that all hope
of getting redress for the injury done by those Fenian raids was destroyed
so far as tho commiHsion at Washington was concerned, in consecjuence of
the defective language of the correspondence, and tho defective nature of
tho submission to tho commissioners. Now, Kngland was responsible for
that error. England had promised to make tho demand, and England hail
failed to make it. Not only that, but her majesty's government took the
respimsibility of withdrawing tho claims altogether, and Mr. Gladstone
fully assumed all tho rosponsibility of this step, and relieved the Canadian
government from any share in it, when he stated openly, in tho house of
commons, that the imperial government had seen tit to withdraw the claims,
but that they had done so with great reluctance and sorrow for tho manner
in which Canada had been treated, Canada, therefore, had every right
to look to England for that satisfaction which she failed to receive through
the inadequacy of tlio corrospondonco to cover the question. England, by
taking the responsibility of declining to push the claims, put herself in the
position of the United States, and wo had a fair and reasonable right to
to look to her to asaunio the responsibility of settling them. She did not
decline that responsibility, and the consequence ha? been that, although
we failed to obtain redress from the United States for those wrongs, wo
have had an opportunity of securing compensation from England which
would not have been offered to us if it had not been for tho steps taken
by this government. (Hear, hear.) But, sir, we are told that it is a great
humiliation for Canada to take this money, or rather this money's worth.
Why, it is our due, we are entitled to it, and we must have it from some
one. England refused to ask it for us from tho United States, and she
accepted all the responsibility which that refusal involved. She was wise
in accepting that responsibility. She must lake the consequences, and
she is willing to do so. But the Canadian government, on the other hand,
wore unwilling that tiie compensation which England thus acknowledged
was due to us by her should take a direct pecuniary form. We were un-
willing that it should be the payment of a certain amount of money, and
there were several strong reasons why we shojjld prefer not to accept ro-
I)aration in that shape. In the first place, if a proposal of that kind were
made, it would cause a discussion as to the amount to be paid by England,

A VP EN I ax. 06»

of a jnost luiBOOinly cliuractor. Wo would havo tho spoctaclo of a judge
ai)i)oiiited to oxamino the cliiiiu!! in detail, with Canada piL-Haiiig luir cano
upon his attention, aud England probably rosiiiting in some caioa, and
putting horsulf in an antagonistic poaitiun which Hhoidd not bo allowed to
occur botwi'on tho niotbor country and tho colony. It wan, thortifore, in
the last degree unadvisablo, that tho relations between Caniidi and tho
mother country, which throughout havo boon of ao friendly and pleasant
a character, should bo placed in jeopardy in that wiiy; and accordingly a
suggestion was made by us which, without causing England to expend a
sixpence, or putting tho least additional burden upon her people, would,
if acted upon, do us more good, and prove of infmitoly greater advan-
tage, than any amount of mere money compensation wo oould reaHonably
expect. This was a mode of disposing of the question in the higheat
degree satisfactory to both countries, and one which does not in the least
compromise our dignity or our 8elf-reHi)ect. (Hoar, hoar.) Tho credit of
Canada, thank Ood, is well established. Her good faith is known whoro-
ever she has had financial dualings. Her majesty's government can go to
the house of commons and ask for authority to guarantee a Canadian loan,
with a well grounded assurance that tho people of England will never b©
called upon to put their hands in their pockets, or tax themselves one
farthing to pay it. (Cheers.) At the same time, the imperial government,
by giving us this guarantee, grants us a boon tho value of whioh, in en-
abling us to construct the great works of public improvement we havo
undertaken, was explained the other day so ably, and in a manner that 1
would not attempt to imitate, by my hon. friend, the finance minister.
Besides the double advantage to ourselves in getting tho endorsement of
England without disadvantage to the English people, there is to be con-
sidered the great, the enormous bonetit that accrues to Canada from this,
open avowal on the part of England of the interest she takes in the success
of our great public enterprises. (Cheers.) No one can say now, whensho
is sending out one of her distinguished statesmen to take tho place of the
nobleman who now so worthily represents her majesty in the Dominion —
no one can say when Er)gland is aiding us, endorsing a loan spreading over
80 many years, and which will not be finally extinguished till most of us
now hero will have been gathered to our fathers — no one can say, under
these circumstances, that she has any idea of separating herself from u»
and giving up the colonies. (Cheers.) The solid, substantial advantage
of being able to obtain money on better terms than we could on our own
credit alone, is not the only benefit this guarantee will confer upon us,
for it will put a finish at once to the hopes of all dreamers or speculators
who desire or believe in the alienation and separation of the colonies from

570 Ai'l'KNDIX.

the niothur country. That ia a mure incalculable bunofit than the nioru
advantage of England's guarantee of our tinancial stability — great and im-
portant lis that iH. ( Loud clixitrs. ) Ay**, but it is said tnat it is a humiliation
to muku a bargain of that kind! Why, sir, it was no humiliation in 18(1 to
obtain an imperial guanmtuu for tliu loan lU'ccssary to construct the caiiali
originally. It wivh not cunsiderud a liiiuiiliation to accept a guarantee for
i'l,400,U00 in IMOri, for the i)urp()80 of building fortifications; nor was it a
humiliation to obtain i)(,(HN),OOU upon a similar guarantee to construct
the Intercolonial railway. Why is it a humiliation, tlieii, in this ciute, to
Jicoept the guarantee, when England voluntarily comes forward and accept!
the responsibility for withdrawing our claims in respect to the Fenian
raids/ It was by no prompting from us that that ri3R])onsibility was as-
sumed, tor Mr. (iladstone rose of his own motion in the house of commons,
and by accepting the responsibility, admitted that it should take a tangible
shape. It did take such a shape, and 1 say a most satisfactory shape, in
the guarantee of £'2,500,000 immediately, and we may say of £4,000,000
in all, ultimately. (Cheers.) But 1 hear it objected that Canada ought
not to have made a bargain at all. She should have aUowud the Fenian
claims to go, and dealt with the treaty separately, accepting or rejecting
it on its merits. Sir, Canada did not make a bargain of that kind, but she
went fairly and openly to her majesty's government, and aaid, " l£ere is a
treaty that has been negotiated through your inlluence, and which atlects
important commercial interests in this country, it is unpopular in Canada
in its commercial aspect, but is urged on us for imperial causes, and for
Uie sake of the peace of the empire; but the pecuniary interests of Canada
should, in the opinion of the Canadian government, be considered, and
the undoubted claim of Canada for compensation for these Fenian outrages
has been sot aside. We may well, therefore, call upon you to strengthen
our hands by showing tliat you are unwilling to sacritice Canada altogether
for imperial purposes solely." Sir, we asked that for Canada, and the
response was immediate and gratifying, except that England did not accept
the whole of the proposition to gucrantee a loan of £4,000,000. But [ am
as certain as I am standing in this house (and I am not speaking without
book), that had it not been for the unfortunate cloud that arose between
the United States and England, which threatened to interrupt the friendly
settlement of all questions between them, but which I am now happy to
Bay is passing away, the dithculty would have been removed by England
permitting us to add to the £2,500,000 the £1,400,000 which she guaran-
teed some years since to be expended on fortifications and other defensive
preparations. That money had not been expended, and there would now
have been no object in applying it for the construction of works which

API'KNDIX. 671

Would have buuii » ■tatiiliiiK inonuco to tlio (Jnitud Htatui, and which would
have beun altogether out of plauu iinmudiatuly attur ■igtiiug a truaty oi
puacu and amity. I do not hvsitato to nay, and I rt'puat, I aiu not spuak*
ing without book, that I Ixdiuvo a proposition of that kind would havo
bot>n accvptablu to iutr luajuaty'a govurniiient; but when tho cloud anmu,
whun thuru was a possibility of this truaty being huld as a nullity, and
when thuro was danger of tho relations butwuun tliu two countries return*
ing to tho unfortunate position in which they were before, then was not
the time for Kngland to ask, or us to propose, to give up tho the idea of
fortifying our frontier and defending our territory. 'Ihen was not tho
time, either, for the Canadian government to show an unwillingness to
spend money uiion those works, or to defend and retain the Doiuinion ai
a dependency of the sovereign of England. (Cheers.) I say, therefore,
that, while wo are actually receiving a guanmtee of £"ii,50(),0UO, if the re-
lations of England and the United States are again brought into harmony,
and the lowering cloud which recently sprang up is removed, and removed
in such a way as never to appear again, ^hen it may fairly ho thought— it
may reasonably be calculated upon — that we will have a guarantee of the
full amount of £4, 000, 000, in order to carry out the great improvements
we have entered upon. Tho tinancu minister has shown you the advan-
tages which will Mow from that arrangement; and it wouldbe presumptiou
in me to add a word to what ho hus so well said upon that poinS which is
in the highest degree satisfactory to this house, and in the highest degree,
also, satisfactory to tho people of this country. (Cheers.) I now move
the first reading of this bill, and I shall simply suui up my remarks by
saying that, with respect to tho treaty, 1 consider that every portion of it
is unobjectionable to tho country, unless the articles connected with the
tisheries may be considered objectionable. With respect to those articles,
I ask the house fully and calmly to consider the circumstances; and 1 be-
lieve, if tlioy fully consider the situation, that they will say it is for the good
of Canada that those articles should be rutitied. Reject the treaty, and
you do not get reciprocity. Reject the treaty, and you leave the fisher-
men of the maritime provinces at the mercy of the Americans. Reject
the treaty, and jou will cut the merchants engaged in that trade off from
the American market. Reject the treaty, and you will have a large annual
expenditure in keeping up a marine police force to protect those tisheries,
amounting to about f84,000 per annum. Reject the treaty, and you will
have to call upon England to send her fleet, and give you both her moral
and physical support, although you will not adopt her policy. Reject the
treaty, and you will find that the bad feeling which formerly, and until
lately, existed in the United States against England, will be tranafetred

672 AVI'KSUIX.

ti Caimda; tho Unitml Stilton will Riiy, nnd miy jimtly, " Ilttru, whfti tw(»
((ruiit nulioiia liko Kii({liiii(l luid thu I'liituil NtntoB hiivu ncttlod nil thuir
dilliutiltiuH, all thuir (|irirrula, ii|)<>ii a perputuiil baaiii, thuMO hnppy ruaiilU
art) tu In) frUHtratuil ami undaiigKnul by the Ciiiiadiun {utoplu, bvcKUHU tht*y
hiivu not ({<)i tho vuluu of thiar IIhIi for tin yours. " (Chocri.) It hua bouit
■aid by lliu hoii. Kontloiiiiiii on my luft (Mr. Howu), in hia Mpucch to tho
yoiiiiX iik'Ii'm chriHtiiui anNocialion, tb.U Kitglaiid had aacriliciMl tho iiiter-
osta uf Canada. If Knglaiid haa sacriliuud thu iiitureatu uf C/uniuia, what
aacrilico haa ahu not niadu hurauif in thu cauao of poacu / Haa alio not, for
thu Hako of [luaou bulwuun thuMu two (,'ruat nationa, r«>ndurud hoiHolf liablu,
luavin^ out all indiruct dniina, to piy niilliona out of hor own truaaiiry t
ILiH nliu not niadu all thiu aacriticu, which only KngliHhiiien and Kngliih
Htatoaniun can know, for thu aaku of puauo / And for whoHU good iiaa 8.'io
niadu it \ Una ahu not inadu it principally for thu «aku of Canada i (Loud
clu'urH.) Lot Canada bo aoverod from England -lot Kii>{la:ul not bo rc-
Rponsiblo to UHand for iih— and what coidd tho I'nitod Statoado to Kni,'land (
Lot England withdraw horHolf into hor aholl, and what could tho I'nituil
Utateu do I England has got thu aupruinacy of thu sua. Sho is improg-
nablu in ovory point but ono, ar.d that point ia Canada; and if England
dooa call upon uh to inako a tinancial sacrilico — does fnid it for tho good
uf tho cni[)iro, that wo, England's tirHt colony, uhmild Hucriticu soniothing
— 1 say that wo would bo unworthy of our proud position if wo wore not
proparud to do so. (Choo>'s.) I hope to live to see the day, and if I dc»
not, that my aon may bo spared to sco Canada tho right arm of England —
(cheors)— tj boo Canada a powerful au.viliary to the empire — not, as new,
a cause of anxiety and a source of danger; and I think that, if we are
worthy to hold that position as the right arm of England, we should not
object to a sacriflce of this kind, when so groat an object is attained, and
the object is a great and lasting one. It is said that amities between na-
tions cannot bo perpetual. 1 say that this treaty, which haa gone through
BO many dillicultios and dangers, if it is carried into ellect, removes ahnost
all possibility of war. If ever there was an irritating cause of war, it was
from the occurrences arising out of the escape of those vessels; and when
we see the United States paople and government forget this irritation,
fijrget those occurrencos, and submit such a (juestion io arbitration-
to the arbitration of a disinterested tribunal, — they have established a
principle which can never be forgotten in this world. No future ques
tion is ever likely to arise that will cause such great irritation as the es-
cape of the Ato.bdina did, an<l if thoy could be got to agree to leave such
a matter to the peaceful arbitrament of a friendly power, what future
cause of ipiarrel can in the imagination of man occur, that will not bear

AirKMUX. 673

iho lame pacific aoliitinn that in xMi^ht for in tliiii I I lielii^vo that thin
treaty ia an opouh in the history of civilization; tlipi it will aot an vxnnipio
t() till) widu world that nniit hu followud; and with tho growth of thiit Kruat
AuKlo-Siixon fimiily, and with tho duvulopinunt of that mighty nation to
thu aoiith of UN, I httjiovt* that tho printn|)li) of arhitriition will hn advo-
catud iind adopted iiit thu go|u principle of th<< nutMLMiiunt of diM'uruncua
butweun tho HnKliHli-npoakiii^ pooplea, and that it will liavo a moral in-
fluence in tho world; and although it may be opposed to the antecodunta
of other nutiona, that gruat nioriil principle which liaAnnw boon oatabliHht'.l
among tho Anglo-Saxon family, will a|>n<ad itaolf over all tho civiliHud
world. (Chuora. ) It ia not much to Hiiy that it ia a groat advance in tht
hiatorj of mankind, and I shoidd bo aorry if it were recorded that it wna
stopped for a moment by aaelliah conai<leration of the intoroata of Canada.
Had tho ).;<)vernmuiit of ('anada taken tho coiirao wliich waa ipiito open to
them, to recommend parliament to reject these article.^, it might have been
a matter of aoino intoroHt aa to what my poaition would have been. I am
here, at all eveuta, advocating the ratilication uf the treaty; and I may say,
notwithstamling the taunts of lion, gentlemen opposite, that althou;jih I
wa» clioBeii for the position of commissioner — certainly becauso I was a
Canadian, and presumably because I was a member of the Canadian gov-
ernment — yet my commissio.T waa givun to me as a British aubject, as it
was to Sir Stafford Northcote end other members of the commission. I
went to Washington as a plonipc/tentiary, as her majesty's servant, and
was bound by her majesty's instructions, and I would have been guilty of
dereliction of duty if I had not carried out those instructions. And, sir,
when I readily joined, under the circumstances, in every word of that
treaty, with the exception of tho fishery articles, and when I succeeded in
having inserted in tho treaty a reservation to the govornment and peoj)le
of Canada of tho full right to accept or refuse that portion of it, I had no
difficulty as to my ccjurse. (Cheers.) I did not hesitate to state that, if
that clause had nut been put in, I would have found it necessary to resign
my commission. I was perfectly aware, in taking the course I did of
signing the treaty, that I sljould be subject to reproach. I wrote to my
friends in Canada, from Washington, that well I knew the storm of oblo-
quy tliat would meet me on my return; and before even I crossed the
border I was complimented with the names of "Judas Iscariot," "Bene-
dict Arnold," etc. The whole vocabulary of Billingsgate was opened against
me; but here I am, thank God, to-day, with the conviction that what 1 did
was for the best interests of Can: da; and after all the benefits I have re
calved at the hands of my countijiiien, and after the confidence thai has
been accorded me for 30 many years. I would have been unworthy of that

6T4 APPENDIX.

position and that confiflence if I were not able to nnet reproach f.)P thj
sake of my country. I have met that reproach, and I have met it in si-
lence. I knew that a premature discussion would only exasperate still
more the feelings of those who were arrayed against n e, and of those who
think more of their party than of their country. (L'lud cheers.) I do not
speak particularly of thehon. gentlemen opposite, but I say that the policy
of the opposition is regulated by " a power behind the throne" which dic-
tates what that policy must be. (Loud cheers.) No one ever sav/ a patri-
otic policy emanate from that source, except on one occasion, and that was
when that source was induced by myself to forget party struggles and party
feelings for the common good of the country. (Loud cheers.) 1 have not
said a word for twelve months; I have kept silence to this day, thinking it
better that the subject should be disctissed on its own merits. How eagerly
was I watched! If the government should come out in favour of the treaty,
then it wus to be taken as being a betrayal of the people of Canada. If
the government should come out against the treaty, then the first minister
was to be charged with opposing the interests of the empire. Whichever
course we might take, they were lying in wait, ready with some mode of
attack. But silence is golden, Mr. Speaker, and I kept silence. I believe
the sober second thought of this country accords with the sober second
thought of the government; and we come down here and ask the people of
Canada, through their representatives, to accept this treaty —to accept it
with all its imperfections, tc accept it for the sake of peace, and for the
sake of the great empire of which we form a part. I now beg leave to
introduce the bill, and to state that I have the permission of his excellency
to do so.

The hon. gentleman resumed his seat, amid loud aid continued ap-
plause from all parts of the house, at 9; 45, having spol.en for four hours
and a quarter.

APP£yDrX. 575

APPENDIX II.

THE PACIFIC SCANDAL.

The following is the speech delivered by Sir John Mncdotj^^Nld, in reply
to the allegations concerning the pacific railway charter, in the house of
commons, Ottawa, on M'.nday, Nov. 3rJ, 1873. On rising, the lioixour-
able gentleman was gretled with hearty cheers : — •

Mr. Speaker, I had not intended to address you on the two motions now
before the house, and the reason why I did not so intend is that I had al-
ready given my testitaony on oath, and in that testimony I had endea-
voured, notwithstanding the statement of the hon. gentleman who has
just taken his seat, to s.tate the whole cvde as far as I knew it, according
to the best of my cousijiouco, concealing nothing and revealing everything.
Therefore I did not think it well, according to the ordinary rule, that I
should attempt in any way to supplement my statement on ofith by my
statements not on o.itlL. (Cheers.) However I have been taunted, not in
the house certainly, but I have heard it elsewhere and have seen it in the
papers that I have been withholding my statements ; that I have been
keeping back, and that I dare not meet the house and the country. Sir,
I dare meet this bouse and the country. (Cheers.) I know too well what
the liouso and the country will do, and what the feeling of the country
will be, when they know all the facts. Tliey know many of them now, and
those they do not know I shall endeavour presently to enter upon. But
now I enter upon the subject which is most interesting to this house — the
question v 'lether the govtj-nnient or any members of the government were
in any way implirated in the giving or granting of a charter, or of a privi-
lege of any kind to men for corrupt motives. I shall allude to one or tw>>
subject? which a si •>. l time ago assumed prominence in the opinion of the
country, bat wh'ch in the course of the present debate have almost sunk
into insignificance. A short time ago, from the 13th August till now, we
heard nothing else but the unconstitutionality of the prorogation ; nothing
else but that a great wrong had been committed on the privileges of the
house. Although I was here for only a few minutes before the iiouse
was prorogued, if I remember aright, this chamber rung with charges that
the privileges of the house had been invaded. I not only heard the voice
of the hon. member for Chateauguay (Mr. Holton), but 1 saw his hand

570 APPENDIX.

brought down, v/ith tho ponderous strength of the hon. gentleman, on hia
desk, when he called " privilege 1" " privilege ! " and all because the re-
presentative of the sovereign had exercised a prerogative conferred upon
him by law. The hon. gentleman was committing an anachronism. There
were days when tho prerogative of the crown and tlie privileges of the peo-
ple were in opposition. There were days — but they were days long gone
by, and there was no necessity for any attempt to revive them now — days
when the prerogative of the crown was brought in opposition to the will of
the people, and the representatives of the people ; and then, aa was
proper, the will of the people was i)aramount, and when the crown op-
posed ic, by prerogative or by excess of prerogative, the head of the sov-
ereign rolled on the scaffold. But, Mr. Speaker, those days do not exist
now, and I am happy to say that at this moment, in this age, the prero-
gative of the crown is a portion of the liberty of the people. (Cheers.) If
we wish to preserve our liberties, if we wish to preserve our present con-
stitution, if we do not wish again to have a long parliament or a rump
parliament, if we do not wish again to have a parliament overriding every
other constitutional authority, we shall preserve the prerogative of the
crown as being a sacred trust, as being a portion of the liberties of the
people. (Cheers.) Centuries ago, as I have said, the iime was when the
sovereign could come down with his strong hands and could seize, or at-
tempt at all events to seize, a member of parliament for performing his
duty in his place. The day was once when the sovereign could come
down and could banish and send to the tower, and even as has been knowiii
could send to the block, members of parliament for defending the privi-
leges of the people. But when the sovereign is no longer a despot, when
the sovereign is a constitutional monarch, when the sovereign takes his
advice from the people, when the sovereign in his act of prerogative takes
his advice from a committee selected from the representatives of the peo.
pie and from the other Chamber, which other chamber has its power rest-
ing upon the basis of the will of the country and the will of the people,
then 1 say there is no danger of the prerogative being used unconstitution-
ally ; but the great danger of the country here, as in England, is that the
prerogative may not be &trong enough to resist the advancing wave of de-
mocracy. (Cheers.) And, sir, when in the undoubted exercise of the pre-
rogative of the crown the representative of the sovereign came not to this
Chamber but to the proper chamber, and announced his will, as the repre"
sentativo of the sovereign, that parliament be prorogued, he committed no
breach of the privileges of this house or the other house of parliament, and
made wj infringement on the liberties of the people. (Cheers.) It was
chrrged that a great breach of the constitution had taken place. True it

APPENDIX. 577

is that wo hoard in a sort of minor koy frotn tho Glohi; which hatl some cha-
racter to lose, that although it was very inoxpodiont, it was no breach of tho
constitution. But ovory other paper, I believe, every organ of Hon. gen-
tlemen opposite, except the Gloix', stated that there had been a great breach
of tho constitution and of tho privileges of the peoi)Io on the floor of par-
liament, and they wore countenanced by tho voice and clamour of lion,
gentlomen opposite. (Cheers.) We might pardon them, perhaps, because
wo have seen cases of a similar kind in England, and therefore I can quite
understand it, and I do not much blame them, as showing the momentary
feeling of disappointment at the exercise of the royal prerogative, prevent-
ing tho extension of tho excitement into debates in a subsecjuont session.
In 1820, at the time of Queen Caroline's trial, while the bill was pending,
when it was resolved to withdraw tho bill, and when tho motion for the
six months' disposal of that measure was carried, there was an outburst
when the knock of tho usher of tho black rod was made at the door — an
outburst of indignation on tho part of the(iuoon'a friends because they had
no opportunity of expressing their feelings against the course which had
boon taken. . Parliament, however, was prorogued, notwithstanding the
storm of indignation that arose at tho time. On a still later occasion, at
tho time of tho refcn-m bill, in 1831, wo can remember how the house was
almost in nmtiny, and how that staid gentleman, tho Duko of Richmond,
almost declared himself in rebellion against his sovereign. Sir Hobert
I'eel, at the very moment the usher of the black rod knocked at the door, was
making a most indignant protest against prorogation for the purpose of dis-
solution. Therefore when such' staid men and men of such high position
could take that course, we can perhaps pardon hon. gentlemen opposite for
having betrayed an unseemly warmth on the 13th of August because the
prerogative of the crown was exercised as the crown had the right to ex-
ercise it. Therefore, it occurs to every hon. gentleman who has consid-
ered tho subject well, that the question of constitutionality cannot exist
for a moment, and that a question of privilege set up against prerogative
is altogether a false cry, an untenable cry, a cry unconstitutional and un-
warranted by law. (Cheers.) The prerogative at present is valuable only
as one of the liberties of tho people, and it la one of the liberties of the
people because it is guided, as I said before, by the advice of ministers
responsible to the two houses of parliament, not alone to this chamber.
The prerogative is not dangerous. There is no hazard that any one of our
liberties, personal or political, will be endangered, so long as the preroga-
tive is administered on the advice of a minister having the support and
requiring support from the two chambers of parliament. (Cheers. ) The
question then comes, whether the present ministers of his excellency the
KK

578 Al'PENDIX.

governor-general wore jnstitiod in rocommondinji; the prorogation on the
llJtli clay of Angust. Sir, if they had not given that advice they would
have the sovereign to break his word ; they would have advised the sov-
ereign to commit a breach of faith against every absent member of parlia-
ment. I can say in the presence of this house, in the presence of the
country, an<l in the presence of the world, if the world were listening to
our rather unimportant affairs, that if ever a pledge, if ever a bargain, if
ever an agreement or arrangement was made, it was that the house sliould
be prorogued cm the 13th ilay of August. Some of the gentlemen who
have spoken, I won't tax my memory as to which of them, have made the
constitutional objecticjn that the house never agreed to the prorogation on
the 13th of August. Sir, the house had nothing to Jo with it. It is not
a matter of agreement between the sovereign and the people ; it is a mat-
tei" ■' rerogative. Did any educated man, any man who knows what the
consticution in Canada or what the constitution in England is, believe that
I, the first minister of the crown, could get up in my place and toll this
house that on the 13th of August it would be prorogued, and that on that
day there was no real necessity for members being present, because it was
to be merely a formal meeting \ that I, a minister of nearly twenty years
standing — (hear) —who ought to know by practice, and do know by study,
somewhat of the British constitution, should make that announcement un-
less 1 had got the authority of my master ; had got the sanction of the
crown \ As a matter of course, as his excellency has stated in the answer
he made to the gentlemen who waited upon him, I submitted the propo-
sition to his excellency and took his pleasure upon it, just as the first min-
ister in England would take the pleasure of her majesty as to the day on
which prorogation was to take place. I got the sanction of his excellency
the governor-general to make that statement, and if I had not got that
sanction I do not believe the house would hnve agreed to the long ad-
journment. We will look back for one moment to see whether I was right,
whether the government was right — in speaking of myself I speak of my-
self and my colleagues whether we ought to receive the sanction of the
the house in giving that advice. Let us look back to the circumftances of
the case. 1 invite the careful attention of the house, and especially the
attention of those lion, members who were not members of the parliament
of Canada at that time, to the circumstances of the case. In February, I
think it was, there was a royal charter given for the purpose of building a
Pacific railway, to the Pacific railway company. They went home —
their president. Sir Hugh Allan and certain other members of the Board
for the purpose of attempting to carry out this charter which had been
given to them. The charter had been given to thera according to the

Al'l'ENDIX. 070

vote of the Parliament of Canada, with the sanction of the p.irliamoi.t of
vJai\aua, and evury clausu of it was in accordance with the provisions of
the law passed by the parliament of Canada. (Cheers.) These gentlemen
liad gone home to England to lay a great scheme, so great a scheme, Mr.
Speaker, that some of the hon. gentlemen opposite said that it was going to
overtax our resources and destroy our credit, and tlu'.t they could not suc-
ceed at all with so small u population in such a young country. They had
gone home to England to lay the project before the English world and
European capitalists. They were going hon.e to operate, and it depended
much on the support they received from this country, from the parliament
and press of Canada, whether they could succeed or not. They had gone
home in February. Parliament met early in March, I think. The hon. mem-
ber for Shetford rose in his place and made his charge against the govern-
ment on the 2nd of April. The hon. gentleman may have been, 1 do not say
he was not, actuated by principles of fine patriotism in making that charge ;
but whether he was so actuated or not, whether his motives were parliamen-
tary or unparliamentary, patriotic or unpatriotic, one thing is certain,
that the direct aim, the direct object, the point at 'vbich that motion and
that statement were directed, was to kill the charter in England. (Cheers.)
The weapon was aimed with that ob-ect, not so much with the desire of de-
stroying the aduiinistration, not so much with the purpose of casting a re-
flection upon the ministry, as with the view of destroying that first on the
expectation that the ministry would fall afterwards. That was the aim ;
there was no doubt about it, and when the hon. gentleman's motion was
defeated, and when I took up the resolution the aim was well intended —
the desire of killing was well intended — but it failed in the execution.
(Hear, hear.) When I took it up I considered the whole position of events.
Sir Hugh Allan and those connected with him went to England in March.
Parliament was sitting at the time the hon. gentleman made his motion.
1 could not know how long parliament would last, and the chances were
that they would return some time before the end of the session. If they
did not return then, of cotirse I considered that there could be no examin-
ation until they did, but I thought they might return. I declare that I
never for a moment supposed that the hon. member, when he made his
statement, could be guilty of such great, such palpable, such obvious in-
justice, as to press his committee in the absence of Sir Hugh AILin, Mr.
Abbott, and Sir George Cartier, when they had no opportunity of defend-
ing either themselves or the charter which they had obtained. The house
must remember also that the motion made by the hon. gentleman went
much farther than my motion. The motion of the hon. member, which
he moved on the 2nd of April, was not only to inquire into the facts that

580 APrENDlX.

he mentioned, tho Htatoments upon which ho ImHod his motion, but to go
into tho wholu of the Hubjuct oontiectecl witli tlio chiirtur and tho granting
of tho charter to the Pacific railway company. The aim of his motion, I
repeat, was to <1eHtroy that chartor. I will read the motion of tho hon.
member. Aftor detailing tiie facts, ho moved, " that a committeo of bovoii
members bo appointed to ini|uire into all the circiimstancea ctmnocted with
tho negotiations for tho C(m8truction of tho Pacilic railway, with tho legis-
lation of last session on tho subject, and with tho granting of the charter
to 8ir Hugh Allan and others." So that tho aim of tho hon. gentloman in
making that motion was not simply to attack thegovornment, not simply that
from improper motives or inducements of any kind they had given tho cliar-
ter, but was for tho purpose of destroying that chartor and of attacking all
tho legislation of tho previous session on which tho chartor was based, [
never f'-r one moment supi^sod that any hon. member would bo guilty of
tho groas injustice (jf attemi)ting to attack the wh(ilo of tho legislation of
tho previous session and the charter solemnly granted under an act of par-
liament, and of attempting to afTect vested interest, on which a million of
money had been staked, in the absence of tho persons primarily interested.
That moticm wivs made, and was intended to be a vote of want of confi-
dence. Was that so '. or was it not so i Will tho hon. gentleman say it
was not so?

Mr. HuisTiNOTON — The motion when made waB intended to express
nrecisoly whuL it did express. (Laughter.)

Sir John MAonoNAiiD — It is said, sir, that if there had been one hon-
est man in the cities of Sodom and Gomorrah they might have been saved ;
and 30 tho Opposition may bo saved in tho same way, for thoy have one
honest man in their ranks — the member for South Wentworth — who
stated that that motion was intended to bo a vote of want of confidence.
Everybody knew that that was its design (hear, hear), and yet at this day,
at this late hour, the hon. gentleman (Mr. Huntington) had not the man-
liness to get up and say so. (Cheers.) He dare not say it was not a mo-
tion of want of confidence. It was meant in that way, and I can prove
that it was by my hon. friend the member for South Wentworth. I call
him, and I believe him. Ho said it was so. Will the hon. gentleman not
believe him ? Although differing from him in politics, I know he would
not say what was not true. If I remember rightly, the hon. member for
ShefTord said he would make the motion when we went into committee
of supply. He gave the necessary notice that ia always given in such
cases, and I certainly supposed that he intended to make a general mo-
tion on our policy connected with the Canadian Pacific railway. He said
he was going to make a motion on that subject, and it was by mere

A ITEM fix. 681

ftccitlont that when luy friond, tho ininistur of finance, rose to make his
l)iulgut spuecli, with yon in tho chair, inatuad of aconunittoe of supply,
tho hon. member said he would take another opportunity of making tho
ntateniont in oonneo.ion with the Pacitio railway. Had wo gone into
<:ommittoo r)f supply tho hon. Kuntlenian would have made, in tho ordi-
nary parliamentary way, his motion of want of confidence. Hut he
hIiouUI have given notice of his attack, for a more unmanly attack is un-
known. What notice had boon given that he was going to make that mo-
tion I Triio, the government of the day are unworthy of their position
tuiless they are ready to. meet any charges brought agaii^st them. But
had we tho most remote information rosptcting that i)ersonal matter ?
And even when on tho .second day he announced that he was going to
|>ostpono to a future occa.sion further action, ho did not vtmture to give
tho slightest intimation to tho men he was going to attack ; the men whose
characters he was going to blacken; of what he was going to say ; but he
took us by surprise and sought by bringing in documents carefully pre-
pared to got a coiuMiittoe on those statements for tho purpose. Certainly
it would have been so if tho conunittee had been granted as he proposed,
— of killing, as it was designed to kill, as it was bound to kill, tho efiorts
of tho Canadian people to get a body of English capitalists, to build the
I'acitic railway. (Loud cheering.) T^e could not possibly have supposed
that he would have got tho in({uiry through that session, but he supposed
if the house had granted the conmiittee on his statement, and it had gone
home, telegraphed by cable b)' the associated press, with which some hon.
gentlemen opposite seemed to have mysterious connections — (laughter) —
it would certainly have been mysterious but it would certainly have
allected the construction of tho Canadian Pacific railway, throwing
back for years the building of the railway, casting discredit on Canada,
iwiiX telling British Columbia what they had told them two years before,
that they were not going to get the railway. Mr. Speaker, the hon,
gentleman did not speak, in his remarks on tho motion, of facts within
his own knowledge, and as the member for Marquette had done in his
statements of facts, he only stated that he was credibly informed that
the fact existed, and he would be able to prove it, and I venture to say
that in the whole range of parliamentary experience in England, and
wherever else fair play is known, no man could be expected to have
got any other answer than the one he got from the house. If the hon.
member had risen in his place and said of his own knowledge that he
was personally cognizant of certain facts, then the house might have con-
sidered those facts as proved, at all events sufficient for a yrima facie case
for inquiry, but the hon. member for SheflFord did not pretend to say bo,

B82 APPENhlX.

b>it roHO in tho houHJ and said ho wiw crodihly informed (<f certain facts^
and thuruupon askt'd for a cr>niinittuu to try tlio j^ovorninont, and not
only Hu, but to try whutlior tliu logiHlation of tho provioua soBaion waa a<u'«
nipt oi non corrupt ; whetlier tho meniV)ura of purliamont who had votod
for tlio (iovornniont woro ri^ht or wrong, and wliothor that charter, to
which groat credit woa attncliud, was fraudulent or valid. And on tho
nunco, when tho hon. gentleman mu<le tho proposition, wo resolved to
leave it to the houao t<t say whether thoy believed that the facts Imd oc-
currod. When the hon. gentlonuvn stated that he was credibly informed
that such WHS true, the liouse voted down tho motion. On tho next day
I gave notice that 1 would introduce tho rea(dution which I did introduce.
1 gave notice of tho resolution, and there is a littl'i history with the reso-
I'ltion to which I will uall tho attention o^ the hi ■ -e. It is reported that
at a meeting at New Glasgow tue h'^n. meinbov for Lambton stated that
that residution which I moved was forced upon mo by my own t'ollowors,
and that members on this side of the house luid come to mo to ur>{0 me
to introduce that resolution. The hon, gentleman had heard my denial.
He heard my speech ; he was in his place when I made that speech, and
interrupted mo several times, and I then turned round and asked my
friends if any of them had come to mo to force mo by any influence, or
language, or anything of the kind, to come down to the house with that
motion. I should like to know the names of those eight members,

Mr. Mackenzie — I am quite satistiod I never mentioned eight names.
(Ministerial cries of "How many ? ") I said I was informed, as 1 was^
that it was because of tho pressure his supporters had brought to bear
that an inquiry had been asked for next day.

Hon. Mr. McDonald (Pictou)— I wish to state what did occur at the
meeting, and there will, I think, be no difference of opinion between the
member for Lambton and myself as to the question of fact. The hon .
member during his address stated that tho loader of the government waa
compelled by the pressure of his own friends in the house — I don't re-
collect that he stated eight members — to bring down the motion for a.
committee to the house. I interrupted and said ; '* Why, did you not
hear Sir John Macdonald declare that he did not introduce that resolution
owing to the pressure of his friends or of any friend ? " The hon. gentle-
man replied ; " I did not. I now declare he was pressed by his friends."

Mr. Mackenzie — The statement made by the hon. member for Pictou
is quite correct. I stated I had no recollection of that statement being
made, but as the hon. gentleman had said that it was made, I was bound
to believe it ; but I was still prepared to say that the information I had
•was that the leader of the Government was compelled by the pressure of

Al'VENUIX. 083

hJH frioiulH to innko that inotiun. T nm Ivmio out in thnt liy whnt tlio
iiivinhur for Sliulburiiu statud tho otliur day in tliu lloiuo, 11 j for ono
wai uhligud to bring tliat proHSiiro to huar tho nuxt day. (Oppu.iitioii
choors.) 1 cannot recollout all tlio othora, but I hoard aimilar nmtturs
i.iontioi-ed by aomo othera.

Sir .loi N Mackonai.I)— 1 have ^ot tho apooch hore, and boforo tlio de-
bate chmeH I Hhall ro'or to it, boc-auHO 1 do not liku any niiaappruhunaioii
on thuBo luattura. I am aatiatiud thu hoii. ({entlunian aaid ao, aa iio ia ro-
portod.and 1 can atato liuro that tho hon. guntlunnm had hia own ropor-
tor proaent. Tho hon. guntleman waa roi)ortod to havo aaid :— " I may
inform tho hon. gontloman tiijro woro oight of tlio (lovoraniont aiippor-
tera who put the acrow on iiim." In othor worda—

Mr. Mackknzie— I ant perfectly certain 1 did not uae the word
acrew.

Hir John Mac'Donald- Now, I havo occasion to repeat what I atatod
then, that no momber of tlio party, and not only no membor of tho party
but not one of my own coPoaguoa, Hpoko to mo on theaubjoot until 1 had
announced my own dotormination. (Loud choora from MiniHtorial
bonchea.) The motion took ua by aurpriao, and wo met it, aa I think we
ought to have mot it by voting it down. Next day I came down late and
walked into the Council-room at half-paat ono. My coUoaguoa were all ait-
ting arotnid. 1 aaid to them, after consideration: " I havo made up my mind
that I will move for a Committee," before any ono had a]>oken. I had
atated my intention without a single auggestion from any man, that aa tho
charge waa of such a nature chat I would move for the appointment of a
Committee and bring such motion before Parliantent on the following day.
And that is the way that the characters of men are lied aw ly in this coun-
try. 1 do not mean to say that the hon. member for Lambton has lied
down my character because lie has denied it. What I do mean to say, it
has been lied away by tho mistake of a reporter who thought that he was
reporting hia words. I havo now got the report here. It ia from tho
Halifax Citken. Perhaps tho hon. gentleman I'nowa this paper I Per-
haps the hon. member knows that his friend who formerly sat in this
House for Halifax is the proprietor of this paper, or that he certainly
writes for it. (Hear, hear and cheers.) Here ia the newspaper, and if
the hon. gentleman thinks T have made a mistake, and if he thinks I have
done him an injustice, perhaps he will be patient with me while 1 real
the few sentences: — "Some gentlemen afterwards informed Sir John
Macdonald that before they voted with him an inquiry there must be. He
-was thus compelled to come down and say that he himself moved an in-
(piiry on the following day."

M4 M'l'KS'lUX.

Mr Macken/.ik— Wliitt ahoiit thu ui^ht tlmt thu hoii. iiumibur Hpnko of.
(l<nui{htor.) I rufvr tu wlint thu huii. moiiilHir for Hliulluirnu Ntatud thu
othiir iiii^ht.

Kir .!oiiN MAtiM»vAM)-Di»u» tho hon. rmmihur for Hholbiirne wy tliat
ho uvnr ('luiiu to Hpiiuk to iiiu on tlio Hiil>ioct '.

Mr. Iloss (Victoria) - i may Miiy tliat two or thruu of ua wuiit to nuo tho
Miiiiitturs iiuxt day uiul Htatud that itnUmii thuy proiuinud a ootuinittuo
(hoiiiat'lvuH that wiin tho \wi voto thoy would ((ut from iin.

Mr, Ciiriicii — I accopt tlmt atatomoiit. Wo «aw tho hon. Mr. MitchoU
on tho following day and naid tho char^^ua woru vury Hurious atl'aira, and
that a conunittuu nuist boappointod.

8ir John MacdonaM) — Thua wu auo anothur uxomplilii^ation of thu old
Htory of the throo Itlaok Crowa. (Iiaiij.(litor. ) Tho hon. niomhur atatotl
that oi^ht of my foliowcrH and niipporturs camu to mo and naid that 1
miiHt movo that Committoo. Tho hon. gontlomon aay that thoy wont to
Homo ono olao, and I aay, in tho proaonuu of my colloa^uoa, that 1 myaulf
wont down to tho council, and boforu having niut or agrood with any
Hiiiglu mondior of tho council, i naid to thoin on going into the council
chamber — " (lontlomon, I havo made iiii my mind that on tho firat op-
portunity that proaonta itaulf I will niovu for a committoo to ini(uiro into
thia matter." (Choora.) I had had no communication with any muiubor
of the govornment ; nu communication with any mumbur of tho house ;
noconuiiunicatiim with any ono in or out of tho houao, and thuroforo you
can undtsratand how guarded tho hon. inoinbor for Lambton ahould bo in
giving p\iblicity to other mon'a atl'aira. He may perhapa havo a vacancy
in Ilia niomory. There is something, Abercroinbio says, which loads mon
not only to forgot certain facta, and to state thinga au facta that never oc-
curred. At all events, whether I was waited on by tho eight members or
not, I shall produce tho hon. gontloui:in tho report about the eight moni-
bers before the night is over.

Mr. Mackenzik— I don't care about it.

Sir JouN Mac'donald— I know you don't, I know tho hon gentleman
is quite inditforent about the evidence that I can produce. (L'vughter.)
At all events I came down to p.irliament and gave my notice of motion.
Now I wish the house carefully to consider the circumstances under
which I made my motion. I was of course exceedingly anxious that Sir
Hugh Allan ahould succeed in his mission to England, and that the Pacitic
railway should be proceeded with without delay, I was anxious that no
blow should be struck in this house for party or any other purpose tliat
could injure the prospects of these mon in England, and yet I did not de-
sire that there should be any undue delay in thia inquiry, which affected

Al'l'KMtlX.

tho honiiiir of hoii. ^ttnttoinon ntul of niyiiulf. N'nw it nniiit l>«t ninnin'-
Itiruil Hint my iiintiiiii liiiviii^ \ivvu iiiiiuiimoiiiily iidnptud hy thu liiiiiMit, wiiii
not Diily my motion, wim not only my votu, hut wan .lUo tho motion itnd
tlie votu of hon. Kontlumun who wuru thon mvmhurHof tliin luirUHnM^nt. I
uuiiHidorud atthiit timo thatthn chanoim woruinlinituiiimally nmull that thunu
Uontlomon would ho liaok in tiiiui t<> ^oon witli tl;ti iiii|iiiry Ixtfuru thu proro-
Kation of piirlianu'Ut ; and what did 1 muvo / I moved " that a nuluct com-
luittuo uf ilvo momhurH hu appuintud, of which ('ommittuu tho movor iihttll
not Ih) (»no," and huru, Mr. Spoakur, I may purhapM hrin^ in,;H<ry<ar<-ii^At'««,
u rumni-k. I movud tliat ruaolntion aa ' thought that I hu'nm <'»u "f tho
ai'iMiHud nliould not hu a niomhur of tliat lommittuo, and yt^t tht) hon.
momltur for ShittlWrd Htatod in a Hpiiuch rt'contly that if ht lia<l liad his own
way ho wouhl havo hoon thu chairman of that connnittuu ; Ihnt hu wouhl
hnvo huon chairman and that hu woidd havu ^'nidud thuduUI)orationaof that
coiumittuo— hu tliu nccusur. Thu hon. ^'unthiman may think that I may
hiivo oommittud Homothin^' liku folly in tluH coiuhc, hut, ut all uvontH, I
niovud that "a committou of live mumhurn bu appointed, of which thu movur
nliall not ho ono, to inipiiru into and report on tho Hpccial niatturs men-
Honod in tlio rusolution of tho hon. mombur for Shullord, with power to
m-nd for papurn and rucords, wilh powur to report to the house from time
to timo, with powur to rjport their uvidenco to tho house from time tt»
timo, an<l if need be Lo nit after tho proroi{ation of parliament.'' 1
thuu^'ht that by a more hicky chanco, by a mere fortuitoua circunmtanoo,
Sir Flu^h Allan and hia aHsociatoB might i>crhapa raise the money, make
tho neco.tsary arrangements and be back in timu before parliament waa pro-
rugiiod, and, thi'refore, I put in morely aa an alternative that if noud bu tho
committoo co\dd sit after parliament prorogued. I never thought for a single
moment, it nover occurred to my mind, tlmt any man having a aenao of jus-
tice would enter upon a trial of a matter, in the abaunco of thoac who wore
chielly implicated, and perhaps you will say that tho government wereim-
plii'ited, but at all events Sir llu.;h Allan and Mr. Abbott wore not only
pursonally iujplicated, but their capital, their vested rights, their pledged
faith were all interested in this itnpiiry, and I never thought any man
would attempt such an etiort of lynch law as to go on in the absence of
Sir Hugh Allan, Hon. Mr. Abbott, and Sir Geo. (Jartier ; in tho absence
of all the evidence which these gentlemen could give on the subject of
these charges. 1 therefore, air, drew up the luotion in the manner 1 havo
named, and 1 must confess th<'vt I am somewhat ashamed that my know-
ledge of constitutional law should have been at fault ; but 1 was anxious
that the government should not lia under the charges for a whole year,
and I put that in thj resolution in order that the commission might sit

ftHo Ari'F.sinx.

from iluy toiliiy iliiriii;^ tho rucimN, iiml if Nir Illicit Allnii, Mr. Alihott
iiiitl Hir <>ui)rt(o (.Wliur nrrivoil in thia country tlint thuir uvi loncn nii^^hi
\w tukon. This wiia my nhjuot in pliioinK thia clitiiao in thu roaoliition.
On conaidurnlion wn found tlint thia houao could not conftir thu |M>wer,
und for H vary auliatiuitiul ruMon, hucnuao if thia pikrliiiniiuit could a|>|>oint
u coiiiniitt(tt) with {lowtir to ait during thn roccan it could alao ii|i|ioint a
conunittvo of the vvhoUi houau to ait during tho rucuaa, and tliua tho proro-
t^ntivu of thu Crown to proro^uu wouhl \w iiivndttd, nnd parliitmunt oa a
conunittou of tho wholtt might ait indutinitcly. Hut I madu a miatiiko ; it
WHN iKX'cptcd hy thu whtdu houNo, nud hon. Kcutlonuui who voted for my
rcaolution iiriiaa much roapoimildu for it aa myaclf. Not only waa my pro-
poaition corinidunid, hut it wiia w«iighud hy tho hon. muml)«tr for South
lirucu. Ko much did th» hon. momhur conaidur it aa amattor of certainty
that tho coniiuittflu muat ait durin^^ tho rocoaa that ho uaod thia lantjuago :
" With regard to giviny tho committoo powor to ait after tho prorogation,
ho t)u)U{ht tho correct courao to purauo would bo to introduce a hill
authorizing tho committoo to ait during tho recoHa, nnd hy a roaolution of
the houao to take ovidonco under oath." Tho hon. goutloinan aaw that it
waa ipiito impoaaihlo for ua to got through the invoatigation during tho
Hoaaiun, and I do not aeo in juatico how it waa poaaihiu to got through
without theao gentlemen comin.;. li wq I not then proved my case, Mr.
'Speaker/ (Oheora.) Have I not proved that this houao aolemidy ro-
Holved, as far aa it could roaolvo, that thia ompiiry ahoidd be continued
after tho prorogati(m / Now, Mr. Speaker, I ahall not elaborate thia
(pieation any further than to w\y that believing na I did, believing an 1
do, that it would have boon an injuatico to prosood with thia eni|uiry in
the abaonce ol Aw gentlemen whom 1 h.ive namud, the govornment, of
which I am a niomber, otlorod the advice to the govomor-general that
tho houao should bo prorogued on the 13th of August, it having boon
underatood that in tho intermodiato time the committee might sit. That
advice was accepted, that waa tho advico 1 brought dawn an<l communi-
cated to the Ikjuhu, and that advico was acted upon by thia house and that
act this house cannot now recall. (Hear, hear.) This house is responsible
for its own acts and ordinances, and when I announced here that tho
house would bo i)rorogued on tho 13th of Au;iU8t, this house accepted
that propositicm as it should have done. (Chee'-s.) Itut, Sir, I stated to
this house for all the purposes of this house that tho aljouritmont should
be coneiderod a prorogation. (Cheoro ) That was accepted by this house,
and more than that, I brought down a bill to pay every member his
salary, on the ground that it was a prorogation, and I say further that any
member who i^ot this money and wished for raoro and came back to get it

woa guilty of tnkinK monoy tintUtr falie prrtutiMn*. (('hoora.) Wo kiittw
wliiit lii» l>ii|t|i«)iittvl ill tint I'tiitcil H(»ti>i. \Vu know tiiitt tho <iliilf, in
ordur to iiuliico itii friutida to coiiio tlioy know of ooiirio tlint riiy frit'iid*
from th» i'lioiiio did not uftru for » thoiimuid dolhirH— but thuy t)ioii;{ht
that tint hoii, iiiciiibtirit who witru tutnrur Ottnwit would bu iiidiictid to conn*
by t\ brilio, imd the Olnhf to thu (ttitrnul diKuriic«< of tluit |iii|i«tr, iiiNiiiiii\ti<d
that if lion, iiutiiiburi cainu thuy would k**^ thuir iiioiu<y. (Ohoori.) 1
■hall now iiiakit a fuw ruiiiarki in rcNpuot to the iiiauo of tho royal coin-
niiasion. I havtt Hpokitn of tho proro^^atioii. I boliuvo that it wan connti-
oonNtitutioniil, I boliovo that it waa wiiu, or whether it wna wiie,
or uiiwiHU, it wiia Haiictioiu'd by thin purliiuiioiil, and I know that ]iarlia-
niunt cannot, without diiihontiiir, ifvcintt thoir voto ; and I bolifvc
I knoY that tho house acoeptod that prorogation on tho (jround that tho
Ad/iurnniont was in eti'eot tu be a prorogation, nnd that only the two
Speakers should bo in tho houio on the llUh of August, (('hoors.) As
regards thu logality of tho royal coiiunlHsion, I bolicvt that I lU'od not spoak
■o long on that subject. Thu motion of thu hon. Member for Laiiibton
relieves nio from that necessity. I will i^uuto tho ovidonco of the royal
coinmisHion.

Mr. Ili.AKK-IIoar, hear.

Sir John Ma< donai.o I hear tho inoiubor for South Hnico say " hoar,
hear." Surely ho ought not to touch, taste nor hiu'.<llo thu unclean tiling.
(Laughter.) Surely he will not think that any good fruit will o**me from
a vilo stnlk. Surely ho won't <|Uote any oviduncu of tho commiflsion if ho
believes the evidence of that coniniission to bo illegal. Tho hon. gentle-
man is on thu horiiH of a dibMiiina. Either the evidence is legal or illegal.
If it is legal, then thu huuse can judge from tho ovidonco, but if it is ille-
gal, the house must discard it ; and yet the hon. member for Laiubtun
(lUoted this evidence, and every man who spoke on tho opposite side of
the house used that evidence ; and it cannot be said, if that uvidenco is
to be used against the goveniinont, that it is illegal or unconstitutional.
(Cheers.) You have your money, and you take your choice. Either no-
cept or discard it, and remain as you were before thisovidunoe was taken.
(Cheers.) Now it was alleged in the argument of an hon. gonHeman op-
posite, with respect to this committee, that tho governor -genu i had beet>
snubbed. I tell the hon. gentleman, and I have the permission of the
crown to state it, that in addition to the othcial announcement, there is n
formal opinion given by the law oflioers of the crown. — those authorities
whose opinion the hon. member for Bothwell looked so scornfully upon,
but every one else so much respected — that the course taken by tho gov-

538 APPENDIX.

crnor-genoral both in rospoct to the prorogation and the issiiancu of thu
royal commission, was legal and constitutional.

Mr. Blake. — Hoar, hear.

Sir John Macuonald. — Well, Mr. Speaker, I cannot help it if thehon.
(gentleman does not agree with the law ofticers of the crown. Hut I have
still a further statement to make, and I think I may nuike it in the pre-
sence of my hon. friend the finance minister — that the course of the gov-
ernor-general in respect to all these transactions had been finally settled
and agreed upon by the whole imperial cabinet. (Cheers.) It is said, Mr.
{Speaker, with respect to the commission that by constitutional authority
the crown cannot know what happens in the house of commons. Well,
Mr. Speaker, that is one of the anachronisms which we see in the (quota-
tions of the hon. gentlemen opposite. They are two or three centuries
behind the times. Did the matter remain with the house alone, or con-
c'hulo with the house ? No, the house itself sent information to the gov-
ernor-general by the member for Sheti'ord. In consecjuence of the reso-
lution passed by the house, the member for Card well introduced a bill for
tlie purpose of giving the committee power to administer oaths. We
passed that bill through both houses, and it went to the crown, to the first
branch of the legislature. Is it to be supposed that when we, the advisers
of the crown, the advisers of the governor-general, asked him to come
down here contrary to usual practice, contrary to the general universal
jjractice, to come down before the end of the session to give his sanction
to a measure ; is it to be supposed that when we brought him down for
that special purpose we were not charged by the legislature to convey to
him why we asked him to give his assent ? Then why, Mr. Speaker, was
it to be supposed that the sovereign would give, as a matter of course, his
assent to a measure passed by this parliament without a reason. Sir, we
gave that reason. The advisers of the crown told the crown what the
motion of the member for Sheflford was. They told the crown what the
proceedings before the house were, and that the culmination of their pro-
ceedings was that the act should be passed. That was the reason why the
<;rown came down, that was the reason why the governor-general instead
of at the end of the session came down in the middle. He was fully in-
formed of the motion of the member for Shetford, and of all the proceed-
ings on which the bill was based. But it has been said, sir, that this act
•was an obstruction of the action of parliament. Why sir, it was intended
for the purpose of aiding parliament, but it was disallowed ; but certainly
by no act of mine as has been charged. It was even asserted somewhere
that I had, or that the governor-general had, attempted in some way to
influence the government in England to disallow the act. Well, sir, the

APPENDIX. 681>

paper before parlinmont shows with what scorn that statement can pro-
perly bo met. No suggestion direct or indirect, wont from the Canadian
to the iranorial government v.ith respect to the disallowance or passage of
that Pct. (Cheers.) I did not hesitate in my place in parliament to ex-
press my opinion that the passage of that act was boyond tho powers of
the Canadian pniiiamont. I had formed, I may say, a very strong opinion
on the point, but I did noi express ray opinion so strongly to this house
as I really felt it, because I knew from the usual generosity of gentlemen
opponito that they would at once have said, " Oh, of course, you throw
obstacles in tho way because you do not wish the bill to pnoo," and there-
fore, while I would have liked to state that we had not the power to pass
the act, at tho same timo I placed great confidence in the opinion of the
hon. member for Cardwell. I do not know whether tho member for South
Bruce expressed any opinion on the point, but if he did not, many other
learned members did, and I paid great respect to 'heir opinions. I did
nov therefore oppose, as otherwise I would have opposed, the passage of
the bill, which I would certainly have done had I not boon personally con-
cerned. When it went up to the governor-general, as the papers will
show, as I was bound to express my real opinion, I stated my doubt of it»
legality, but hoped his excellency would see his way to allow it instead of
reserving it for tho signification of her majesty's pleasure, and I gave my
advice not only as first minister, but as minister of justice, that the act
should be passed. The measure was passed and went home to England
and, as the despatches show, the case was fully argued, so far as it could
well be argued, and the strong impression of the representative of our
sovereign at the time was, that I was wrong in my law, and that the hon.
gentlemen who had supported the bill were right, and that tho bill would
become law. We know what the result was, and that atter the consulta-
tions the bill was disallowed. It has been said by the hon. member for
Bothwell, that it is out of the question that we should be governed by the
law officers of the crown, but let mo state to this house, Mr. Speaker, that
the decision was not the decision merely of the law officers of the cro.vn,
but it was the decision of the British government. It was an order of tho
privy council, ind there is not an order of the privy council passed in
which the lord chancellor is not consulted before a decision is come to.
But, sir, whether the commission was legal or not, and we will suppose for
a. moment that it was not, though it is a great stretch of supposition, would
it not have been well for the hon. member for Shefford to have come be-
fore that commission ? Would it not have been well for the hon. member,
aa a man really anxious to have justice done ? Would it not have been
well for the hon. member if desirous of the triumph of his party, not de-

500 • APPENDIX.

sirous of the defeat of a ministry, not desirouB of a change of government,
but really, truly, anxiously, and, as he said, painfully desirous of having
justice done, to have come before the commission and have followed up
the investigation from day to Jay ? I think the house will say that the
privileges of parliament were not endangered, and that he might safely
have prosecuted the matter and have brought the offendera to justice, and
that he could have done so without prejudice to his position as a member
of parliament. Why then did the hon. gentleman not come ? It did not
suit his plans to come. The hon. gentleman's game was (irst to destroy
the Pacitic railway company under the charge of .Sir Hugh Allan, and then
to destroy the government, and not to have a real inquiry into the con-
duct of the administration. Besides, sir, and it is a consideration of some
importance to the house, and one that ought to have great force in ^ao
country, I myself, and the other members of the government who were in
this country, desired to give our explanation under oath. I went there,
Mr. Speaker, and you know it was said in the newspapers that the com-
mission would be a sham, and there would be no examination at all, and
that the members of the government and other witnesses would shelter
themselves under the piea that they need not criminate themselves. I
•would ask you, sir, and every hon member, whether every member of the
government, when called before that commission, did not give full, clear
and unreserved statements as regards all the transactions connected with
the Pacific railway. (Cheers. ) As I believe that that commission was
issued in accordance with the law, because the crown as such had a perfect
right to enquire • ""to that matter, so at the same time I believe that in no
way was it desigL^d, and in no way did it in any way obstruct the action
of parliament. Mr. Speaker, this house is not governed by that commis-
sion or the evidence, although the member for Lambton has quoted the
evidence, and used it, and made it the basis of his motion. 1 say the
house is not in any way bi)und by that commission. It is in no way
checked or obstructed or prevented from instituting the most searching
examination into the matter. As a matter of fact, I believe that when the
member for Shefford made his charges here, there was a notice given in
the senate ior an inquiry, and there was no reason in the world why the
senate should not have had an inquiry. They might have had a commit-
tee, and, as we have often seen it in England, the two branches of the
legislature might have had concurrent committees sitting at the same time;
and it might happen, as in England, that these committees might come to
different conclusions. If a committee had been granted by the senate,
would that have been a breach of the privileges of this house "i Certainly
not. Well then, sir, if it be not a breach of the privileges of parliament

APPENDIX. 591

that the second and third branches of the legislature should have concur-
rent examinations into a certain chari'c, huw can it be a breach of tlie

•

privileges of the second and third chambers for the lirst branch of the
legislature to go into the matter. (Cheers.) If the senate can discuss the
matter, cannot the sovereign go into it ? Sir, the answer is too obvious to
admit of doubt, and it must be remembered the sovereign holds a two-fold
position ; that the sovereign is not only the first branch of the legislature,
and as such has a right to in([uire into such matters, but is also the head of
the executive and is the executive. The crown governs the country ; the
crown chooses its own ministers, and this house has uo control, and the
senate has no control over the crown in this respect, except in deciding
whether they have confidence in the ministers chosen. The crown, in
or Jer to be a reality and not a myth, must have the full and sole selection
of the individual members to form the government, and it is then for par-
liament to say whether that selection is such as will command the confi-
dence of parliament as well as enable them to carry on the affairs of the
country. If that is constitutional law, and I think it is, what is the conse-
quence ? It is that the sovereign has the right to inquire into the con-
duct of its own officers. If an offence is committed, the crown has a right
to in<|uire into it. If a charge is made the crown has the right to ascertain
whether that charge is true. I will suppose the case of a minister charged
with a crime amenable to common law. Could not the crown make in-
quiry into such a matter ? The proposition is too absurd a thing to need
an answer, for we know of many cases where the crown has made such in-
quiry. The case that is most applicable in principle to the present one in
that of Lord Melville, and I will refer to that because it lays down certain
principles to which I would invite the attention of the house. The case is
especially applicable because the matter was first discussed in the house of
commons ; and it is said here that because the matter was first discussed
in the house of commons it should end there, and no other tribunal should
deal with it, and no other authority should intervene and prevent the
house from concluding its inquiry. But there is no reason in the world
why any independent authority should not pursue an independent inquiry,
leaving to the house a full, unrestrained and unrestricted right of inquiry.
In the case I have mentioned there had been great abuses in connection
with the navy contracts m England during the Peninsular war, and there
were allegations of enormous frauds, and a pledge was given by Mr. Pitt's
government, of which Lord Melville was a member, that so soon as a peace
was concluded, an inquiry should be entered into, as it was thought im-
possible that in the height of the war a proper inquiry could be made. I
grant that it was a different administration that moved for a committee iu

602 , APPENDIX.

the matter, but the motion wao in consequeuco of tl\o pledge j^iven by Mr.
Pitt, but when Lord Sidmouth asked for tlio committee it was opposed in
the honso of comm(jn8, on tiie yroinid that the cnnvn coulu prosecute the
in(iuiry. The navy board had full authority, and the admiralty had full
authority, and it was uryod that the crown as it appointed the judges so
it should appoint commissionora to try the particular case. Thero was
the responsibility, and this view was argued strongly. As anyone will
see who reads ' , the commission was only granted after the go 'ernmont
had been i.dked whether thoy had got their commissionora, and after tho
house had been informed that the navy board and the government of tho
day asked for the commission, and the act to authorize thr administration
of oaths was passed because there was no power in the navy board to ad-
minister oaths. Tho commission was similar to this in all respects. Oii
this the minister was tried, and on this a minister was accpiitted, antl tlio
only diffcrenoe between that case and this was that on that case a com-
mission was asked for by the government, and in this the commission was
issued by the government under the act.

Mr. Wood. — Whenever there were commissions, special acts wore pass-
ed, authorizing these commissions.

Sir John Macdonalu. — Would the Hon. gentleman tell me of any such
commissions ?

Mr. Wood. — Yes, there was the act of 1843, and the act of St. Albans,
and in 1832 a general act was passed relating to such matters. No single
case could be found in which a royal commission was appointed to try cor-
rupt parties at elections, except under a special act.

Sir Joiix Macdoxald. — The hon. gentleman cites certain acts relating
to corrupt practices, but the hon. gentleman must see that his cases had
no reference to this one, because those which he cited referred to corrup-
tion in boroughs, and the charge here is general corruption on the part of
the government. It had been contended by the hon. member for Bothwell,
who spoke at some length, that it was very surprising that the witnesses
before tho royal commission did not know anything, that they came <ip
one after another, telegraph operators and others, and all stated that they
did not know anything about the matter. AVhy were they called ? Tho
reason was plain, and the reason was known to the h6n. member. It was
because Mr. Huntington handed in the name? ol ihese witnesses to the
committee. He handed in my name among »he rest, and it was alleged
that there was an arrangsment about this as if tlie government had any
control over that commission. The witnesses were called one after ano-
ther and in the order shown on the list handed in by the hon. member for
Shefford. Early in the session he handed in the list of witnesses, and

APPENDIX. 593

they were nil cnllod in their sequence. T could not help it if n railway
operator or a tologrnph operator was called up and did not know anything
about it. His name was there on the list, and in one case it was shown
that M. Coursol, whose name was put on the list, mot Mr. Huntington,
and when he asked him why it had been done, that hon. gentleman said
he did not know. It was the duty of the commissioners to call upon every
man that hon. gentleman had placed on the list, whether they knew any-
thing or knew nothing, and therefore the charge of the hon. gentleman
that they were called up by arrangement was untrue, and it was altogether
unworthy of the hon. gentleman. Witnesses were called up iva they came
on the list, p.ud as they came on that list they came up to give their evi-
dence. With respect to the composition of the commissioK, T have not
much to say. It is beneath me to say much. (Cheers.) There u no man
in Lower Canada who will not say that Judge Day, by hia legal ac(iuire-
menta, was well fitted for the position, and when I tell you that the pre-
sent chief justice ;f the superior court, Judge Meredith, has said ti.at the
greatest loss that the bench of Lower Canada ever had, was in Judge L)iy.
I have said all that can be said. (Cheers.) Judge Day is a man above
any charge of political bias. Ho has shown what he was on the bench ;
he has shown what he was as a politician ; he has shown in the coditica-
tio.i of the laws of Lower Canada what he was as a jurist. The hon. mem-
ber for Shefford said that the other two judges were my creatures. He
did not venture to attack Justice Day, but he attacked the other two.
Now, with respect to Mr. Justice Polette, I may say that I have not seen
him, nor have I had any communication with him for seventeen long
years. For seventeen long years he had been obliterated out of raemorj'.
1 knew him in my early days in parliament as a supporter of the Lafon-
taine-Morin coalition. From that time he departed from my vision until
he was appointed on that commission. And why, sir, why was he appoint-
ed on that commission ? I was resolved in consequence of the insult that
had been heaped upon the committee in Montreal, that the commissioners
must sit in Ottawa, where they could be protected from such insults, and,
therefore, there was no chance of the charge being tried by a Lower Can-
ada judge. I was anxious that there should be a Lower Canada judge on
the commission. It was suggested by the Globe that no superior court
judge ought to sit on the commission, as a cause might arise out of it yet
which would have to be tried before them. I endeavoured, therefore, to
carry out the suggestion. I thought it was a good one, and took Justice
Day, who, as a retired judge, could by no possibility try any case which
might arise. He said that he would be only too glad to do so, but as he
was on very friendly personal relations with the Hon. Mr. Abbott, per-
LL

594 ArrHNDIA'.

haps it might bo thought not to he proper. Ho, however, oonsented to
act. Ho also stutod to ino that at least one French Canadian jndge should
ait, as one of my coUoagnos, a French Canadian, was implicated. He
thought over all the namns of the judges of Lower Cana'da, and suggested
to nie the name of M. Justice Polotte na a man of high standing, a man of
groat legal power, as worthy in all respects to take his seat on the com-
mission. And it is said Mr. Justice (iowan was a creature of mine. How
Mr. Justice Gowan ever came to be considered a creature of mine, I can-
not aay. He commenced life as a partner of Mr. Small, and was an ex-
treme reformer. He was appointed by Mr. lialdwin on the representation
of Mr. Small. I never did him a single favour that I know of. 1 did not
appoint him a judge. He was appointed a judge before I was a member
of parliament, his appointment being made in 1843, while I became a
member of parliament in 1844. I afterwards became accpiainted with
Judge Gowan, and I found that he was a ^(ood lawyer. I may also say
that I have received great advantage, and that the country has received
great benefits from the services of Mr. Justice Gowan. There is but one
judge of the superior court in Upper Caaada whom I have not appointed
or promoted, and that one judge, I am proud to say, on the best evidence,
has declared in the strongest terms that in the evidence produced before
the commission there is not one tittle of evidence against me. (Cheers.)
It has been said that the commission was a partisan commission ; but sup-
posing I had committed any crime under the common law of the land, I
must have been tried under a judge who was appointed or promoted by
myself ; and I believe that not one single month or day less punishment
would have been given to me if I had been tried by any one of these
judges whom I have been from my position instrumental in placing on the
bench. With respect to the charges brought against the judges, they have
assumed various phases. First we are told that the government had acted
with these American gentlemen and had given up all the rights of Canada
to a foreign corporation. We were told that we are recreant to our posi-
tion as Canadians, to our position as members of parliament, and guar-
dians of the rights of Canada, and that we had handed over the great
Pacific railway to the Americans. When that broke down, the next
charge was brought up. Hon. gentlemen opposite said, " We know
you did not do that, but you have sold it," and then when that broke
down they came to the last charge, and said : ' ' Oh, you are guilty of
spending a large sum of money at the elections." There are the three
charges, and with your permission I shall deal with them seriatim. It
has been attempted to show that the first was not a charge. I would
abk the house if it was not so understood in Canada, if it was not so

APPEND IX. 606

MiultTstood in England, if it had not rung through the country, thiit the
govurniuent of Canadii wore ho devoid of duty, ho devoid of patriotisui,
that tliuy sold thu oliartur to tliu AinoricatiH \ I must say that wlion this
chargo wau lirst made, it roused uie. I had thought that I had thwartud
these men in every particular. I had thought tlwit I iiad excluded thoni
in every particuhir. I had thought that I liad kept Jay Cooke it Co., and
Scott & Co., and every company in any way connected with the Northern
Pacific railway out of tlie Canadian J'acitic railway. (Cheers.) Mr.
Speaker, if I had not done so ; if I liad gone into that moderate system; if
I had allowed the American railway system to go un and be completed,
forever shutting out the opportunity for ours; if 1 had played the Ameri-
can game; if I had played the game of the hon. gentlemen opposite; if I
liad sold the railway; if 1 liad sold the interests of Canada, — I would have
gut tlie plaudits of hon. gentlemen opposite, instead of now getting their
stabs. (Cheers.) But it is because, from the first to the last, I was a
true Canadian; because from the first to thf last I stood by Canada; be-
cause from the first to the last, when they attempted to levy blackmail
upon me, I put it down with a strong hand, — that is why the attack was
made on the government; that is why the attack was made on me. (Loud
cheers.) I have no hesitation in saying that this course, taken by the hon,
member for Shefford, is governed behind the scones by a foreign element.
(Cheers.) I do not charge the hon. gentlemen by whom he is surrounded
with being parties to this, but I do say that the course of the hon. mem-
ber for Shefford is governed by a foreign element, and I can prove it.
^Cheers.) And if a committee is granted to me, I will show that the hon.
gentleman sits here by virtue of alien money and influence; and not only
by virtue of alien influences, but alien railway influences. (Cheers.) 1
can prove it. I am informed, and verily believe, that I can prove it.
{Cheers and laughter.) I have got evidence, and if a committee is given
to me X can prove that the hon. gentleman was elected to his seat in this
house by a.'ien railway influences; and more than that, I can not only prove
that be was elected by alien railway influences, but by alien railway influ-
ences not umonnected with the Northern Pacific railway. (Loud cheers.)
Now, Mr. Speaker, I have to speak to the specific charges made against
the government. Sir, before the last election took place, I knew what I
had to face. I had a great, a strong and united opponent. I had showered
upon my devoted head all kinds of opposition. I had been one of the high
commissioners, and one of the signers of the treaty of Washington. It was
said that I had betrayed the country, and the hon. gentlemen had described
me in their speeches as a cross between Benedict Arnold and Judas Iscariot.
But I met parliament, and by a calm explanation of my course I won the

A ri'ENDIX.

approvnl of tho hotiRo. Still tlio opposition roRred. 1 know that I nuiat
meet with n Htronj; opposition in my nntivo province, from gontloition of
tho oppoaito party. That province was the only province in the conntry
that was not a gainer by the troaty, except as it was a gainor by tho great
gain which, I tliiiik, over-balanced everythinj? — that of a lasting peace be-
tween England and the United States. (Cheers.) It gave to our children,
and to o\ir children's children, the assurance that we cotdd enjoy our own
comfort, that we could enjoyour own firesides, that we could sit under our
own fig tree, without the possibility of the war-cloud hanging over us; and
if I was guilty of l)eiiig a party to that treaty, I shall bo glad to have it
recordeil on my tomV)Btono. (Loud cheers.) We yielded nuich, we gave
up many things — I admit that. I told this house that we had yielded
much — that we had given up many things. Tint still we see our country
prosperous — still we see every interest growing (cheers), and now we know
that by no hostile hand, by no unfriendly, warlike invasion, can the future
bo destroyed. (Cheers.) Y<jt, sir, I went out and submitted myshoiddor
to the smiter. I knew how much it would be held out that we had not
got what we ought to have got ; that we had got no reciprocity — that tho
wheat of tho Western farmer was not exchanged on equal terms with tho
wheat of tho Americans, But I had to meet that, and I met it, Mr.
Speaker, like a man. (Cheers.) I had to meet much more. I had not only
to be told — as I was told at every place that I went to — that I was a traitor
and had sold this country. If Canada is never sold in tho future by a
greater traitor than myself, Canada will be a fortunate country. (Loud
cheers.) But 1 was told also that I had not only sold Canada to the Yan-
kees, but that I had sold Ontario to the other provinces. It was said that
I had not only committed a great breach of international law, but had also
given them more than their rights. On every question of constitutional law
I have had the satisfaction of having the courts — well, not perhaps the
courts, but of those men who make the courts — in my favour, and I have
never made a constitutional or legal proposition in which I have not had
the support of the legal advisers of the crown in England, and in which I
have not been right, and the hon. gentlemen opposite have been wrong.
But with respect to Nova Scotia^ we are told, not only that my course was
unconstitutional, but that we had given to Nova Scotia more than they
had a right to have. Perhaps the hon. gentleman opposite would say they
never said so. He had been in the habit of saying so. But the fact could
be proved, that the hon. gentleman took the two grounds — first, that our
action was unconstitutional, and second, that the action was unjust to
Ontario. (Cheers. ) Now I would ask you to speak to every member
from Upper Canada, and ask if they did not find in every election that

Arr£Nl)LV. 597

•aiil of tho govornmont of Ciiiiudii, liinl that I, as iiriine niiiiiatur, had
giiinttid tu Nuva Hcotia too iiuioh, uiid liiid thuruby iiicruaaud thu taxatitjii
of tho puoplti of Ontario I I havu hvl to toll thu puoplo of Ontario, in tho
iirat plauo, tliat Nova Scotia only got jiintiou, and in tho Bucond, that tho
courso takon wiu purfoctly coiiHtitiitional; aim c<-«n if wo had givun Nova
Hcotia a littlo nioru tlian jiisticu, it waa woU worth tliu outhiy. (Chuura.)
Wliy, Mr. Spuai<or, what did wu find at tho tinto uf tho union ( Tlio niin-
iator of cuatonia waa tiio first nan roturnud to tho houao in tho olootiona,
on strictly union principlus. ConHidur tho position wu wuru in huru. Wo
wuro with u constitution just trumbling in thu balancu, and yut wo found
onu of the most important pruvincuH recalcitrant, throatuning indopondbucu,
4ind opposing in every possible way tho carrying out of confederation, under
which wo now live and flourish. Was I to deal with tho ({uostiou in a
hesitating way i If wu had given to Nova Scotia a little more than her
rights, and oven as it were a sop, I say it was a statesmanlike act. But,
«ir, there wore no necessities of that kind. Wo did them simple justice;
and I will venture to say that any member who will now sit down and road
tho discussions and negotiations between Canada and Nova Scotia, wiU feel
that we did full and ample justice. I am no friend to doing half justice,
but we did them no more than justice. What is the conseiiuonce / W'e
800 tho people, irrespective of party; wo see every man in Nova Scotia ad-
miring the legislation of parliament introduced by tho government, which
has made Nova Scotia a part of the Dominion, instodd of being a separate
province, and has converted it into one of thu most ardent friends of con-
federation among the whole of the ditforont members of tlie Dominion.
(Cheers.) If it shall happen, sir, as it may Iiappen, that I receive a reverse,
a condemnation of any particular act of mine, I may still appeal, and I do
Appeal, to the members for Nova Scotia, who, when their best interests
were assailed, and they were brought perforce, fas aut nefaa, into confoder-
Ation, they still got fair treatment, got full justice, at our hands; ai:d I
hope to live in the hearts of the Nova Scotians, (Cheers.) While that
was satisfactory to me, I Uiink it was not satisfactory to my friends in On-
tario. Every man who supported me was attacked at the polls with respect to
our action on the Washington treaty, and because it was said we had given too
much to help the Nova Scotians. So with British Columbia. Letmereadsome
of the resolutions with reference to the Pacific railway and British Colum-
bia. Do you suppose, does any man suppose, we could have British Columbia
within the Dominion without a railway J There must not only be a union
on paper, but a union in fact. T' '^ae hon. members of the opposition, by
«very act that they could, in evr / way that they could, opposed the prac-
tical union of British Columbia wit j. Canada. (Cheers.) They voted against

fl08 A vrESDj.y.

it, th:«y anid it wnii innHt nutrnguoiii - thu pliin, tho iiion uf a rnilwny, wn»
oiitrai^oous. (Oppoaition cries of " hoar") Thnt ia Ihc liui({iiaKo iiao<l Ity
Iton. guntlotnon oppoaito, and I will pnmoiitly quotu turma iiaud. Now Itft
US look (it Boiiu) of thu iiiotintia iiiiuId. 'i'hu K*>voriiiiiunt iiiovud a iiiotioii
to carry out ii niomiuro which ia now tho law. It wua movud in amondiuont
"that thd |>ropoau(l ongnfjimiuiit ruapootin); thi< I'auitlu railway would, in
the opinion of thu hoiiao, proan too hoavily on Mio roaonrcoa of Canada to
carry out." That motion waa ilnfuatud. (Miniaturial choora.) Tlion it
waa niovud, "that in view of tho arranKuinont untvrnd into with Hritiah
Coliunhia at thu tiino of confcdoration, and the lar^u oxpunditnrua nt'cua-
aary for canal iniprovumenta and othur purpoaua within the Dominion, thi*
jioiiBo ia not Juatifiod in impoaing on the peoplu the enoriuoua burden of
taxation required to conatruct witlnn ten yuara a railway to tho Pacific, a!i
proposed by the roaolution Hubniittod to this houne." (MiniHtorial cheora.)
f say I might read you a ^e.-iea of roaolutiona, nil madu by hon. gontlemou
oppoaite, and voted for hy them, showing that in their opinion we had been
overtaxing tho reaourcoa of the people of Canatla. I am now told by tho
hon, gentlemen opposite, that, although they opposed that arrangement
with British Columbia, they think they are bound to it now. I am told
that they say, "True, we made an arrangement with British Col imibia^
Avhich waa improvident, extravagant and ruinous, and which could never
bo carried out. Yet, being made, wo will carry it out." I don't exactly
see the logic of that. If it bo niinous, extravagant and impossible, I really
don't see liow it can be carried out now. (Cheers.) But, Mr. Speaker, [
don't believe the policy of tho hon. gentlemen opposite is in favtuir of
that. (Loud cheers.) I know it is opposed to that. (lienewod cheers, )
I know, if this government goes out of office, and another govornmeut
comes into power, if it be composed of hon. gentlemen opposite, that it
will oppose our policy in this question. (Ministerial cheers.) Hon. gen-
tlemen opposite dare not deny thnt the OUihc newspaper announces and
directs their policy. We passed a bill the session before last: we granted
a charter for the building of the road, and it was settled and determined
that the Pacific railway should be built, and we were to build it on our
own territory, and not allow the Yankees to come in and assist in building
the road, nor even the friends of tho hon. member for Vancouver. Yet,
what was tho announcement of the organ of the hon. gentlemen opposite f
After tho legislation of 1872, after we had accepted the arrangement with
British Columbia, after we had brought them into the Dominion on tliH
pledge of the faith of the government and tho country that there would bo
a Pacific railway within ton years, after we had made that promise, with
the solemn sanction of the country, what were the remarks of the Olobe, th&

A rPRNi>r.v. B9i>

Wponent of thit opiniuim of hon. Kuiitlttiiien ('pponitu / Tliu right hoii. goii*
tluiiiiin thuti road an uxtraol from an articlo, piibliahod in Lhu Olnhr during
lH7:(, wV truin lliu I'ucitio railway Nclunnu wua doolanul to ho tinnnoially
riiinnuM, and politically iin|)atrii>tio ; a aohunu) which could only l)o nc-
coniplinhod within ton yoara at an outlay which woidd cripple Canadian
reiourcuii, and lock up tho moat valiuihio part of our piihlic domain*. Tito
right hon. gontloman continiiod:— Now, Mr. Spoakur, you auo what is to
happun if (Canada huihU this ('anadian Pacific railway. All ourn)aourco»
aru to ho cripplod hy thiH, tho moMt ruiiioua and moat un|>atriotio achumo
vvor invuntod, and thia cry 1 had to inuut at tho huatinga. I havo gono
on from ono atago to another. I havo shown you how I mot tho ci ioa at
tho huitings— that 1 hartorod away Canadian rights in thu Washington
treaty; that 1 had granto<t too much to Nova Hcotia; that I liad boon guilty
of granting a constitution to a few half-bruoda in tho North-West country,
and had given them inlinitoly more than thoy had a right to expect; that,
as regiirda liritiah Columbia, I would throw away thu rosourcoa of Canada
upon t)io construction of the I'acitic railway, and that I had sold Ontario.
(Ironical cheers from the opposition.) Mind you, Ontario considers itself
the richest province- and no doubt it is— and that any additional char^^o
placed in the public treasury presses unfavourably on them, because they
pay more in proportion to their wealth than the other provinces of tho
Dominion. 1 know ihoy don't do so, but it has been urged upon them
that thoy do tlo so. Then, again, wo had to meet the continued opposition
of the local govoinment of Ontario. I will give tho hon. gentlemen proofs
n writing, so that they will not bo able to deny the fact — proof that though
that loo%l govornMent had pledged itself in the most formal manner to bo
neutral in tho conte.st, that thoy, by every act in their power, and by every
influence, direct and indirect, that thoy possessed, worked against tho
Canadian government. That is the charge, and I can prove it. (Minis-
terial clieers.) Wo know that influences of every kind would be used, and
were used, which can be proved ; or, as tho hon. member from Shefford
would say, " I am credibly informed, and can prove," (laughter) ; and wo
believed that the future of Canada much depends upon the continuing in
power of a government that has for its one single aim and object tho main-
tenance of the connection between Canada and tho British empire, and
the promotion of tho development of the Dominion itself. (Cheers.) We
havo been met at tho polls with sectional cries. If the opposition conld
raise a religions cry, it was done. The Now Brunswick school question
was brought up, and they got up tho cry that we had given too much to
Nova Scotia, and those cries were made to ring at the polls in Western
Canada. Tho cry that we had given too much to British Columbia was

ilOO A VVKKDtX.

Iiiuiiiiiwrtid into iii n\ « « , t-y ptiWIic inootiiiK in Ihu wuAt, u id I nny diiilinctly,
and I ro|H)«t it HKaiii, thnt wu had thu powur, inllnoiicu, and thu witight of
tht) (Mitarii) govurnnuMii aifftinat ut, contrary (i> thu diatinct plud^^o that
(hat govtinununt wonUi ho iinutrnl. (('Iiuvri.) Wull, »ir, I will Htat't now
what iiuuiirrvd with ruapu- ' to tho I'acitio railway. I wiut at Woahin^toti,
harturinij my country, on mnnu of thu hon. gont'om'tn nay — (Uiij^htur)— at-
tondin({, at uli uvunts, to thu \Viifihin}.ton truaty, whon tho ruaoiutiona wuru
oarriiid which happily I a^iy for Cana> i brought Hi'it'.4i Colunihia int«)thu
union of tho KritiNh North Anioricai )rovin<!ua. (Chuura.) Tho propo-
Hition includud thu I'acilic railway, fo/ itritiri O.jlnmhia would nut havo
coniu in,nnlt>aa tho turiua of union had incitidud i railway. Notwithitandin;^
^ruat oppoaitiun, thu roaolutioua wure c; rrit .! by my Uto honourud and
iamunt<>d oollua^uu, but hu only carriod t u :n hj nromiaing tu introducu
rf«olutiom< by which tho railway would b«, l.olt, not l.y tho govornuiont
directly, but by private capital, iiidud by ^'ovornmont grant t. 1 would
not, if 1 had buun huru, have willingly aanuntud t4i that propoaition, but
though 1 waa not huru, yot I am loaponMiblo for that not, and I <\v itocupt
it ttM porhapH thu bust propmtuoi. o bo had; otiiurwiao, pitU»][W, ll>o union
would not havo boi-n •onHummati: I. Tho rosolution* (UirlwoU lunt. tho
railway should bo built by a railway company, iiaait<to ' by (^ovornnient
grants of land and monoy. J'ho ' >^ii. member for N^ iervillo, howevor,
moved a ruaolntion s'jtting lortli Tiat tho house did <t.>*. beliuvo that pri-
vatu capital couhl bo obtainud i>'fli'ji'int for tho pur|Hm<« Tho whole of
tho resoluticma movod by hoK, ^< <htlemen opposite wum ir ojo for tho pur-
pose of dufuating the construotiui^ of tho I'acitio tailwiv/ ; and whun Sir
CSeorge Cartier produced hia ros hitionn, and was about to carry them as
prepared, ho had to give way to tiie denire of th«^ '"ouso, bui;auH« e v^n tht's.j
who usually supportud tho governmont A^oro alar i by tlocry which had
been raisud by gentlemen opposite. Thus, if tho ) .icn ol' .he hon. mem-
ber for Napierville had boon adoplud, und Canala wab unuhle to get a
company to build the rail" ly, the bcri -in with ] British C >l'<;iibia would
fall to the ground and bo only waste paper, ,vnd Bri:,ish CoUimMa would
sit out shivering in tho cold, forever, without a railway. Tho [lolicy in-
dicated by that resolution of the hon. niomlor for Najion/l o iitxs boon
carried out ever since. In March, long aX^av tho legisiat'on iiad taken
place, by which parliament declared that there should be a K, ';iiic lailw .y
built in some way or other, wo find tho Globe urging ita irt«a>(k io still
further oppose that scheme; and, sir, wo have had arraigned a ;u\in6^ vii
the opposition of those who usually ally thomsolves agains. i.ho (;^vi m-
ment, supported by those gentlemen of the opposition many of wh(/m tw.t
their election to sectional cries. (Cheers.) Wo havo mot thexr' and it is

Ari'F.SDix. ' m\

■aid iliiit wu havu iiiut them with iiiotiuy. I hvliuvu t)i.it th«i )<uiitlumon
ti|i|)it«ito ai^flitt two pouiulii to our oiiu. (OpiioNitton oriuN of " no, no. ') I
cimllctiKO thu hun. gontlunion to havu » ouniniittou on thii aiiltjoot. Lut
u* havu A coiumitti'o. (MiniHtvriul chuon.) 1 ruiid tlio npuuchof thu hon.
nu'nihur for Koiith Itriicu at London, and hu iin;(K**'*^*id tho appotntniunt of
u Rtatiitnry conunitttui. In (lod'ii miniu, lut uh havu it ! liut na iiivu a
<'(>niuiittuu of thrct , to ){o front county to county, from uonitituunoy to
conatituuncy, and lut thum aift thuau mattura to thu bottom, and I tull you
on my honour aa a man, that I Ixitiuvu I can provu that thuru aru ntoru
who owu thuir uloctiona to monuy on that aidu of thu houHu than on thia.
(Loud miniatorini choura. If I hu clialluiiKud, I can (<o into (hitail. I can
Mh<>\v,iind I can provu it, that many munihurR owu thuir iduction to monuy,
and tu monuy alona. I chiillungu tiiu Hon. gentlumun to agruu to thu ap-
(lointment of a comndttou, a atatutory conmiittue, aa auggt'atud by thu
hon. mumbor for South liruuu. Lut uh put thu nainuaof thu Judgua of all
the provinouB into a ba^, and draw out thruu nam ;n, who Hindi form tho
ciimmittuo. ((/'huura.) Aa I atatud in my uvidoncu and 1 hopr my uvi-
dunco has boon carufuUy ruad by uvury mumbor of thia houae — rnd I nay
here, that I tried to bo aa full and frank aa I could wull bo I ju'd not
help it if I waa not aubjuctod to a ri^dd croHH oxaiinnatioii. 1 wu nxou^d-
ingly anxioUH that thu hon. mumbur for Shult'ord ahould bo thoto (. croHX-
uxamine mu -(chourH) — and I would willingly havu anawurud bin quustiona.
I havu little more to aay than 1 Haid then. Hir, thure wt. t ni salo to Hir
Hugh Allan of any c<mtract whatuvur. (Olieora.) Conaidur U : one mu-
munt, Mr. Si)oaker, how thu caau stood. I'arliamen ml paa«- i tW')aot8,
no for Upper Canada and onu for Lowur Canad.', and a ' no ^wo or
tiiree aubaidiary acta ruapucting branch lines. Hut wu will lua\ those
out of the quuatiun, and will coimidur that thoro woru two acts p.isaod
— one for a company having its centre in Montreal, and tho ' ^her
in Toronto. Now, sir, althourrh thero were Ontario gontlemun »:on-
KCi- ed with lliu Cuoada Pacific company, and although thoro were Quo-
hhc gentlemen co.nnected with thu interocuanic company, yut they wore
terdly acta promoted by men wi^o havo Ontario and Quebec interests on-
ly, and every one saw t!iat they wore essentially sectional, llefore parlia-
ment mot, and Ih for" either act w.is passed, tho cry waK got up that the
Northern raciti'* ieopl< were de8ir()<is of obtaining the control of our rail-
way. At tL'j hrst, Ml Sjjoakor, when tho first interview took place be-
tween the government n id these gentlemen, I was ver ^lad to see them.
We had passed in 187 i 'heact that British Columbia ahould be a portion of
the Dominion, and wo had i.assod a resolution by which we were to build
the railway in ten years. It was understood, then, sir, that the whole

C02 s APPENDLY.

matter should stiind over until the ensuing session, and that in the mean-
time the government should go .on with the survey and be ready in 187'-?
with the plans. We j;ot through the session of 1872 and we commenced,
in order to keep faith with the British Columbians, the survey, and L
think they will admit, and everyone must admit, that the greatest energy
and the greatest zeal have V)eon exhibited in the survey, and that within two
years there has never been so much work so satisfactorily done as in this
railway survey by Mr. Sanford Fleming. (Cheers.) The survey was go-
ing on, and in midsummer and iu the fall all the members of the govern-
ment were scattered looking after their several affairs, taking their little
holidays, and God knows the public men of this country have little enough
holiday. They were all scattered except Sir Francis Hincks and myself
when Mr. Waddington called on me. I had known the gentleman before,
and I much respected him. He said to me that there were some Ameri-
can gentlemen to see us about the railway. I said to him in my way,
" What a fool you were to bring them here. We can do nothing with
them." Ho was very much distressed, and said to me. *' But you will
not refuse to see them." I said certainly not. The gentlemen then came,
and Sir Francis Hincks and I met them, ani we talked pleas-uitly, and I
said to them that 1 was glad to see that American capital was lookiug for
investment in Canadian enterprises, but that it was aUogether premature
as we could not then take any offers or suggestions, or take any action till
after we had met parliament. One of them remarked that they had evi-
dently been brought on a wild-goose errand, and they then went away.
This first brought to my mind very strongly the necessity for looking out
for our railway. Parliament had tied down our hands, and the railway
could only be built by a company, and there were no other means of car-
rying out the pledge with British Columbia, and I therefore immediately
addressed myself to the matter. And what did I do ? I spoke to all that
I could, as I have no doubt my colleagues did, and endeavoured to arouse
Canadians in the enterprise. I went to Toronto and saw Messrs. Mac-
pherson, Gzowski, Col. Cumberland, Mr. Howlandand his son, and Good-
erham & Worts, and in fact every one, and endeavoured to induce them to
enter into the great enterprise. I told them as Sir Francis Hincks told
Sir Hugh Allan, that by law there was no other way of building the road
but by a company, and that they ought to get up a grand company, get a char-
ter and go to England for any capital they needed. As I went to Toronto,
Sir Francis Hincks went accidentally to Montreal, and told Sir Hugh about
the American gentlemen who had called on us, and the fault I found with
my friend Sir Francis, and which I ventured to tell him when he was fv
member of the government was, that while merely attempting to stimu-

A r VEND IX. 003'

late Sir Hugh to go into the work, he had named to him that he had hot-
ter put himself in communication with the American capitalists. That
was the act of Sir Francis Hincks. That was his concern, and I would
not at all object to American capital, or capital from England, or any-
where else, but I told Sir Francis on his return that ho had been prema-
ture in this, that we ought to have kept to a groat Canadian company be-
fore any offer or intimation that Americans might come in was made.
Then Sir Hugh, acting on the hint given by Sir Francis, and it was no
more than a hint — it was in no way a government action — communicated
with the Americans, and we had a visit from a number of Americans with
Sir Hugh ; and Mr. Speaker, I being spokesman on both occasions, gave
them precisely the same answer that they were premature ; that we were
very glad to see them, but we could make no arrangement until parliauient
met. 1 said we would be very glad however to hear any proposition , and
asked them whether they had any to make. Sir Hugh asked in return
whether we were in a position to entertain a proposition ; and on our re-
plying in the negative, he rejoined that he then had no proposition to
make. And these were all the communications between the Canadian
government and these gentlemen. (Cheers. ) This statement cannot be con-
troverted, and will not be. In the meantime a sectional jealousy had
arisen, instead of, as I hoped, a joint action between the capitalists of
Montre,\l and Toronto, and instead of, as I had hoped, there being a rush-
and anxiety among our moneyed men in the different parts of Canada to
form one great company, for the work required united exertion, there was
a jealousy fanned from some quarter, which we know now, and this jeal-
ousy prevented the two great bodies of capitalists, who ought to have built
the road, from joining, and all our hopes were scattered ; and a feeling
arose in Toronto first that if the Montreal interest got the preponderance
Toronto trade would get the go-by, and second, that Sir Hugh Allan and
the Montreal interest were joined with the Americans. That feeling grew
and 1 am not now in a position to state, after reading the evidence and af-
ter reading the letters of Sir Hugh Allan and those published by Mr. Me-
Mullen, I am not now in a position to state that that jealousy in Toronto
was ill founded. I am not in a position to state that they had not some
ground of which we knew nothing for believing that the Moatreal party
were in communication with the Americans. I am not now in a position
to state that the people of Toronto and the Interoceanic had not great
cause for suspicion and jealousy, whether that suspicion was well or ill
founded ; but before parliiment met, as I have sworn, and as Mr. Abbott
has sworn, and as every member of the houne knows, the feeling
against the introduction of American capital was so great that by no

*04 APPENDIX.

(possibility could it be allowed entrance. We felt, Mr. Speaker, and
-every member knew it, that it .was necessary that every American ele-
ment must be eliminated from the acts, or they could not pass — (cheers)
— and I appeal to hon. gentlemen who were then in the house if they
do not know, as a matter of fact, that it was unders ' on all sides that
the American element was eliminated. I understood it Sv^ ; the government
understood it so ; and the house understood it so, and Mr. Abbott, who
undertook the management of the bill of the Montreal company through
this house, made it a special understanding with Sir Hugh Allan that it
should be so before he promoted the bill, and so it was by universal con-
sent. I know, Mr. Speaker, that it will be said, and I may as well speak
of it now, that Sir Hugh Allan's letters show that he still kept up his con-
nection with the Americans. I know it, and I painfully know it, that Sir
Hugh Allan behaved badly and acted disingenuously towards the men with
whom he was originally connected. I say that when he found that Amer-
icans were not to be admitted he ought to have written to them, and in-
formed thorn that though he had made a contract with them, still so strong
a feeling existed in Canada that he must at once and forever sever his con-
nection with them. Instead of doing so, however, he carried on a cor-
respondence with them, a private correspondence, which he has c worn no
one ulse saw, and which he has sworn that not even his colleagues in the
Canada Pacific company knew of, not even Mr. Abbott, his confidential
adviser. He says he conducted it as his own personal affair, believing and
hoping that in the end the people of Canada would come to a different
view, and allow American capital to be used. He has sworn that, and we
never knew that he was carrying on communications with the Americans.
Mr. Abbott never knew it and the Canada Pacific company have declared
that there was no connection between them and the Americans, but I have
heard it said, I think, by the member for Chateauguay, is it possible that
the government would give a contract to a man who had behaved so disin-
genuously, and after this want of ingenuousness had been shown to the
Prime Minister, by the exhibition of the correspondence ? Sir, let me
say a word to you about that. After the Act passed and we were working
with all our might to form a good company and a strong one, long after, Mr.
Speaker, as it appears in the correspondence between Sir Hugh Allan and
the Americans, Mr. McMullen came to my office in order to levy black-
mail. (Cheers.) He did not show me the correspondence, but he flour-
ished certain receipts and drafts which Sir Hugh Allan had drawn at New
York. There was nothing, however, in that because he had told us ho had
;gone into that association, and we knew that he had communication with
the Americans, and there was nothing extraordinary in my seeing that

Al'I'ENDLY. 005

theso goiitlemen had subscribed a certain sum of money for preliminary
expenses, and I have never known a company, railway or otherwise, witli-
out preliminary expenses being provided for by the promoters. I told Mr.
McMuUen therefore, that it was his matter, and that he must go and see
Sir Hugh. I hoard no more about the matter until late in January or
February, after wo had formed the company, after a correspondence witli
every province of the Dominion, after having tried to excite and having
successfully excited the capitalist, of the ditt'orent provinces to subscribe
after we had got every thing prepared, after I had drafted the char-
*ter and the great seal oj»ly required to be affixed, and just when the
charter was about to be launched, and the company to build the road
was about to be made a certainty, then Mr. C. M. Smith, Mr. Hurl,
burt and Mr. McMullen walked into my office. I do not say that Mr.
Smith or Mr. Hurlburt came to levy bkokmail. I do not think they
did, for they looked respectable 'gentlemen, and spoke and behaveil as
such. They told me Sir Hugh 'xUan had behaved very badly, and they
read a good deal of the correspondence which has been published, and [
told them then, " Gentlemen, if your statement is true, Sir Hugh Allan
has behaved badly towards you, but the matter is your own, and Sir
Hugh is no doubt able to meet you." They spoke of the seizing of his.
ships and bringing actions against him both in the United States and Can-
ad a, when I repeated to them that they had their own proper remedy, and
added that Sir Hugh had not the slightest power to give them the con-
tract. (Cheers.) I told them that he ought to have broken off his con-
nection with them long ago, and that if he hid kept them in the dark they
must take their own remedy against him. Wo vere then asked how could
we admit Sir Hugh into the contract. Mr. Speaker, we had already ad-
mitted him. The contract was made. Every provin''o had been given its-
directors. The charter had been drawn, and only awaited the signature
of the governor-general ; and more than all thit, the correspondence,
whatever may be said of the conduct of Sir Hugh Allan towards the Amer-
icans, proved the existence of hostility between them, and showed that if
Sir Hugh were one of the company who received the contract we should
keep the Americans out altogether. I had to get that contract let. I had
to get a sufficient number of the capitalists of Canada who would take up
this subject, and Sir Hugh Allan was the first. He is our greatest capi-
talist. He was the first man who went into it, and these gentlemen, Mr.
McMullen and the rest, proved to me that Sir Hugh Allan had cut the
cord of connection, had nothing to do with the Americans, or with Jay
Cooke & Co , and that they were resolved to follow him to the death as they
have done. (Hear, hear.) This, then is the narrative, so far, of our con^

<JOG APPENDIX.

uectiun with tho Pacific railway. My evidence states that shortly before
the elections I went to Toronto, and Sir George Cartier went to Montreal.
I do not wish hoa. gentlemen to suppose for one single instant that I would
dcHiro to shelter myself or my living colleagues by throwing the blame on
my dead colleague. (Cheers.) Whatever Sir George Cartier has done I
will assume the responsibility of. (Hoar, hear.) Whatever Sir George
Cartier has done I must accept as being the honest expression of an
individual minister ; but, sir, I do not admit, and I will not admit.
And it is not safe for hon. gentlemen opposite to admit, that any one
minister can bind a ministry. (Cheers.) 1 went to Toronto in order to
descend to the stern contest that was forced upon me by the course taken
by hon. gentlemen opposite, to meet the arguments that were going to be
used against me, the sectional questions that were raised against me, the
numerous charges which were made against me, and which I had always
found operating against me. When I went to Ontario for that purpose,
and to meet these charges, it was not for the first time. As long as I
have been in parliament I have been charged by hon. genMemen opposite
with selling Upper Canada, with sacriiicing the best interests of Upper
Canada, with selling myself to French domination and Catholic influences
and Lower Canadian interests. I had refuted these charges repeatedly,
and had convinced the majority in Upper Canada that I held then as I do
now the principle of union between Upper and Lower Canada, and that
the only way by which that union could be firmly established was by ig-
noring sectional questions and religious dififerences. (Cheers.) These cries
are still raised. You will hear i'lem before many days in this house, and
you will hear them throixghout the country whenever it pleases hon. gen-
tlemen opposite to raise them ; but as my past history has shown, so my
future history will prove that whatever party political exigency may be,
I have never, and shall never give up the great principle of keeping intact
the union of Upper and Lower Canada by a give and take principle, by a
reciprocity of feeling and by surrendering our own religious and political
prejudices for the sake of union. I went to the West to do what I could
during the elections, in fighting the battle of the party and the govern-
ment. I had simply said to Sir George Cartier that I should have a very
hard fight in Upper Canada, as I had the government of Ontario against
me, and I wished him to help me as far as he could. I went to Toronto,
and I tried all I could before the elections took place to procure an amal-
gamation of the two companies. It was of vital importance, in a party
point of view, laying aside the patriotic view, to have a company to build
the road, composed of the Montrealers and the Toronto men, so that I
could have gone to the country and said, " Here is a great enterprise. We

APPENDIX. 607

havo formed a great company. We are carrying otit a groat scheme. We
are funning a groat country." I H[)ared no pains to procure an amiilgania-
tion ; Henator Macpherson, and any one in Toronto connected with the
enterprise, will tell you how hard, how earnestly, in season and out of
season, I worked to procure that amalgam-ition. I failed. I tnought I
had succeeded two or three times. I abandoned ray own constituency ;
I might have been elected by acclamation, or at all events by a very large
majority, but instead of attending to my election, I went up to Toronto to
attempt to bring about an amalgamation between the t.vo companies.
Then they got up a story about me, according to the habit of the opposi-
tion, that I considered my constituency a pocket borough, and thought I
could afford lo pass it by. I thought at one time I had succeeded in pro-
curing an amalgamation, and Mr. Abbott came up to Toronto in response
to a telegram from mc. We had an interview with Mr. Macpherson, and
almost succeeded in coming to an agreement. The only (piestion was
whether there should be seven and six or five and four directors from On-
tario and Quebec. The arrangement was so near that 1 was satisfied when
I left Toronto that the amalgamation was complete. I found, however,
that that was not the case, and in the middle of my election, on the 2.5th,
I think, of July, I telegraphed to Mr. Macpherson to come down, and he
camo down to Kingston and saw me and then I sent that telegram which
had been published in the papers, and which was the only arrangement as
regards the granting of the charter so far as the government was concern-
ed, 80 far as I was concerned. (Hear, hear.) That telegram which was
sent on the 26th July was sent by me to Sir Hugh Allan, after seeing Mr.
Macpherson, and with the knowledge of Mr. Macpherson. Now what
does that say 1 I was obliged reluctantly to give up the hope of having an
amalgamation before the elections. These little jealousies, these little
personal ambitions and the jostling between seventeen and thirteen mem-
bers on the board had come in the way, and I could not carry out the ar-
rangement I had hoped to complete. I could not spare the time. 1 was
in great danger of losing my election by throwing myself away on this
groat Pacific railway. I actually came down to Kingston only on the day
of my nomination, trusting to the kindness of my old friends in Kingston,
Well, sir, what was the telegram which I sent ? It said : "I have seen
Mr. Macpherson," — he was in the room when I wrote it. " I have seen
Mr. Macpherson. He has no personal ambition, but he cannot give up
the rights of Upper Canada. I authorise y a to state that any influence
the government may have in the event of rxialgamation, shall be given to
Sir Hugh Allan. The thing must stand over till after the elections. The
two gentlemen, Mr. Macpherson and Sir Hugh Allan, will meet in Ottawa

COS Pl'EADIX.

an! form an fttnalgamation." That wan tho proposition which [made, and
just thinl<, sir, what was involved^ think how much I was snubbing;, which
is a word which haa boon used by the (lluhe lately, how much I was injur-
injj and prejudicing tho interest of my colleague in Montreal, Sir CJeorafe
Cartier. Sir Hugh Allan did not care so much for the Pacific railway,
and Sir George Cartier did not caro so mtich for Sir Hugh Allan. It was
not Sir Hugh Allan or tho Pacific railway that ho cared so much about ;
but Sir Hugh Allan had made himself the representative man ctf Lower
Canada with respect to the Northern Colonization Koad, tho North Shore
Road, and the Ottawa and Toronto Road, so that tho members from
Lower Canada would have stood by Sir Hiigh Allan even to tho risk of
losing all the elections, becauso thoir Montreal interests would be so much
affected if Sir Hugh Allan were not sustained with regard to the Pacific
railway. Rut with respect to tho other railways, my hon. friend from Ho-
ohelaga and other gentlemen can say that if tliere had been accord between
Sir Hugh Allan and tho French members of Lower Canada from the Mon-
treal district, there would have been a great peril of tho Lower Canadian
members from that district deserting Sir Cieorge Cartier, and supporting
Sir Hugh Allan in carrying out the Northern Colonization road. 1 was
standing by Sir George Cartier, who was most improperly charged with
being so much attached to tho Grand Trunk railway that ao wotild not do
justice to the other roads. I will ask my friends from Lower Canada if
Sir George Cartier's connection with tho railway had anything to do with
the results of tho elections. His prospects were connected with the locil
roads alone. In order to prove to you how true a man Sir George Cartier
was, how perfectly unselfish he was, I may state that he held back on my
account. When ho said, " I wish to be elected on my own merits, and oa
my own services, and not on account of the Colonization or any otlier
road," (cheers) and when by a word he could have put an end to the cry
of interest, he felt that it was a sectional fooling between Upper and Lower
Canada, and that if he pronounced in favour of any railway in Lower
Canada, he would injure me in Upper Canada, and he sacrificed himself
for my sake in Lower Canada, because ho thought that any pronounce-
ments in favour of Sir Hugh Allan, might injure me and my friends in
the western elections. (Cheers.) I had only one thing to do and that
was to return to him the confidence and trust ho had reposed in me. I
said, '' Don't mind me. Fight your own battles. You must make your
own arrangements with your own friends in respect to the railways," and
it was not until he had that communication with nie that he said he
would help the Northern Colonization roaJ. It was not because Sir
George Cartier had any personal objects to gain, it was not because he

APPENDIX, 009

wan connected with the Grand Trunk Riiilwiiy, but it was purely from a
desire to save nio from any possible dilliculty in I'pper Canada that he
hold buck, and I have hero now, when ho is dead, the proud opportunity
of stating that even in the last moment he was actuated by no scdlish feel-
ing, by no desire to pnjmote his own interests, but that he only thought
of his colleague, of his comrade of twenty years. Ho oidy thoui,'ht by ap-
pearing to promote a naticmal interest in Lower Canada ho miglit hurt me
in Upper Canada, and ho threw away all his chances, all his hopes, every
thing like a certainty or a reasonable hope of success, for the purpose of
standing by me, and I am proud and happy now to pay this tribute
to his memory. (Cheers.) Well, sir, on the 2(!th of July I sent that tele-
gram, and that was the only bargain. No man can make a bargain with
the government, except by an order in council, or by the action of the
first minister, recognised and accepted by his colleagues. Any act of a
first minister, until it is disavowed, is considered eijual to a mintite of
council, equal to an act of the govermjnent, That telegram of mine of the
2Gth of July was an act of the government. My colleagues have nf)t re-
pudiated it ; they have accepted it, and it was a fair arrangemont as we
could not get the amalgamation. As we could not succeed in going to the
country with a perfect scheme for building the Pacific railway, what else
was left to us but to keep the amalgamation of these groat capitalists open
till after the elections, and then call them together, and the only word of
preference for Montreal over Toronto was simply my expression that any
inflwence the government might have in case of amalgamation, in the case
of the two companies joining and electing a board of directors, would be
fairly used in favour of Sir Hugh Allan for the presidency. I think that
was due to Sir Hugh Allan, and after all it was no great afi'air. Every-
body knows that the president of a company is no more than the junior
member of the board of directors. It depends altogether upon the per-
sonal weight of the man. We have seen boards where the president
governed the board ; others where the president was a mere figure head,
and others again where the junior member governed the company. It
depends entirely upon the personal figure and authority of the man. Wei),
sir, I made that promise, but I wish thn house to remember that at the
time of that telegram, in which I simply stated that as we could not form
a company before the elections, we would form one afterwards out of tlie
two, and would do what we could to make Sir Hugh Allan president. At
that time there had been not one single word said about money— (cheers)
— and there never was one said, as far as I was concerned, between Sir
Hugh Allan and me. (Hear, hear.) I was fighting the battle in Western
■Canada. I was getting subscriptions, as I huve no doubt the hon. mem-
MM

610 AVrENDIX.

bor for Lnmbton was (jotting BubBcriptions, antl if ho cloiiios it I will bo
ablo to pruvo it. ((.'houi'H. ) I Mtiitu in my place that 1 will bo ublu ta
pruve it. (Cheers.) I was duing what I omilil foi' tho purpose uf gutting
nionuy to hulp tho elections, and I waa met, not only by individual oxer*
tions, but by tho whole force, power and inflrenco, logitiiuuto and illegiti-
niatu of tho Ontario guvernmunt. I have no i-ettitatiun in Haying that in
all fxpenditiiro, wo were met by two duUaru to one. (Hear, hear.) 1
have read with some amuuentent the attacks that have been made upon
the government, because a member of tho f;ovoriunent was a party to this
fund. If we had had thu bhuio means ^osHossod by hon. gentlemen oppu-
site ; if wo had spies ; if wo had thitiV(m ; if we had men who went to
your desk, picked you) iuck, and stole your note books, we would have
much stronger eviiienc.) than hon. j;entlemen think they have now.
(Cheers.) Wo were lighting an uiu'.on battle. Wo were simply subscrib-
ing as gentlemen, v.iiilo they wtro atoaling as burglars. (Cheers.) We
may trace it out as a conspiracy throughout. I use tho word c )n8piracy
advisedly, and I ''ill use tho word out of tho house as well as in the
house. (CheevM.; The hon. mombei' for Shefford said that he had ob-
tained certain u.>cunients. He attempted to read them to this house, not
much 1 think to his credit, and certainly contrary to the sense of the
house and of the country. Now how did he got these documents. Wo
had Mr. George W. McMuUen, who was the American agent of these gen-
tlemen. He had carried on this correspondence with Sir Hugh Allan, and
when he came to me in December and tried to levy black mail on me (hear,

hea") T toW hi'At to 450 to , well I did not use any improper language,

but I told iiiiu to stop out of my ottice (laughter and cheers,) aad ho went
to the hon , gentlemen opposite. (Cheers. ) This is no mere hypothesis
of mine. Sir Hugh Allan had promised to pay this man §17,000 for these
papers, and although he had the money almost in his hand, the hon. gen-
tleman gave him scmething more. (Cheers.) The hon. gentleman cannot
deny that he did.

Hon. Mr. Huxtington — I do d > / it. (Opposition cheers.) The
statement is without foundation.

Sir John Maodonald — If there is one person in the worid whom
the hon. member for Shefford has as a friend, it is the editor and pro-
prietor of the Montreal Herald (hear, hear), I think he takes him
to his bosom ; I think they sleep together. I think they have but
one thought. He is his guide, philosopher, and friend, and when we
have the announcement from the Montreal Herald, of May the 22nd,
1873, I think we must accept it. " No one can suppose that such a
plot could have been laid bare without great labour and large ex-

API'ENDIA'. ^

pendituru" (choor»), again, tho Ih-rn\d says, upoaliitiK of Mr. Hunting-
ton, — *' Hut for tho counigo with whioh lio nssMinod it, as woU im for tho
pains and uxi>on(Uturu which it has oort him to uxpono tho niystury, ho ii
entitled to tho warinost gratitudo." (Choors on both sidosof tho house.)
I judgo from tho chocrs of hon. gontlemon opposite that tlio hon. member
for Khotford has their thanks ; but that is an admissi(m tliat he made the
expenditure. (Oh ! oh ! and choors. ) This man bought Mr. McMullen. It
is admitted by tho Montreal llemld that ho bought him. (No ! no ! and
bear, hoar.)

Hon. Mr. Huntinoton — T have already stated in the house that tho
charges wore n<jt founded on any information from Mr. McMullon, and
that tho statoments whioh have ai)peared were falhu. I never ^jot any in-
formation. I never got any information from McMidlun till long after
I made the charges. I never paid nor promised him a cent, and the state-
ment of tho hon. gentleman is utterly without foundation. (Oppo.sition
cheers.) The statement also that ho mado a few miiiuti^sago that I have
been intluenced hero by foreign gold, and that foreign tiokl had boon used in
my election, is an utterly niifounded statement, false in every particular ;
and I challenge the hon. ge/itleman to tho combat, and dare him on his re-
sponsibility to take the committee. (Mr. Huntington was proceeding, wliec
cries of " Order ! " wore raised on tho government benches, answered by
opposition cheers. The hon. gentleman wont on spoakini; ui the midst of
an uproar which rendered his remarks perfectly inaudible). On order
being restored,

Sir John Macdonalu proceeded. There, sir, is the very evidence
that I have hit tho spot ; that I have hit him on a sore point. (Cheers
and No ! no !) 1 have told the hon. gentleman that I am willing to have
a coiamitteo to inquire into the whole matter, including the case of the
hon. gentleman.

Hon. Mr. Huntington — Oh ! Yon can back out as you will.

Sir JouN Macdondld — I am not backing out, but the hon. gen-
tleman cannot expot to have it all as ho likes. I'll read another extract.
"Mr. Huntington said that the charter was obtained in the session of
1872, long after the men who furnished the money to him (Sir Hugh
Allan) were repudiated, and made arrangments with him (Mr. Hv 'ting-
ton) to bring the charges against the government. " (Cheers.)

Hon. Mr. Huntinoton rose to a question of order. The report of
my speech is entirely without foundation. (Cries of order, order.)
That is a question of fact, and the hon. gentleman can correct it after-
wards.

61f A ri'ENDLV.

Sir John MAcnoNAt.n— I hoard it myiiolf. (Crio« from Kovornment
bunchuH, " Wo all huiinl it.") i'urhaim tho hoii. ({utitltitniin will dony
that ho Hiiiil •lay Cooku would not havo him in hin oDicu without ix witnoM.

Hon. Mr. Huntiniiton— Tlmt is another faUuhood of tho Ottawa
TintM. That papur, which iH innpirod hy him. {[(ontlomon opponito, d^'
«ratoly falsi liud my Hpouch from thu ho^innin^' to tho ond. I rufiiscd to
disi^raco mywulf hy notioin^ tho malignant statomont of tho duHtard Hhoot.
What I said was that 1 had not leen Jay Cuuko for four yoara ; that I
wont to a prominont promoter of tho Northern Pacitic railway (hoar, hoar),
with tho viow of coiivorsin^ with him, and found that thoy woro tho allios
of tho hon. j^cntloiiion oj>poHito, boeause thoy would not even talk to me
without p(v>plo bi)in>( prosont. (Hoar, hoar.)

Tho Hi'KAKKii— I must call tho hon. mombor to order. I hopo this
iiitorruption will ccuHe, Thu hon. mombor knows what tho rules of de-
bate are as well as any one else in tho house, and this plan of interrup-
tion can only load to unHoomly confusion in tho house. Tho hon. gen-
tleman will ask his oppu^t mity from tiie house. I am sure it will be
given to him, and he can then make his denial on tho 'luestion of fact.

Sir John Macdonalu — I wish to invite tho attention of every hon.
member of this hoiiHi; who is an honest and candid man, to tho Rtatement I
«ni making. There coidd bo no amalgamation l)eforo the olectifms. In
uiy telegram of tho 2<!th of July I stated that the ({uestion must Rl.md oyer
until after the elections ; that the two companies would stand on per-
fectly e(|ual footing, and that the arrangements which had been made be-
tween Mr. Macphcrson and Mr. Abbott should be the guiding line. That
arrangement was lliat Upper Canada should have seven, Lower Canada
six, and each of tho other provinces one director on the board. Not by
any chance or possibility could Sir Hugh Allan by his largo capital, or
the influence created by that capital, give undue intiuence on tho -board for
Lower Canada or for himself over ray own province. On the iJOth of July
I received a letter from dir Hugh Allan, Sir Goo. Cartier being sick, stat-
ing that he had made certainarrangements with Sir George, and it was a
bad arrangement, for it was something like this, that if there should not
be an amalgamation he thought that Sir Hugh Allan's company ought to
got the charter. I received that message in the middle of my election
con "eat, and I said to myself it is not of much conse([uence whether one
c )mpany or the other gets the charter if they unite, but it will kill me, it
will kill us if the Montreal company without amalgamation receives it.
However, I telegraphed back at once that I would not agree to the ar-
rangement, and I would go down to Montreal that night. Yes, M •.
Speaker, in the midst of a severe election contest, for I was elected only

A ri'ENDIX. ei8

by \'M), wiiornni nt tho prnviniii election I had n niKJority of .'I(M), I itnid I
wiMilil run down to Moiitruiil on thin niiittor. I tul(>Krii|)hod to Sir (too.
Cnrtiur tlmt I would not uonaunt to tho urranuoniont, and that my ttdo-
gram of tliu '20th of July, IH7'2, would hu tho duciaion of the govornmont,
niul thu ({ovornniunt would ho hound thurehy, and would ho gi>vomt)d hy
notliiiiL( ulm*. I wiah it to ho oloarly undorstixxl, hcynnd thu ixissihility
of doiiht, that thu (Canadian govoriunent had lt^r()<■d that ninuo it could
nut obtain an amalgamation of tho two uompanioH before tho ulwctions
thuy would try to gut an amalgamation after tho eleotiona, and in auch an
anuilgamiilion they would do what wan fair, in order tu got Hir Hugh
Allan miido prenidunt of tlu amalgamated coiiquiny. (Cheern. ) I nay
that that arrangement made by Hir (leorge Carlier wan Hot anide, and why /
Ik-caudo it would have killed mo in I'pper Canada. I telegraphed that
even at the riak of my election I would go down to Montreal and put an
ond to it, and Sit (jleorge ('artier, wluui he got my meaaage, aaw what
an absurd proposition it wan, and there wan an end to it, and Sir Hugh
Allan telegraphed bauk that the bargain wan ended. At that time there
had not been one singlo word said abimt money aubnuriptions. Sir, it nuvy
be very wrong tu give subscriptions to election funda ut all, but is there
any one gentlenuin opposite who will nay he has not t)xpended money him-
self, or haa been aided in duing so by his frieudn. (Several membors u£
the uppoaition hero denied tho charge.) Whether those acts had been
dune by the membors themselves ur their friends, money was spent
and ulwaya would be apont on olections. 1 don't hesitate to say— and I
•tate tiua in tho face of thia houae, of tho country, and of tho world — that
£ am not aware of any one single farthing having boim spent illegitim itely
and contrary to law (oppoaition laughter and cheera) —by membera on
tho guvornmeut side of the house. I can tell of one man on the other
side who spent ^2G,000 ; another case I can prove of spending §30,000,
and I can also prove caaos uf spending 8o,(M)(), 8(5, 000, 87,000, and 8H,000,
and when the committee which thu hon. member for liothwoU challenged
mo to move, and which I intend to move, is appointed, 1 ahall give tlie
proofa. (Laughter, in which Mr. Blain joined.) 1 can prove the e.xpendi-
ture of money by that gentleman (Mr. Ulain) himself.

Mr. Blain — If the right hon. gentleman refers to me, I say there is not a
particle of truth in the statement. Not one single, solitary cent came out
of my pocket unfairly. (Cheers and laughter. )

Sir John Macdonald — Perhaps the hon. gentleman has not a pocket.
Perhaps his wife has. (Laughter, and cries of "shame" from the opposi-
tion.)

014 Ari'KUDlX.

Mr. Hr.Alv ri)M). (OriM of "ontor. ") Koanid thn rit<lilh<in. R«nt1uniAn
had iiiiidit II cliiirKo ti((iutiiit him. IIo would luuwor it iit niiothor tiiiiu.

Hir.IoiiN Ma<'iio.nali>- Uufuru thu u<iiiiiM;ttou which I propimo to iiiovOf
uiid which will huvo thu powtr tu (vdiiiiiiiitur nii onth, and wliioh thu mum*
bor for Hotli Willi hiui invitod, I nhiill hu uhlu t<> provo thu fuut I atAtud.
Tlio hull, ^uatl<)mul will iiufh.ipH ruaorvu himsolf for that. (Inturrup-
tloli.)

Mr. HoLToN — I riUHu tho i|iiuttioit of ordur. I doiiht whutiior thu ri^ht
hon. Kuntlumnii it in ordor in nmkiiig Htiitomunttf iifl'octinK tho ri^ht of
hon. juntluiiicn to ait in thiH hotisu without formuhitin^ chargtm to \w foN
lowud hy a iiidtioii. 'i'lii' hon. gentloman intinintuH his intontixn of nuik-
ing a motion at a future timu, but hu cannot, movu a motion of thu kind
indicatod in a duhatu on tho addroua. To ohargu nntmtiurM witli having ob-
tained thuir Buata by impropor moauH ii thuruforu a violation of thu pro-
priutica of dubatu, and I boliovo of othuratanling ordura of thu hoiiae.

Mr. Di.AKK — III tho ciiHO of tin- ncnibor for W.Ht York tho proc 'untj :■
doubly irregular, for it ia intorfcring with an actual pitition ['om'ing bo-
foru an uluction committoo.

The HrKAKKH nuid a good deal of languago had boon uaod during tho do-
bate which would liavo boon hotter aot uaf!, but thoaubjoct waaof a ich a
(iliaracter that ho Hhould not intorforo 'viiii fro diseuHHioii. It would b«
Iwttor if tho uiiniHtor uf Justice rufrainud fruui directing charges againat
individual momborH.

Sir John MAcnoNALD— I 3\ibmit to your dociition, air, I wtmld not have
nlliidad to thu hon. mombor if it had not boon fur tlio otfonaivo way in
which ho interrupted mo, and my knowledge about ''is case. Tho hon.
gentlemen opposilu will tind out that I know a great deal more about their
clectiona tlum tliey would c;iro that I should know. I ahall now proceed
with the hintory I am giving to the houae as well a<i I can under thoae un-
Buemly interruptions. Sir, there never was an occasion, thoro nover waa
a luinuto, in which tlio intoreats of Canada were sacrificed by tho govern-
ment of C mada for election purposes. (Loud cheora.) I aay that we c!ir-
ry out tho law aa well as the l.iw can bo carried out. (Cheers.) I aay
that up to tl.cj very last moment we tried to obtnin an amalgamation of
tho two companiea. I almost wont on my knees, which is not my habit, I
am Borry to say, to my frioidH in Toronto, for the piirpoae of securing
an amalgamation, and though I did not secure an amidgamation of the two
oompanies, yet I got an amalgamation of the two intereata and aecurod the
beat men in wosteni Canada. I have no hesitation in saying that in the
company chartered by tho government, we have the very beat men in Can-
ada, conaidering all tho circu!u.'*^ance8. Let ua go over tho whole board

AVI' F.N mX. «15

from ITppor Catiii.I». Thi ro iit Mr. Oonffld Mclnnoi, of Ilannlton, I will nak
tho hull, nioinhoi' r'<>r Wullaml if Im ii not n initrcliniit of iitiiiiiliii}; iind rcn*
{uH-tahility, and onu of tho lunt innn t') holl tho tntcroitii of the Doiiiinion to
tho Yankeoi. I iiMkod tho Hon. Mr. ('arlint( to citmo on the )>.<aril, hut
when tho hoiuu cniiio to thi> eonolniiion to uxolutU) nioiuhorn (i. ^i.rliiuiHint
from that bimnl, I i>>>tainu<l Major Walkoi', ruproHuntinK ono of tlio load-
inK iixloKt'-icR in tho wvat. '1 hon thoru ia Col. t/'inburland, atxlcan we
stip[ioao that Col. Cnin^wrland who ia at tho liead of Uio Kf^at riiilway in«
teroatH, and ia ohi<ru;od with tho niana((oniunt of milliona of dolhin\ wotihl
floll hiiiiHolf to .'.ir Ilii^^h Alan or thu Yankoua. ((Mioora.) I aukod Mr.
Floniiii)^, tho i;ii '.inner, tho nan whoao \\m\w will Hvimhi tliia continent for
hia groat onginoering oxploita, and wlm van u})joctud to withCul. (^unihor-
l;ind and Major Walkor by J^i" Utigh Allan. Thon tho Inst man I aakod
waa Mr. VValtor Hhaidy. To lonio of you Waltor Shanly may be un-
known, but in tho old provincoa of Canada liu ia ovorywhoro known n,% bo.
ing nioHt highly roapo. red, and aa .in onginoor, iho man who formurly nmn-
agod tho (h'and Tr\ink, tho man who achievud tho groat triumph of coii-
•trucing tho ilooaac Tii utol. I aakod him aa a pergonal friondof mine, aa
nn old Ontarian, aa on>) .^o waa ro|>roaonting a w>mlthy cimstitutMicy, to
como (m that Ixmrd, and much againnt hia will ho c imo. In tho aamo way
lot UH look at th:' lower provinct membors. W'o look ;<,'., Mr. E. II. Iturpoo.
That iH a truly ;. 'n» tired naniu, I am told, in Now Brunawick. Do you
think that E. R. Itarpeo ia K"''!? ^'^ ^^^' ^<> ^^>" Yankoea, Jay Cooko, ^
Co., or to the moirbor for ShefFord ? (Laughter and choera.) Thon we
come to Liout. -go\ eriioi Archibald, of Nova Sc< tia, and ia ho likoly to sell
'ia to tho Yankee: , tho membor for ShofFord, ot Jay Cooke & Co. / I ap-
peal to all the meirj')crri for I, 'itiBli Columbia, aomo of whom wore oppoa-
«d to him in politics, whether the name of Dr. f lelmeken did not iiiHpire
roapect. (Cheera.) With respect to Manitoba, I will only aak yon to say
whether Mr. McDermott, tho richoat and oldoat merchant in Manitoba, a
/ man who w,\b the laat who would aoll tho interest of this j/roat Dominion to
the Yankees, whcthor that man would sell Canada. If evo:* any government
succeeded in accompliahing any particular object, auroly this government
tried, and succeeded, to prevent foreigners from obtaining influence in, or
control over, our trans-continental railway, (Cheers.) By their line of ac-
tion, tho gentlemen oppuaito have postponed for some years the building
of that railway, and they have besmirched unjustly, dishonourably, the
character of the Canadian government and of the Canadian people.
(Cheers.) If there bo any delay, any postponement in the completion of
that great system of railways, I charge it to the hon. gentlemen opposite.
(Cheers.) Long after this (quarrel is over, it will be recorded in the his-

616 AVrENDlX.

tory of this Dominion of Canada that there was one body of men in thi»
country willinij to forgot solf, to forget party, to forgot section, to build up
a great interest and nijike !* great country, and they will say there was an-
other party who fought section against section, province against province,
who were unable to rise to the true position of afVaira, and I say the his-
tory of the future will be our justification, and their condemnation. (Loud
cheers.) But, sir, I have some more to say. I say this government has
been treated with foul wrongs. (Cheers.) 1 say this government has been
treated as no government has ever been treated before. It has been met
with an opposition the like of which no government in any civilized coun*«
try was ever met. (Loud cheers.) I say we have been opposed not with
fair weapons, not by fair argument, not by fair discussion, as a govern-
ment ought to be opposed, but opposed in a, manner which will throw
shame on hon. gentlemen opposite. (Renewed cheers.) When we first
met in this house, and we first discussed these Pacific railway measures, I
told you, sir, that there was a confirmed plot to kill the Pacific railway
company. The attack on the government was a secondary matter. It
was a comparatively inferior matter. But those gentlemen opposite
went into the attack for the purpose of getting in evidence as quick-
ly as possible 'or the purpose of sending it across the Atlantic by
cable and kill Sir Hugh Allan's enterprise, and afterwards leave the
proof of the evidence to chance. Then we found that Sir Hugh Allan,
by a very natural feeling agreed to pay a certain smn of money to
Mr. McMullon for the return of his correspondence, which was accepted,
and the whole matter was arranged. Then blackmail was attempted to be
levied on me, but I was not subject to be blackmailed. (Laughter.) They
did levy blackmail on Sir Hugh Allan in Montreal, and McMuUen for sur-
rendering his letters to Sir Hugh, was paid §20,000, and was promised
817,000 more on certain conditions being fulfilled. McMuUen got his ex-
tra sum from some one. The hon. gentleman (Mr. Huntington) would
deny that Mr. McMullen was paid by some one. Everyone will believe
that the man who was to be paid that large sum of $17,000 did not accept
it because he was offered some larger sums. (Cheers.) I believe that
when we have the committee which the member for Bothwell challenged
to move for, I shall be able to prove more than the §17.000, and I believe
I shall be able to prove there were other parties in the purchase of G, W.
McMullen, who over-bid Sir Hu^h Allan. (Cheers and an opposition
member, "is it not right ? ") It was never right to buy him in the first
place, nor in the second place, but if Sii- Hugh Allan by paying §17,000
committed a crime, the man who paid him a larger sum must surely have
committed a larger crime. (Laughter and cheers.) I say that you mu»t

APPENDIX. 61 r

have a committee in order to ascertain who are the gentlemen who went
and deliberately bought those documents from Sir Hugh Allan. That may
be fair war, but some one said it was striking below the belt. The man
who goes deliberately and bribes people to hand a man's private letters,
is a man who will be marked a« a criminal all his life, and the man who
goes and deliberately purchitbes private letters for any purpose, even
though it may do good to the public, and expose a corrupt government,
■will be generally condemned. Then we come down to a litcle more in-
famy. When I tell you that a letter of mine, addressed to a colleague at
Montreal, was deliberately stolen, and when I tell you there is no doubt
that it was stolen because it was thought to contain something that could
be made politically useful, you can understand what infamy that is.

Mr. Blain rose to a point of order, and submitted that this (question was
not before the house.

Mr. Si'EAKEK 1 uled against him stating that it came on the address, which
covered all grounds.

Sir John Macdonald — When I wrote that letter to my colleague, the
Minister of Agriculture, I sent, at the same time, three telegrams to three
di/ferent places, and that telegram was seen by some one acting in the in-
tereots of the Opposition, and from it they supposed that the letter would
be connected with the Pacific railway matter. That letter was deliber-
ately stolen, not only stolen but was stolen by an officer of the Post Office
Department. I say stolen by an oiHcer who was bought by some one, and
who will some day, not long distant, for the evidence is being followed up
and has not been abandoned, be found out, and it will be shown that he, be-
lieving that the letter contained something that would criminate the govern-
ment, stole it from the office and lianded it over to be used in the manner
the house was aware of. True it was that the letter contained nothing re-
specting the Pacific railroad. I have got evidence beyond the possibility of
a doubt, that my telegrams were stolen from Sir Hugh Allan's office, day
after day ; that a man went to the office night after night, after six o'clock,
and copied those telegrams, and brought them down and sold theia to the
opposition ; that the safe of the oflice was not broken, and that after the
documents were copied and sworn to by the man, he was paid money for
them. I state this in presence of the bouse and of the country ; and there
was such a dishonest system of espionage carried on. And I say more than
this, I join with the hon. member for Both well in asking for the committee,
before which 1 will prove all that I have said, and will put a credible wit-
ness in the box, who will swear he saw it with his own eyes. You can
judge how poorly the government has been treated. In fact no goveni-
nient in the world could exist if every drawer i« to be searched, if every

018 APPENDIX.

confidential servant is to be bribed by money offered to them . I may tell
you this one thing, that I had got (he evidence of this treachery, parties
actually approached a secretary in Mr. Abbott's office, and offered him
money to tell how much evidence had been obtained. Mr. Abbott is pre-
sent in the house and will attest the truth of what I state, I can prove
that from the beginning to the end of this business, there was never a
more gross system of espionage, of corruption, of bribing men to steal
papers from their employers ; and I would ask how any opposition or
party in this coimtry could stand under such an accusation if it bo proved.
Sir, before I sit down I will touch upon one point to which I have not
yet adverted, and that is how far a government, or member of a govern-
ment may concern themselves in elections, and the necessary expenditure
or supposed expenditure of money ai: elections. I would wish to point
ouc what has taken place in England, not under the old rdijime, but by
the reform party in England. It is of some importance, as showing at all
events that for everj'thing I have got good authority. The house well re-
members the great struggle, almost amounting to a revolution , which ac-
companied the passage of the Reform bill in England. Well, Mr. Speaker,
strange to say, the reform party there, who were going to purify the po-
litical atmosphere, those who were going to put down the old borough-
mongers, did not hesitate to spend money at elections. They did not
trust to the excellence of their measures, to the justness of their cause,
and the consequence was that before the date of the Carlton club and the
Reform club, of which so much has recently been said, the Reform party
had a treasurer, and whom do you think they gave the office to ? It was
to the maker and unmaker of Whig^ery, Edward EUice. Now, Edward
Ellice was the man who made the Whig government. He was a member
of the government and acted as whipper-in of the party, and was the
man ordinarily employed in making arrargements about elections.
But Edward Ellice was a man incapable of doing anything which he
did not think he was justified in doing. Any man who knew that right
hon. gentleman, who knew what a great influence he had on the history
of his country, would know that Edward Ellice was perhaps a greater man
for pulling the strings and making arrangements for reform than even Lord
John Russell himself. Let me t«ll you a little story about him. In ray
boyhood, when I knew him, he often told me stories of this sort. In 1834
there happened to be a committee on the inns of court. Mr. Danie[
O'Connell was the chairman, and it came out in that investigation, which
involved the seat of a member of parliament, that Lord Westham had got
five hundred pounds from Mr. Ellice, the secretary of the treasury, in or-
der to carry the Liberal candidate. O'Connell felt it his bounden duty to

ArVENDIX. 619

report this matter to the house, and there was a motion of censure moved
against Mr. EUico by Mr. O'Conneil Mr. Ellico resigned liis place, and
I shall re'id yuu what he said. At the time ho made that speech ho was
secretary of war ; at the time he expended the money ho was secretary oi
the treasury. He was an important man to t'-o cjovernment, and might
have been a cabinet minister, had it not been that, as every one who knew
the history of those times knew, he would not take that position.
He was the man who arranged matters for the whigs, and he was charged
with having used the secret service money in elections, as by tho way, I
was a short time ago. The right hon. gentleman then quoted from Mr.
Ellice'n speech, vohnne 27, ** Mirror of Parliament," andnow, said he, I will
quote from Sir Charles BuUer, Sir Charles Buller was tiie heai! and front
of the philosophical radicals of England. They formed a paity of their
own, and tried to engraft their principles on the politics of England, and,
although they did not succeed, they sowed good seed, the results of which
are seen at the present day. I, who was a boy, remember hiui, and re-
member the kindness with which he discussed i^olitics with me, and I im
certain that he would have sustained the cause of the liberal party by no-
thing that was wrong. The right hon. gentleman quoted from the speech
referred to. The attack was made upon Mr. Eliice that he had spent
money out of the secret service fund ; but when Mr. Eliice rose and said
that he had spent no money out of the secret service fund, and that al-
though very large sums of money had passed through his hands for elec-
tion purposes, none of it had been improperly procured, the hi use passed
on without taking any action, though Mr. O'Connell supported the mo-
tion with all his great eloquence and ability. A rsmark has been made in
the newspapei's that on one occasion I stated that no money had been ex-
pended by the government on elections, and in answer to the charge I
asked Mr. Kidd, on the hustings at South Perth, whether any money had
heGW expended at his election, and ho said no, no statement could have
been truer. Sir, the money that was expended by the committee, of
which I was a member, was not with the purpose or object of endangering
«ny man's seat. (Ironical cheers from the opposition, and cheers from the
ministerial benches.) 1 state distinctly, so far as I know, not one single
farthing that passed through my hands was expended improperly or con-
trary to the law. If it is so, the election tribunals of the country will set-
tle that question, and, as I understand it, no improper expenditure has
been proved in any election tribunal. ^^Chesrs.) I say distinctly, say it
in my place as a member of parliament, |that money was distributed for
the purpose of fighting monty against money, fire against fire, influence
against influence ; and we were over-matched by the hon. gentlemen op-

620 APFENDIA'.

posite. (Loud cheers.) There is one more remark that I have to make
before 1 sit down. The govorimiont never gave Sir Uugh Alla)i r>ny con-
tract that I am aware of. (Cheers.) We never gave him any contract in
which he had a controlling intiiionce. We had formed a committee of
thirteen men, chosen carefully and painfully, for the purpose of control-
ling Sir Hugh Allan from having any undue influence. We pn)misod, we
provided, that not one of the board should hold more than one hundred
thousand dollars of the stock ; that not one single man should have
any interest in the contract wliatever, which were of course, only the
ordinary provisions in a charter of incorporation. (Cheers.)

Now, i«lr. Speaker, I have only one more thing to say on this point. I put
it to your own minds. Then- were thirteen gentlemen — Sir Hugh Allan
and others — incorporated by that charter. That charter — study it, take it
homo with you . Is there any single power, privilege or advantage given
to Sir Hugh Allan with that contract that has not been given equally to
the other twelve? (Cheers.) It is not pretended that any of the other
tv/elve paid money for their positions. It is not contended that the gen-
tlemen gave anything further than their own personal feelings might dic-
tate. (Cheers.) You cannot name a man of these thirteen that has got
any advantage over the other, except that Sir Hugh Allan has his name
down first on the paper. (Cheers.) Can any one believe that the govern-
ment is guilty of the charges made against them ? I call upon any one
who does to read that charter. Is there anythin<{ in that contract ? If
there is a word in that charter which derogates from the rights of Canada;
if there is any undue privilege, or right, or preponderance, given to any
one of these thirteen directors, I say, Mr. Speaker, I am condemned.
But, sir, I commit myself, the government commits itself, to the hands of
this house; and far beyond the house, it commits itself to the country at
large. (Loud cheers.) We have faithfully done our duty. We have
fought the battle of confederation. We have fought the battle of union.
We have had party strife setting province against province; and more than
all, we have had in the gi-'eatest province, the preponderating province of
the Dominion, every prejudice and sectional feeling that could be arrayed
against us. I have been the victim of that conduct to a great extent; but
I have fought the battle of confederation, the battle of union, the battle
of the Dominion of Canada. I throw myself upon this house; I throw my-
self upon this country; I throw myself upon posterity; and I believe that
I know, that, notwithstanding the many failings in my life, I shall have
the voice of this covntry, and this house, rallying around me. (Cheers.)
And, sir, if I am mistaken in that, I can confidently appeal to a higher
court — to the court of my own conscience, and to the court of posterity.

APPENDIX. 681

(Cheers.) I leave it with this house with every confidence. I am equ.vl
to either fortune. I can see past the decision of this house, either for or
ayainst mo; but whether it be for or against lue, I know — and it is no vain
boast for me to say so, for even my enemies will admit that I am no boaster
— that there does iiot exist in Canada a man who has given more of his
time, more of his heart, more of Lis wealth, or more of his intellect and
power, such as they may be, for the good of this Dominion of Canada.

The right hon. gentleman resumed his seat, amid loud and long continued
cheering.

APPENDIX I.

' EXTRACTS FROM LORD DURHAM'S REPORT.

THE CONDITION OF LOWER CANADA.

His lordship thus describes the state of affairs in Lower Canada upon
his arrival there. Like other British statesmen, till he came upon the
spot he was ignorant of the " true inwardness " of the strife in that dis-
tracted colony. He says : — "

" I expected to find a contest between a government and a people ; I
f >und two nations warring in the bosom of a single state. 1 found a strug-
gle not of principles, but of races ; and I perceived that it would be idle
to attempt any amelioration of laws or institutions until we could first
succeed in terminating the deadly animosity that now separates the inhab-
itants of Lower Canada into the hostile divisions of French and English.
. . . . The national hostility has not assumed its permanent influ-
ence until of late years, nor has it exhibited itself everywhere at once.
While it displayed itself long ago in the cities of Quebec and Montreal,
where tlie leaders and masses of the rival races most specially came iiit>)
collision, the inhabitants of the eastern townships, who were removed
from all personal contact with the French, ^.nd those of the district below
Quebec, who experienf^ed little interference from the English, co.itinued
to a very late period to entertain comparatively friendly feelings toward*

Ml „ APPENDIX.

thoHe of tho oppoHito racea. But this ia a distinction whicli has unfortu-
nately, yearulter year, boun exhibiting <taolf more strongly, ami (liU'iiHing
itaelf more wiJoly. One by one tho anciont English leaders of tho assoin-
lly have fallen off from the majority, and attached thomsolvos to tho
party which supported the Hritiah government against it. Every election
from the townships added to tho English minority. On tho other hand,
year after year, in spite of the various influences which a governmont can
exercise, and of which no people in the world aro mcjre susceptible than
the French Canadians , in spite of the additional motives of prudence and
patriittisui which deter timid or calm iron from acting with a party, ob-
viously endangering the public tranrpiillity by the violence of its conduct,
the number of French Canadians, on whom the government could rely,
has been narrowed by the influence of those associations which have drawn
them into the ranks of their kindred.

"' Tho insurrection of 1837 completed the division. Since the resort to
arms, the two races have been distinctly and completely arrayed against
each other. No portion of the English population was backward in tak-
ing arms in defence of tho government ; with a single exception, no por-
tion of the Canadian population was allowed to do so, even where it was
asserted liy some that their loyalty inclined them thereto. The exaspera-
tion thus generated lias extended over the whole of each race. The most
just and sensible of the English, those whose politics had always been
most liberal, those who had always advocated tho most moderate policy
in the provincial disputes, seem from that moment to have taken their
part against the French, as resolutely, if not as fiercely, as tho rest of their
countrymen, and to have joined in the determination never again to sub-
mit to a French majority. A few exceptions mark the existence, rather
than militate against the truth of the general rule of national hostility.
A few of the French, distinguished by moderate and enlarged views, still
condemn the narrow national prejudices and ruinous violence of their
countrymen, while they equally resist what they consider the violent and
unjust pretensions of a minority, and endeavour to form a middle party
between the two extremes. A large part of the Catholic clergj', a few of
tho principal proprietors of the seignorial families, and some of those who
are influenced by ancient connections of paity, support the government
against revolutionary violence. A very few persons of English origin
(not more, perhaps, than fifty out of the whole number), still continue to
act with the party which they originally espoused. Those who affect to
form a middle party, exercisa no influence on the contending extremes ;
and those who side with the nation, from which their birth dist'Kguishes
them, are regarded by their countrymen with aggravated hatred, asrene--

APPENDIX. 023

gades frum their raco ; while they obtain but little uf the real all'octiou,
confidence, or esteem, of those whom they have joined. . . ,

" Tlie French Canadians have attempted to shroud their hostility to the
influence of English emigration, and the introduction of liritioh institu-
tions, under the guise of warfare against the government and its support-
ers, whom thoy represented to be a small knot of corrupt and insolent de-
pendents ; being a nuvjority, they have invoked the principles of popular
control and democracy, and appealed with no little etFect to the sympathy
of liberal politicians in every quarter of the world. The English, finding
their opponents in collision with the government, have raised the cry of
loyalty and attachment to British connection, and denounced the ropuli-
licaii designs of the French, whom they designate, or rather used to de<
signate, by the appellation of radicals. Thus the French have been view-
ed as a democratic party, contending for reform ; and the English as a
conservative minority, protecting the menaced connection with the British
crown, and the supreme authority of the empire. . . .

" Nor did I find the spirit which animated each party at all more coin-
cident with the represontations current in this country, than their objects
appeared, when tried by English, or rather European ideas of reforming
legislation. An utterly uneducated and sinjularly inert population, im-
plicitly obeying leaders who ruled them by the influence of a blind confi-
dence and narrow national prejudices, accorded very little with the resem-
blance which had been discovered to that high-spirited democracy which
effected the American revolution. Still less could I discover in the Eng-
lish population those slavish tools qf a narrow oflicial clique ; or a few
purse-proud merchants, which their opponents had described them as be-
ing. I have found the main body of the English population, consisting
of hardy farmers and humble mechanics, composing a very independent,
not very manageable, and, sometimes -> rather turbulent, democracy.
Though constantly professing a somewhat extravagant loyalty and highly
prerogative doctrines ; I found them very determined on maintaining in
their own persons a great respect for popular rights, and singularly ready
to enforce their wishes by the strongest means of constitutional pressure
on the government. Between them and the Canadians I found the strong-
est hostility ; and that hostility was, as might be expected, most strongly
developed among the humblest and rudest of the body. Between them
and the small knot of oflicials, whose influence has been represented as so
formidable, I found no sympathy whatever : and it must be said, in justice
to this body of oflioials, who have been so much assailed as the enemies of
the Canadian people, that however little I can excuse the injurious influ-
ence of that system of administration, which they were called upon to-

<J24 APPENDIX.

cftrry into execution, the inombom of the oldest and most powerful ofllcial
fumilies wore, of nil the EngliHh in the country, tlume iti whom I gonurully
found most syniimthy with, and kindly feeling towardn, the French popu-
lation. 1 could not therefore believe that this animosity wa^i only thr.t
BuhMisting between an ofticial oligarchy and a people; and again, I wai
brought to a conviction that the contest, which had been represented as a
-contest of classes, was, in fact, a contest of races. . .

" The two races thus distinct have been brought into the same commu-
nity, under circumstances which rendered their contact inevitably produc-
tive of collision. The difference of language from the first kept them
asunder. It is not any where a virtue of the English race to look with
complacency on any manners, customs or laws, which appear strange to
them ; accustomed to form a high estimate of their own superiority, they
take no pains to conceal from others their ctmtompt and intolerance of
their usages. They found the French Canadians filled with an e(inal
amount of national pride ; a sensitive, but inactive pride, which disposes
that people not to resent insult, but rather to keep aloof from those who
would keep them under. The French could not but feel the superiority
of English enterprise ; they could not shut their eyes to their success in
every undertaking in which they came into contact, and to the constant
superiority which they were accpiiring. They looked upon their rivals
with alarm, with jealousy, and hnally with hatred. The English repaid
them with a scorn, which soon also assumed the same form of hatred. Tlie
French complained of the arrogance and injustice of the English ; the
English accused the French of the vices of a weak and concj'iered people ;
and charged them with meanness and perfidy. The entire mistrust which
the two races have thus learned to conceive of each other's intentions, in-
duces them to put the worst construction on the most innocent conduct ;
to judge every word, every act, and every intention unfairly ; to attribute
the most odious designs, and reject every overture of kindness or fairness,
as covering secret designs of treachery and malignity. . . .

" No common education has served to remove and soften the difForences
of origin and language. The associations of youth, the sports of ch.ld-
hood, and the studies by which the character of manhood is modified, are
distinct and totally different. In Montreal and Quebec there are English
schools and French schools ; the chilclren in these are accustomed to fight
nation against nation, and the quarrels that arise among boys in the streets
usually exhibit a division into English on one side, and French on the
other. . . .

" As they are taught apart, so are their studies different. The literature
Avith which each is most conversant, is that of the peculiar language of

A rPENDIX.

oacli ; and all tho ideas which men derive from hooka come to each if them
from perfectly ditfurent sources. The ditlerenco of lan>{iia^e, in this res-
pect, produces etrecta ipiifce apart from those which it haa on the mere in-
tercourse of tlie two races. Those who have retU*cted on tho powerful in-
tiuence of language (m thought, will [>erceive in how ditl'erent a maimer
people who speak in ditlurent languages are apt to think : and tlioae who
are familiar with tho literature of Fra'ice know that the same opinion will
be expressed by an Knglish atiti Fronoli writer of the present day, not
merely in dillorent words, but in a t ,'yie ao diti'erent as to mark utterly
ditl'erent habits of thouglit. . . .

** One of the greatest of all tho evils arising from this .'«ystom of irre-
ap'jnsiblo government, was the mystery in which tho motives aul actual
put poaes of their rulers wore hid fronx the colonists themselves. The most
iniportant biisiness of government was carried on, not in open uiacviSMiona
or public acts, but in a secret oorrospondonon between Lhe j^overnor and
tho secretary of state. When'.»ver this mystery was dispelled, it was long
after tho worst effects had been produced by doubt a; d misapprehension ;
and the colonies have been froc^uently tho last to learn the things that
most concerned them, by the publication of papers on tho order of tho
British houses of parliament. . .

" The French Canadians are exclusively catholics, and their church has
been left in possession of the endowments which it had at the conquest.
Tho right to tithe is enj(jyed by their priests ; but as it is limited by law
to lands of which the proprietor is a catholic, tho priest loses his tithe the
moment that an estate passes, by sale or otherwise, into the hands of a
protestant. This enactment which is at variance with tho true spirit of
national endowments for religious purposes, has a natural tendency to ren
der the clergy averse to the settlement of protoatants in the seigniories.
But the catholic priesthood of this province have, to a very remarkable
degree, conciliated the good-will of persons of all creeds ; and I know of
no parochial clergy in the world whose practice of all the Christian virtues
and zealous discharge of their clerical duties, is more universally admitted,
and has been productive of more b-neficial consequences. Possessed of
incomes sufiicient, and even large, according to the notions entertained in
tho country, and enjoying the advantage of education, they have lived
on terms of equality and kindness with tho humblest and least instructed
inhabitants of the rural districts. Intimately acquainted with the wants
and characters of their neighbours, they have been the promoters and dis-
pensers of charity, and the effectual guardians of the morals of the people;
and in tho general absence of any permanent institutions of civil govern-
ment, the catholic church has presented almost the only semblance of
NN

020 A I'l'J'JNVLV.

■tability anil orKanixntion, atid fiirniiihod tho only offociual support for
iMvili/atioii niul onlor. Tlio ciitholio clur^^y of Lnwor ('luiailii arc «iititlu<l
to thiit oxpr(<HHion of my ustnoin, not only buciiUBU it in foiimlcil on tnitit,
but hocaiiRo a KHituftil recognition of thoir eminent aorvicos in roaiHting
ilio arta of thu iliaatluctod, ia oapvcially duo to tliom from one who haa
ailininintured thu governinont of thu province in thuau troubled timua.". ,

THII •' KAMll.V COMrAfT."

Hia lordah'p with hia iiaual inaij(ht, accuracy and preciaion thua duacribu*
the •' Family Compact."

"In the preceding oci'ount of the working of tho conatitntioniil HyHtom
in Lower Canada, I have <U!Hcrii)«!d tin* etlVct which the irruHpoiiHibiiity of
the real adviHcrs of tho ^ovorner had in Iodising permanent authority in
the handa of a powerful party, linked together not only by common party
intorestB, biit by personal ties. But in none of the North American pro-
vinces has this exhibited itself for so long a period or to such an extent,
as in I'ppur Canada, which has long been entirely governed by a party
commonly designated throiighout tho province as tho ' Family Compact,'
a name not much more ai>pro[)riatu than ]>arty designations UH\mlly are,
inasmuch as there is, in truth, very little of family connection among tho
persona thus united. For a long time this body of men, receiving at
times accessions to its niimbers, jiossessed almost all tho highest public
ofUcos, by moans of which, and of its inHuenco in the executive council, it
wielded all the powers of government ; it maintained influenco in the
legislature by means of its predominance in the legislative council ; and it
disposed of tho largo numbt • of petty posts which are in the patronage of
the government all over the province. .Successive governors, as they camo
in their turn, are said to have either submitted quietly tc^ its influenco, or,
after a short and unavailing struggle, to have yielded to this well-organized
party the real conduct of alFairs. The bench, the magistracy, the high
offices of the episcopal church, and a great part of the legal profession, are
tilled by the adherents of this party : by grant or purchase, they have ac-
quired nearly the whole of the waste lands of tho province ; they are all-
powerful in tho chartered banks, and, till lately, shared among themselvoa
almost exclusively, all offices of trust and profit. Tho bulk of this party
consists, for the most part, of native-born inhabitants of the colony, or of
emigrants who settled in it before the last war with the United States ;
the principal members of it belong to the churck of Englar'' , and the
maintenance of the claims of that church has always been one of its dis-
tinguishing characteristics." . . .

MirpRRMAoY <>!>' THR LKitl)i||,ATttRR.

Whon Lord Durhniii ouino to CiuindA, tho liiipurinl mind wah not oloar
Ki to how iiiiich froodom nliould ho uxtondud to coloniiil pnrliiunniita ; and
a niiijority of ItritJHh RtatuBiiiuii roi^nrdod iirl>iti»ry luithority in tho hnnda
of tho governor iia thu only utiluiont and Hiifo niotliod of Kovuniniunt. H<it
Lord Dtirhnni hiid not tho tihn of Ai{U and cuitoni upon hia oyoa, hut at
onoo aaw wiiat waa duu to thu colonioa. lio ^ivoa liia opinion with no un-
curtain Bound :

" Wu are not now to cnnaidor tho policy of ontabliahing roproaontativo
govununont in tho North Amurioan colonics. That hoa boon irrovocably
done ; and tho uxperiniunt of dupriving tlio pooplu of thoir proaoiit coiiati-
tutional powor, ia not to bo thought of. To oondiiut thoir govornnient
harnionioualy, in accordance with its UHtabliahod priiicipU)a, ia now the
bnainoHH of itH rulers ; and I know not how it ia possihlo to auoure that
harmony in any otlinr way, than by administoring tho govurnmont on
thoBO principles which have boon found perfectly edicacious in (Jroat Hri-
tain. I would not impair a single prurogative of tho crown; on tho con-
trary, I boliovo that tho intorusts of tl\0 pouplo of those coh>niea require
the protection of prerogatives, which have not hitherto been exercised.
Hut tho crown must, on tho other hand, submit to tho necessary conao-
(|Uoncos of roproHontativo iuHtitutions ; and if it has to carry on the gov-
ernment in unison with a reproaentative body, it must consent to carry
it on by nusans of those in whom that reprosentativo body has ccmfidonce.
In England, this principle has been so limg considered an indisjiutable and
essential part of our constitution, that it has really hardly over been found
necessary to inciuire into tho means by which its observance is enforced.

" When a ministry ceases to command a majority in parliament on groat
(juestiona of policy, its doom is immediately sealed ; and it would appear
to U8 as strange to attempt, for any time, to carry on a government by
means of ministers perpetually in a minority, as it would be to pass laws
with a majority of votes against them. Tho ancient constitutional reme-
dies, by impeachment and a stoppage of the supplies, have never, since tho
reign of William 111., been brought into operation for the purpose of re-
moving a ministry. They have never been called for, because in fact, it
has been the habit of ministers rather to anticipate the occurrence of an
absolutely hostile vote and to retire, when supported only by a bare and
uncertain majority. If colonial legislatures have frequently stopped the
supplies, if they have harassed public servants by unjust or harsh impeach
ments, it was because the removal of an unpopular administration could

IIS8 API'ENVLY

not b« •Aeted in tli(« coloniuN t)y thoxu milcl'*^ ii})) u ma nf a want of
coiitltlonoe, which havo iilwiiya stitlli'ud to atrit i. f »< in ifio motiier

uoiiiitry. . . .

" Tho colon iatn may not alwAya know wli i t nru boil for tli«ni, or
which of thoircouiitryntun are the tlttest for >. . uctin^ thoit nlViiii'i ; but,
at luikHt, tliity hitvu n Ktuator intoreiil in coiuini{ to n rii^ht jtidKintMit on thoio
pointM, mill Mill iaku ({niitur painn to do mo thtm tlKftu wlionu wt Ifnru ii
very roniotuly iind nliijlitly iit!'uot')u by thu y^ovii or Intd iujjiBlatiun of thoiiu
portiuns of thu umpire.

" If the colonintn niiiku bud Iuwh, and Huluct iniprupor pumona locniiduct
thuir Htl'iiirn, tliuy will ^cnurally b'< thu only, idwayn thu ((roiitcHt, HnH't-nTH;
and, liLu till' puoplu of utlur ciiiiiitricH, thuy iiiiiHt buar thu ilU which tlu>y
bi ing on f 1 niM'lvua, until tliuy choosu to ii|>ply thu runiudy. Hut it Hun-ly
civnnot be tl.o duty or the intereat of Gprnt Hritain to ko<>p n moat uxpen-
I /n militaiy I osHoHaion of thuac oolonien, in order that a governor or
fi'cretary of Ut.iu niiiy l)uablu to confer colunial appointniuiitH on onu ra-
ther than am tncr not of pornonn in the colonitm. For thiH ia rually the
only (pumtiou .it iHHUu. Thu alij^htuat aciiuaintancc wiih thusu coloiiica
provua thu fallacy of thu common notion, that any considurablu amtjunt of
patronaj^u in thuni in dintributod amon;^ atraii^ura from thu mother coun-
try. Whatever incoiivcniunco a constant fruijuoncy of chanyiH aiiionf< thu
holders of othc»3 may produce, is a necuHsary disadvantaxo of frt'u govern-
ment, which will bu amply contpeuMatud by thu porputiial harmony which
the aystum muat produce between thu people and its rulrua. Nor do I
fear that the character of the public aervanta will, in any reapect, au/!ur
from a more popular tenure of ottioe." . . .

MUNIOIl'AL aOVEUNMENT.

One of the cures proposed by hia lurdahip waa munic;;> governnn nt,
which Lord DufTurin has since deaoibod aa the baaia upon which the jO-
tifii governmental fabric stands. Mr. (Uadstone has in recent y^ara, .t-
tompted to introduce " Home Rule " i.i agitated Ireland, by applying the
munioipal system, and the Marquis of ilipou has made a similar effort ui
India. No man, however superior, can entiruly escape bias from the un-
enlightened iriHuences of the age in wliich he lives ; as will be seen from
this, that even the great-nunded Lord Durham aaw as the chief merit of
muriioipjii government, that it distributed the political power broadcaat,
iuf'.teAd of allowing it to preponderate in dangerous unily. Municipal

'*s>^*'-

A VrKNDIX. m$

govornm )iit., no one now comiilvrt n iiiAtter of powor, but of popiilur «x*

|)tidiuncy. Snyn liin lor<l*lii|) :

" Tho (tntuhlinliiiii'iit of ii i;(iod HyNtoiii of luiinicipHl iiiHtitutioiis throiiKli-
out theiu proviiict'i, iiu innttur of vital iiiiportiuicu. AuomirAl luKJiiltitnio,
wliicli iiiniiAK* H t)io pi'ivutc IjintiiioiiH of mtry iinriith, in rildition to t'te
coiniiioii liiiiiiicrN of tht* country, wicM)! n powur wliicli no iiin^lo body,
bowuvi r pnpiilur in ita coniititution, ou({ht to hnvo ; ii power wbicli niiiat
bi) doHtrui'tivo uf any coniititutional bnlimco. Tint trnu principle of limit*
'\v,\i popnliir power ii tliat iipportionmont of it in many ditittrunt diipoRito-
rit'N wliioh liiiH Ix'tMi iiduptt-d in nil tho niont free imd Htiiblu Htnten <>f thu
uniiiu. InHteiul if contidin^ tliu wbolo collcctiou and iliNtribution of all
till' ruviMiiu'H rniai'd in any country for all ^unurnl an<l local piirpoHcn t) a
Riufjlc rcprcAuntativu bod)*, tho power of local aaseRRnient, an<l thu appli-
cation of the fundM ariHin^ from it, ahotdd be entruRtod to local nninaf^u-
inont. It in in vuin to ttxpcct tliat tluH Haciitice of power will be volun-
tarily nuule by any rcprcRentativo body. The en aliiiithniuut of uiunici|ial
inHtitiitioUH for the whole country ah.ould be made a part of every colonial
institution ; and tlio prerogative of thu crown should be conntantly intor-
potu'd to chuck any encroachment on thu functions of the local bodies, un-
til the )ieop!e should become alive, iis most assuredly they alnt|ist innue-
diately would be, to thu necessity (-f protecting their local privileges." . .

EXTlNdUIHIIINd IIIK KIIKNCU NATIONALITY.

It is not generally known that one of Lord Durham's dearest sohomea
in his report was tho un-raceinent, if wo may make that expression, of tho
French Canadian people ; and in view of tho utterances of s )me of the
leading EngliHli-Caiuidian preisof late, on the industrial and social infe-
riority of the French Canadian, and the expediency of Quebec coming
out of the shell of hor foreign exclusivenesa, the views of tho high com<
missioner may be in tei outing.

" I entertain no doubts as to the national character which must be
given to Lower Canada ; it must be that of the liritish empire ; that of
the majority of tho population of IJritish America ; that of the great race
which must, in the lapse of no long period of time, be predominant over
tho whole Norlu American oontinent. Without effecting tho chaiige so
rapidly or so roughly aa to shock the feelings and trample on tho welfare
of the existing !,'eneratifin, it must henceforth bo the lirst and Htoady pur-
pose of the British gwernmcnt to establish an English population, with

680 APPENDIX.

English laws and langnai/c, in ti...i province, and to trust its government
to none but a decidedly English legislature. . . The Frencii Cana-

dians are but the remains of an ancient colonization, and >.ro, and ever
must be, isolated in the midst of an Anglo-Saxon world. Whatever may
liappen, whatever government should be established over them, British or
American, they can see no hope for their nationality. They can only
sever themselves from the British empire by waiting till some general
cause of dissatisfaction alienates them, together with the surrounding
colonies, and leaves them part of an English confederacy ; or, if they are
able, by eifccting a separation simply, and so either merging in the Ameri-
can \inion, or '<ijeping up for a few years a wretched semblance of feeble
indepciidence, ivhich would expose them more than ever to the intrusion
of the Purroui)dii)g population. I am far from wishing to encourage indis-
crimately thetio pretensions to superiority on the part of any particular
race ; but wJiile the greater i)art of every portion of the American conti-
nent is still uncl< ared and unoccupied, and while the English exliibit such
constant and marked activity in coloidzatirjii, so long will it bo idle to
imagine that there is any portion of thnt continent into which that race
will not penetrate, or in which, when it has penetrated, it will not predo-
minate. It is but a question of time and mode ; it is but to determine
whether the small number of Frencii who now inhabit Lower Canada shall
be made Englioh, under a government which can protect them, or whether
the process shall b( delayed until a much larger number shall have to un-
dergo, at the rude hands of its uncontrolled rivals, the extinction of a
nationality strengthened and embittered by continuance.

" And is this French Canadian nationality one which, for the good
merely of that people, we ought to strive to perpetuate, even if it were
possible ? I know of no national distinctions marking and continuing a
more hopeless inferiority. The language, the laws, the character of the
North American continent are English ; and every race but the English
(I apply this to all who speak the Englieh languig.), appears there in a
condition of inferiority. It is to elevate them from that irifciiority that
I desire to give to the Canadians our English character. I desire it for
the sake of the educated classes, whom the distinction of language and
manners keeps apart from the great empire to which they belong.

" At the best, the fate of the educated and aspiring colonist is, at pre-
sent, one of little hope, and little activity ; but the French Canadian is
, cast still further into the shade, by a language and habit foreign to those
of the imperial government. A spirit of exclusion has closed the higher
professions on the educated classes of the French Canadiuns, more, per-
haps, than was absolutely necessary ; but it is impossible for the utmost

A ITENDIjr. G31

liberality — on the part of the liritisli government — to give an equiil posi-
tion in the general coni[)etion of its vast population to those who speak a
foreign language. I desire the amalgamation scill more for the sake of
the humbler classes. Their present state of rude and e^ual plenty is faet
deteriorating under the pressure of population in the narrow limits to
which thoy are confined. If they attempt to better their condition, by
extending themselves over the neighbouring country, they will necessarily
get more and more mingled with an English population ; if they prefer
remaining stationary, the greater part of thoui must be labourers in the
employ of English capitalists. In either case it would appear, that the
great mass of the French Canadians are doomed, in some measure, to oc-
cujjy an inferior position, and to be dependent on the English for employ -
meni. The evils of poverty and dependence would merely be aggravated
IP a ten-fold degree, by a spirit of jealous and resentful nationality, which
should separate the working class of the community from the possessors
of wealth and employers of labour. . . .

There can hardly be conceived a nationality more destitute o!' all that
can invigorate and elevate a people, than that which is exhibited by the
descendants of the French of Li-wer Canada, owing'to their retaining their
peculiar language and manners. They are a people wir'\ no history, and
no literature. The literature of England is wrJtt jn in a language which
is not theirs; and the only literature which theii 1. nguage renders familiar
to them, is that of a nation fro..i which they luv j b'fion separated by eighty
years of a foreign rult , and still more by those changes which the Revolu-
tion and its consequences have wrought in the whole political, moral and
social state of France. Yet it is on a people whom recent history, man-
ners and mode of thought, so entirely separate from them, that the Frenc'i
Canadians are wholly dependent for almost all the instruction and amuse-
ment derived from books ; it is on this essentially foreign literature, whie
is conversant about events, opinions and haLits of life, perfectly strange
and unintelligible to them, that thoy are compelled to be dependent.
Their newspapers are mostly written by natives of France, who have either
come to try their fortunes in the province, or been brought into it by the
party leaders in order to supply the doarc'a or literary talent available lor
the political press. In the same way, their nationality operates to deprive
them of the enjoyments and civilizing intli;ence of the arts. Though de-
scended from the people in the world that most generally love, and have
tnost su ;cessfully cultivated the drama — thou£ '■ living on a continent, in
which almost every town, great or small, has an English theatre, the
French population of Lower Canada, cut off from every people people that
speak its own language, can support no national stage.

632 APPENDIX.

THE UNION SCHEME.

The following are the suggestions which gave impulse to the movement

which finally resulted in confederation, though the earlier result was the

union of Upper and Lower Canada, an unwise and short-sighted piece of

legislation: —

" Two kinds of union have been proposed — federal and legislative. By
the first, the separate legislature of each province would be preserved in
its present form, and retain almost all its present attributes of internal
Jegislation; the federal legislature exercising no power, save in those mat-
ters of general concern, which may have been exjiressly ceded to it by the
constituent provinces. A legislative union would imi>ly a complete incor-
poration of the provinces included in it under one legislature, exercising
universal and sole legislative authority over all of them, in exactly the
same manner as the parliament legislates alone for the whole of the British
Isles. On my first arrival in Canada, I was strongly inclined to the pro-
ject of a federal union, and it was with such a plan in view, that I dis-
cussed a general measure for the government of the colonies, with the
deputation from the lower provinces, and with various leading individuals
and public bodies in both the Canadas. I was fully aware that it might
be objected that a federal union would, in many cases, produce a weak
and rather cumbrous government; that a colonial federation must have,
in fact, little legitimate authority or business, the greater part of the or-
dinary functions of a federation falling within the scope of the imperial
legislature and executive ; and that the main inducement to federation,
which is the necessity of conciliating the the pretensions of independent
states to the maintenance of their own sovereignty, could not exist in the
case of colonial dependencies, liable to be moulded according to the plea-
sure of the supreme authority at home. In the course of the discussions
which I have mentioned, I became aware also of great practical difficultiea
in any plan of federal government, particularly those that must arise in
the management of the general revenues, which would in such a plan have
to be again distributed among the provinces.

But 1 had still more strongly impressed on me the graat advantages of an
united government ; and I was gratified by finding the leading minds of
the various colonies strongly and generally inclined to a scheme that would
elevate their countries into something like a national existence. I thought
it would be the tendency of a federation sanctioned and consolidated by a
monarchial government, gradually to become a complete legislative union ;^
and that thus, while conciliating the French of Lower Canada, by leaving

APPENDIX. (j33-

them the government of thoir own province and their own internal legis-
tion, I miglit provide for the protection of JJritish intereBts by the general
government, and for the gradual transition of the provinces into an united
and homogeneous community.

If the population of Upper Canada is rightly estimated at 400,000, the
English inhabitants of Lower Canada at 150,000, and the French at 450,-
000, the union of the two provinces would not only give a clear English
majority, but one which wouhl be increased every year by the influence
of English emigration; and I have little doubt that the French, when once
placed, by the legitimate course of events and the working of natural
causes, in a minority, would abandon their vain hopes of nationality. I
do not mean that they would iuimodiately give up their present tvnimosi-
ties, or instantly renounce the hope of attaining their end by violent
means. But the experience of the two unions in tlie British Isles may
teach UR how effectually the strong arm of a popular legislature would
compel the obedience of the refractory population; and the hojjelessness
of success would gradually subdue the existing animosities, and incline the
French Canadian population to accjuiesce in their new state of political
existence. ...

" But while I convince myself that such desirable ends would be secured
by the legislative union of the two provinces, I am inclined to go further,
and inquire whether all these objects would not more surely be attained
by extending this legislative union over all the British provinces in North
America; and whether tht advantages which I anticipated for two of them
might not, and should not in justice be extended to all. Such a union
would at once decisively settle the question of races ; it wo\ild enable all
the provinces to co-operate for all common purposes; and, above all, it
would form a great and powerful people, possessing the means of securing
good and resyonsible government for itself, and which, under the protec-
tion of the British Empire, might in some measure counterbalance the
preponderant and increasing influence of the United States on the Amer-
ican continent. I do not anticipate that a colonial legislature thus strong
and thus self-governing, would desire to abandon the connection with
Great Britain. On the contrary, I believe that the practical relief from
undue interferences which would be the result of such a change, would
strengthen the present bond of feelings and interests ; and that the con-
nection would only become more durable and advantageous by having
more of equality, of freedom, and of local independence."

<534 APPENDIX.

INPEPKNOENUE OF THE COLONIES.

Here, however, is statosmanship grand enough to be able not ah>ne to

stand unawed before that liorrible possibility seen lowering behind the

■curtain of the future, independence, but to say if such a destiny is writ

for the colonies, then to let it be ; wo cannot stay its fultilmont ; it is

■right: —

" But at any rate, our first duty is to secure the well-being of our colo-
■nial countrymen; and if, in the hidden decrees of that wisdom by which
this world is ruled, it is written that these countries are not forever to re-
main portions of the empire, we owe it to our honour to take good care
that, when they separate from us, they should not be the only countries
on the American continent in which the Anglo-Saxon race shall be found
innfit to govern itself."

THE SMALLER COLOMES.

>0f the islands of Newfoundland and Prince Edward, Lord Durham

•said: —

''With respect to the two smaller colonies of Prince Edward Island
and Newfoundland, I am of opinion, that not only would most of the rea-
sons which I have given for an union of the others, apply to them, but
that their smallness makes it absolutely necessary, as the only means of
securinj .ny proper attention to local interests, and investing them witii
that consideration, the deficiency of which they have so much reason to
lament in all the disputes which yearly occur between them and the citi-
zens of the United States with regard to the encroachments made by the
latter on their coasts and fisheries." . ,

REPRESENTATION OF PROVINCES.

Strangely enough, the high commissioner favoured an unjust plan of
representation for the provinces — unjust, if it be considered that Lower
Canada had political rights, and were entitled to their antique and exclu-
sive existence. Says his lordship: —

"As the mere amalgamation of the houses of assembly of the two pro-
vinces would not be advisable, or give at all a due share of representation
to each, a parliamentary commission should be appointed for the purpose
•of forming the electoral divisions, and determining the number of mem-
bers to be returned on the principle of giving representation, as near as

APPENDIX. G35

may bo, in proportion to population. I am averse to every plan that has
been proposed for giving an o(|vial number of members to the two prov-
inces, in order to attain the temporary end of out-numbering the French,
because I tliink the same object will be obtained without any violati(jn of
the principles of representation, and without any such appearance of in-
justice in the "ichemo as would set public opinion, both in Kngland and
Americi., strongly against it; and because, when emigration shall have in-
creased the English popiilation in the upper province, the adoption of
such a principle woiild operate to defeat the very purpose it is intended
to serve. It appears to mo that any such electoral arrangement, founded
on the present provincial divisions woidd tend to defeat the purposes of
union, and perpetuate the idea of disunion. . . .

"The same connnission should form a plan of local government by elec-
tive bodies, subordinate to the general legislature, and exercising a com-
plete control over such local affairs as do not come within the province of
legislation. The plan so framed should be made an act of the imperial
parliament, so as to prevent the general legislature from encroaching on
the powers of the local bodies.

"A general executive on an improved principle should be established,
together with a supreme court for all North An' jrican colonies. The other
establishments and laws of the two colonies should be left unaltered, until
the legislature of the union should think fit to change them; and the se-
curity of the existing endowments of the Catholic church in Lower Canada
should be guaranteed by the act."

RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT.

He sounded a clear note on the necessity of ministerial responsibility to

the legislature. His view on the question set the tory world aghast,— but

he probably held the belief that the universe was not made for the tories.

He wrote: —

"The responsiblity to the united legislature of all officers of the govern-
ment except the governor and his secretary, should be secured by every
means known to the British constitution. The governor, as the represen-
tative of the crown, should be instructed that he must carry on his gov-
ernment by heads of departments, in whom the united legislature shall
repose confidence; and that he must look for no support from home in any
contest with tlie legislature, except on points involving strictly imperial
interests."

'^'

INDEX.

AliUOTT, J.J.C, 247, .W), 3!»2.

Aherdecii, Loril, 107, 201.

Act Uiiiuii (1841), 4r), 4tl, G7, I'll, British

North Aiiiericii, .'U.'{-;U().
Adiiins, Mr., 203, 2r)4, 2t)7.
Adam, (Jriiiino Mercer, 444, 448, 44!t,

4.');{, 4rM, 4!>().
Ai/ripiiiiiii, tliu, 2(54.
Aiken, J. ('., ;t51, 420.
Akers, ('ai)taiii, 272-274.
Alabama, the, 141, 2r)7, 200-208, 378.
Alleyn, ChiirleH, 221,
Allan, Sir Hugh, ;W(;-400.
Anglin, T. W., 342, 341>, 380.
Angus, M., 423.
Archibald, Adams fi.f 289,312, 310, 303,

304.
Archer, Dr. Andrew, 100, 311, 444, 445.
Arthur, Sir George, 44, '.II.
Artluir, Prince, 351.
Arid, tlie, 205.
AMhburton Treaty, the, 413.
Athvntic Oable, laying of, 213.
Aylwin, Judge, 72, 74, 82, 8.1, 120.

BAHAMA, the, 204.
Bailey, Professor, 440.
Barren, (.Joniuicdore, 2.58, ?.50.
. Baby, L. V. (i.,420.
Baldwin, K(jbe.-t, 40, 47, .54, 58, 08, 74,

77, 78, 87-80, './(), 114, 115, 120, 122, 132,

138, 148, 1.52, 157, 150, 223.
Baldwin, Dr. William Warren, 87.
Baxter, Mr-, 25.

Badgley, Hon. William, 112, 129, 102.
Berkeley, Admiral, 157, 150.
Bender, P., 440.

Belleau, Sir Narcisse F., 221, 233.
Bernard, Montague, 372.
Bismarck, Herr Von, 250.
Blake, Hon. Edward, 108, 342, 378, 383,

384, 303, 390, 400, 408, 411, 417, 431-

433.
Blake, William Hume, 110, 123, 124,

125, 132, 431.
Blaine, David, 400.
Bleury, Mr. C. S. de, 73, 70,
Blair, A. U.. 424.

Bourinot, J. (;., 490.

(Jooker, Colonel, 272-27(>.

Boucherville, M. de, 423.

Boidton, Major, .3.">8.

15oyd, Hon. .John, .381.

Howell, Mackenzie, 411, 420.

l5onst?(;ours Market, 120.

Bruce, .lohn, 3,54.

Brown, Professor, 4.50.

Brown, (Jeorge,57,58, l.{8, 140, 141, 142,
144, 140, 158, 159, 102, 100, 171, 172,
175, 170, 170, 185, 180, 20.3, 204, 207-
209, 22.3, 230, 231, 235, 248, 281, 283,
289, 299, .304, 300.

Brown, I'eter, .5(J.

Bright, .lohn, 103.

Buchanuu, President, 234,

Bureau, M. 212.

Biiri)ee, Isaac, 407.

Burton, Governor, 03.

liuchanan, Isaac, 227, 255.

ByHandcr, the, 207, 210, 283, 300, 305,
300, 328, 337, 419, 448, 450, 459, 400,
404.

CARTER, Frederick B. J., 292-294.

Cauniff, Dr. 441.

C-vsgrain, L'Ahbe R.H., 438.

Campbell, Sir Archil)al(i, 225.

( !ami>bell, Thonuis, 2.30.

Canada under Dufferin, 332, 333, 398,

424.
Canadian Independence, 301, 302, 410,

417, 49049t\
Canadian Monthbi, the, 330, 309, 450, 405,

490.
Carling, Hon. John, 207, 245.
Cameron, Malcolm, 120, 138, 148.
Caron, R. E., 119, 149.
Cameron, John Hillyard, 108, 112, 180,

194, 195, 350, 374-370.
Cauchon, Joseph Edouard, 71, 170, 171,

184, 341, 38.5.
C;ampbell, Alexander, 30, 251, 255, 292,

319, 335, 337.
Cartwright, John S. , 71.
Cartwright, R. J., 3. 8, 399, 407, 418.
Caroline, The, 92, 121.

038

INDEX.

Ciithiart, T.url. 107, 117.

Cuvloy. Hon. Wm., Km, l.HB, 17», 20<l,

•J-.'O, 'I'lA.
( 'iiititT, Sir ( J.-orj,"- K., Il'.t, 177. '."JO, '.".'1,

•-':C., 2^(1, •2-»(i, iTm. •.'«», •.".•1, •-".•7, 'I'M,

:«).•>. :{rj, ;n!i, .■f.'0-:»i.';{, :i74, 378, ;W4,
;t',t2, 4(Mi.

CuiiiiIm, 1-I'2

("iiiiuvL'au, p..r.()., i7!t, ;iio, 4;«7.

CliiirlfH (I). XK.

ChriHtif Divviil, l;W. 407.

('liroiiicft', IWitinli, .'')7.

Cliiimii', Itolx-rt, 441.

i'hiKiipi'iikf, the. 2r>7-'jr)!l.

Cliisliolm. Mr..-JS.

Cl.iilM.t, .1., iri>.

("liiuull.r, H. 15.. '->'24, *.'8!l.

ClmiiiiiH, .1. (;., '»',:,, 2<I2, :U!I.

(/'ufklmiii, .liiiiu's, 'J.*>.">, 'M'l.

C'uhilt'ii, IJichaid. 103.

Coli'M, (jii'ort;t;, '2S!t.

("D.Mtimvn, .lol.ii, ;!71-:?81, 42!)-4:»l.

i'liinriirM iIik linis, ',\f)\\.

Cotfiii, 'I'liiiiiiftH, 4(W.

Coiiiu'il, 1,1'Kisliitive of (.'aimdii (made

ele(^tivr|, 200.
('..lliiiH, !I4.

('i)Ui(irne, Sir Jdhii, 4;").
Coiifodfi'atiiiii, tlie Hclu'ine of, 229, IiIh-

tory of, 2«7-;ttO.
Compact, till' Kaiiiilv, 3r>, 30, 3'.t, 44, ''",

07, 8S, '.10, 107, 111', 121, 144, 224.
( 'ocklmrii. Sir Alt'XiiiHit'r, 208.
("ocklmrii, .Taint'M, 2112.
Coin ]ja\vs, repeal of, 102, 103.
C'urrigan, l/.obert, 104, 19.5.
Connor, S., 211,
Ceane, Hon. Mr., 22."t.
Crimen, the War in the, lt)4, 105, 185,

200, 201.
Crawford, John, 238.
Crema/ie M. Octave, 401.
Civil War in America, 230-242,

DAWSON .S. E, 443, 444.

Day, .IndKe, 300. • '

Daly, Dominick, .W, 93, 94.

Davis, .lefferson, 240.

Davin, Nicholas Flood, 331, 309, 442, 490.

Deerhttinid, the, 207.

Dent, JohnCUiarles, 29,91, 230, 287, 445. '■

44(J.
Dennis, Jiieut. -Colonel, 272, 353, 354, .357.
Denison, Lieut. -Colonel, 444.
Disraeli. Mr. 73, 77, 80, 81, 133, 170, 222. ,
Dickie, K. B., 289.

Direct Taxation, 418. |

Dorion, A. A., 211, 22.», 2.36, 238, 247, !

252, 278, 279, 284, 297, 321, 407. !

Dominion of Canada, 313-31.5. i

Draper, William, .58, 59, 09, 70, 83, 86,

87, 108, 112, 113, 118, 319. !

Drummond, L. J., 149, 102, 179, 188,195, !

198, 211. 229. 1

Dufferin Loid, 363, 364, ;^82, 383, 392-
^ 402, 422. 426.
Durham, Lord, 41-45, 88, 182, 435, 436,

Dunn, I'oter, 7.3, 74,70.
Duval, .Fudiir, 19.5, 19(;.
Dunkin, .Mr., 279, 297. 2itH, 3.51.
Diivar, John Hunter, 488-491.

i;i)UAU, J. D., 112.

ElKin,liord, 95, 110-112, 120, 127, 128,

130, 131. 132, 133, i;iO, 148, 105, 182,

18.3.
Kl',in, l-adv, 182.
Kl.ler, W.,'424.
Krniiitin„'er, Col., 132.
Ji.iiiiiiini r, tlie, 1.5.5,
Krs.hile. .Mr., 128.
Evanturel, Franvois, 247.

FALKLAND. L(ud, 226.

I'amine, tlie Irinli, 103.1(Hi.

Ka\icher, M., 438.

i'l'iiiiin Hrotherliood, 209, .'H7.

I'enian Uaid, 20!»-270, 309, 373.

V'erland, Alilie, 440,

Fliiridii, the, 202.

Fer^'UHHon-Ulair, A. J., 2.52, 319, 344,

345.
Ferle.^ Mr,. 128.

Fisher, Charl.s, 226, 227, .312, ;V42.
Fisli, Hon. Hamilton, 371.
Foley, M. H., 211, 247, 253, 255.
Foumier, Telesphore, 407.
Fox, 31.

Fon.it and Stream, 450.
FoUett, 75.

Froude, I{ichav<l Hurrell, 99.
Fra«''r, .lohn .1., 379.
Franklin. Sir .lohn, 84, 85.
Frmiir. Ln Jriine, 121.
Frechette, Loui^< Honore, 464, 480, 481,

482, 483, 491,

GALT, Sir A, T.. 119. 221, 227, 2.55, 278,
281, 282, 283, 299, 309. 312, 318, 319,
323-320, 341, 344, 300, 410.

GasjxS M. Philip Aubert de, 4.38.

Gavaz/.i, Padre. 142, 100, 101, 289.

(larry. Fort, .353, 303.

(Ia:eitf, The (.Montreal), 39.5,

(iillmor, Major, 272,

(iirouard, M., 90.

" Grits, Clear," 138, 423.

(ilenelK, Lord, 41. 88.

(Jrey, Karl, 147,220.

(;ioi,e, The, 58, 138, 140, 141, 142, 149.
103, 107, 172, 170, 179, 180. 240, 244,
248, 328, 406, 455, 450, 402, 403, 404.

Gladstone, 79, 81, 133, 170, 222, 223, 369,
370, 432.

Gosford, Lord, 37, 38.

Gordon, (rovernor, 291.

Gowan, Oglell., 71, 118.

Gowan, Judge, 399.

Grant, Rev. Principal, 449. — n — -^—-^

Grant, President, 371.

Graham, Sir James, 170.

Gray, John Hamilton, 289, 298. _:_

Gray, Hon. Col., 239, 442.

Gray, Earl de, 372.

INDEX.

iirUYui, Martin J., -^IM, 4»5.
<iei)r>{i;, Mciiry. IM-v.
(tllKV, iJolc.iio'l, l'_"2, l.'U.

HALIFAX FISHERY COMMIS-
SION, .172.
Iluniiiiy, JmiicH, •Ml, AVI.
Ilalfl.t-f.-d, tlif, H.JJ-;Hi».
lliitlii'Wiiy, (leoPKi' li., 'Ml, 310,
tliilifiiN, Lord, 170.

lIllllt'llM Col'IltlH Act, 27.

ii,ii.ii,nit, ;w. ;iH,. •('.», uc, inj.

tliil4<Tiiiiui, CliiistiipJH'r A., 8(1.

HiinliiiK. Sir .lohii, 2i'>4.

Iliirvcy, Sir.l)lin, 22l>.

nutlcmn, Tlu", 2(;").

lliiniMoii, Mrn. .1. F. (" SeraniiH") A'd't,

I'.Hl.
Hiriihl, Tiif (Mt.ntrnil), •t<.»r..
lloiul. Sir Francis Hdiul, 40, n,.S(i, !ll,

14.->.
Hf.i.l, Sir Ednmiid W., 18;t, 184, 2011,

211-220, 2.t;».
ll.-n., the, 2.J1, 2'X.>.
Hcmv. William A., 2rt«.
HiiickH, Sir FnviiciH, 70, 71, IIH, 120,i;!0,

i:{.Vl:5<i, 14t', 147, 14H, 140, 1.".4, ir)5,

li", 150, Kil, Hi"), l(i71()0, 17;{, 174,

17."), i7(i, 177, 18.*., iHi;, ;j.5i, ;«ir), •m\,

W", \\M.
Hind, I'n.f. \in\\v, 44!t.
Hoar, KlHMiczcr J{., ;{71,
llolnics, i:«).

Holtou T. H., 2r>2, 284. 207, 'Ml
Honour, l'"otintiiin of, (iO.
llowland Sir V.'. 1'., 207, 247, 2.')2, 207,

;w.t, ;n2. ;iio, ;«4, ;«.*•, wm, .'Wo, mw.

llowo, Josei.li, 22(>, :<1.S, .'WO, MQ, 342,

;i4r>, .riO, 357, ;ttii.

HunttTs', liod^;uH, 27, 28.

H\iard, Anj,'nHtnH, 127. j

Hndson Mav Co'upany, 202, 'A^A, '.\'\T>,

;{r.7.

Huntinfe'ton, L. S, 2r)2, 207, 380-40(;.
Humplirey, Capt., 2.o0.

JACK, Edwar.1, 271, 450.
Jamaica Bill, 222.
Jefferson, President, 2.59.
Jolinson, Jolin M.. 280, 812.
Joli, Henri (Jnstave, 2;«, ;W.-., 42.S.
•Johnson, President Andrew, 271.
Justice, Mirror of, CO.

KEARSAGE, The, 2ti6.
Keble, Kev. John, 00.
Kent, the Duke of. 287.
Kenny, PMward, 310.
Kirby, William, 448.

I.AMPMAN, Mr. Archibald, 49(J.
Lallue, Prof Hubert, 438.
Laird, Messrs. , 263, 2G4.
liaird, David, 407. ___—

J^framboise, Maurice, 252.

I^anjfevin, Hector Louis, 207, 212, 255,

280, 300, 312, 31!l, 328-320, 420,
]<ulierKt), C. J , 211.
LafoMtuiin«, f.4, 08, <M), 01, 'Ml, 110, 131,

148, !V2.
I.eprohon, Mrs. 448.
lit'plne, Andtrose, ;t")4, 3t)2,
l.nifiiinl, the, 2.')8.2(;(».
L.iui.nx, Fraiuis, 184, 211, 238.
Le.Moiii,., .1. M., 487.
, Leslie, Jam«H, 110, 138.
i Lestanu. V'viv, .3.">0.
Letellier, M. liuc. 140, 2.">2, 407, 422-424.
Lei^'islativc I'nion, 200.
LeMav .M.. 101.
i-eSneiir, W. I).. 40<l.
Lindsey. Charles, 41, 280, 441.
Lincoln, Abraham, 210, 242, 250,

200, 2t;o.
Lilxral Conservativos, f23.
LoriH', Lord, 422, 424.
Louise, Princess, 422.
Lo),'an, Sir William, 440.
L'Uiiiiin (iiD J'ri>rinn» dr VAmrritiiic dii

Nord, -ML

MACI)(>NA1;D, Ki^'ht Hon. Sir .lohn
A., arrives in « 'anada, 17; nncestors,
18, 10, 20 ; where born, 21 ; put at
school, 21 ; holiday haunts, 22, '/.i ;
talent at school, 24 ; studies law, 25 ;
defends Shoultz, 20-31 ; jireparinj,' for
public life, 50-55 ; f,'oes to the hustinKs,

01 ; seeii through his first ciiinpaii,'n,

02 (id ; first elected to Parliament, (iO •
as first seen in the Legislature, 72 7.3 •
his first speech, 74 ; description of
manner in House, 75, 70 ; method of
advanceme!it, 77 ; his silence in the
House 77 ; defen<ls primo;,'eniture. 78 ;
early Tory opinions like mornin;,' va-
l)ours, 70 ; honest chan^'e of opjuion,
80,81 ; punctures a wind spout, 82-83 ;
takes a disappointment with philo-
Bophical coolness, 108-10!> ; first \it(er-
ance in favor of Protection, 100 ; "Your
time has come at last, Macdonald," 112,
113 ; returnedsecNimi time for Kin^'s-
8ton, 118 ; attiturle through the storm,
of '40, 125, ,20 ; censures f,'overnment
for lackinj,' 1 recaution against it, 120,
130 ; connection with the liritish Am-
erican Leatrue, i;« ; i>re<lict8 the down-
fall of the liiberals, 1.37 ; holdinj^ Sir
Allan in bou uls, 143 ; weights upon his
wing-i 144 ; suggests the legalization of
murder, 147 ; " the two masts are over-
board," 148 ; growth of friendship be-
tween himself and E. P. Tache, 1.5(i ;
gets ready for the fray, 1.50 ; attitude
towards the University Bill, the mea-
sure to restrain sale of liquor, tlie
llepresentatives Bill, and on the Act
providing for the confiscatiou of Seign-
euries, 101, 102 ; grows peerish at Mr.
Hincks' doctrine on insufficient repre-

«4U

JNUKA'.

in'ntfttli>n, I*!'' : tlm lii-pirHr of Mir
Allan, !))'> ; liii* oiiHJniuht on t)ii> Ko
formtTH, "nti'«'|i<'il ti) till' 1I|»H ill ill-
fHiny," l*H'. ITO ; |iriit<Mt- at{ain»t iiii
iiiiiNtitiitl'triiil iiioroKiitiuii, 172 ; foirii-

Utillll '>( l,illl'lrtl-«'"l»K«MV(ltivi< KOVl'lll-

iiiitnt, 17H ; Im'iiiiih'h Attcinicy (Ji'Tifnil,
17',( ; vli'WH Iff (Jlolir 1)11, ISl ; iiltiK'kfil
liy Mr. Maoloiiiiltl "f |Jlfiininry, IHI ;
t'rii>ii<lHlii|i lii'twi'i-it liiiiiMxIf Hiiil M.
Ciirtli'i- HpiiimH ii|>. \Ki; puxHiiKf with
(Jforjfi' llriiwii ill tln' AMtfinlily, iMtl-
IhS ; piiHKimt' witli ColuiH'l Kiiiikiii,
IH'.t-l'.IU ; till' CotiHiTViitivi' piirty ill •
Hiri'M his liHiul at tin- h.'liii. I'.U I'.IN ;
his tint Hhowiiik' it.wlf, IK/ IIW ; I'lumfii
U'licler iif hin jiiirty in AMHUiiihly, l'.»H ;
HUKU*''**'' iii'ii'ii'*iti"ii of llmixi'ii Hay
'rcrritoiy, -U- ; atlitmh' towiinlH " rrp.
Iiy pop.'V-'l* ; n'fi'i-iipii"<ticiii of t'apital
to Hit Maji'Hty, --'O."., •.'(»(•. ; lii< in tli.'
virtual ooninuimliT "f llm ship, '.'(Ml ;
his iiiil„'iiifiit I'liinpari'il with (fomx''
Mi-oWIi'h, '-'OH ; Hull thlollKh tlln
•■ |)„.il)U.Sliiim.s"liO'.t--'-j:{; hiMfiiiMiil-

ship fill- .1. •'. MiHTi-foi", --"•'. ■-':*";

'• promoting iHnci'l ' aiiiniiK hiH op-
iionfiits, •-';(') ; reaxoiiM for oppoMiii^,'
Hep. hy I'op- '-■*' ; fiaiiii'H his militia
hill, -'i;< ; iiiaki-H a tour of l'|>pt r
i'anaila, l!*l ; a dream of our futiirt',
t;4l, -J">; militia liill luiii irrien, '24(i ;
trai'isatlaiitic iliwcusHioii on n-jfctioii of
hiH militia liill, -'''•', -■"'•'; "vrthrowH
.lohu Saiitltii'lil Maciloiialil, 'SA , '2',2 ;
capturt's A. N. Ifii^hiinri* coiiMtitui.'iu'y t
for hif< party, •2.">;i-2."it ; foriiiK a (.rov.'rn- 1
meiit with «'ol. 'racht', '2'A, '_'.•).•>; now
trustHtoliiik, 277 ; in tae j vwh of di-ail-
lock, -'SO; i'om|)aft witlide .r'^>! Brown, j
2Hl-2«;<; his part in tin- < 'oiifi'iU'iation
inovemuiit. 28.5-2H6 ; his fari.lty for
Kaut,'inj,' puhlii: opinion, 2K<>-2H7 ; pro-
poHi'H a " iluscent " on I'rineo Hdward
iHlaiid, 28H; Hpeech at I'rinco Kdward I
Inland 2'.tl ; at Ottawa with the Con- |
fi'duratu (U'leKates, 2',m; ; hi< advocacy
4.f ( 'oiifi'diTatioii in I'arliaiiicnt, 297;,
iirocei'dh to Kni,'land in Coiilfileration '
interests, 2!t'.» ; ft-ars local and joint
nuthority ^vill hi; incompatible, 2!W ;
attitude towards Confederation schetne
in Hn«land, 301, 302, 303 ; invited to
the premiership m room of Hir K. 1 .
Tache, 303, .304 ; consents to act under
Sir Nareis'se Belleau, 304, 305 ; the
virtual premier, Sir Narcisse, the
nominal head, 300 ; a),'ain visits Loii- 1
don as a coiifeilerate delegate, 312 ; is
chairman of the London conference,
312 • towers ahove his confreres at
con/erence, 31(5, 317 ; invited to form I
first Dominion Cabinet, 317, 318 : re- 1
ceives the order of knighthood, 31!) ; :
charged with selHshness, 31<J, 320 ; j
evidence of liia friendship and chivalry,
320 ; visits Nova Scotia to iiacify the
malcontents, 34'J, 3.50 ; instructions to

nfuhop Tachi!, :mi ; doiihtM UM'm loy.
»ity, MVA , litti'iuU U'lixhinKton Con-
vention, 372'. 174 ; his Npcvrh on treaty,
374 ; ptirNonally defeiidt'il by .lohu
Millyard Canieron, ;<7 1 370 ; st>en
throiii^h the history of the l'at;itic
iUilway " H.andal ", Mi 10*1; speech
on I'arilic Kiiilway chartur, 402 ; jiftcr
defeat and before victory, 417-420; t.)
p'lwer on the wavd's top, 420- 420 ; atti-

tl lie on lii'tellier •piestioli, 122; ail
11 lanswerable argument, 427 ; neeii at
ho iiu, 41)0 riD'.l.

Aranioiialil, Lady. !H)7!'m.

.M.uk, I2H.

Macdoiiald, A. A., 280.

Maciloiiahl, John Haiidtiilil, 0(i-!)M, 147,

140, 1.".7, I7.t, 177, IMo, lOil, l!)7, 211,
220, 23.-., 23<!, 247, 24H, 2,^1, 2r)2, 2-.4,
277, 207, 340, 378.

.MaiMlonalil, Hii»;li, 18.

MatluWH, 44.

Maimliaii, A., r.3, (12, (',3, (1(1, (17.

.Maikeii/.ie, Hop. Alexander. ,')7, 132,

141, U;.l, 17."., 17(1. 170, l«0, IHH, 210,
220, 23(1, ;,'a8, 230, 283, 317, 3r)(), 3.-.1,
.t'.)0. 407-420.

Macdonald, Donald A , 40/,
.NIackon/.io Hope !■'., 238.
Macdonald, ilon. .Jaines, 401, (20.
Mackenzie, (rt'or^;e, 2."i, 2)i
Mackeii/ie, William Ly 20, 27, 30,94,

132, 141, 14ii, 172, 18,-..
MacNab, Sir AHan, 07, 01, 02, 118, 122,

120, 13.-., 143, 118, l,-.7, 100, 171, 172,

174, 177, 178, 188, 180, 103, 10.-.-107,

100, 2(H), 231, 2.'.L
Macoun, I'rof, 140.
Masson, L.K.U , 420.
Mars, Champ de, 127.
Afdcinilliih'ii AI(i</ii:iiie, 444.
Marniette, M. .losei»h, 4.38.
Mason, William, 134.
Mai/, The, 403, 404, 404.
Maclean, Mrs. Kate .Seymour, 48;j, 480.
Machar, Miss A«ne8 .\l., 488.
Marcy, \V. L., 100.

McMuUen, John, 105, 410.

McMurrich, W. H., 433.

xMcdee, Thomas D'Arcy, 200, 207, 229,

247, 2.-..3, 255, 289, 207, 345-348, 449.
McDou(fall, Hon. William, 247, 252, 284,

289, 312, 310, 3.35, ;{38, 339, 344, 351,

352, 353, 357, 300, 374.
McLean, Mr. W.,4(i4.
McMullen, G. W., 38!).
McCarthy, eu.stin, 407.
McCully, Jonathan, 280, 312.
McTavisb, Ciovernor, .355.
McLean, Archdeacon, 358,
MoPherson, Hon. 1), L., 386, 387.

McPeako, Patrick, .381.

McLelan, A. W., 429.

Melbourne, Lord, 222, 382.

Metcalfe, Sir Chai-les, 47-49, 52, 55-61,

07. 70, 83, 84, 88, 90, 101, 110, 120.
Medley, Metropolitan, 450.

INDH.Y.

641

UMa, Th.' Fr.'Mch, IttM.
MtH«nii(!h, 2.^1.
Afifhlua,,, Tli«, •^T2.
Mitchnll, pKtur, ;<r.', :ifj. .ccj :ui.

Mill^ It. Hinrv 11., III). III.

M.-iiii. A. X.. IIH, ll<», 15,-., l.'itl, 17U, 1H4.

MotriN, Willliiiii, .V.t.

Mo..,li... Mrn,, '.M. nil, 41«1, 147, 448.

Motfutl, linn. (}f..iKi., 73, 7«, M.

Moril^'oiiiuri)', Mr., I'JH.

M..iTi.<, .linii.<i, IIH, *JI!, 217.

M..iTi«<.n, .1. ('.. W>, -Jim, TM, IW, 2:W.

Mowiit. H.iii. Ollv.r, 207, 211, 2.V2, 2H.|,

2;m;, -".t7. .wi, 4.-().

Morrin, Alcxiiriili!!', 2Ml.

M(«mit<!UMtlf, .Mi* V'.. 4!»2 HU.

M.aii k, Lord, 24:i, 24!), 2(14, 'Mi, 312, 3Ut,

;ti7, 3111, ;»:.().

Mulvtiity, ChuileN I'elhara, 4.S3tHA.

"NATIONAL (!()MM1TTKR," Tli.-,

8r.4.
National Policv, Ttio, .m, 118-422.
Nii>linlh\ 'i'li.i. 2«".2.
Niipit-r, .Miiiipr-(!<'iu'riil, 272.
Ni-w HiuuMwiik S.h<M,l Kill, :I7H-.'W1.
N.-vvniun, \Uv. Honry .lohn, 1)1)101, 131).
N.a«(.n, Dr., l.'II,.TJ!.
Nowfoiiniilund fmiiliiU'H the (■ air- Cowl,

311,312
NewcHHtle, 'I'ho Puke of. 2.34, 241.
NoIho-1, Hon. HiiiiiiK'], 371.
Noruiiiiil>y, liiiily, 222.
Northcote. Sir Stiitfoni, 372.
Nortoti, Lady ('arolint', 3H2.

OA'l'HS lULL, Th.«, 31)2, 303.

O'Conii.ll, 10M03, 170.

t)'I)on(i;,'hun (The I''ouiiin), ;!»).3.

Oirto, The, 2t!2.

()'( Vduior. .lolm, 420.

()*N«il (Till- >enian), 271-27»'>, ,301), ;K5t;,

3C.7.
Ori'Kon, Boundary, 10<i, 107.

PACIFIC KAILWAY.the Inception of,
.377, 378 ; luHtory of " Sciuulal," 3«(;-
40ti ; Contract with Symliciito, 426-428.

Pahuerston, Lord, 250, 200, 201.

I'litton, JaniHH, 245.

PakinK'toii. Sir John, 147.

Palnior, Kdward, 2S<).

Papineau, L. .1., 2(5, .37, 38, 40, 59.

Papineaii, D. P. 59, 08.

Parliamuut BuildingH burnt b^ a mob at
Montreal, 128, 129 ; Parliament re-
moved from Montreal and establiHlied
at Montreal and (^uel.ec four yearn al-
ternately, 134 ; Ottawa Hugsested aH
cjipital, 20.5.

I'HnI, The, 2(i2.

Peeh"l, Admiral, 2.34.

Peel, Sir Robert, 103, 1.33, 222.

J'edley, Rev. Charles, 228.

Peacocke, Colonel Geort,'e, 272-27(5.

PhippH, U. W., 428, 432, 433, 450.

Pilot, The, 71.
Pirhe, M.,2<>7.
pope, .1. C., 120.
Pop.-. W. II., 281).

Poi.H, .1 II. 284. 420.
Polittt)', .Indict*. MM.
Prinu«, (.'ol.. 72, 122,213.
Price, J. H , 120, i;«).
I'ri. e H.nry. 152.
PuH.ty, Uiv. Dr , 00.

RANKIN, Colonel, 189, 193, 270.

Kattray, W. .1., 412. 413.

UailuayH. Tlie iiiterciiloniai an a colo-
nial proj»<et, 1 Iti, (irand Trunk, (treat
Wenttfrn, Ontario, Sinuoi- und Huron
' (Northern), 105, hitrreolonlal as an
I Imperial Hchetne, 31.3.
! Repr<Nentat!on by population, 203, 200.

U« eiproeitv Treaty, lO.'., I(i(i, lf.7. a70.

Pfctoriert f'lniiownient of, 151.

Keheliion LoHHeM Pill. 115, H«, 120, 121).

" lieformerH," 122. 12.3.

|{.'ad, John, IKO, 4SH.

|{e.-..rves, Cler.,'V, 1".(), 1.52.
: Kepeal .Movenuiit (Ireland), 101, lOJI.

KichardH, VV. P., 148.
I /irrirw, Fiirriiin Quiirtrrly, 183.
I Kiel, LouiH, .354, .3H4, 378, 384, 411.
! RoliiiiMon, vV. I)., lOH.

Hobinxon, (!hi«f .Jiintice, 88.

/.'../-/., Th.-, 27.3.

RobertH, Ituv. (}. Ooodriilge, .\LA.,4r>fi.

PobertM, Minn .lano K. tl., 480.

KoHs, William, 408.

Uobiin, Mr. 77.

Rolph, Dr., 138, 14H.

RoHH, Ho 1. .rohn,H9 179, IIM), 221, 24.5.

Robert.-* Cliarien (J. 1).. 104, 1(55, 435,437,
40.5, 180, IHI, 483, 491.

KoHo, John, 207, 2(;)i, 344. 351.

Itoinie, I.r I'ard, 138, ICD, 423.

Rowan, Major (Jetieral, 134.

RobiuMon, .John Peverley, 21V, 24.5.

Russell, Loril John, .38, -Iti, 13,3, -222, 2«iO,
2153, 2(54, 2(;il, 2(57,208, 410, 432.

PichardH, A. N., 253.

Ritchie, Mr., 312.

Ritchie, Sir W. .1., 425,42(5.

Ritchie, Lady, 42(5.

Ritchie, J. A., 49(5.

Ruinball, Charles, 450.

SAVANNAH, Tlie, 202.
Salaberry, Colonel De, 357, iiOO.
Sangster, (Jharles, 41X5.
&an Jacinto, 242, 257, 2.VJ.
Sehenck, Robert (;.,. 371.
Hcott, R. W., 408.

Scott, 'I'hoinaH, 359, 3(50, 302, 383. .-^

Srribncr's Ma},'uzine, 475.
Schools, denominational and non-secta-
rian, 18(5, 20ti.
Senate, The, 33(i, .337. "

Sewell, Chief Juatice, 287.
Seward, Mr. 200.

(U2

. IXl/E.Y.

HifrnMlofi iif .Southern HUt<>H, 'SM, 240.
Si-riiiiif«, «'ii|>t , 'JIM. '2i\,\ '.IMl, 2117.
HIi.tIiIiiii, |{. It., :M'1

"simmi-, Til.' i>..tii.i.-,"»ci, w:».

Hhoiilt/., S. V..ri., 'JH, «'.». ;«).

Hhiilt/., Dr. AM, ;CiM.

Hh.rw.M..|, lliiii. (Jfortfi', im, IW, 17'A

'-'•M 'JIft
Sli"».'»*l..ii. Atnl.nmi.. 2t»*i, 'JIM, 811, MV.
Slum. Hon. K. II., .112.

Siuilmnll, .Ilillll'N, '2'^>!i.

SLott... lion. I,, v., 170, 171, 177, «1,

•247, 'IM.
HitiioiKlH, rimrli'N, Tii.
Hiimll, Mr., MS.
Hmitb, Oolilwiii, MM), 2.12, 41(1, 44R, 4M,

4«12.
Hniith, MitulNtrntx, 27.
Smith. C. M.,.H»n, 401.
Hiiiith, Jiuiii-M, .V.I.
Riiiith. Sir M.iiry, 112, 228, 2:J3.
Smith, Syaimv, 221.
Hmith, A. .I.,'271, ;M)1. 310, :m, 407.
Hmitli, lioiiulil A.,.<a7, :<*i<).
H|H•ll'•.^ i{c)li.Tt, 17'.», 2(H1.
Btiickliiiiil Family, 'l'hi>, MR.
Htrickliitxi, Moiit. ('<>!., IIS.
Htiirilfy. Lord, tl7, 224.
Ht.-ev.'M. W. H., 2H'J.
Btimhau, HiNhov, l.M.
Hulliviui, l{. »., f)7, !t4, Itr., 120.
St.'wnrt, O.M.rK.i, jr., 3U2, ;W;{, .We, UOO,

:t!Mi, :{'.m, 12 1, i.il -4B:».

Streot, Hon. (Joorj^i. K, 225,

Siimtir, The, 202, 204.

Siiiiitfr, Fort, 240.

Buiirciiie ( 'oiirt of ('nnwla KHtal)liHhi'il,

4i;i.
Suit.', nenjamin, 4:{tt, 491, 492.

TACHF. K, v., 120, 14i>, hVi, 157, 179,
IH4, I'.Hi, 200, 255. 2'J2, 303.

Taylor, Ffimin^'H, 174.

TaHclieniiu, Henry Kleazar, 2'M.

Tftclu^, ArchhiHhop, ;I.W, 300-.XM, 37«,
:M4.

Tach.S J. C. 4;J7. 4.'«.

'JVHHier, N. .T„ 247.

Teuiiri", Heij^iiorial, l.'i.S, 1.54,

ThouKlit and Literature, 435.

Thihau.leau, .loHenh, 207, 211, 238.

Thil.anlt, Vicar-(}.iiernl. ^.W.

ThiLodo, AiiKUHttw, 2(i, 27, 145.

ThoniHon, (!harliH Ponthill (Lord Syden-
ham), 47.

Thornton, .Sir K.'wttrd,37*i.

r.m./.. Tht.( London 1,2 r.».

Tlll.'V, «. i... 2H'.». 202, 2!»3, 311, 812. 31W,

32',», 332, 374. :iM, 420, 422,
jTorviim on iti. iMt trial, 110. It fulU,
I I In, III).

'I'odil, AlphtPiii), 115, 44n.
I TriM'tariaii Mnvi'inent, 99-101.

Traill. Mrx., 4MM

Ti-rnl, Th«, 212, 24.1, 257.

Tnitth, VV. .1. ,<7H.

Tiir.otte. L. I'., 430, 410.

TiipiMtr, lion < harli.H, 2hH, 2'.H), 2'>2, 203,
312, 3l.i. 3r,», 'XW, 340, ;i42. MA, M\

:m, ;i«w-37o, 371. 420.
TiittU', ClmrleN K., 440.

UphuavalH, Political, .12-49.

VANKOinjMNFT, I'. M., 213, 221 .
VlKor, I). H,, 5'.». «W, It.',, iNl, 107, 1.50.
ViK.-r, L. M., 120.
Victoria UriiLo, 22H, 233.
Viii/iiiieni't, 3.53.

WATHON, H. .1 ,:WB,4BI
\Val«H, Prime of, 22H, 231-2.34.'
\Valr..nd, Mr., 110.
Wallneoiirt, Lord, 08.
Wallhridi,'.., Mr. 247,
WaMhiiintoii Treaty, ,372.
Welliniftoii, Duke of, 247, 410.
Wedderhurii. IL.ii. William, ;tSO.
WilliBiiiH, (i(or)."- II., 371.
Wilson. May.H', 100, 1(11, 247.
William (IV.), 34.
WilkeM, ('apt., 259.
WilkeH, 30.

Withrow, llev. W. H,, 440.
WilHon, John, i2?>.
WiMfMian. ('ardiri,'!, 1.30.
Wilmot, Hon. L. .>.., 22.5, 227, 349
Wilmot, Hohert I iinean, 312. 420.
World, Toronto, (1, 428, 4.12, 404.

YKO, HTU JAMES, 01.
Young, Kev. Mr. 359.
Young, (!ol., -M.
Young, Hon. .rohn,149.
Yt»ung (Confederate Soldier), 209.
Y )»in;,- .Sir John (Lord LiBgar), .3.50, 357,
{01, .382.

-r-'.