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BEDFORD PRINTINU OFFltK, 24, TAVISTOCK STREET, COVENT GARDKN. f, I I INTRODUCTION. \ In 1839,1 placed the subject matter of the follow- ing pages in the hands of a friend, with a view to be transmitted to Sir Robert Peel, but having reason to apprehend it had not been forwarded, I sent a copy direct to Sir Robert, and was favoured with his answer, acknowledging the receipt. My object in thus laying my views before Sir Robert Peel, was my great confidence in his statesman-like application of the means within his power, as the first Minister of the Crown, and his judgment in the choice of expedients for the well-being of the Empire ; and that my scheme, I trusted, would be considered as no Utopian scheme ; but, on the contrary, a just and practicable system of colonization, calculated to exhibit to the world in times to come, the British Isles i I and their (lepen n hailed with confidence and affection ; never again would the disgraceful scene be enacted in a British port as the flogging* of one of her subjects and the insulting of her Magistrates in contempt of that flag ! Britain, acting upon those principles, her power being based upon the interest of her sons and public opinion, would retain her position as mistress of the ocean, and commence an empire which would be bounded alone by the world's limits. America at this moment possesses several thousands of seamen in the Pacific, and East of the Cape of Good Hope ; England also, has her seamen there ; let her but follow the suggestions now submitted, and, in the event of war with that power. Letters of Marque could be issued and vessels fitted out at private cost in Australia alone, which would clear those seas of enemies — we mean such enemies as would be de- structive to our trade. Continue the past, or rather the present, principles, and under any circumstances, impress one seaman, it is feared that America would then clear those seas of the British merchant flag ; — for it may be relied upon that Colonial seamen can never be trusted while their rights as Englishmen are disregarded. These principles acted upon, we should hear no more of our seamen going to America — America would have enough to do to keep her own ; they already desert from their whahng ships to remain in Australia, finding it to be their interest to attach themselves to the Co- lonial Australian employment, for the very same reason our men have left England for America, viz., because they there are better paid than in their own country. We may, perhaps, be further permitted to add that repub- lican institutions have been, and still are, held up to English- men as possessing greater advantages than any other form of government; this is contrary to our conviction ; we think See Swan River Paper, the « Inquirer," 24th March, 1841. 18 that our government of a limited monarchy, witli the rei)re-> aentative system is })y far the best, possessing all the advan- tages of a republican, without its unceasing liability to change. But whatever opinions we may entertain upon that point, the monarchical and republican principles are undergoing a trial in the contest now carrying on between the two great powers, Great Britain and America — nations sprung from the same stock. The system now suggested for consideration, it may reasonably be expected, would cause the scale to preponderate in favour of the monarchical principles and consequently of British interests, which, we trust, are those of mankind. Since I first published the above in 1839, 1 find parts of my argument most clearly corroborated by Mr. Halliburton, in his "Sam Slick in England," pubHshed early in 1843, which I must do myself the justice to quote at length, for the purpose of enforcing my statements, and in the hope that the hint will not be lost upon, but be made available by those upon whom tlevolves the government of our colonial possessions. I copy the follow' ng passages from that work : — " Your long acquaintance with the provinces, and familiar in- tercourse with the people ;" saishe, (the Colonial Minister) "must have made you quite at home on all colonial topics." " I though*.; so once," sais I ; " but I don't think so now no more, sir ?" " Why how is that ?" saishe. " Why, sir," sais I ; " you can hold a book so near your eyes as not to be able to read a word of it ; hold it off further, and get the right focus, and you can read beautiful. Now the right distance to see a colony, and know all about it, is England. Three thousand miles is the right focus for a political spy-glass. A man livin' here, and who never was out of England, knows twice as much about the provinces as I do." " Oh, you are joking ;" sais he. " Not a bit," sais I." " I find folks here that not only know everything about them countries, but have no doubts upon any matter, and ask no questions ; in fact, they not 19 only know more than nie, but more than tlie people themselves do. what we want. It's curious, but it's a fact." Again, " England, besides other outlets, has a never-failing ona in the colonies, but the colonic liave no outlet. Cromwell and Hampden were actually embarked on board of a vessel in the Thames, for Boston, when they were prevented from sailing by an order in council. What was the consequence? the Sovereign was dethroned. Instead of leading a set of fanatical puritans, and being the first men of a village in Massachusetts, they a.''[tired to be the first men in an Empire, and succeeded. So in the old colonies, — had Washington been sent abroad in coiumand of ii regiment, Adams to govern a colony, Franklin to make experiments in an observatory like that of Greenwich, and a more extended field been opened to colonial talent, the United States would still have continued to be dependencies of Great Britain. There is no room for men of talent in British America ; and, by not affording them an opportunity of distinguishing themselves, or rewarding them when they do, they are always ready to make one by opposi- tion. In comparing iheir situation with that of the inhabitants of the British Isles, they feel that they labour under disabilities : — these disabilities they feel as a degradation ; and as those who impose that degradation live three thousand miles off, it becomes a question whether it is better to suffer or resist." " ' Again,' says you, • My Lord,'— don't forget his title— every man likes the sound of that, it's music to his ears, it's like our splendid national air, Yankee Doodle, you never get tired of it. • My lord,' sais you, ' what do you suppose is the reason the French keep Algiers }' Well, he'll up and say, its an outlet for the fiery spirits of France, it gives them employment and an «pportunity to distinguish themselves, and what the climate and the inimy spare, become valuable officers. It makes good soldiers out of bad subjects. ' Do you call that good policy ?' sais you. Well, he's a trump, is Mr. Stanley ; at least folks say so; and he'll say right off the real, ' Onquestionably it is,— excellent policy.' When he says that, you have him bagged ; he may flounder and 20 spring, like a salmon jist caught, but he can't get out of the landin' net. You've got him, and no mistake. Sais you, • what out-let have you for the Colonies ?' Well, he'll scratch his head and stare at that, for a space. He'll hum and haw a little to get breath, for he never thought of that afore, since he grow'd up ; but he's no fool, I can tell you, and he'll out with his mould, run an answer, and be ready for you in no time. He'll say, * They don't require none, sir. They have no redundant population. They are an outlet themselves.' Sais you, * I wasn't talking of an outlet for population, for France or the provinces nother, I was talking of an outlet for the clever men, for the onquiet ones, for the fiery spirits.' • For that, sir,' he will say, • they have the local patro- nage.* 'Oh!' sais you, 'I warn't aware; I beg pardon, I have been absent some time, as long as twenty days, or perhaps twenty- five, there must have been great changes since I left.* * The gar- rison,* says you. * Is English,* says he. ' The armed ships in the harbour ?' * English.* * The governor and his secretary ?* • English.* ' The principal officers of customs, and principal part of his deputies ?' • English.* ' The commissariat and the staff ?' ' English to a man.* • The Dock-yard people ?' • English.' ♦ The Postmaster Gineral.* ♦ English.* • What I • English ?* sais you, and look all surprised, as if you didn't know. • I thought he was a Colonist, seein' the province pays so much for the mails.' ' No,' he'll say, 'not now; we have jist sent an English one over, for we find it's a good thing that.* * One word more,* sais you, ' and I have done, If your army officers out there, get leave of absence, do you stop their pay ?' ' No.' ' Do you sarve native Colonists the same way?' • No, we stop half their salaries.* * Exactly,* sais you, • make them feel the difference. Always make a nigger feel he is a nigger, or he'll get sassy, you may depend.* " Now, one word as to the objections which have been urged against this scheme of representation, which I have been stating. It has been alleged, that it would not be wise or expedient. 21 to admit Colonial Members of Parliament, — as it would, in fact, alter the principle of Colonial government, not only in England, but of the great maritime states of old, possessing colonies. That English, Irish, and Scotchmen, can readily attend Parliamentary duties — but that could not be convenient from the Colonies ; for, if one colony be permitted to send legisla- tors, all must ; even from the East Indies, and all extremities of our Empire ; and that, already the number of Members of Parliament is too great for convenience. Besides, instead of legislating for the general interests of the Empire, or even of the Colonies, they would be struggling for peculiar advan- tages for their own colony, and thus ministers would be plagued to death by particular, and, possibly too often, petty legislation ; and, thus the wheels of good government, would be clogged and crippled. That Colonial Members of Parliament, being elected for three, five, or seven years, could .ot be without altering the law of Parliament, and interfering with the prerogative of the Crown to dissolve Parliament. Finally, that to a man emigrating, Parliament cannot be claimed on the score of birth-right, for it is relinquished ac- cording to the Constitution by the act of emigrating, so long as the settler resides in the colony, and absents himself from the mother country. For my own part, I find no difficulty in replying to these objections — the only fair objections that have been pressed upon me ; and, I think they will have less and less weight, as the working out of the principles which I have advanced are more and more understood. Now, whether it would be wise or expedient to represent the Colonies at all, or not, is the question, — and there is no question, that the adoption of the principle of these sugges- 22 tions, would alter the principles upon which our Colonial policy is based ; — I need not say, that it has been my object to prove that the modification and alteration of those principles, would be wise and expedient ; and, that the actual state of the Colonies, imperatively demands that change ; — and my con- cluding remark will, I hope, strengthen what I have already advanced. The British system is well adapted for merely British Island purposes ; but for extensive and continuous Empire, and for uniting into one vast people the men of British origin, it is certainly defective. Men of British descent never did, nor will they ever, consent to be treated as inferiors ; — if a man, by the act of emigration, forfeits any one of his birth-rights according to the Constitution, it is, to my mind, a still greater cause for change. Colonists can only be kept down by compulsion, — experience has fatally proved this. It by no means follows, that because you extended to English- men their birth-rights, that, therefore, Hindoos were to have the same privileges, — their privileges are not their birth-right ; nor would small colonial matters come before Parliament ; they would be disposed of by the local legislatures, — Parlia- ment would be relieved from most Colonial questions, which now, as is objected, "plague the Members to death." Misfortunes rarely teach nations ; but one would think that the loss of an Empire, viz. America, would have sunk deep into England's heart's core. Give the Colonists what they seek ; no half measures, but absolute equality with the natives of England; and, in case of need, — and England knows not when her necessities may require it, — many thousands of men would go from the Cape and the Australias to assist in main- taining the integrity of the Empire, in the maintaining of which they were really interested. Whenever England consents to make her Colonics part and 23 parcel of herself, she may confidently calculate upon their doing what is proper, upon all occasions connected with the well-being of the Empire ; — this was experienced before the American War, and will ever be experienced under a system founded upon principles of justice. On the other hand, divest the Colonists of national feelings, by denying them national privileges, and they await only a fitting time and opportunity to become to the British Islands, free, indepen- dent, and hostile states. Knowing the opinions of the men of the Colonies in almost all parts of the Colonial world, I feel the more piirsuaded of the true policy of my proposed national system. So far from it creating difficulty at home, it would act quite the reverse ; difficulty grows out of the contest for those rights of which no removal ought to deprive an Englishman. Is it not absurd, that little fishing islands in the North Sea, should be represented, and rich, populous, and extensive Colonies, should have no one in the House of Commons to express their feelings on empire or Colonial questions, in which they take an interest ? Men born in this country, on going to the Colonies, possess English feelings in no ordinary degree, — the unwise policy which obtains chills those feelings ; their sons have cooler feelings towards the mother country ; and their sons' sons approach to absolute indifference, if not aversion. Before the troubles broke out in Spanish America, in the early part of the present century, the plan of a Constitution was laid before the Cortes, by patriotic men in the Colonies ; the leading principle of which was, to enable the Colonies to be possessed of all and every privilege enjoyed by those residing in Spain, and also to give them the privilege to choose representatives to be sent to the Cortes in Spain, to represent their interests. The plan was not adopted, and M those fatal consequences^ which need not be specified^ occurred; and have scarcely left one colony to that once splendid Empire, which, in earlier periods, was the wonder and admiration of the world. Let us be warned, both by our own experience, and by the experience of others; and let that which constitutes the perfection of friendship, be made manifest upon the most extensive scale, viz, " that a great many generals be made into one; n Bedford Printing Office, 24, Tavistock Street, Covent Garden.