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^ v^/k-^a-rft' 
 
 ^^/•7:^%1^,^C«^ /^-2::<«t-55i<r:>^ 
 
 BRITAIN 
 
 AND 
 
 HER COLONIAL DEPENDENCIES ; 
 
 AND 
 
 THEIR RIGHT 
 
 TO BE REPRESENTED IN PARLIAMENT. 
 
 ^^^ >^>^-*5-3 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 J. HATCHARD AND SON, 187. PICCADILLY. 
 
 MDCrCXLlV. 
 
 PRICE, ONE SHIXiXiXNO. 
 

 
 (• a. 
 
 BEDFORD PRINTINU OFFltK, 
 24, TAVISTOCK STREET, COVENT GARDKN. 
 
 f, 
 
 I 
 
I 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 \ 
 
 In 1839,1 placed the subject matter of the follow- 
 ing pages in the hands of a friend, with a view to be 
 transmitted to Sir Robert Peel, but having reason to 
 apprehend it had not been forwarded, I sent a copy 
 direct to Sir Robert, and was favoured with his answer, 
 acknowledging the receipt. 
 
 My object in thus laying my views before Sir Robert 
 Peel, was my great confidence in his statesman-like 
 application of the means within his power, as the first 
 Minister of the Crown, and his judgment in the 
 choice of expedients for the well-being of the Empire ; 
 and that my scheme, I trusted, would be considered as 
 no Utopian scheme ; but, on the contrary, a just and 
 practicable system of colonization, calculated to exhibit 
 to the world in times to come, the British Isles 
 
i 
 
 I 
 
 and their (lepen<lenGies in strict harmony with each 
 other, reciprocally assisting, and assisted through the 
 natural medium of their common interests. I thought 
 further, that everything was to be expected from a 
 master-mind in times like the present,— times which 
 require the interposition of the 
 
 " Pietate gravem ac mentis si forte virum, ' 
 
 to calm the troubled state ; it is my confident hope that 
 Sir Robert Peel will prove himself to be the man of 
 superior virtue and merit,-— and, that he will, by con- 
 ceding equal rights to British subjects, both at home 
 and abroad,— thus making both the Celt and the Saxon 
 one people, arrest the progress of discontent, and 
 deservedly acquire for himself the praises of pos- 
 terity. 
 
 i 
 
i 
 
 BR IT A I N 
 
 AND 
 
 HER COLONIAL DEPENDENCIES ; 
 
 AND 
 
 THEIR RIGHT 
 
 TO BE REPRESENTED IN PARLIAMENT. 
 
 The wealth, the government, the prosperity, and the extent 
 of our Colonial Empire, are such, that we feel a national pride 
 in reflecting on these possessions. This pride, however, re- 
 ceives a check by reason of their probable instability in 
 reference to that of the Empire at large. The permanency of 
 this great Empire, now mainly depends upon the wisdom of 
 her policy towards her Colonies — Colonial questions are 
 always listened to \vitli reluctance, and often with rude im- 
 patience in England, — she feels herself secure in her Colonies, 
 and hence, perhaps, arises her neglect of them. The vast 
 importance of her Colonial dependencies, was shown in her 
 struggle for existence, in the long war so gloriously termi- 
 nated at Waterloo ; inasmuch, as she could not have sus- 
 tained that war — cut off as she was from the nations of the old 
 world, — if she had not had a resource in her Colonial dominion. 
 The object of tliis paper, is not, however, to enter into that 
 question, but to submit a plan, through the working of which. 
 
 n 
 
the Eniplre may become durable, by establishing that oneiiessi 
 which the enjoyment of the same rij^hts and privileges can 
 alone secure. It is a wretched policy to govern the Colonies 
 upon principles which tend to their separation from the 
 parent state, so soon as they are strong enough to throw off 
 her domination. It is merely a dream to indulge in the idea 
 that any body of Englishmen, will ever willingly consent to 
 their OAVn degradation. This, however, so long as they are 
 deprived, by the policy of the Government, of a voice in the 
 National Councils, must inevitably be the case. The nation 
 does not, it is true, contemplate their degradation — and men in 
 power have not yet considered it m this light — they do not 
 perceive the jiolicy of Colonial representation ; whereas, if 
 equal rights be Jiot conceded, that degradation does virtually 
 subsist, and Colonists, as such, will ever suffer an abridgment 
 of the privileges of Englishmen. 
 
 On the other hand, the admission of the Colonists into 
 those councils of the nation would at once raise them to 
 that status they had lost by expatriation ; and, in return, they 
 would bring to those councils that inteUigence, that informa- 
 tion on Colonial questions — the absence of which, is so detri- 
 mental to the real interests of the Empire. The fear expressed 
 by some Members of Parliament, that the men sent would 
 be unequal to the duties imposed upon them, indicates an 
 entire ignorance of Colonial constituency, and some want of 
 knovdedge of the progress of British minds at work in dis- 
 tant lands. 
 
 The Colonists, be it remembered, are among the most en- 
 terprising of the United Kingdom ; and the class of emi- 
 grants now yearly proceeding to the colonies by thousands, 
 when they become sensible of the humiliating posture in 
 which they and their children are placed, by the mere act of 
 emigrating, will not be the least indignant portion of the 
 Col(jnial population. 
 
 
1 
 
 5 
 
 'i 
 
 It is now obvious what the object of the writer really is, 
 ciz., to extend the principle of Parliamentary representation 
 for Empire purposes ; and, thereby, to consolidate the whole 
 of the British Empire ; actuated by the purest English feeling, 
 he contends for the principle of nationality, which is now not 
 fully and fairly in operation in all its parts, beyond the limits 
 of the British shores. 
 
 There is no foundation for the supposition that the Colo- 
 nial legislatures have a tendency to create difficulties between 
 England and her respective provinces. It is the limiting of 
 the ambition of the Colonists, to merely inferior civil Colonial 
 offices and cutting them off from the hope of superior objects 
 of ambition, that has created the dis caste to British rule, 
 generated opposition, and the fixed lesolve to cast off the 
 yoke altogether, whenever such a step may be found practi- 
 cable. Give, then, to the Colonists, the indelible privileges of 
 Englishmen ; and, at the same time, the exclusive manage- 
 ment of their own local affairs, viewing them as so many distant 
 corporations. The field of honourable ambition once opened — 
 which alone can be offered by the Imperial Legislature to the 
 hopes of the high-minded and gifted men among them, the 
 way is cleared before us, and British connexion would be re- 
 garded in a far different spirit from that which is at present 
 indulged, by thousands of their thinking men. The heart of 
 the Empire would be regarded as their common country, the 
 stability of which all would be interested in maintaining. No 
 man, whose testimony is of any value, but admits the vital 
 importance of keeping up the most intimate connexion with 
 our Colonial dependencies ; every individual at all acquainted 
 with the sources of Britain's strength responds to the senti- 
 ment ; and yet, no one, in any degree conversant with our 
 transmarine possessions, can deny that there is a prevailing, 
 an almost universal discontent. Had such feelings been con- 
 
8 
 
 fined to a single Colony — Canada for example — the reasonable 
 inference would he, the admixture of opposite and rival races ; 
 such ft'clinu,', however, is known universally to prevail — and 
 a Colony, if any, satisfied and contented with the system of 
 Colonial government, unfortunately forms the exception. 
 Under these circumstances, there cannot be the slightest 
 doubt of there being something essentially wrong in the ad- 
 ministration of Colonial affairs. 
 
 Prior to the American Revolution, foreign jealousy of the 
 mighty Colonial possessions of England, was not disguised ; 
 and, since that revolution, hostility to our Colonial Empire has 
 been, and still is, fearfully gaining ground, is increasing, and 
 ought to be checked. 
 
 I am not ignorant of the common opinion, that the sup- 
 posed common lot awaits England, with reference to her de- 
 pendencies — that, as they become strong in internal resources, 
 they will become independent ; and that the mother country 
 will be well rid of such expensive and rebellious children. 
 
 The necessity in the nature of things of this separation, 
 does not appear to deserve the weight generally attached to 
 that argument ; it is admitted that the same causes will always 
 generate the same results — but we do not admit that there is 
 that necessity for a separation, provided adequate means are 
 resorted to, in order to meet the wants and reasonable demands 
 of our fellow subjects, either at home or abroad ; nor, that 
 the removal of the cause of discontent is out of our power. 
 Away then, with the useless lamentation, the Turkish cry 
 of supineness, of " Allah's will be done ;" and the absurd 
 opinions of the inevitable destiny of nature ; the blessing of 
 the good Providence of God, is invariably upon right- 
 doing, and will not be wanting upon a wise and timely altera- 
 tion of the present unpopular and untenable system of the 
 government of Colonies. It is not possible to maintain the 
 
 V 
 
incongruous monstrosity of a disunited Empire ; its duration 
 is only a question of time, and, if a bad system be continued 
 to be upheld, the dismemberment of the Empire, and the pull- 
 ing down of England from her high position as Queen among 
 the Nations, will be subject matter for the future historian, as 
 the prediction of her downfall now is for those who despair 
 of her regeneration. 
 
 In a case like the present, it is absolutely necessary to 
 enter upon the inquiry, earnestly, honestly, and vigorously, 
 not in a factious, or party spirit, but with the determination 
 to discover if another system could not be suggested, which 
 would embody therein a principle of self-interest on the part 
 of the Colonies favourable to the mother country ; a principle, 
 which, whether influencing individuals or communities, is the 
 most powerful of all human ties. 
 
 In entering upon this inquiry, reflections upon the past 
 should be avoided as regards political wrongs, real or 
 supposed. The system hitherto acted upon cannot be 
 defended; it has no defenders ; its ivell working has torn from 
 the Empire the best part of North America — has created a 
 powerful rival state, — and, to persevere in such a system, 
 is to lay the foundatian of present dissatisfaction, and of future 
 disruptions ; — independently of such considerations, no good 
 could grow out of inquiries into the past, but, on the contrary, 
 much evil ; — angry feehngs would be aroused, even unjust 
 recrimination. The men who have worked this system are 
 not to be blamed, they have but done their duty under the 
 circumstances, and have been the irresponsible agents of an 
 erronious system. Surely, it is an absurdity to maintain the 
 impossibility of any Colonial policy calculated to meet this 
 necessity. This is, in truth, no other than a Turkish principle. 
 Empires rise and fall, and there are those who are of 
 opinion that our country has fulfilled her destiny — or, in other 
 
10 
 
 M'ords, that she has arrived at that awful period in which a 
 state can neither remain as it is, nor submit to the 
 necessary remedies. But these men have never reflected that 
 nations have never fallen so long as they have been governed 
 upon sound principles. I do not believe that England has 
 lost the health and vigour of the regenerating principle, and I 
 do hope to point out a plan or course of policy which will 
 prove practicable and remedial. 
 
 England now enjoys the immense advantages of strict 
 loyalty in the Colonies. But how long will she continue to 
 enjoy it ? — what is loyalty ? is it not allegiance springing out 
 of benefits received and secured, by any form of government 
 under which a people may choose to live ? — how then, shall we 
 keep alive this innate loyalty, so salutary in itself? — we shall 
 not do this by the postponement of concessions, until conces- 
 sions be forced by a pressure from without. We must antici- 
 pate demands, and prevent them — we must judge by the cry, 
 that demands will follow, and act accordingly. Let her incor- 
 })orate her Colonists with herself, — let her elevate them to the 
 rank of Britons, nor suffer them to lose one iota of their 
 nationality by passing the seas. They are now little better 
 than a degraded caste, — permit them virtually and actually to 
 be Englishmen, they are now so in name, but not in real'ty ; 
 any thing short of this reality will only be fruitful of dis- 
 satisfaction, unceasing petition, and eventual dismemberment. 
 
 Can any good reason be shown why, when a Briton emi- 
 grates to a distant part of our extended Empire, that the 
 painful act of expatriation should cause him to lose the rank, 
 or be deprived of the exercise of any one privilege of his birth- 
 right as an Englishman ? Will any individual affirm that he 
 really believes that men of property and education, or their 
 children so emigrating, will be contented with rights and 
 privileges short of those enjoyed by the connexions they leave 
 
n 
 
 i 
 
 beliind them in the old country ? The unhappy tendency 
 of our present pohcy is to excite a discontended, and nurse 
 a democratic feeUng in the Colonies ; and yet, witli a perti- 
 nacity as ruinous as it is strange, do the opposers of a modifi- 
 cation in Colonial government still cling to a system which 
 is acknowleged to be defective, as if to illustrate the truth of 
 the axiom — ^^ 
 
 " Qn^m deus vult perdere prius dementat." 
 
 It will perhaps be conceded, that emigrants generally are of 
 enterprising character, and therefore the last men to submit 
 without repining to degradation, or to any abridgment o{ 
 their rights as Englishmen. Who then, can be surprised that 
 the Colonists should not only be dissatisfied with their position, 
 but also evince, from time to time, a spirit which is too 
 often erroneously termed factious radicalism ? 
 
 The opinion that Colonies, as they become strong must 
 of necessity become independent, is undoubtedly entertained 
 by many ; but, as I have said, there is no proof that such 
 would be the result, provided the system tended to amalga- 
 mate those dependencies with the Empire, a concession which 
 can only be rendered perfect by according to their people 
 equal rights and privileges, the denial of which, beyond all 
 question, paves the way for Colonial separation, an event 
 which "justice to the Colonies" would easily avert. 
 
 A despotic state, such as Russia, maintains the integrity of 
 its gigantic empire by the exercise of the severest tyranny, 
 equally exercised in Petersburg, as in newly acquired 
 countries ; and, let what may be said to the contrary, they are 
 all thereby made equal; no superiority of local position can be 
 be claimed by one subject over the other ; and hence, a great 
 source of the strength of that power. But Britain is a free 
 state; — that which may be safely done in Russia, in main- 
 tenanceof her power, cannot be attempted without danger in the 
 
12 
 
 British dominions, if brought to bear against strong Colonies. 
 In proof of this, the results in America may be cited, and 
 the weaker would submit most reluctantly, and only so long as 
 they were compelled to do so ; and in war they would prove 
 to be anything but a source of strength. 
 
 Britain gives too much personal freedom to the subject in 
 the Colonies, safely to withhold political power on the exclu- 
 sive management of their local affairs. There is scarcely a 
 Colonialpossession belonging to England, that is not distracted 
 by public meetings, and associations to protect themselves, if 
 possible, against what is called British encroachments and 
 British injustice, and where the power of the Crown checks 
 the expression of the feeling, and keeps down the appearance 
 of discontent, it by no means prevents it. 
 
 Such being the fact, would it not be wise to consider how 
 far the Colonists could be safely intrusted with the manage- 
 ment of their local affairs ? The very admission of the 
 opponents of such Colonial concession, supporters of the 
 irresponsible rule of the Colonial office, and admirers of the 
 policy, miserable as it has proved to be, of keeping Colonists 
 in a state of bondage, and treating them as aliens, — that the 
 time must come when they will throw off the yoke of Britain, 
 proves the folly and infatuation of pursuing the present 
 unstatesman-like course. Colonists are far from averse to 
 British connexion or to British laws — they are proud of the 
 one, and claim participation in the other as a right ; the first 
 is shown by the generous glow of their feelings of patriotism, 
 by frequent petitions for the peculiarly British privileges — 
 trial by jury and self-legislation.* 
 
 I here, by way of illustration, can but observe, that in 
 
 * It has delighted me to see the concessions which have been 
 made, since the above was written, to Australia; and it is my hope 
 that these concessions are precursory to that enlaiged policy which is 
 contemplated in this pamphlet. 
 
13 
 
 I 
 
 Rhode Island, where the same constitution is now possessed 
 which it originally received, this disposition to cherish old 
 laws and customs is strongly manifested, — that state is linked 
 to the United States by sending members to the General 
 Congress. This right is the link whic!. holds those powerful 
 states together ; and as their territories, as they term their 
 Colonies, become populated, they are attached to the States 
 by similar links and so become nationahzed. Will any man 
 be bold enough to say that America would hold together one 
 day, if the original union of thirteen States had ruled, or had 
 attempted to rule, the population of the additional thirteen 
 States ? The conclusion is obvious : — 
 
 Taking this general view of the subject, it is proposed 
 first that every Colony of Enghshmen, possessing a British 
 population of a given number, should have the privilege of 
 returning to the House of Commons deputies to represent 
 their general interests in that House, and that absolute local 
 legislative control should be accorded to every Colony reaching 
 a certain population, for local purposes. 
 
 That every individual possessing the requisite qualifica- 
 tion for a Member of the Imperial Legislature, should be 
 entitled to take his seat in the House of Commons, provided 
 he should be elected by, at least, two-thirds of the Colonial 
 Legislature for that purpose ; and also that any individual in 
 any of our Colonies, provided he possess the requisite qualifi- 
 tion, shall l)e eligible to represent any given constituency 
 in any part of Great Britain and Ireland, in the British House 
 of Commons. 
 
 In return for this equitable concession, it is contended that 
 all Colonies, after twenty years location, should bear their 
 quota of any charge incurred for the defence of the Empire in 
 any future war, according to a population scale, — the Colony 
 to raise the same through her own local legislature. There 
 
14 
 
 never was a greater error, nor a more niisdiievous stalemeni, 
 that Colonists are reluctant to bear ;in equitable share of our 
 national war-burdens. Englishmen naturally are as ready to 
 consent to that which is fair and equal, as they are prone to 
 resist injustice. This spirit of equity is the strength of the 
 Empire, and as such it ought to be carefully cherished. 
 
 Again, Members to sit in Parliament should be elected for 
 a fixed period of three, five, or seven years, as might be 
 agreed upon, and not to be determined by any change in the 
 Imperial Parl'ament, those members to be chosen by at least 
 two-thirds of the local legislature. This mode would be pre- 
 ferable to having the Members chosen by the people at large, 
 as it would prevent a diiference of opinion between the Mem- 
 bei's sent to the Imperial Parliament and the Colonial legis- 
 lature. Upon the dissolution of the Imperial Parliament, of 
 course the functions of the Colonial Members to be in abey- 
 ance until a new Parliament was assembled. An objection 
 may be made to this proposal, that it would be against the 
 Constitution, in answer to which we may challenge the objector 
 to point out in what respect it is against the Constitution, any 
 more than it is to appoint a Member of the Upper House 
 of Parliament as a permanent legislator, and may we not 
 aptly view our Constitution as a scheme of government 
 which accomodates itself, by its capability of adapting itself 
 to circumstances, as the happiness and peace of the people 
 and power of the Empire at large may demand. Such rights 
 conceded to the Colonies would make it their interest to con- 
 tinue attached to the mother country. Every community 
 possesses ambitious men, — they will either be useful or 
 miscliievous ; useful if secured in the enjoyment of their birth- 
 right, — mischievous if deprived of it. The nation would 
 have the benefit of hearing the opinions of men really conver- 
 sant \vith Colonial questions, who would possess the confidence 
 
15 
 
 of at least two-tliirds of tlieir local House of Kepreseiitrttivos 
 and of a large majority of the Colonists, this would give them the 
 necessary influence at home ; these men being eligible to 
 fill the highest ofHces of the state will be in the right position ' 
 and colonists then would no longer feel themselves in a de- 
 graded state, but Englishmen; indeed, they would be considered 
 by the British public as part of themselves. In the event of 
 war, the most remote of our possessions would be as enthusi- 
 astic for the national honour and for the interests of the Empire 
 as the people of the father-land. They would feel the British 
 Isles to be their common country, while the Colonies would 
 offer a perpetual outlet for its superabundant population. 
 Instead of restless dissatisfaction, contentment would reign 
 throughout our expanded sway. Other states might even 
 covet admission into such a circle. Possibly the United 
 States themselves might evince an inclination to rejoin the 
 standard of their race, and that, in order to enjoy the advan- 
 tages of free trade, which would thus be carried out to an in- 
 definite extent, unaflFected by the jealousies or hostilities of 
 foreign powers. To expect that the principles of free trade 
 can be worked extensively by rival nations, of different races 
 is to hope too much from man. Foreign Nations will impose 
 heavy duties upon our products, we cannot control or influ- 
 ence their legislatures, and the result must be a decrease of 
 trade with such nations ; for one country purchases only from 
 absolute necessity from another, which excludes her own pro- 
 ductions from her markets. 
 
 That Colonies must always be expensive, governed as they now 
 are, is no doubt true, but were they allowed to govern them- 
 selves, after surveillance of twenty-years, the colony would be 
 able to meet all its expenses, unless a place held for its military 
 position such, for example as Gibraltar and, I may add, the 
 Falkland islands. They are generally able to do so in the 
 United States and they are known to flourish in a degree 
 
IG 
 
 that is perfectly surprising to us who pursue a different policy. 
 Tliat Colonies are of no real value to England, is an opinion 
 which has been broached, but it is thought that those persons 
 who indulge in such an opinion are very few, and that the 
 public generally do not concur in it ; it is altogether too 
 absurd. The facts lately brought before the world of the trade 
 with our own Australian Colonies exceeding that of Prussia, 
 Denmark, Sweden and Norway combined — should convince 
 such persons how erroneous their opinions are, and should 
 satisfy them that the power and prosperity of Britain would 
 pass away if she were stripped of her despised Colonies. — 
 It is very true, that should we continue to govern them as 
 heretofore, the Colonies will prove but of comparatively small 
 value, either as a source of wealth or of strength ; — 
 suifer them to govern themselves, and to share the honour of 
 the parent state and they will be bound to the-^'i^mpire by all 
 the ties that bind man to man. 
 
 we^i'^gard ihe Colonies as 
 the means of an extension of trade, ht as outlets for our emi- 
 grating population, we should cease to consider them useful 
 only for the benefit of British ministerial patronage. It is 
 the abuse of patronage that gives rise to angry feelings among, 
 all classes both at home and abroad, this it is which often 
 casts reproach upon the Minister of the Crown, and brings 
 upon him deserved unpopularity ; act upon just principles, 
 and the value of the Colonies will be daily made manifest to 
 the most incredulous. 
 
 The American traders, who are now emissaries of discontent 
 and sedition, would envy the lot of Colonial Britons, or of 
 those conquered provinces admitted to the privileges of 
 Britons. They would not then be able to taunt the Colonists 
 with a want of freedom, they would see and feel that there 
 was a national British feeling from one end of the world to 
 other ; and that, if need were, our flag would find devoted 
 friends in the remotest seas, and that its appearance would be 
 
 
> 
 
 n 
 
 
 hailed with confidence and affection ; never again would the 
 disgraceful scene be enacted in a British port as the flogging* 
 of one of her subjects and the insulting of her Magistrates in 
 contempt of that flag ! Britain, acting upon those principles, 
 her power being based upon the interest of her sons and 
 public opinion, would retain her position as mistress of the 
 ocean, and commence an empire which would be bounded 
 alone by the world's limits. 
 
 America at this moment possesses several thousands of 
 seamen in the Pacific, and East of the Cape of Good Hope ; 
 England also, has her seamen there ; let her but follow the 
 suggestions now submitted, and, in the event of war with that 
 power. Letters of Marque could be issued and vessels fitted 
 out at private cost in Australia alone, which would clear those 
 seas of enemies — we mean such enemies as would be de- 
 structive to our trade. Continue the past, or rather the 
 present, principles, and under any circumstances, impress one 
 seaman, it is feared that America would then clear those seas 
 of the British merchant flag ; — for it may be relied upon that 
 Colonial seamen can never be trusted while their rights as 
 Englishmen are disregarded. These principles acted upon, we 
 should hear no more of our seamen going to America — 
 America would have enough to do to keep her own ; they 
 already desert from their whahng ships to remain in Australia, 
 finding it to be their interest to attach themselves to the Co- 
 lonial Australian employment, for the very same reason our 
 men have left England for America, viz., because they there are 
 better paid than in their own country. 
 
 We may, perhaps, be further permitted to add that repub- 
 lican institutions have been, and still are, held up to English- 
 men as possessing greater advantages than any other form of 
 government; this is contrary to our conviction ; we think 
 
 See Swan River Paper, the « Inquirer," 24th March, 1841. 
 
18 
 
 that our government of a limited monarchy, witli the rei)re-> 
 aentative system is })y far the best, possessing all the advan- 
 tages of a republican, without its unceasing liability to change. 
 But whatever opinions we may entertain upon that point, the 
 monarchical and republican principles are undergoing a trial 
 in the contest now carrying on between the two great powers, 
 Great Britain and America — nations sprung from the same 
 stock. The system now suggested for consideration, it may 
 reasonably be expected, would cause the scale to preponderate 
 in favour of the monarchical principles and consequently of 
 British interests, which, we trust, are those of mankind. 
 Since I first published the above in 1839, 1 find parts of my 
 argument most clearly corroborated by Mr. Halliburton, in his 
 "Sam Slick in England," pubHshed early in 1843, which I 
 must do myself the justice to quote at length, for the purpose 
 of enforcing my statements, and in the hope that the hint will 
 not be lost upon, but be made available by those upon whom 
 tlevolves the government of our colonial possessions. 
 
 I copy the follow' ng passages from that work : — 
 
 " Your long acquaintance with the provinces, and familiar in- 
 tercourse with the people ;" saishe, (the Colonial Minister) "must 
 have made you quite at home on all colonial topics." " I though*.; 
 so once," sais I ; " but I don't think so now no more, sir ?" " Why 
 how is that ?" saishe. " Why, sir," sais I ; " you can hold a book so 
 near your eyes as not to be able to read a word of it ; hold it off 
 further, and get the right focus, and you can read beautiful. Now 
 the right distance to see a colony, and know all about it, 
 is England. Three thousand miles is the right focus for a political 
 spy-glass. A man livin' here, and who never was out of England, 
 knows twice as much about the provinces as I do." " Oh, you are 
 joking ;" sais he. " Not a bit," sais I." " I find folks here that 
 not only know everything about them countries, but have no 
 doubts upon any matter, and ask no questions ; in fact, they not 
 
19 
 
 only know more than nie, but more than tlie people themselves do. 
 what we want. It's curious, but it's a fact." 
 
 Again, " England, besides other outlets, has a never-failing ona 
 in the colonies, but the colonic liave no outlet. Cromwell and 
 Hampden were actually embarked on board of a vessel in the 
 Thames, for Boston, when they were prevented from sailing by an 
 order in council. What was the consequence? the Sovereign was 
 dethroned. Instead of leading a set of fanatical puritans, and 
 being the first men of a village in Massachusetts, they a.''[tired to 
 be the first men in an Empire, and succeeded. So in the old 
 colonies, — had Washington been sent abroad in coiumand of ii 
 regiment, Adams to govern a colony, Franklin to make experiments 
 in an observatory like that of Greenwich, and a more extended 
 field been opened to colonial talent, the United States would still 
 have continued to be dependencies of Great Britain. There is no 
 room for men of talent in British America ; and, by not affording 
 them an opportunity of distinguishing themselves, or rewarding 
 them when they do, they are always ready to make one by opposi- 
 tion. In comparing iheir situation with that of the inhabitants 
 of the British Isles, they feel that they labour under disabilities : — 
 these disabilities they feel as a degradation ; and as those who 
 impose that degradation live three thousand miles off, it becomes 
 a question whether it is better to suffer or resist." 
 
 " ' Again,' says you, • My Lord,'— don't forget his title— every 
 man likes the sound of that, it's music to his ears, it's like our 
 splendid national air, Yankee Doodle, you never get tired of it. 
 • My lord,' sais you, ' what do you suppose is the reason the 
 French keep Algiers }' Well, he'll up and say, its an outlet for 
 the fiery spirits of France, it gives them employment and an 
 «pportunity to distinguish themselves, and what the climate and 
 the inimy spare, become valuable officers. It makes good soldiers 
 out of bad subjects. ' Do you call that good policy ?' sais you. 
 Well, he's a trump, is Mr. Stanley ; at least folks say so; and he'll 
 say right off the real, ' Onquestionably it is,— excellent policy.' 
 When he says that, you have him bagged ; he may flounder and 
 
20 
 
 spring, like a salmon jist caught, but he can't get out of the landin' 
 net. You've got him, and no mistake. Sais you, • what out-let 
 have you for the Colonies ?' Well, he'll scratch his head and stare 
 at that, for a space. He'll hum and haw a little to get breath, for 
 he never thought of that afore, since he grow'd up ; but he's no 
 fool, I can tell you, and he'll out with his mould, run an answer, 
 and be ready for you in no time. He'll say, * They don't require 
 none, sir. They have no redundant population. They are an 
 outlet themselves.' Sais you, * I wasn't talking of an outlet for 
 population, for France or the provinces nother, I was talking of an 
 outlet for the clever men, for the onquiet ones, for the fiery 
 spirits.' • For that, sir,' he will say, • they have the local patro- 
 nage.* 'Oh!' sais you, 'I warn't aware; I beg pardon, I have 
 been absent some time, as long as twenty days, or perhaps twenty- 
 five, there must have been great changes since I left.* * The gar- 
 rison,* says you. * Is English,* says he. ' The armed ships in 
 the harbour ?' * English.* * The governor and his secretary ?* 
 
 • English.* ' The principal officers of customs, and principal 
 part of his deputies ?' • English.* ' The commissariat and the 
 staff ?' ' English to a man.* • The Dock-yard people ?' 
 
 • English.' ♦ The Postmaster Gineral.* ♦ English.* • What I 
 
 • English ?* sais you, and look all surprised, as if you didn't know. 
 
 • I thought he was a Colonist, seein' the province pays so much 
 for the mails.' ' No,' he'll say, 'not now; we have jist sent 
 an English one over, for we find it's a good thing that.* 
 
 * One word more,* sais you, ' and I have done, If your army 
 officers out there, get leave of absence, do you stop their pay ?' 
 ' No.' ' Do you sarve native Colonists the same way?' • No, we stop 
 half their salaries.* * Exactly,* sais you, • make them feel the 
 difference. Always make a nigger feel he is a nigger, or he'll get 
 sassy, you may depend.* " 
 
 Now, one word as to the objections which have been urged 
 against this scheme of representation, which I have been 
 stating. 
 
 It has been alleged, that it would not be wise or expedient. 
 
21 
 
 to admit Colonial Members of Parliament, — as it would, in 
 fact, alter the principle of Colonial government, not only in 
 England, but of the great maritime states of old, possessing 
 colonies. 
 
 That English, Irish, and Scotchmen, can readily attend 
 Parliamentary duties — but that could not be convenient from 
 the Colonies ; for, if one colony be permitted to send legisla- 
 tors, all must ; even from the East Indies, and all extremities 
 of our Empire ; and that, already the number of Members 
 of Parliament is too great for convenience. Besides, instead 
 of legislating for the general interests of the Empire, or even 
 of the Colonies, they would be struggling for peculiar advan- 
 tages for their own colony, and thus ministers would be 
 plagued to death by particular, and, possibly too often, petty 
 legislation ; and, thus the wheels of good government, would 
 be clogged and crippled. 
 
 That Colonial Members of Parliament, being elected for 
 three, five, or seven years, could .ot be without altering the 
 law of Parliament, and interfering with the prerogative of the 
 Crown to dissolve Parliament. 
 
 Finally, that to a man emigrating, Parliament cannot be 
 claimed on the score of birth-right, for it is relinquished ac- 
 cording to the Constitution by the act of emigrating, so long 
 as the settler resides in the colony, and absents himself from 
 the mother country. 
 
 For my own part, I find no difficulty in replying to these 
 objections — the only fair objections that have been pressed 
 upon me ; and, I think they will have less and less weight, 
 as the working out of the principles which I have advanced 
 are more and more understood. 
 
 Now, whether it would be wise or expedient to represent 
 the Colonies at all, or not, is the question, — and there is no 
 question, that the adoption of the principle of these sugges- 
 
22 
 
 tions, would alter the principles upon which our Colonial 
 policy is based ; — I need not say, that it has been my object to 
 prove that the modification and alteration of those principles, 
 would be wise and expedient ; and, that the actual state of the 
 Colonies, imperatively demands that change ; — and my con- 
 cluding remark will, I hope, strengthen what I have already 
 advanced. 
 
 The British system is well adapted for merely British 
 Island purposes ; but for extensive and continuous Empire, 
 and for uniting into one vast people the men of British 
 origin, it is certainly defective. Men of British descent never 
 did, nor will they ever, consent to be treated as inferiors ; — 
 if a man, by the act of emigration, forfeits any one of his 
 birth-rights according to the Constitution, it is, to my mind, a 
 still greater cause for change. Colonists can only be kept 
 down by compulsion, — experience has fatally proved this. 
 It by no means follows, that because you extended to English- 
 men their birth-rights, that, therefore, Hindoos were to have 
 the same privileges, — their privileges are not their birth-right ; 
 nor would small colonial matters come before Parliament ; 
 they would be disposed of by the local legislatures, — Parlia- 
 ment would be relieved from most Colonial questions, which 
 now, as is objected, "plague the Members to death." 
 
 Misfortunes rarely teach nations ; but one would think that 
 the loss of an Empire, viz. America, would have sunk deep 
 into England's heart's core. Give the Colonists what they 
 seek ; no half measures, but absolute equality with the natives 
 of England; and, in case of need, — and England knows not 
 when her necessities may require it, — many thousands of men 
 would go from the Cape and the Australias to assist in main- 
 taining the integrity of the Empire, in the maintaining of 
 which they were really interested. 
 
 Whenever England consents to make her Colonics part and 
 
23 
 
 parcel of herself, she may confidently calculate upon their 
 doing what is proper, upon all occasions connected with the 
 well-being of the Empire ; — this was experienced before the 
 American War, and will ever be experienced under a system 
 founded upon principles of justice. On the other hand, 
 divest the Colonists of national feelings, by denying them 
 national privileges, and they await only a fitting time and 
 opportunity to become to the British Islands, free, indepen- 
 dent, and hostile states. 
 
 Knowing the opinions of the men of the Colonies in almost 
 all parts of the Colonial world, I feel the more piirsuaded of 
 the true policy of my proposed national system. So far from 
 it creating difficulty at home, it would act quite the reverse ; 
 difficulty grows out of the contest for those rights of which no 
 removal ought to deprive an Englishman. 
 
 Is it not absurd, that little fishing islands in the North Sea, 
 should be represented, and rich, populous, and extensive 
 Colonies, should have no one in the House of Commons to 
 express their feelings on empire or Colonial questions, in 
 which they take an interest ? 
 
 Men born in this country, on going to the Colonies, possess 
 English feelings in no ordinary degree, — the unwise policy 
 which obtains chills those feelings ; their sons have cooler 
 feelings towards the mother country ; and their sons' sons 
 approach to absolute indifference, if not aversion. 
 
 Before the troubles broke out in Spanish America, in the 
 early part of the present century, the plan of a Constitution 
 was laid before the Cortes, by patriotic men in the Colonies ; 
 the leading principle of which was, to enable the Colonies to 
 be possessed of all and every privilege enjoyed by those 
 residing in Spain, and also to give them the privilege to 
 choose representatives to be sent to the Cortes in Spain, to 
 represent their interests. The plan was not adopted, and 
 
M 
 
 those fatal consequences^ which need not be specified^ 
 occurred; and have scarcely left one colony to that once 
 splendid Empire, which, in earlier periods, was the wonder 
 and admiration of the world. 
 
 Let us be warned, both by our own experience, and by the 
 experience of others; and let that which constitutes the 
 perfection of friendship, be made manifest upon the most 
 extensive scale, viz, " that a great many generals be made into 
 
 one; 
 
 n 
 
 Bedford Printing Office, 24, Tavistock Street, Covent Garden.