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LONGLEY, Attorney-General of Nova Scotia. fThe within article Is such a clean-cut presentation of the necessity and wi.srtoni of the free discussion of the Future of Canada, that the undersigned ventures to reprint it, with a desire to aid in its wide distribution. The vast importance of the subject, tlie ever present disposition to discuss it, and above all the wisdom of penuitting the freest expression of opiuion, justifies every friend of his country in the attempt to elicit all that can be said in regard to its destiny. — Ekastus Wiman.] av pa Oil mil mil bii ca Doi Joi hal Jia iri) THE FUTURE OF CANADA. By Hon. J. V/. LONGLEY, Attornej-'Geueral of Nova Scotia. Thoufib tlie most important and far-reaching' question that can possibly engage the attention of the Canadian people, it is only very recently that any large number of Canadians have begun to manifest any real interest in it. The ])resent is fairly comfortable, and the tendency among masses is to be indifferent to all matters which do not actually press themselves upon their notice by some pal- pable inconvenience. Yet it seems beyond all doubt that Canadians will, sooner or later, realize that the problem must be seriously faced. Differences of opinion may and must continue to exist as to the wisest and best solution, but all thoughtful persons must agree that colonists we cannot always remain, and many will recognize that it is not honorable nor desirable that colonists we should much longer remain. While the time has past for being indifferent, the time has not yet come for dogmatizing. A great many things have to be carefully, indeed anxiously, weighed. The stage of discussion has been reached and it is the duty of intelligent men to think about it, to reflect gravely upon msammmmm ma^smmmm 2 the question, and speak fully and without passion or pre- judice in regard to the issue. The i)urpose of this paper is simply to clear the ground so that the discussion, which is bound to come, may be rational and fair. More than one alternative is presented to the Canadian i)eople, and if a wise decision is to be reached, the most absolute and unfettered freedom must be alforded for ])resenting all sides of the question. This statement is necessary because many of those who are speaking' upon this momentous question approach it as if it were base or treasonable to advocate any otlier than one alternative. We are constantly reminded that we are British subjects and owe allegiance to the British Sovereign, and that it is, therefore, wicked, ungTateful and ignoble to suggest any alternative except that asso- ciated with the British Empire. We are at liberty to accei)t any changes within the scope of British citizen- ship, but to go outside would be traitorous and vile. It may be that our true interests will continue to be bound up with the Em])ire of which Ave at present form a part, but most men will prefer to reach this conclusion after a careful examination and lull investigation of all the other alternatives. Speaking in general terms, it may be said that Cana- dians have the choice of at least four alternatives : First. — liemainiug as we are — a colonial possession of the empire. Second. — A direct political alliance with the empire, involving representation in the nominal councils and a share in the responsibilities and achievements of the whole nation. Third. — Political union with the great English nation lying beside us on this continent, with whom we are in- < pre- ►uiid y be nted o be must This » are ; as if than lat we Jritisb •ateful 3 asso- irty to jitizen- ilc. It ) bouiul a part, after a le otlier it (Jaua- issiou of empire, lis and a s of the jh nation ye are in- timately associated and connected by geography, race, language, laws and civilization. Fourth. — An independent nationality with our own flag and our own national responsibilities. , , ^ Tliese four seem to embrace all the alternatives within the range of practical politics. Of course, it is open to the Canadian people to seek an alliance with France, (lermany or any otlier nation, but such solutions are simply imaginative and do not represent any principle or reason. But each one of the four i)resented are natural, and on behalf of any one of them much can be said. All of them are in the minds of thoughtful people, and all are so far within the range of the possible and i)ractical that they ought to be weighed carefully, and no decision should be reached until the contingencies which each presents have been maturely considered. I am going to repefit the remark that no wise conclusion can be reached unless there be uutranmieled discussion, and, therefore, there must be no degrees of virtue in the advocacy of one alternative over another. There can be no discussion at all if such a thing as gag law be applied. Therefore, I lay down the wide i)rinciple that any citizen of Canada is absolutely free to advocate any one of the four alternatives presented, and as free to advocate one as another. 2s' or can the position of the citizen in any way affect this right. What is honorable for an indepen- dent citizen to do cannot be dishonorable for an office- holding citizen to do, and what is base and improper for a man holding office to say or do in respect of the des- tinies of his country cannot possibly be right and high- minded in a man not holding office. In this view I must, with great reluctance, on account of the great resi)ect and regard I have for Sir Oliver Mowat, respectfully take issue with Iiis action in relation to his oHIcer, Mr. El^in Myers, Q.C. There is no man in (Janada for wliom I have greater esteem than the able and high-minded Premier of Ontario. J am his political friend and I trust his per- sonal friend as well. Nor do I deny his right to remove ofiicers serving under hhii who are distasteful to Iiim. But with a full sense of the responsibility of my Avords, I declare that 1 know of no law, civil or moral, which pre- vents Mr. Elgin Myers or any otlier Canadian ftom advocating political union with the United States. That he is a sworn official has nothing to do with tlie case, so far as I can see. Sir Oliver Mowat is the Premier and Attorney-Oeneral of Ontario: is there any law which commands him to remain silent if his Judgment becomes satisiied that the union of this country with the United States would be the best destiny available for his country? John Bright, one of the bravest and most patriotic Britons of modern times, while a meml)er of the Parlia- ment of Oreat Britain and under the obligations of an ^^oath," if that could make any difference, repeatedly advocated the union of Caiiada and the United States in the most clear and emphatic terms, irere are his Avords : "I Bhould say that if a man line! a great heart within hira he wonhl rather look forward to the day wlieu from that point of land which 18 habitable nearest the pole to the shores of the great gulf the whole of that vast coutiuout might become one great confederation of states-without a great army and without a great uavy-not mix- ing Itself up with the entanglements of European politics-witliout a enstom house inside througli the whole length and breadth of its territory— and with freedom everywhere, law everywhere, peace everywhere-such a confederation would afford at least some hope that man is not forsaken of Heaven, and that the future of our race may be better than the past."— 7^c/*rfrf7f, Dev. \(h, 1861. J 1 IV e lier >er- ovc liiu. Is, 1 pre- fioin riiat je, so and vbicli oines luited )r liis itriotic rarlia- ^ of ail eatedly bates in words : he ^vouUl gulf tlio federation -not mlx- i— without xrttb of its ere, pence some liope of our race Again: "I see one ,va.st conftxlcratioii stretching froui the frozen noi-th in unbroken lino to the glowing wontli, and from the wild billowa of the Atlantic ■^^08tward to the calmer Avaters of the Pacific main, — and I see one jieople, and one language, and one law, and one fiiith, and, over all that wide contiiujut the home of freedonj, and a refuge for the oppressed of every race and every clime." Jiit'minn. The ing, the )endence mce. Is in this? the other timent is appealed to in the most veliement miinner. Ui)on this point there is need of clear definition. In the work of building up a nation there must needs be sentiment — without it there can bono consolidation, no strength, no permanency. A man's country is, in an enlarged sense, hisliome. For it he must havelove, a .d in it he must have pride. No wise person would think of denying this. But there must be more than mere sentiment in the ccmstitu- tion of a nation. To have success in national life there must be community of interest in the component parts. I>ut coming to the case of Canada, where we are anxiously ap- pealing to sentiment among the people in settling its destiny, it is a proper question to ascertain to ^\hat and to whom the generous iustin(;ts of a lofty patriotism are due. That Canadians should love their country and bend every energy to its prosperity and glory none will deny, liut here comes in the blunt question. — What is the Canadian's country ? Is it Canada, or is it (jreat Britain ? If the first and supreme obligations of i^atriotism belong to (Ireat Britain, then love for Canada as such is prac- tically treason. To state such a propositiim is to demon- strate its absurdity. There is hardly a rational being within the bounds of this Dominion who will not agree that instinct as well as duty impel an unfaltering love and devotion to this, our own country, and inspire thiij as the first and irresistible impulse of every j)atriotic Canadian. We love our empire because it is our empire, and because our interests are at this moment bound up in its common welfare. But it does not follow that the time will not come when Canadians will have a right to decide that their interests and those of Great Britain diverge, and their duty demands a separate career. Let us not ignore the value and power of sentiment, but let asms . ft^ U .k« •>«*«*«»«•. jrsii US also see that it is properly conceived and riglitly direct- ed. If any devoted imperialist doubts tiie accuracy of the proposition that the period can ever arise when a colony, so-called, can honorably assume the responsi- bilities of a separate nationality, let him suppose, if he will, that ('anada shall remain a <5olony for the next (eighty years. By that time the population will probably be about forty millions and the accumuhited wealth enor- mous. The poi)ulation of the British Isles is not likely to increase much in that period, and we shall have the problem : (Ireat Britain forty millions and Canada forty millions. — Who will say that one country has better right to independent national existence than the other, or that one is under any more loyal obligation to be a depen- dency of the oth'^r? I understand the contract between a colony and a parent country to be fittingly illustrated by the contract between parent and child. During the period of childhood there is to be protection on the part of the pa .^nt and obedience and devotion on the part of the child. When the child is grown up it is his duty as well as his right to seek and assume the responsibilities of life on his own account, if a son, or, if a daughter, to bid a fond adieu to the old home and bathed in paternal l)lessings to seek a new home under entirely ditferent auspices. But the imperialist will say that the interests of Canada are most intimately bound up with the British Empire, and consecinently the best possible course for us is to be- come a co-ordinate i)art, shaving its responsibilities and its fortunes. This is a fair proposition ; it is one well worthy to be discussed. But it involves another proposition absolutely essential to all discussion whatever — namely, the right of the Canadian people freely to decide the ( y ilircct- acy of vlieu a spoiisi- 3, if lie lc next obably li euor- t likely iive tUe la forty er right or that (lepeu- jetweeu istrated ring the e part of xtofthe T as well ilities of r, to bid paternal ditterent f Canada Empire, i is to be- es and its 11 woithy ■oposition —namely, lecide the (luestion. If the best interests of Canada are to be sub- served by Imperial Federation, then I am for Imperial Federation, becanse I am for the best interests of Canada, and be<'ause I olaim the right as a Canadian to deeide the destinies of my country according to its highest in- terests. But Avhile I am listening intently to the propo- sition of my imperialist friend, another steps forward and says : But I am prepared to show that the best interests of Canada will subserved by an independent national ex- istence. True, the sentiment lies in that direction. We have a great heritage, and are fast developing a deep- seated national i)ride. To us Canada is the dearest name anioiig the nations of the earth. Let us have faith and courage, and facing the awful responsibilities of to-day, bequeath to our childrcp a country worthy of their love and brigiit with glorious promise. To quote the stirring words of Koberts : " How long- the iudolouce, ere thou diiro Achieve thy destiny, seize tliy fame, — lae our [)roud eyes behold tlieo bonr A nation's iranchiso, nation's uanie ?'' Here, then, I have two distinct propositions presented to my consideration. Both appeal to the instincts of patriotism, and alike inflame the imagination. Both present features well worthy of serious reflection from the standpoint of material interest. IIow can I or any other Canadian upon whom will be imposed the responsi- bility of ultimately deciding the question, reach an in- telligent and wise decision unless the fullest latitude be given to the discussion of the relative merits of both ? And what is the use of discussion at all if there be some occult, mysterious and overshadowing obligation to Great liritain, which renders it dishonorable for me and ray fel- >WMM*«MM»*»«M 10 \ low Canadians to exercise onr judgment and make a free choice % As between Imperial Federation and Independence there are, after all, i^vf rational beings in Canada who will question the right of the Canadian people to fairly discuss and freely decide. A few gushing loyalists may rave, but the innate common sense of the Canadian people will decide once and for all that the Canadian people are free to choose their own destiny. But there is one stej) farther to go before we have cleared the ground for a fair discussion of the question. After my Imperial Federation friend has dazzled me with his pictures of a united empire, and my Canada first friend has influenced me with the glories of an indepen- dent national life, yet a third steps forward and claims m}^ attention. What is his message? Let him speak, and give him respectful audience : '' Why need we seek alliances with European countries," he says, " when we have the full outlines of a most perfect civilization on our own continent ? Why do you seek to impose up(Ui Cana- dians the burden of maintaining a standing army simply to take a hand in the selfish game of European diplomacy ? Beside us on this continent is a nation that within the comi)ass of a little more than a century has outstripped in population, in accumulated wealth, and internal re- sources, the greatest of European nations. She stands without a rival in ii lusirial progress. Every citizen is a wage-earner and a producer, while every nation in Europe is supporting hundreds of thousands of men in idleness so far as productive returns are concerned, solely as a national ])olice, and a necessary safeguard against in- vasion and conquest. In America standing armies are needless, because w^e are not concerruMl in the w astes and a f( a m i\\ wl tlf \\\ S] nil jiii I i liMiiliM tutiMtmiimmmimmmmmmmMmikmiimumiJi LC a free lencleiioe atla who to faii'ly ists may in people eople are one stei> for a fair izzled me nada first 1 indepen- claimsmy peak, and we seek " when we tion on our ipon Cana- ly simply to liplomacy '? within the outstripped internal re- She stands Y citizen is a ,n in Europe I in idleness solely as a acjainst in- r armies are e wastes and 11 burdens which afflict the mihtary-riddeu nations of modern Eurojie. Beside us and sharinj;* the continent with us is a nation speaking the same language, sprung from the same race, and animated by the same impulses as ourselves. The United States was once a colony like ourselves, and derived its origin from the same cradle. With its enormous progress it must in time have estab- lished an independent nationality in any case. Under normal conditions the communities which now constitute Canada would have been linked with the communities which now form the Ignited States. Unfortunately in- cidents occurred more than a century ago which caused them to separate from the mother-land in anger and by force. We in Canada represent, for the most part, the descendtiUts of those who preferred to stand bj^ the em pire. But history has decided that the resisting colonists Avere justified, and time has demonstrated that as de- scendants of the great Anglo-Saxon race they had the capacity for self-government and the power to achieve the most wonderful national progress the w^orld has ev^ seen. Time has mellowed the old animosities and coni- pletely changed the conditions under which our ancestors separated from theirs. Why should we longer remain apart? Our interests arc identical. ^Vhy should we form an alliance with less than forty millions of people in a country several thousands of miles away and with national interests distinctly diverse, when we can form an alliance with over sixty millions at our own doors with common national interests'? The forty millions in the British Islands have pretty nearly reached their measure of expansion, but the sixty millions of English- speaking people beside us will soon become hundreds of millions, and exercise a commandizig infiuence among the f^ c; Hi- ^UM^'^yU(A^(^^'\ 'j^-i.^'7)Bmxm?iammsiisisigaaima 12 li nations of the eartli. Why should we load ourselves \ with the burdens of a separate national government when ; under a federal system, one central executive can govern : i a whole continent as effectively as half a continent 1 Do / we want a destiny that will fire the imagination ?/ Then let us take John Bright's advice, and unite the great English race in North America and bequeath to our children a scope and a destiny unparalleled in the annals of mankind. In so doing we shall be rendering the greatest service in our power to the great nation to which we now belong, and to whi(;h we are bound by so many ties of honor aud affection. To the great English-speaking communities which have sprung from her loins, Great Britain must look for her allies and supporters in her great civilizing mission in the world. The only cause of friction betweeen Britain and her greatest oifspring is Canada. The petty disputes about lisheries, seals, canals, railways and bonding privileges are the sole remaining hindrance to an absolutely friendly alliance. Let us then with Britain's consent seek an equal alliance with our separated brothers, and mibke our changed allegiance the occasion of a treaty of perpetual friendship and mutual defence between the two great nations of the English race. rp V This is the third proposition : presented to my con- sideration by the advocate of a United North America. What he stiys, be it understood, may be all fallacy — if this be so, it can be demonstrated. It may be that the proposition he i)ropounds is one which it would bo dis- honorable and unmanly for the Canadian people to accept. If this be so can we not trust the logic of the imperialist and the intelligence of the Canadian people to make this clear? What I am contending for is that all these r( r.iujitltmiiU ituuiiiMtmmiutmmm unmuMMmiwr^ ourselves iient when ian govern nenti Do ,n?/ Then the great ith to our the annals dering the >n to whieh 3y BO many ;h-speaking Dins, Great ■ters in her ily cause of ott'spring is L'als, canals, e remaining Let us then ce with our legiance the and mutual the English to mv con- th America. 11 fallacy— if 7 be that the y^ould bo dis- ple to accept, e imperialist to make this at all these i;5 (juestions must 1k' discussed, and discussed on even terms. The advocate of Political Union with the United States has as good a rigl b to i)resent his case to the Canadian people as the imperialist, and the people who desire to reach a right conclusion are bound to hear and weigh everything that can be offered upon the question — the momentous question of Canada's destiny. The supreme point, as I conceive it, is which alternative stands for the best interests of Canada? How can I decide without hearing all sides? Is imperialism the true solution? Then let the advocates of imperialism take the platform and demonstrate their case. Is continentalism wrong and unsound I Then what is the difficulty of so demon- strating to the intelligent thinking i^eople of Canada ' If there is anything that will throw doubt and discredit upon a cause, it is the fear to challenge the crucial test of fair, open and manly discussion. 1 said at the beginning that my only object In this article was to clear ground, not to give opinions on the merits of the several proposals. Indeed t have no defi- nite opinions to give. In common with most of my fel- low citizens, I do not conceive that the moment has arrived for making a decision on this vast question, but J recognize that the moment is approaching. There is no need of haste, and yet every reason for thought. Of the four alternatives i)resented above there is only one upon which I have any settled convictions, and that is in relation to the first. I am clear that the existing con- dition of things cannot and ought not to last. If British subjects we are to remain, then I say, a thousand times better that we be a co-ordinate part than a mere depend- ency of the empire. If I am to accept Great Britain's protection then I want to be a man and pay my share of 14 the shot ; and if 1 am to share the fortunes of the British Empire I want to have a say in shaping these fortunes. If there be a career of glory within the compass of the national service T wish that career open to me and to my children. But in reaching a decision in this overshadowing question, whetlier my moral instincts be right or wrong, I propose to be guided solely by my conceptions of the best interests of Canada. I put this first and make it supreme. If tin' interests of Canada are identical with the interests of (Ireat Jiritain, well ; if they come in con- flict in any form I shall take my stand on the side of Cauaihu^ In the years to come, as this question of \ Canada's destiny becomes from day to day more pressing \ and innnediate, I sliall listen respectfully to all who have \ views to present. J shall not bo afraid to seek light from ' any cjuarter or any source. 1 shall listen and give as full weight to whatever is urged by the advocates of political union with the United States as to that which is pre- sented by the Imperialists. T nmintain positively and unreservedly that any citizen of Canada, in office or out of office, has the same right to stand ui^on the iniblic l)latform and advocate by fair argument union with the Cnited States, as any other citizen has to advocate Fed- eration with the Empire, or imlependent national life. There is no official in the Dominion of Canada, from the l^rime Minister down, whose oath of office precludes him from standing on any ])latform in Canada and telling his countrymen, when it becomes his duty to exi^ress his views, his conscientious convictions as to the wisest and best course for them to pursue in deciding the destinies . of the country. Because i have put in a plea for fair discussiou, I have \ 15 the British e fortunes. )ass of the and to my shadowing t or wrong, ions of the id make it sntical with ome in con- the side of luestion of )re pressing 11 who have k light from give as full of political liich is pre- iitively and office or out the public ion with the vocate Fed- ational life, ila, from the •ecludes him d telling his exi)ress his e wisest and the destinies ssiou, I have no doubt I shall be charged, as has aften been done be- fore, with being an advocate of political union with the States. This Avill be entirely without foundation. I never advocated political union, and if I were compelled to make a choice of the alternatives to-day, I would not vote for i)olitical union. But 1 do wish the question in- telligently threshed out. Up to this point there has been no fair discussion of this great question in Canada. The advocate of Imperialism has mounted himself on the idatform of a lofty abstract loyalty, and any one who dared to suggest any destiny for Canada that did not find its centre in Dow'Uing Street was a traitor and a scoundrel. So eminent a man as Professor Gold win Smith, whose devotion to the empire has borne the test of sixty years of eminent services in the paths of litera- ture, and who to day would be an honored guest in the homes of the highest public men in England, has ven- tured to express the opinion that the true interests of the empire, and of Canada alike, would be promoted by a union of English speaking people on this continent. For this he has been bespattered with mud by blatant loyal- ists, Avho were thinking of nothing but the interests of their party. Mr. John Y. Ellis, ex-M. P. for St. John, in his newspaper mildly presented a similar view, and a partisan howl was sent up that he had violated the oath which he had taken as a member. Mr. Ellis violated no oath, but if he did he was in good company, for John Bright violated the same oath and in the same fashion, under the very eye of Her Majesty, and in the heart of her dominions, and no person said aught. Let the discussion go on, and let it be fair. Let there be nobgag law. Let there be no attempt to dragoon a tree people into a detestable hyxjocrisy and a mean con- M-ji(Mt iiimisjswtt lem speak [inpeiialist J fallacies, cw on this sober and le (question In hiitlii^rancH of tlie 8ii)r{;*'»tioiiH in tim fonijftiinjj urtii'I«\ as t«» tlu' i»'<' I of tin* tVeeHt «list'U»»ion of the Fnttire of Canada, the following annonnceniont in iiiadf: '• AniiPXHtion is unnereii»i.ry,~it m unilesirable,— it is in our diiy impnKsible " — Sprech in Toronto, flcloher. 18W>. RELATIONS HKTWRKX THE United States and Canada. MR. ERASTUS WIMAN has the honor to announce that he will deliver four Addresses in the Maritime I'rovinces as follows : UNRKSTi.'K^TKl) IiK(TPU()("ITV, — How it would bcnetit (Irj-at r>ritain,and jifrix'tuate her presence on thi^ North American Continent. Halifax, N. S . October 24. in Ma.sonu- Hall. COMMERCIAL UNION,— How it would Knricli (Janada. and maintain hei' Lovalty. New (Has- jiow, N. S., October 26, in McNeal's Hall. CONTINKN TAL FNITY.— How it would Knlarye the 0|)i)ortunitieH of the United States, for the beiietit of (,'anada. CharlotteUiwn, V. K. I.. October 27. in Market Hall. ANCJLO-SAXON UNITY, —The Hoi»e of the \V(nld. St. John, N. H., October 28, in Mechanics Institute. Mk. Wiman desires it to be under.stood that he is not in any way connected with lo«!al organizations : he seeks no political patronage or backing, and simply propo-ses to discuss, in a dispassionate way, the alwve important topics from an economic point of view\ paying his own chaiges, and asking only the favor of a couiteous hearing. Frn)n the New York World. — Last night at Montdair, N. J., the tifth ol the series of debates on Current Topics took place in the beautiful Club Hou.se of that town, the contestants being T. J. McElroy, the Managing Editor of the New Yoik Tribune, and Erastus Wiman. The subject, as stated, was: "'What shall we do with Canada?" Mr. McElroy's speech, tersely reported, was, "Annex It." Mr. ^Vimau'8 contention, wit ii equal brevity, was, "Trade with It!" The position maintained by each of these clever experts well illustrates the difference in o])inion with which this question is viewed by tho.se in this country who have given the subject the attention which its importance merits.