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/3 
 
 
 LETTER 
 
 TO T if E 
 
 PEOPLE OF A}.[E11ICA, 
 
 (Price One Shilling anJ Six-Pevcb.) 
 
 1 .1 
 
LETTER 
 
 T O T HE 
 
 PEOPLE OF AMERICA, 
 
 LATELY PRINTED AT NEW YORK j 
 NOW RE-PUBLISHED 
 
 BY AN AMERICAN. 
 With 
 
 A POSTSCRIPT, 
 
 BY THE EDITOR^ 
 ADDRESSED TO SIR W****** H***. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRIHTKD FOR T nr^ 
 
 FOR T. BECKET, THE CORNER OF THfi 
 
 ADEIPHX, IN THE STRANO. 
 MDCCLXXVXn, 
 
 it 
 
 i 4 
 
-A 
 
 V 
 
 A N 
 
 EPISTLE 
 
 T O T H E 
 
 PEOPLE OF AMERICA, 
 
 BRETHREN AND FELLOW-SUBJECTS, 
 
 THE contejfl: in which fome 
 of you are at prefent en- 
 gaged againft the power of Britain, 
 is the mod important that has ever 
 been recorded fince the beginning 
 of the world. You have been told, 
 that your friends, your brt.hren, 
 your protedorsjvvist England, had 
 formed a defign to enllave you. 
 You were alarmed at this intelli- 
 
 B gence. 
 
 J .1 
 
 ^i 
 
( 2 ) 
 
 gence, and, believing it to be true, 
 you very properly refolded to de- 
 fend your liberty at the hazard of 
 your lives. I applaud you for this 
 refolution, and I pray to God, that 
 every man in every part of the 
 world, who has a drop of Englifli 
 blood in his veins, may refolve to 
 fpill every drop of that blood in 
 defence of that liberty to which he 
 has an undoubted right by the 
 conftitution of his country I 
 
 There breathes not a man, on 
 the face of the earth, who would 
 do more in defence of the natural 
 rights of mankind than myfelf. I 
 even honour the enthufiaftic fpirit 
 which caught the alarm, though it 
 fliould prove, upon enquiry, that 
 you were alarmed without a caufe. 
 
 You 
 
 y^ 
 
( 3 ) 
 You were too univcrfally fenfibic of 
 your fiagular ieli.ity under the 
 mild govern iTiCnt and protc-ilion of 
 Britain, not to dart at the lead: np- 
 parent change of fyflem. I applaud 
 your vigilance. You knew well 
 that kinfTS, and minifters are natu- 
 rally rapacious atter pov/er, and 
 you wifely refolved to oppofe the 
 iirft defign of lawlefs dominion. 
 
 But, my beloved brethren, let 
 us proceed without heat, prejudice, 
 party zeal, or animolity, to en- 
 quire, coolly and deliberately, into 
 the real foundation of your appre- 
 henlions. 
 
 V^ 
 
 Great, very great, pains have 
 been taken to perfuade you, that 
 Britain had formed a regular plan 
 
 B 2 to 
 
( 4 ) 
 
 to reduce you to a ftate of llaverjr. 
 This is, in truth, a heavy charge 
 agiiinft the mother country. If 
 iTie really had conceived fuch a de- 
 lign, you aded wifely, prudently, 
 and juftly, in difclaiming all duty 
 to fuch a parent. But the charge 
 is of fo extraordinary a nature, and 
 fo highly improbable, that you 
 ought not to believe it, vt^ithout the 
 ftrongeft and moft indifpu table evi- 
 dence. Was it the king that in- 
 tended to make flaves of you?— 
 The king has no fuch power. Was 
 it the king's minifters ? Such an 
 an attempt would coft any minifter 
 his head. Was it the parliament ? 
 The members of parliament are too 
 happy in the enjoyment of confti- 
 tutional liberty, to deprive any 
 part of the Britifh dominions of 
 
 that 
 
 : 
 
. 
 
 ( 5 ) 
 that blefling, well knowing that 
 flavery, once begun in the extremi- 
 ties, would, like a gangrene, foon 
 eat its way to the heart. Their 
 own prefervation therefore was your 
 fufficient fecurity. 
 
 From this reafoning, I prefume, 
 it will be granted, that the charge 
 againft Britain of a premeditated de- 
 jfign to enflave America is, at leaft, 
 improbable. But we will come 
 nearer to the point, and proceed to 
 fads, 
 
 That no government can exift, 
 which is not fupported by the 
 people, is a felf-evident propofition; 
 therefore, the people, in every 
 country muft be taxed. In this 
 refpecl all nations are alike. The 
 
 B 3 diff'erenece 
 
(■- 
 
 ■I i 
 
 ( 6 ) 
 
 difference lies folely in the mode of 
 taxation. It is the peculiar privi- 
 lege of Britain to be taxed, not by 
 the king, not by the minifter, but 
 by themfelves, their reprefentatives, 
 their fellow- fubjedls. This is, in- 
 deed, a great, a glorious privilege ! 
 — a privilege on which the fecurity 
 of the property of every individualis 
 firmly and permanently eftablifhed, 
 But America is not reprefented, 
 therefore flie could not be conftitu- 
 tionally taxed by a Britifh Parlia- 
 ment. I allow the plea its utmoft 
 validity ; but are we therefore to 
 conclude, that America had a right 
 to a total ktnd perpetual exemption 
 from taxation ? If this queftion be 
 ^nfvvered in the negative, which I 
 prefume I may take for granted, it 
 ^ecelTarily follows, that the only 
 
 remaining 
 
 > 
 
 f! 
 
( 7 ) 
 remaining queftion is, not whether 
 Afnerica ought to. have been taxed ; 
 but, by what means f 
 
 The matter in difpute being thus 
 reduced to a fimple queftion, we 
 fhallnow come at the truth without 
 much difficulty. But here let us 
 paufe a moment, and recolledl the 
 fubftance of the few preceding pages. 
 I am writing to a fenfible people, 
 who, if I make a blot, will furely 
 hit it. I fliall therefore endeavour, 
 as I go along, fo eiFedually to clear 
 the road to truth, as not to leave a 
 jingle fhrub to hang a doubt on. 
 
 V 
 
 B4 
 
 S E C- 
 
( 8 ) 
 
 
 if 
 
 II 
 
 SECTION IL 
 
 IF the reader's attention to the 
 
 matter of the preceding fedion hath 
 been equal to the importance of the 
 
 fubjed, he muft certainly perceive, 
 that the natural fubjeds of Britain, 
 wherefoever fettled, cannot poffibly 
 be enflaved without fuch violence 
 to the conftitution, as would alarm 
 and rouze the moft indolent of their 
 brethren at home. I fay, fie 
 natural fubje3s\ for, in this difpute, 
 it is effentially neceflary to diftin- 
 guifh thcfe from conquered JuhjeSis^ 
 becaufe it hath been urged, with 
 fome apparent degree of weight, 
 that the Canadians do not enjoy 
 the privileges of Englifhmen. To 
 this I anfwer, tha?t the Canadians 
 
 are 
 
li 
 
 ( f 7 
 
 are not deprived - of any privileges 
 to which they were born ; that 
 they furrendered to Britain under 
 certain articles of capitulation, 
 which have been religioully ob- 
 ferved ; that the laws by which 
 they are now governed, were e.n^ 
 aded at their own requeft, and 
 that they are fo perfedly fatisfied 
 with their fituation, as not to enter- 
 tain the leaft idea of accepting the 
 invitation from the United States 
 to become one of their number. 
 
 nca 
 
 But, fay the advocates of Ame- 
 the Proteftant government of 
 England hath eftabliflied Popery in 
 Canada. Without cavilling about 
 the word eJlahUJh^ it is fufficient to 
 obferve, that by their capitulation, 
 they were entitled to the full and 
 
 perfedl 
 
I 
 
 
 i ■ i 
 
 \ i 
 
 
 ( lo ) 
 
 perfect enjoyment of their religion, 
 which they could not have done if 
 their priefts had not been authorifed 
 by law, to fue for their tithes. But 
 furely it ill becomes America to 
 pretend an alarm at the introduc- 
 tion of Popery, when her firft, her 
 greai and good ally is a Popifh 
 prince, who, if he be a real Papift, 
 mufi: neceflarily ufe every art to 
 
 1, which he be- . 
 
 propagj 
 
 '?>' 
 
 lieves to be the only pofllble paf- 
 port to heaven. 
 
 After this neceflary digreffiou 
 eoneerning Canada, let us now re- 
 turn to the immediate objedl of our 
 difcuffion. What are the fa<3:s on 
 which America founds her conjec- 
 ture, that Britain defigned to de^ 
 prive her of her liberty ? Prefump^ 
 
 tive 
 
 i i 
 
( " ) 
 
 tive evidence, I have proved in 
 my firft fedion, militates on the 
 oppofite fide of the queftion; we 
 muft therefore once more have re- 
 courfe to fads. The Parliament of 
 Great Britain palTed certain ads 
 impofing taxes on America. Ame- 
 rica objeds to thefe taxes, becaufe 
 {he is not reprefented ; but that this 
 was only a pretended objedion is 
 felf evident, becaufe fhe continues 
 to perfift in her difobedience, al- 
 though the affair of taxation has 
 been given up. I wifli the honeft 
 people of America would prefs this 
 argument, with all its weight, upon 
 their prefent governors. Afk them 
 when, for the fake of reftoring 
 peace, all their grievances were 
 promifed to be redrefled, why they 
 ftill refufed to return to their obe- 
 dience 
 
; 
 
 if* 
 
 ( " ) 
 
 dience of the government under 
 which they were born, and under 
 whofe protedion they were the 
 happieft people in the univerfe ? 
 
 But though I have acknowledg- 
 ed that no unreprefented body of 
 Britifli fubjeds ought to be taxed 
 by Parliament, let it not be for- 
 
 that 
 
 of the char- 
 
 gotten, mat none 
 ters under which the fubje<3:s of 
 Britain firft fettled in America, 
 exempted them from taxation, 
 and that one of them pofitively 
 fays, they Jhall not be taxed except 
 by the Parliament of Britain* This 
 exception was evidently inferted in 
 order to fecure them from being 
 taxed by the king's fole authority, 
 which might otherwife have been 
 
 ' „ ap- 
 
 
ap- 
 
 ( »3 ) 
 
 apprehended, as by his fole autho- 
 rity they were firil: eftabHfhed. 
 
 If the reader be an impartial en-^ 
 
 quirer after truth, I will now aflc 
 
 him, upon his honour, whether this 
 
 particular colony, in whofe charter 
 
 the above exception appears, might 
 
 not have been legally taxed ? And 
 
 I alfo afk him, whether he does 
 
 not believe that the other colonies 
 
 would not have been glad of the 
 
 fame exception, for their own fecu- 
 
 rity againft the prerogative of the 
 
 crown ? I do not mean to draw 
 
 more from this argument than it 
 
 neceffarily implies. I mean only 
 
 to prove, that parliament might 
 
 naturally proceed to tax the king's 
 
 fubjeds in America, without any 
 
 juft fufpicion of intentional, illegal, 
 
 iifurpa- 
 
m 
 
 Nl 
 
 
 Ml 
 
 ( ^4 ) 
 
 tifurpation. It was a new cafe, 
 and fo doubtful, that the wifeft 
 and honefteft men in England dif- 
 fered in opinion concerning it. 
 Now admitting the legality of tax- 
 ing the colonies to be a doubtful 
 cafe, there were two very powerful 
 reafons in juftification of the at- 
 tempt to bring the queftion for- 
 ward; tl)e national debts of ^ri^ 
 tain.^ and the affluence of America. 
 As to the firft of thefe reafons, 
 notwithftanding all the fophiftry 
 which hath been employed to prove 
 the contrary, it ftill remains a no- 
 torious fad, that a confiderable 
 part of the national debt of Britain 
 hath been contracted in defending 
 America. The fad is indeed ge- 
 nerally acknowledged, but the obli- 
 gation is denyed. England, we are 
 
 told, 
 
 • 
 
are 
 
 ( 15 ) 
 
 told, defended America from the 
 French and Indians, as a farmer 
 defends his flieep from the wolves, 
 becaufe they yield him wool. But 
 do thefe fheep owe their mafter lefs 
 obligation, becaufe his emolument 
 happens to coincide with their pre- 
 fervation ? BeGdes, thefe flieep, if 
 they have any gratitude, will recoi- 
 led:, that he not only employed a 
 fliepherd to take care of them in 
 their infancy, when they yielded 
 him no wool, but that, by pro- 
 teding their folitary progenitors, he 
 was the caufe of the very exif- 
 tence of every individual in the 
 prefent numerous flock. This fimile 
 exhibits a very fl:riking portrait of 
 America. The firfl: fettlers in Ame- 
 rica mufl: foon have been drove 
 into the fea, had they not been pro- 
 4 teded 
 
( i6 ) 
 
 teAed by Britain. Thefe fettlers, 
 if they had remained in Europe, 
 would not have produced half the 
 number of children ; confequently 
 at leaft half the prefent inhabitants 
 of America owe their exiftence to 
 the protedlion of Great Britain. 
 
 M»l» 
 
 if 
 
 T 
 
 .Ic 
 
 SECTION. III. 
 
 ADMITTING the legally of 
 taxing America by authority of Par- 
 liament, to be a dubious pointy I 
 
 have afferted in the foregoing fee- 
 tion, that, in equity ^ there were 
 
 two reafons fufficient to induce 
 Parliament to adopt the meafure, 
 viz. the national debt \ and the 
 affiuence of America. The iirft of 
 5 thefc 
 
( 17 ) 
 
 thefe I have already difpatched j 
 as to the fecond, I appeal to every 
 unprejudiced American ; Were 
 there any beggars to be feen in the 
 ftreets of Bofton, New York, Phi-j 
 ladelphia, or Charles-Town, in the 
 villages, or on the roads ? Is there 
 any part of Europe in which la- 
 bour was fo extravagantly paid, 
 and where, confequently, the loweft 
 clafs of people lived fo well ? Did 
 not the common cart-men in New 
 York and Philadelphia live better 
 than the middling trades-people ii> 
 England ? And though labour was 
 exceedingly high, were not all the 
 neceflaries of life remarkably cheap? 
 Can there be a more inconteftible 
 proof of affluence ? Were not all 
 the mafters of fhips and the mer- 
 
 frh^nts by whom they were em-? 
 
 q ployed^ 
 
 ! <;J 
 
f i8 ) 
 
 ployed, in every part of the coiitP 
 nent of America, accumulating, 
 wealth to an amazing degree ? 
 Did not the northern colonies 
 abound with wealthy farmers, and 
 the fouthern with gentlemen of 
 large fortunes ? Was there in any 
 part of America, the leaft appear- 
 ance of that penury and diftrefs, fo- 
 vifible in many of the inhabitants of 
 every country in Europe? Was 
 there a fingle merchant, of any 
 note, in the city of New York, 
 who did not exhibit a very valu- 
 able Udeboard of plate ? Are thefe 
 figns of a country unable to con- 
 tribute a grateful pittance towards 
 the fupport of the kingdom to 
 which it ftands indebted for its 
 very exiftence ? Was it for fuch a 
 country, when flie was afked only. 
 
 ta 
 
( 19 ) 
 
 to contribute a trifle towards the 
 maintenance of her own govern^ 
 ment, to quarter a few foldiers for 
 her own defence ; was it for fuch 
 a country to difpute about an intri- 
 cate point of law ? Are thefc peo- 
 ple the defcendants of Britons ? 
 Where is their generofity ? where 
 their gratitude? where their equity ? 
 
 England hath been egregioufly 
 deceived in almofl every circum- 
 ftance concerning America ; but 
 no inftance more flagrantly than 
 in the eftimation of her wealth. 
 The people of America were 
 doubtlefs the mofl: afiluent people 
 in the world. But there was, in 
 the opinion of a celebrated writer, 
 another reafon why taxes would 
 have been lefs burdenfome to Ame- 
 
 C z rica 
 
 il 
 
 I- '-.m 
 
( 20 ) 
 
 rica than to any other nation. This 
 celebrated writer was a fubjed of 
 your great and good ally^ the king 
 of France ; you will confequently 
 pay a proper regard to his opinion. 
 I will quote the paflage in the ori- 
 ginal : as French muft now become 
 the language of America, you 
 cannot begin to learn it too foon. 
 — — ^* Regie general : on peut 
 " lever des tribut plus forte, a pro- 
 " portion de la liberte des fujets ; 
 " & Ton eft force de les moderer, 
 *' a mefure que la fervitude aug- 
 " mente. Cela a toujours etc, et 
 *' cela fera toujours. C'eft une 
 *' regie tiree de la nature, qui ne 
 " varie point ; on le trouve par 
 *' tous les pays : en Angleterre, en 
 " Hcllande, et dans tous les etats 
 
 ^- " ou 
 
( 2' ) 
 
 ** Oil la liberte va fe cjegradant 
 ** jufqu'en Turquie." 
 
 Efprit des Loix, torn. ii. chap. 12. 
 
 For the benefit of thofe few 
 Americans who may not be quite 
 per fed in the French language, I 
 could have wiflied to fubjoin a 
 tranflation of this paffage ; but I 
 am fearful of offending their Excels 
 lencies the Right Hon, Congrefs, 
 who are about to publifli an edid, 
 enjoining every liege fubjed of the 
 United States of America, imme- 
 diately to follow their example in 
 providing himfelf with a French 
 grammar and didionary. Dr, 
 Franklin will be quoted as an in- 
 ftance, that the French language 
 may be acquired, with proper ftudy 
 and application, even at the age of 
 
 C 3 feventy- 
 
f 22 ) 
 
 feV€nty-two. It is indeed whif- 
 pered, notwithftanding the Dodor's 
 indefatigable application to his 
 French grammar, that there are 
 fome of the fecret articles in the 
 treaty of alliance, which he did 
 not perfedly underftand : but al- 
 lowing a little for dotage, and a 
 great deal for the exquifite fubtilty 
 of French genius and French lan- 
 guage, the Dodor is quite ex- 
 cufable. 
 
 Speaking of the ftrange alliance 
 with France, I am naturally led to 
 exprefs my aftonifliment, at the 
 fupinenefs, the fhameful negli- 
 gence, with which the people of 
 America have fuffered themfelves, 
 without their confent or approba- 
 tion, to be linked, bound, chained 
 to a nation, which, from their fouls, 
 ' : ■ they 
 
( 23 ) 
 
 ^they abhor ! a nation, which, in 
 manners, cuftoms, policy, religion, 
 every thing, differs from America, 
 as light from darknefs. The union 
 is a monfter, half flieep, half mon- 
 key. Fy ! Fy ! and are ye really 
 the offspring of Old England ? 
 
 Serioujly, Americans, I marvel 
 exceedingly, that you do not infift on 
 a full, an ample, a total promul- 
 gation of this treaty with France. 
 The Congrefs tells you, that fome 
 of the articles are improper to be 
 known by the enemy ; but T tell 
 you, that all the articles are known 
 by the enemy, as the Congrefs are 
 face tiou fly pleafed to call their 
 fovereign. Thefe articles are con- 
 cealed, becaufe they are afliamed 
 of them. A(k the Congrefs, whe- 
 ther they have not mortgaged the 
 
 C 4 whole, 
 
 \ 
 
'? 
 
 ( H ) 
 
 ^liole, or part of America ) If they 
 denj this, afk them what then they 
 have given as a fecurity to France for 
 the vaft fum flie has lent them ? 
 What equivalent for the expence 
 of a large fleet of fliips of war, fcnt 
 lacrofs the Atlantic for the fole 
 jpurpofe of aififting America ? What 
 compenfation to France for rufh- 
 ing precipitately into a war with 
 England, contrary to the intereft 
 and inclination of her old allies^ 
 iand with the difapprobation of every 
 J)ower in Europe ? Ifj in anfwer 
 to thefe queftions, Congrefs fhould 
 tell you, that except an open trade 
 with America, their great and 
 «3bOD ALLY, is folcly influenced 
 
 by his AFFECTION FOR LIBERTY^ 
 land THE NATURAL RIGHTS OF MAN- 
 
 itiNDi you would laugh, even in 
 the face of Congrefs^ 
 
( 25 ) 
 
 Poftibly fome of my readers may 
 be of opinion, that I have exhaufted 
 the fubjed: of the French alliance* 
 The fubjed is inexhauftible. If I 
 had a parrot at Philadelphia, I 
 Would teach him to cry French 
 ulliance^ till the whole Congrefs, 
 French ambaffador and all, fliould 
 grow heartily fick at the founds 
 As to the futile pretence, that the 
 French king hath concluded this 
 alliance, merely in expedlation of 
 an open trade with America, the 
 attempt to make you believe it, is 
 an affront to your underflanding. 
 The French minifter is not fo 
 unacquainted with the American 
 trade, as to flatter himfelf that it 
 can ever become an objed of im- 
 portance to the French nation. The 
 reafons are obvious. Their manu- 
 factures 
 
 1 ii 
 
(I 
 
 { 26 } 
 
 fadurcs are much inferior to thofc 
 of Ejigland ; French merchants, in 
 general, have fo little credit in 
 America, that very few people will 
 ever entruft them with the fale of 
 a cargo ; French manufacturers, 
 and French merchants, are too poor 
 to afford that credit which the na- 
 ture of the American trade requires. 
 If indeed the French minifter could 
 have obtained, from Dr. Franklin, 
 
 an exclufive trade with America, 
 the cafe would have been very dif- 
 ferent; but fo long as the Ame- 
 ricans are fuffered to trade with 
 whom they pleafe, they will, for 
 the reafons abovementioned, always 
 trade with England, in prefe- 
 rence to any other country. Mer- 
 chants may be fpeculative politi- 
 qians ; but they ceafe to be mer- 
 chants. 
 
( 27 ) 
 
 ichants the moment they ad con- 
 trary to their own interefts. 
 
 I have not yet done with thi« 
 French aUiance. I am fond of 
 the fubjed, becaufe I clearly per- 
 ceive, that it will ad more 
 powerfully than fleets and armies, 
 in the good work of reftoring 
 America to the parental arms of 
 Britain. The Americans have hi- 
 therto fupported the charader of 
 a virtuous, religious people, pecu- 
 liarly attached to the Proteftant 
 faith. Is America unacquainted 
 with the tenets of Popery ? Is 
 there a Popifli country in the 
 world, where the Proteftant reli- 
 gion is tolerated ? Is it not the 
 ipeculiar genius of Popery to in- 
 jlinuate itfelf into all countries, 
 
 and 
 

 ( 28 ) 
 
 and to ufe every poflible means of 
 propagating its dodrines, wherever 
 it gains a footing? What then 
 has America to exped from a Po- 
 pi(h alliance, but (hoals of priefts 
 under every pofEble dilguife ? Yet 
 the religious fentiments of a Popifli 
 ally are lefs to be dreaded than his 
 political opinions, which are always 
 inconfiftent with civil liberty. Is 
 there a Popifh prince in any part 
 of the world, whofe fubje^s are not 
 in a ftate of civil, as well as reli- 
 gious flavery ? Is there a fingle 
 example to be found in the uni- 
 verfal hiftory of mankind, fince the 
 creation of the world, of a free 
 people affifted (bona fide) by an 
 arbitrary prince, in the prefervation 
 of their liberty ? That fuch an 
 event never did happen, is moft 
 
 certain, 
 
( 29 ) 
 
 certain, and that it fhould now 
 happen, can be expeded only by 
 the weakeft colledtion of heads that 
 ever ufurped the government of 
 any country. But Lewis XVI. is a 
 phflenomenon of greatnefs and good- 
 nefs, a lover, a patron of liberty 
 —Corfica — Corfica— Corfica !— No, 
 no, the people of America are 
 too well acquainted with the hif- 
 tory of mankind to be fo deceived ; 
 they recolledt too many flagrant 
 inftances of French perfidy, to put 
 any faith in their compliments, their 
 promifes,- or even in their moft 
 folemn treaties of amity and alli- 
 ance ; they are perfectly convinced, 
 that France confiders nothing but 
 her ovi^n intereft, and that nothing 
 can be for the intereft of France, 
 which will not prove difagree- 
 < -^ able, 
 
r 
 
 ( so ) ■ 
 
 able, detrimental, deftrudive to 
 America. 
 
 In order to perfuade Great Bri- 
 tain to treat with America as an 
 independent people, it hath been 
 artfully infinuated, that if fhe fpend* 
 too much time in hefitation, the 
 American merchants will in a little 
 while forget their correfpondents in 
 England ; they will eftablifh a con- 
 fidential intercourfe with France ; 
 the fafhions of London will gradu- 
 ally give way to thofe of Paris, and 
 that when the trade has once taken 
 a new channel, it will be impoffible 
 ever to bring it back. Thefe argu- 
 ments are fufficiently anfwered in 
 the firft part of this fedion ; but, 
 if there fliould ftill remain the 
 fliadow of a doubt, I will appeal 
 
 to 
 
^ 
 
 ' ■ t 
 
 ( 31 ) 
 
 to the feelings of every honeft, 
 unprejudiced man and woman on 
 this continent. Tell me, ye fons 
 and daughters o^ Old England, whe- 
 ther your hearts do not revolt at 
 the idea of an union with France ? 
 Whether French manners, French 
 politicks, French perfidy, French 
 fafhions, do not infpire you with 
 deteftation ? Whether the very fight 
 of a Frenchman in your ftreets, is 
 not an objed: of ridicule, difguft 
 and contempt ? Whether they 
 have not already given you fuffi- 
 cient proof of their perfidious de- 
 figns, and of their inability to affift 
 you ? Now, lay your hands upon 
 your hearts ; give me honeft an- 
 fwers to thefe queftions, and the 
 difpute is ended. 
 
 8 EC- 
 
 M w Bw iw w«>i > ai «B >r"f 'ifc»-^ 
 
( 32 } 
 
 SECTION IV, 
 
 IT hath ever been the pradticQ 
 of defigning cafuifts, whofe caufe 
 would be injured by perfpicuity, 
 to perplex the fubjedt with a pro- 
 fufe jargon of vague terms and un-^ 
 intelligible diftindions. The com- 
 mon reader who has no leifure nor 
 inclination to follow the writer 
 through all his intricate windings, 
 admits his conclufions without fuf- 
 ficient attention to the principles on 
 which they were founded, and is 
 thus deceived into a belief, that he 
 has confuted his ad verfary . The peo- 
 ple of America have been frequently 
 amufed and perplexed with the 
 terms of external and internal tax- 
 ation ; and they have been taught 
 
 Z tQ 
 
( 33 ) 
 
 to believe, that their liberty entirely 
 depended on a nice diftindlion be- 
 tween the two ; neverthelefs the 
 people of America are, at this mo- 
 ment, as incapable of drawing the 
 line, as when the difpute began. 
 The moft celebrated Britifh writer, 
 in favour of the rights of America, 
 attempting to put the matter out of 
 doubt, informs us, that internal 
 taxation is for the purpofe of raif- 
 ing a revenue, and external taxation 
 folely for the regulation of trade. 
 It is truly amazing that any man of 
 common fenfe, or common honefty, 
 fhould deceive himfelf, and wifli to 
 deceive others with fuch fluff ! 
 Can any thing be more evident 
 than that all taxes are levied for the 
 purpofe of raifing a revenue ? Can 
 any real difference arife from the 
 
 D difference 
 
 i 
 
( 3+ ) 
 difference of application ? What 
 difference does it make to an 
 American fubje6V, whether the dol- 
 lars which he pays in taxes are fent 
 to England, and guineas fent back 
 to build a fort for his protedion ; 
 or whether thofe dollars were im- 
 mediately expended for the fame 
 purpofe in America? What dif- 
 ference is it to the confumer, whe- 
 ther he pays a duty on tea at Lon- 
 don or at Bofton ? But, taking off 
 a {hilling per pound in London, 
 and laying on only three pence in 
 America, made a confiderable dif- 
 ference to the band of fmugglers 
 by whom you have been mifled. 
 
 I am this moment in the utmoft 
 aftonifliment, at reading in Riving- 
 ton's paper of this morning (Ocl. 3d.) 
 
 an 
 
( 35 ) 
 
 an anfwer from the Congrefs, 
 to a letter written by Sir Henry- 
 Clinton ; an anfwer which ought 
 to be engraven in letters, not of 
 gold, but of brafs^ on every liberty- 
 pole in America, and at the corner 
 of every flreet in every town in Eu- 
 rope, that all the world may judge 
 whether fuch impudence be any 
 longer fupportable ? That the im- 
 pertinent folly of this memorable 
 anfwer may be properly underftood, 
 it is neceffary that I fhould firft 
 tranfcribe Sir Henry Clinton's let- 
 ter to the Congrefs. Thefc letters 
 cannot be made too publick, nor 
 bj too carefully preferved. 
 
 D 2 
 
 T$ 
 
,.t„:. 
 
 ( 36 ) 
 
 To Mr. Rivington, Printer to the 
 
 Kings mojl Excellent Majejiy. 
 
 New-York, Od. 2d. 1778. 
 '' Sir, 
 
 " YOU will be pleafed to pub- 
 " lifli the following copy of a letter 
 <« from His Excellency Sir Henry 
 " Clinton, K. B. addreffed to the 
 «' Prefident and Members of the 
 " Congrefsj with the anfwer fub- 
 «' joined. I am, 
 
 *« Sir, 
 «' Your moft obedient, 
 <' Humble Servant, 
 
 '* John Smith, Sec." 
 
 N. B. His Excellency addreffed 
 another letter of the iame date and 
 tenor to General Wafhington, to 
 which he has as yet received no 
 anfvvcr. 
 
( 37 ) 
 
 lo His ExceUe72cy Henry Laurens, 
 Rfq'y Prefident^ and others the 
 Members of the American Con- 
 grefs at Philadelphia. 
 
 
 " New- York, 19th Sept. 1778. 
 " Sir, 
 
 " NOTHING but his Ma- 
 
 ' jefty's pofitive inftrudlions, of 
 
 ' which I fend you an extradl, could 
 
 ' have induced me to trouble you or 
 
 ' the American Congrefs again on 
 
 ^ the fubjed of the troops de- 
 
 ' tained in New-England, in 
 
 ' dired: contravention of the treaty 
 
 * entered into at Saratoga. The 
 
 ' negledl of the requifitions al- 
 
 ' ready made on this fubje^ is 
 
 ' altogether unprecedented among 
 
 ' parties at war. I now however 
 
 D 3 *^ repeat 
 
 'it. 
 
ic 
 a 
 
 <( 
 <c 
 
 <c 
 
 C( 
 
 cc 
 (( 
 
 ( 38 ) 
 
 repeat the demand, that the con- 
 vention of Saratoga be fulfilled 3 
 and offer by exprefs and recent 
 authority from the king, received 
 fince the date of the late re- 
 quifition made by his Majefty's 
 Commiffioners, to renew in his 
 Majefty's name, all the condi- 
 tions ftipulated by Lieutenant- 
 General Burgoyne, in refped; to 
 the troops ferving under his com- 
 mand. 
 
 *' In this I mean to difcharge 
 * my duty not only to the King, 
 ' whofc orders I obey ; but to 
 ' the unhappy people likewife, 
 ' whofe affairs are committed to 
 ' you, and who I hope will have 
 'the candour to acquit me of 
 « the confequences that muft 
 
 « follow 
 
( 39 ) 
 " follow from the new Jyftem 
 " of waf you are pleafed to in- 
 " troduce. 
 
 -■| 
 
 '■%i 
 
 *' I have the honour to be, 
 
 "Sir, 
 *^ Your moft obedient, 
 ^' And moft humble Servant, 
 
 If 
 
 m 
 
 
 *^ H. Clinton. 
 
 ^^ 
 
 D4 
 
 To 
 
 I 
 

 ( 40 ) 
 
 To His Excellency General Sir 
 Henry Clinton, K. B. &'c. &c. 
 New York. 
 
 Philadelphia, Sept. 2S, 1728. 
 " Sir, 
 
 " YOUR letter of the 19th 
 " was laid before Congrefs, and I 
 ** am dired:ed to inform you that 
 " the Congrefs of rhe United States 
 " of America make no anfwer to 
 " infolent letters. 
 
 " I am with due refpe<5l, 
 " Sir, 
 " Your obedient, 
 
 " Humble fervant. 
 
 ^^ Cha. Thomson, Sec, 
 
( 41 ) 
 
 Perhaps the reader may be at 
 fome lofs to point out the infolent 
 part of Sir Henry Clinton's letter, 
 which could fo irritate the venera- 
 ble^ the wife^ the prudent Congre(sj 
 as to make them, like ^^fop's cat, 
 forget their new charadler, and 
 fpeak their old, their natural lan- 
 guage. They muft in truth, have 
 been in a violent paflion, thus fud- 
 denly to throw off the mafk, and, 
 in one angry moment, lofe all their 
 friends, and juftify their enemies, in 
 taking fuch revenge as Britifh ho- 
 nour probably now holds indif- 
 penfible. The part of Sir Henry 
 Clinton's letter with which Con- 
 grefs was particularly offended, is 
 the laft paragraph. They hate 
 every thing that looks like an ap- 
 peal to the people. But they were 
 4 under 
 
 'i ''-■-i 
 
 i 
 
 
V 
 
 n 
 
 ( 42 ) 
 
 tinder a neceflity of giving fome 
 fuch laconick anfwer to the letter, 
 becaufe it removed their only ob- 
 jection to fulfilling the convention. 
 But to return to our fubjedt. 
 
 That the people of America, 
 who were not acquainted with the 
 nature of taxation, fhould be eafily 
 alarmed by defigning men, is not 
 at all furprizing ; and yet it re- 
 quires very little refledlion to com- 
 prehend, that the burthen of taxa- 
 tion is hardly felt. The people 
 in England and Holland pay heavier 
 taxes than any nation in the world, 
 and yet thefe are the two countries 
 in which there is the leaft ap- 
 pearance of want among the loweft 
 clafs of inhabitants. The taxes in 
 Britain are faid to be enormoufly 
 2 in- 
 
( 43 ) 
 
 increafed, and all the neceffaries of 
 life fo extravagantly dear, that it is 
 impoffible to live ; and yet there 
 is hardly a man in England whofc 
 grandfather lived half fo well as 
 himfelf. Who are the people who 
 feel the weight of taxation ? Is it 
 the farmer ? Noi? he raifes the 
 price of his corn. Is it the land- 
 lord ? No : he raifes his rents. Is 
 it the merchant, the fhopkeeper, 
 the mechanick, the manufadurer, 
 the day-labourer ? No, no : they 
 all raife their prices in proportion^ 
 and generally in over proportion to 
 the tax. Who then are the people 
 who are really burthened by taxa- 
 tion ? They are place-men, pen- 
 sioners, officers of the army and 
 navy, clergymen, and thofe who 
 live on the intereft of money in the 
 funds. But in an induftrious na- 
 tion, 
 
 \ 
 
( 44 ) 
 
 tion, which exports its manufac-- 
 til res or produce to foreign coun- 
 tries, the taxes are chiefly paid by 
 foreigners. 
 
 Poflibly it may be faid, that high 
 taxes will increafe the price of 
 labour, and prevent exportation, by 
 raifing the price of your produce 
 and manufactures too high for fo- 
 reign markets. But the high price 
 of labour in America proves, that 
 it is not always the effed: of taxa- 
 tion ; and it is very evident, from 
 the prodigious exportation of Eng- 
 liili manufadures, that internal 
 taxation is no burthen on the ma- 
 nufadturer, and no impediment to 
 trade. 
 
 / \ 
 
 Prefuming that the good people 
 of America are now convinced, 
 
 that 
 
 ■| 
 
( 45 ) 
 
 that this mighty hobgoblin, called 
 external or internal taxation (they 
 are the fame thing) is not fo hor- 
 rible a monfter as they have been 
 taught to believe ; we will now 
 proceed to a fair and candid invef- 
 tigation of the manner in which 
 America might be legally and con- 
 ftitutionally taxed— .It is the un- 
 doubted privilege of Britons to tax 
 themfelves : That is, every bill ex- 
 ading money from the fubjedl, 
 muft originate in the Houfe of 
 Commons, muft pafs the Houfe of 
 Lords, and receive the aflent of the 
 King, before it becomes a law. 
 Such bills muft originate with the 
 Commons, becaufe they are the 
 reprefentatives of the people, and, 
 in this fenfe, the people tax them- 
 felves. But the people of America 
 are not reprefented in the Britifh 
 
 Parliament, 
 
 •I 
 
 -3- 
 
 I 
 i 
 
 m 
 
( 46 ) 
 
 Parliament, therefore, they cannot 
 be legally taxed by that authority. 
 This, I apprehend, every Ameri- 
 can will allow to be a true ftate of 
 the cafe. 
 
 The caflnfts, on both fides the 
 queftion have, I think, generally 
 fuppofed diftind modes of confti- 
 tutional taxation : viz. Either by 
 the provincial aflemblies with the 
 confentof the council, the governor, 
 and the king ; or by a viceroy and 
 parliament of her own ; or that 
 America fliould fend members to 
 the Britifli Parliament. The prin- 
 cipal objedion to the firft of thefe 
 methods is, that the fum, required 
 by the minifter to be raifed by 
 America, would be granted in the 
 provinces, not in proportion to 
 their refpedlivc abilities, but ac- 
 cording 
 
( 47 ) 
 cording to the degree of loyalty, or 
 affedtion, or generofity, or juftice 
 of each affembly. An affembly of 
 mulifh republicans, if any fuch 
 fliould arife, would probably grant 
 nothing towards the fupport of 
 majefty and the whore of Babylon, 
 This would create difputes among 
 the provinces, and the tax would 
 always be unequal. The fum re- 
 quelted by the minifter would ever 
 be thought too great, and would be 
 an endlefs matter of difpute be- 
 tween the American governors and 
 the aflemblies. 
 
 The fecond expedient is, a vice- 
 roy from Englaad, with an upper 
 and a lower houfe of reprefentatives, 
 affembled at Philadelphia. There 
 are fo few objections to this form of 
 government, that if it had been 
 
 pro- 
 
 f 
 
( 48 ) 
 
 propofed by America, the projedl 
 would have met with no oppo- 
 fition. 
 
 The third fcheme is that of beino: 
 adlually reprefented in the Britifh 
 Houfe of Commons by members 
 fcnt from America. If this be the 
 choice of America, Britain can have 
 no objedion. If America, inftead 
 of wrangling about external and in- 
 ternal taxation, had petitioned to 
 fend members to parliament, this 
 miferable war would never have 
 begun. But it was not the defign, 
 becaufe it v/as not the intereft of 
 jour Adams's, and fuch fort of men, 
 to prevent the war. They objeded 
 to fending members, becaufe, though 
 every province fliould fend three, 
 their number would be yet fo fmall 
 in proportion to the reft, that th^y 
 
 could 
 
( 49 ) 
 could have no weight or influence 
 Ih the Houfc. This pbjcclion might 
 with equal propriety be urged by 
 the mea^bers of every county in 
 England. The largeft county in 
 Britain fends very few members to 
 p;?rliament. Scotland fends only 
 Forty-five, and yet Scotland has 
 never fince the Union had caufe to 
 complain of partial oppre/Iive tax- 
 ation. But, as I have before ob- 
 ferved, the mifcreants, by whom 
 you have been deluded, were, from 
 the firft, determined to precipitate 
 you into a ruinous war with your 
 befl: friends. They themfelves run 
 no rifque : for they have nothing to 
 lofe. 
 
 
 E 
 
 SEC- 
 
I > 
 
 11/ 
 
 ( so ] 
 
 ft'' 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 BRETHREN and fellow-fub- 
 jedts ! I now, moft earneftly requeft 
 your ferious attention. Thefe are 
 not times to fpend in idle cafuiftry 
 and unavailing difputation. All 
 your felicity, in this world, depends 
 upon the refolution of a moment. 
 For heaven's fake, trifle no longer, 
 when your liberty and every thing 
 you poflefs is at flake ! Reflect 
 ferioufly on the characters of thofe 
 men in whom you have confided. 
 Confider them one by one, and be 
 cautioufly inquifitive into the life 
 and converfation of every indivi^ 
 dual. Is there a man amongfl: them 
 of diftinguiflied honour and pro- 
 bity ? Is there a fingle individual 
 
 among 
 
( 51 ) 
 
 among the principal promoters of 
 this unnatural rev^olt, whom you 
 would have honoured with the ap- 
 pellation of an honeft man ? Were 
 they not all people of doubtful 
 origin, of defperate fortune, and of 
 fufpicious charader ? And are thefe 
 the men by whom you are advifed 
 and by whom you wifli to be go- 
 verned ? Depend upon it, low- 
 bred people will be tyrants as foon 
 a- it is in their power. The truth 
 o .'is affertion is proved beyond 
 all contradidion, by the prefent 
 tranfadions at Philadelphia, where 
 all their proceedings are tyrannical 
 and oppreffive beyond conception. 
 No publick trial, no confronting of 
 evidence, no jury, no habeas corpus ; 
 in fliort, not the leaft veftige of 
 your ancient Britifh forms or judi- 
 
 E 2 cature. 
 
I' 
 1; 
 
 f 52 ) 
 
 cature, by which the liberty and 
 perfonal fafety of the fubjedl were 
 fo efFecStually fecured. No, no: 
 thefe happy and fingular fecurities 
 of Britifh liberty are unknown at 
 Philadelphia ; your governors are 
 become tyrants ; their principles ^ 
 are defpotic, their proceedings un* 
 juftj and their intentions deftruc- 
 tive to the freedom of America. 
 
 What I have already written, 
 toncering the private charadlers of 
 the perfonsj principally concerned 
 in perfuading the people of Ame- 
 rica to oppafe the legal authority 
 of the mother countrv, is of fa 
 much confequence in the difpute, 
 
 that I cannot help repeating my 
 requeft. I once more earneftly 
 delire, 'that the clraraders of thefe 
 
 men 
 
f 53 ) 
 
 men may be carefully examined and 
 confidered, I now proceed to anr- 
 fwer fome objedions to the condud 
 of Britifh minifters, the parliament, 
 and of Britifli generals. 
 
 The enemies of liberty (I mean 
 the Congrefsjthpir abettors, and de- 
 pendents) have induftrioufly re- 
 ported a thoufand tales concerning 
 the cruelty of the Britifh army. 
 Thofe, who are credulous from in^ 
 experience, believe fuch tales on 
 the mere ipfe dixit of the relator ; 
 but thofe who are better acquainted 
 with the world, will recoiled that 
 mankind generally adt under the 
 influence of felf-intereft ; that it 
 is the intereft of the enemies of 
 Britain to propagate every report 
 prejucjirial to the Britiflj army, an^ 
 
 E3 that 
 
 mpwpww'w* 
 
( 5+ ) 
 
 that a Britifli general would acSt 
 contrary to his intereft, in fufFer- 
 ing his army to treat with cruelty 
 thofe whom he wifhed to make 
 his friends. On thefe confidera- 
 tions, fuch reports will, to fenfible 
 people, appear highly improbable, 
 and their belief will be propor- 
 tioned to the evidence of fads. 
 
 
 It is well known, that large ar- 
 mies cannot ooflibly be entirely 
 prevented from irregularities on a 
 march. In the Jerfies fome houfes 
 may have been plundered, and fome 
 burnt, contrary to the pofitive or- 
 ders of the general ; but it is no- 
 torious, that the troops, in their 
 feveral marches through that coun- 
 try, met with frequent infults 
 and intolerable provocations, with 
 
 which 
 
( 55 ) 
 
 which the general was entirely un- 
 acquainted. Many of the peafants 
 concealed themfelves whilft the 
 troops marched by their houfes, 
 and fired on them from the win- 
 dows, P3 foon as they had paffed. 
 The Britifh troops in their camps 
 and cantonments, were perpetually 
 infulted by fmall bodies of pea- 
 fants, firing at their picquets and 
 centinels in the night. Such ban- 
 ditti are, by all the laws of war, 
 entitled to no mercy y and if, after 
 two or three fuch infults, the ge- 
 neral had ordered every houfe within 
 five miles of his camp, to be fet on 
 fire, he would have beenjuftified 
 by ^11 the world. 
 
 The confideration of the con- 
 dud of the Britifh miniftry, and 
 
 E 4 of 
 
( 56 ) 
 
 of parliament, I have rcferved to 
 the h([ J bccaufc it is that part of 
 my fubje6l with which I w ifli, mo ft 
 i^idelibly to iniprcfs the mind of 
 every rational American. 
 
 Doubtless the narllament of Great 
 
 I 
 
 Britain have paffcd fome ads oon- 
 cernina America which cannot be 
 juftilied. But we mufl: remember, that 
 the only oppreinve acls of parlia- 
 ment wxre fubfequentto, and in con- 
 fequenceof, tranfadions equally un- 
 juilifiable on the part of America, and 
 that confcquently fome thing mufl: 
 be allowed to national refentment : 
 
 beiides, thefe acts had evidently no 
 other object than to bring back 
 America to a proper fenfe of her 
 ovv'n inicrcft and of her duty to her 
 fovercign 3 a duty (he has conftantiy 
 
 ac- 
 
 *■ 
 
( 57 ) 
 acknowledged, and without which 
 flae can never be happy. But ad- 
 mitting that thefe adls of parliament 
 were oppreffive, furcly their laft ad 
 muft have convinced all the world, 
 that Britain no longer entertained 
 any refcntment towards America, 
 and that a Congrefs who could re- 
 jed: fuch terms, muft have been 
 previoufly determined, at all events, 
 to ufurp a fovereignty, to which 
 neither the people of England, nor 
 of America can poffibly fubmit. 
 
 With regard to the miniftry, it is 
 necefiary to obferve, that their ac- 
 tions are not to be poifed in the 
 fame balance with thofe of other 
 kingdoms. The exceflive freedom 
 of the Britifh conftitution lays them 
 under perpetual rcftraint, and this 
 
 reftraint 
 
 Mm 
 
 M 
 
( S8 ) 
 
 reftraint is produdive of fuch delay 
 as in time of war, muft often fruf- 
 trate the moft rational plans of 
 operation. I mention this circum- 
 ftance as an exculpation of the 
 miniftry to thofe friends of govern- 
 ment in America, who complain 
 of dilatory proceedings. The 
 miniftry in England are always 
 perplexed by an oppoiition in par- 
 liament, which, though falutary to 
 the conftitution, is neverthelefs an 
 evil fometimes produdive of very 
 difagreeable effeds. It is, however, 
 an evil which admits of no remedy 
 that would not be worfe than the 
 difeafe. But the effedls of this fa- 
 lutary oppofition are particularly 
 unfortunate, when the govern- 
 ment is employed in fuppreffing 
 the inordinate effufions and exube- 
 
 rances 
 
 
( 59 ) 
 
 ranees of liberty. The male-con- 
 tents believe, that all thofc who op- 
 pofe adminiftration, are their 
 friends; the fpeeches of a Chatham, 
 a Camden, a Burke, are repeated, 
 and re-echoed in every licentious 
 affembly ; and the floridly argu- 
 mentative harangues, which, in the 
 laudable pride of elocution and ir- 
 repreflible fervour of patriotifm, 
 were meant to preferve the confti- 
 tution, unfortunately prove the 
 caufe of its overthrow. 
 
 Americans, friends, fellow- 
 countrymen 1 I muft now bid you 
 farewell. My epiftle is of fufiicient 
 length, and its contents enough 
 for your prefent confideration. But 
 before we part, I conjure you, be- 
 ware of evolves in peeps clothing, 
 
 Re-^ 
 
 J 
 
( 6o ) 
 
 Remember, that obedience to legal 
 authority is the politive command 
 of God, and the conftant dodlrine 
 of his word. Remember, that your 
 prefent ridiculous rulers are in every 
 refpedl your inferiors, who, without 
 your authority, have bound you to a 
 nation which you hate, and who in 
 the true fpirit of republican tyranny, 
 already rule you with a rod of iron. 
 Awake, awake, Americans ! Be no 
 longer deluded by thefe notorioufly 
 unprincipled demagogues. If ye 
 regard the liberty to which ye were 
 born, arife and pull down thefe 
 felf created Lords, and tread them 
 imder your feet. Be aflured, that 
 Britain will now affift you with all 
 her might. The infolent folly of 
 this ridiculous Congrefs, hath, like 
 a charm, in a moment annihilated 
 
 4 all 
 
( 6i } 
 
 all oppofition to government, hath 
 united all parties in defence of the 
 honour of the crown, of the nation, 
 
 and of the conftitutional liberty of 
 America. England will now throw 
 away the fcabbard in earneft. She 
 will refolve never to treat with this 
 contemptible, this temporary thing 
 called a CONGRESS, and Ihe will 
 convince the world that though fhe 
 may be flow to anger, perdition 
 waits on him that dares infult her. 
 
 There remains yet one argument, 
 which, if I had ufed no other, were 
 alone fufficient to roufe every ra- 
 tional American to an immediate 
 exertion of all his powers. I mean 
 the enormous debt of fixty millions 
 fterling, contracted by the Congrefs; 
 which enormous debt, if the Con- 
 
 grcfs 
 
 "•i 
 
 }\ 
 
 I 
 
h * 
 
 r 
 
 !1! 
 
 ( 62 ) 
 
 grefs continue to reign, muft be 
 paid by three millions of people, 
 without coin, without trade, or any 
 other poffible means of difcharging 
 a twentieth part of the debt, ex- 
 cept by an abfolute fale of all your 
 lands to a foreign power. Com- 
 pare your debt, your number of 
 people, and yov total want of re- 
 fources, with thofe of Britain, her 
 debt, her number of people, and 
 if you are not convinced that no- 
 thing but immediate reconciliation 
 can favc you from deftru6lion, you 
 muft henceforward relinquifh all 
 pretenfions to common under- 
 ftanding. 
 
 it '< 
 
POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 TO SIR W****** H***, 
 
 SIR, 
 
 'TpHE prefent editor of this 
 -*• pamphlet takes the Hberty to 
 fubjoin a poftfcript, and to addrefs 
 it particularly to you, becaufe you 
 are intimately connedled with the 
 fubjed: of the pamphlet ; becaufe 
 you will cut a very lingular figure 
 in the hiftory of America ; and 
 more efpecially, becaufe in your 
 late wonderful fpeech in the Houfe 
 ofCommons, you have endeavoured 
 
 to 
 
 I 
 ,1 
 
 '^1 
 
Si ^ 
 
 ( 64 ) 
 
 to iliift the piiblick odium from 
 yourfclf to the king's minifters, and 
 particularly to the fecretary for the 
 American department. That a 
 general officer, who, for fo long a 
 time, without ciFed, commanded 
 the fineft, the moft numerous, and 
 bcft appointed army that ever failed 
 from Britain, againft a defpicable, in- 
 confiderablc rabble, fhould try every 
 poffible mv^ans of exculpation, is not 
 furprifing ; but it w^ould be really 
 wonderful if fuch a lame apology 
 fhould raife your character a jot 
 with the rational part of the nation. 
 
 Your advocates (for you have 
 fome) will tell me, that it is un- 
 generous to prejudice the minds 
 of the people againft a man who 
 expeds a legal enquiry into his con- 
 
 dudl. 
 
( 65 ) 
 dudl. This plea you have rendered 
 totally invalid, by beginning your 
 exculpation in the Houil? of Com- 
 mons previous to fuch enquiry. 
 Befides, you have prematurely, in- 
 formally, and impertinently accufed 
 others ; you are therefore become 
 fair game, and the publick have 
 an indifputable right to an ample 
 inveftigation of your condud: in 
 America. That inveftigation I 
 referve. I mean at prefent only to 
 conlider your fpeech in the Houfe 
 of Commons. 
 
 You began with a declaration, 
 that you could not approve of mea- 
 fures that favoured of cruelty or 
 barbarity. — In anfwer to this, I 
 afk you, upon your honour, whe- 
 ther you really believe that cruelty 
 
 F and 
 
\i '■ 
 
 i 
 
 ( 66 ) 
 
 and barbarity were intended by the 
 authors of the Manifejlo laft pub- 
 liflied in America? If you are fo 
 uninformed in the afual intention of 
 Ma?2ifejl 05^ your friend General Bur- 
 goyne will tell you of one inftance, at 
 leafl:, in which a furious proclama- 
 tion was iffued merely in terrorem. 
 But, Sir, admitting that the minif- 
 try really intended to carry on the 
 war in future, with rather lefs lenity 
 than heretofore, they are juftifiable 
 by every law of nature and of nations, 
 becaufe lenient meafures in the ex- 
 treme have been tryed to no pur- 
 pofe. What are your precife ideas 
 of cruelty and barbarity I know 
 not ; my own ideas of cruelty I will 
 tell you. When you, Sir, firft land- 
 ed upon Long Ifland, it was cruel 
 beyond example to fuffer the rebel 
 5 army 
 
 h 
 
( 67 ) 
 
 army to efcape acrofs the eaft riven 
 You know it might have been pre* 
 vented by two or three frigates, and 
 that if you had not checked your 
 troops, all the rebels on Long 
 Ifland muft have laid down their 
 arms. This would have ended the 
 \yar. It was cruel, horridly cruel, 
 in you not to ftifle the monfter Re- 
 bellion in the cradle ; and, if this 
 be a fad, you arc anfwerablc for all 
 the increafe of national debt, 
 for every limb, for every life that 
 has been loft in the conteft, and 
 for all the miferies, paft and to 
 come, infeparable from fuch a war, 
 I honeftly confefs. Sir, that T re- 
 gard you with the utmoft furprize, 
 I had almoft faid, deteftation ; 
 becaufe I believe that if you had 
 poflefied the leaft degree of com- 
 • , F 2 mon 
 
( 68 ) 
 
 mon fagacity, you could not pof- 
 fibly have negledled the many op- 
 portunities, which Fortune threw 
 in your way, to deftroy Mr. Wafli- 
 ingtor's ragged army. You may 
 be very honeft, and you may be 
 brave; but, in the commander of an 
 army, fomething more is required. 
 
 You faid in your fpeech, " that 
 *' reflexions had been thrown on 
 " your charader in your abfence; but 
 " that you did not know by whom." 
 — I will tell you by whom ; by 
 every man in England and in Ame- 
 rica, except thofe officers who are 
 indebted to you for their promo- 
 tion. The number is very con- 
 fiderable ; for though you moft 
 abfurdly complain, that fome of 
 your recommendations were difre- 
 4 garded 
 
( 69 ) 
 
 garded by the miniftry, it is a noto- 
 rious fad-, that no Britifli general 
 was ever honoured with a more 
 extenfive patronage ; infomuch, 
 that if you had remained another 
 year in America, there would hardly 
 have been a lingle officer below the 
 rank of a general, who would not 
 have been indebted to you for his 
 promotion. Whenever you are 
 called upon to anfwer to your 
 country, I beg this circumftance 
 may be remembered, and that the 
 evidence of your quondam fa- 
 vourites and dependents may be 
 . confidered accordingly. Why did 
 you not purfue your advantage at 
 White Plains ? Why did you not 
 crofs the Delaware when Wafliing- 
 ton had not three thoufand men to 
 oppofe you ? Why did you not 
 
 attack 
 
 ■11 
 
 1^ 
 
n ■ 
 
 m 
 
 ( 70 ) 
 
 attack him at Vallyforge, when 
 he had not a fourth of your army, 
 and when a very intelligent friend 
 of government offered to conduct 
 you to a part of his camp, where 
 he might have been attacked with 
 the greateft facility ? Why, whilft 
 you were at Philadelpha did you 
 fufped, difcourage, and totally dif- 
 regardall. intelligence and advice, 
 though communicated by the nK)ft 
 fagacious and fteady friends of Bri- 
 tain ? Such things, Sir William, 
 are whifpered againft you by per- 
 fons lately arrived from America. — 
 I hope they are not true. 
 
 You fay, in your fpeecb, " that 
 " you were often left to (hift for 
 *' yourfelf, for want of inftrudtions 
 " from the miniftry."-^Your worft 
 
 enemy 
 
( 71 ) 
 
 enemy could not have brought a 
 heavier accufation againft you. 
 Whenever the miniftry left you 
 without inflrudions, they paid you 
 the compliment of depending upon 
 your fagacity. At fuch a diftance 
 no minifter can adapt his inftruc- 
 tions to every emergency, and a 
 General who dares not ad: without 
 minute inftrudions, would have 
 been more in his element in the 
 rank of a corporal. 
 
 You accufed the miniftry of 
 whifpering away your character ; 
 and you afterwards, very fooliflily, 
 qualified the accufation by faying, 
 '' that if the reflexions againfl: 
 " you did not originate with the 
 " miniftry, at leaft, they did not 
 *' contradidt them." — To this you 
 
 received 
 
 i 
 
11' 
 
 ( 72 } 
 
 received a very explicit and pofi- 
 tive anfwer from one of the perfons 
 accufed. It vi^as, in truth, fo filly 
 an accufation that all the minority 
 bluflied for you. But is it poflible 
 that you can be fo weak a man as 
 to fuppofe the miniftry would vin- 
 dicate the charadler of a general in 
 whom they were fo much difap- 
 pointed ; a general who could not 
 in three campaigns deftroy a half- 
 ftarved, half-naked, half-armed un- 
 difciplined mob, which even in 
 point of number feldom equalled 
 one third of your own army ? 
 
 Such, Sir William, are the ap- 
 pearances againft you. If they be 
 founded on fads ; if it fhould really 
 appear that you were indolent, in- 
 attentive, fpending your evenings 
 
 at 
 
 
 , s 
 
 
 i1 
 
!.. 
 
 N 
 
 ( 73 ) 
 
 at the play, your nights in gam- 
 bling, and your mornings in bed ; 
 that your counfcllors were men of 
 no abilities, that you were laterally 
 deaf to all falutary information, 
 and that your gallantries employed 
 moft of your time : if, I fay, Sir, 
 thefe things are true, there exifts 
 not a delinquent on the face of the 
 earth fo deferving of exemplary 
 punifhment as yourfelf. 
 
 In recoUedling this your ever 
 memorable fpeech, the fpeeches of 
 the reft of the minority are natu- 
 rally brought to my remembrance. 
 Thefe uniformly antiminifterial 
 members are doubtlefs all honour- 
 able men. The nation is perfcdly 
 convinced of their fiacerity, and 
 that places or penlions are no part 
 
 G of 
 
 
( 74 ) 
 
 of their objedl. But I will take the 
 liberty to affure them that, in the 
 eftimation of their friends in Ame- 
 rica, the minority are objeds of 
 contempt and ridicule ; that, if in- 
 depcL^ence had been granted to 
 America, the farther pretenfions of 
 the Congrefs would have been in- 
 finitely too extravagant for even 
 the minority to grant ; and that 
 the fpeeches of this minority, how- 
 ever well intended, have more ef- 
 fedlually fupported the oppofition 
 in America, than the abilities of 
 Wafliington, the refolution of 
 Congrefs, or the arms of France. 
 
 Your moft obedient fervant, 
 
 AMERICANUS. 
 
 ^ 
 
 4.V 
 
 .i*. 
 
' 
 
 } 
 
 j^