IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // ^ .^^4p. .^'.,V^. 1.0 I.I 1.25 1^ 1^ i ^ m . .. ii£ 1.4 1.6 6" Vi yl /: ^J> > '>> .>' ^jj!» r:^ ^ r ^ 7 Photographic Sdences Corporation 23 WiST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. MS80 (716) 872-4503 iV \ SJ :\ \ <- o^ CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHIVI/ICIVIH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques et bibliographiques The Institute has attempted to obtain the best original copy available for filming. Features of this copy which may be bibliographically unique, which may alter any of the images in the reproduction, or which may significantly change the usual method of filming, are checked below. D D D D D D D D Coloured covers/ Couverture de couleur I I Covers damaged/ Couverture endommagde □ Covers restored and/or laminated/ Couverture restaurde et/ou pellicul6e I I Cover title missing/ Le titre de couverture manque Coloured maps/ Cartes gdographiques en couleur Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or black)/ Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bleue ou noire) Coloured plates and/or illustrations/ Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur Bound with other material/ Reli6 avec d'autres documents Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion along interior margin/ La re Mure serr6e peut causer de I'ombre ou de la distortion le long de la marge int6rieure Blank leaves added during restoration may appear within the text. Whenever possible, these have been omitted from filming/ 11 se peut que certaines pages blanches ajoutdes lors d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte, mais, lorsque cela 6tait possible, ces pages n'ont pas 6X6 film^es. Additional comments:/ Commentaires suppldmentaires; L'Institut a microfilm^ le meilleur exemplaire qu'il lui a dt6 possible de se procurer. Les details de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-dtre uniques du point de vue bibliographique. qui peuvent modifier une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une modification dans la mdthode normale de filmage sont indiqu6s ci-dessous. D D D □ D D This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ Ce document est film6 au taux de reduction indiqu6 ci-dessous. Coloured pages/ Pages de couleur Pages damaged/ Pages endommagdes Pages restored and/or laminated/ Pages restaurdes et/ou pelliculdes Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ Pages ddcolordes, tachet^es ou piqudes Pages detached/ Pages ddtachdes Showthrough/ Transparence I I Quality of print varies/ Quality indgale de I'impression Includes supplementary material/ Comprend du materiel suppl^mentaire Only edition available/ Seule Edition disponible Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata slips, tissues, etc., have been refilmed to ensure the best possible image/ Les pages totalement ou partiellement obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, une pelure, etc., ont 6t^ filmdes 6 nouveau de fapon 6 obtenir la mellleure image possible. The to tti The posa of th filmi Orig begi the I sion, othe first sion, or ill The shall TINl whic Mapi diffe entir begii right requ metl 10X 14X 18X 22X MX 30X ' >/ 12X 16X 20X 24X 28X 32X re 16tails es du modifier er une MImage The copy filmed here has been reproduced thanks to the generosity of: Library of the Pubiic Archives of Canada The images appearing here are the best quality possible considering the condition and legibility of the original copy and in keeping with the filming contract specifications. L'exemplaire film6 fut reproduit grfice d la g6n6rosit6 de: La bibliothdque des Archives pubiiques du Canada Les images suivantes ont 6t6 reproduites avec le plus grand soin, compte tenu de la condition et de la nettet6 de l'exemplaire film6, et en conformity avec les conditions du contrat de filmage. ies Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed beginning with the front cover and ending on the last page with a printed or illustrated impres- sion, or the back cover when appropriate. AM other original copies are filmed beginning on the first page with a printed or illustrated impres- sion, and ending on the last page with a printed or illustrated impression. Les exemplaires originaux dont la couverture en papier est imprim6e sont film6s en commen^ant par le premier plat et en terminant soit par la dernlAre page qui comporte une empreinte d'Impression ou d'illustration, soit par le second plat, selon le cas. Tous les autres exemplaires originaux sont filmte en commengant par la premiere page qui comporte une empreinte d'Impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par la dernidre page qui comporte une telle empreinte. The last recorded frame on each microfiche shall contain the symbol —^(meaning "CON- TINUED"), or the symbol y (meaning "END"), whichever applies. Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbole — ► signifie "A SUIVRE", le symbols V signifie "FIN". e l\/laps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre film6s d des taux de reduction diffdrents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul cliche, 11 est fiimd i partir de Tangle supArieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images nicessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mithude. f errata id to It ie pelure, 9on d J2 1 2 3 32X i t § • [::■•:#, ^ f 6 /3 LETTER TO T if E PEOPLE OF A}.[E11ICA, (Price One Shilling anJ Six-Pevcb.) 1 .1 LETTER T O T HE PEOPLE OF AMERICA, LATELY PRINTED AT NEW YORK j NOW RE-PUBLISHED BY AN AMERICAN. With A POSTSCRIPT, BY THE EDITOR^ ADDRESSED TO SIR W****** H***. LONDON: PRIHTKD FOR T nr^ FOR T. BECKET, THE CORNER OF THfi ADEIPHX, IN THE STRANO. MDCCLXXVXn, it i 4 -A V A N EPISTLE T O T H E PEOPLE OF AMERICA, BRETHREN AND FELLOW-SUBJECTS, THE contejfl: in which fome of you are at prefent en- gaged againft the power of Britain, is the mod important that has ever been recorded fince the beginning of the world. You have been told, that your friends, your brt.hren, your protedorsjvvist England, had formed a defign to enllave you. You were alarmed at this intelli- B gence. J .1 ^i ( 2 ) gence, and, believing it to be true, you very properly refolded to de- fend your liberty at the hazard of your lives. I applaud you for this refolution, and I pray to God, that every man in every part of the world, who has a drop of Englifli blood in his veins, may refolve to fpill every drop of that blood in defence of that liberty to which he has an undoubted right by the conftitution of his country I There breathes not a man, on the face of the earth, who would do more in defence of the natural rights of mankind than myfelf. I even honour the enthufiaftic fpirit which caught the alarm, though it fliould prove, upon enquiry, that you were alarmed without a caufe. You y^ ( 3 ) You were too univcrfally fenfibic of your fiagular ieli.ity under the mild govern iTiCnt and protc-ilion of Britain, not to dart at the lead: np- parent change of fyflem. I applaud your vigilance. You knew well that kinfTS, and minifters are natu- rally rapacious atter pov/er, and you wifely refolved to oppofe the iirft defign of lawlefs dominion. But, my beloved brethren, let us proceed without heat, prejudice, party zeal, or animolity, to en- quire, coolly and deliberately, into the real foundation of your appre- henlions. V^ Great, very great, pains have been taken to perfuade you, that Britain had formed a regular plan B 2 to ( 4 ) to reduce you to a ftate of llaverjr. This is, in truth, a heavy charge agiiinft the mother country. If iTie really had conceived fuch a de- lign, you aded wifely, prudently, and juftly, in difclaiming all duty to fuch a parent. But the charge is of fo extraordinary a nature, and fo highly improbable, that you ought not to believe it, vt^ithout the ftrongeft and moft indifpu table evi- dence. Was it the king that in- tended to make flaves of you?— The king has no fuch power. Was it the king's minifters ? Such an an attempt would coft any minifter his head. Was it the parliament ? The members of parliament are too happy in the enjoyment of confti- tutional liberty, to deprive any part of the Britifh dominions of that : . ( 5 ) that blefling, well knowing that flavery, once begun in the extremi- ties, would, like a gangrene, foon eat its way to the heart. Their own prefervation therefore was your fufficient fecurity. From this reafoning, I prefume, it will be granted, that the charge againft Britain of a premeditated de- jfign to enflave America is, at leaft, improbable. But we will come nearer to the point, and proceed to fads, That no government can exift, which is not fupported by the people, is a felf-evident propofition; therefore, the people, in every country muft be taxed. In this refpecl all nations are alike. The B 3 diff'erenece (■- ■I i ( 6 ) difference lies folely in the mode of taxation. It is the peculiar privi- lege of Britain to be taxed, not by the king, not by the minifter, but by themfelves, their reprefentatives, their fellow- fubjedls. This is, in- deed, a great, a glorious privilege ! — a privilege on which the fecurity of the property of every individualis firmly and permanently eftablifhed, But America is not reprefented, therefore flie could not be conftitu- tionally taxed by a Britifh Parlia- ment. I allow the plea its utmoft validity ; but are we therefore to conclude, that America had a right to a total ktnd perpetual exemption from taxation ? If this queftion be ^nfvvered in the negative, which I prefume I may take for granted, it ^ecelTarily follows, that the only remaining > f! ( 7 ) remaining queftion is, not whether Afnerica ought to. have been taxed ; but, by what means f The matter in difpute being thus reduced to a fimple queftion, we fhallnow come at the truth without much difficulty. But here let us paufe a moment, and recolledl the fubftance of the few preceding pages. I am writing to a fenfible people, who, if I make a blot, will furely hit it. I fliall therefore endeavour, as I go along, fo eiFedually to clear the road to truth, as not to leave a jingle fhrub to hang a doubt on. V B4 S E C- ( 8 ) if II SECTION IL IF the reader's attention to the matter of the preceding fedion hath been equal to the importance of the fubjed, he muft certainly perceive, that the natural fubjeds of Britain, wherefoever fettled, cannot poffibly be enflaved without fuch violence to the conftitution, as would alarm and rouze the moft indolent of their brethren at home. I fay, fie natural fubje3s\ for, in this difpute, it is effentially neceflary to diftin- guifh thcfe from conquered JuhjeSis^ becaufe it hath been urged, with fome apparent degree of weight, that the Canadians do not enjoy the privileges of Englifhmen. To this I anfwer, tha?t the Canadians are li ( f 7 are not deprived - of any privileges to which they were born ; that they furrendered to Britain under certain articles of capitulation, which have been religioully ob- ferved ; that the laws by which they are now governed, were e.n^ aded at their own requeft, and that they are fo perfedly fatisfied with their fituation, as not to enter- tain the leaft idea of accepting the invitation from the United States to become one of their number. nca But, fay the advocates of Ame- the Proteftant government of England hath eftabliflied Popery in Canada. Without cavilling about the word eJlahUJh^ it is fufficient to obferve, that by their capitulation, they were entitled to the full and perfedl I i ■ i \ i ( lo ) perfect enjoyment of their religion, which they could not have done if their priefts had not been authorifed by law, to fue for their tithes. But furely it ill becomes America to pretend an alarm at the introduc- tion of Popery, when her firft, her greai and good ally is a Popifh prince, who, if he be a real Papift, mufi: neceflarily ufe every art to 1, which he be- . propagj '?>' lieves to be the only pofllble paf- port to heaven. After this neceflary digreffiou eoneerning Canada, let us now re- turn to the immediate objedl of our difcuffion. What are the fa<3:s on which America founds her conjec- ture, that Britain defigned to de^ prive her of her liberty ? Prefump^ tive i i ( " ) tive evidence, I have proved in my firft fedion, militates on the oppofite fide of the queftion; we muft therefore once more have re- courfe to fads. The Parliament of Great Britain palTed certain ads impofing taxes on America. Ame- rica objeds to thefe taxes, becaufe {he is not reprefented ; but that this was only a pretended objedion is felf evident, becaufe fhe continues to perfift in her difobedience, al- though the affair of taxation has been given up. I wifli the honeft people of America would prefs this argument, with all its weight, upon their prefent governors. Afk them when, for the fake of reftoring peace, all their grievances were promifed to be redrefled, why they ftill refufed to return to their obe- dience ; if* ( " ) dience of the government under which they were born, and under whofe protedion they were the happieft people in the univerfe ? But though I have acknowledg- ed that no unreprefented body of Britifli fubjeds ought to be taxed by Parliament, let it not be for- that of the char- gotten, mat none ters under which the fubje<3:s of Britain firft fettled in America, exempted them from taxation, and that one of them pofitively fays, they Jhall not be taxed except by the Parliament of Britain* This exception was evidently inferted in order to fecure them from being taxed by the king's fole authority, which might otherwife have been ' „ ap- ap- ( »3 ) apprehended, as by his fole autho- rity they were firil: eftabHfhed. If the reader be an impartial en-^ quirer after truth, I will now aflc him, upon his honour, whether this particular colony, in whofe charter the above exception appears, might not have been legally taxed ? And I alfo afk him, whether he does not believe that the other colonies would not have been glad of the fame exception, for their own fecu- rity againft the prerogative of the crown ? I do not mean to draw more from this argument than it neceffarily implies. I mean only to prove, that parliament might naturally proceed to tax the king's fubjeds in America, without any juft fufpicion of intentional, illegal, iifurpa- m Nl Ml ( ^4 ) tifurpation. It was a new cafe, and fo doubtful, that the wifeft and honefteft men in England dif- fered in opinion concerning it. Now admitting the legality of tax- ing the colonies to be a doubtful cafe, there were two very powerful reafons in juftification of the at- tempt to bring the queftion for- ward; tl)e national debts of ^ri^ tain.^ and the affluence of America. As to the firft of thefe reafons, notwithftanding all the fophiftry which hath been employed to prove the contrary, it ftill remains a no- torious fad, that a confiderable part of the national debt of Britain hath been contracted in defending America. The fad is indeed ge- nerally acknowledged, but the obli- gation is denyed. England, we are told, • are ( 15 ) told, defended America from the French and Indians, as a farmer defends his flieep from the wolves, becaufe they yield him wool. But do thefe fheep owe their mafter lefs obligation, becaufe his emolument happens to coincide with their pre- fervation ? BeGdes, thefe flieep, if they have any gratitude, will recoi- led:, that he not only employed a fliepherd to take care of them in their infancy, when they yielded him no wool, but that, by pro- teding their folitary progenitors, he was the caufe of the very exif- tence of every individual in the prefent numerous flock. This fimile exhibits a very fl:riking portrait of America. The firfl: fettlers in Ame- rica mufl: foon have been drove into the fea, had they not been pro- 4 teded ( i6 ) teAed by Britain. Thefe fettlers, if they had remained in Europe, would not have produced half the number of children ; confequently at leaft half the prefent inhabitants of America owe their exiftence to the protedlion of Great Britain. M»l» if T .Ic SECTION. III. ADMITTING the legally of taxing America by authority of Par- liament, to be a dubious pointy I have afferted in the foregoing fee- tion, that, in equity ^ there were two reafons fufficient to induce Parliament to adopt the meafure, viz. the national debt \ and the affiuence of America. The iirft of 5 thefc ( 17 ) thefe I have already difpatched j as to the fecond, I appeal to every unprejudiced American ; Were there any beggars to be feen in the ftreets of Bofton, New York, Phi-j ladelphia, or Charles-Town, in the villages, or on the roads ? Is there any part of Europe in which la- bour was fo extravagantly paid, and where, confequently, the loweft clafs of people lived fo well ? Did not the common cart-men in New York and Philadelphia live better than the middling trades-people ii> England ? And though labour was exceedingly high, were not all the neceflaries of life remarkably cheap? Can there be a more inconteftible proof of affluence ? Were not all the mafters of fhips and the mer- frh^nts by whom they were em-? q ployed^ ! <;J f i8 ) ployed, in every part of the coiitP nent of America, accumulating, wealth to an amazing degree ? Did not the northern colonies abound with wealthy farmers, and the fouthern with gentlemen of large fortunes ? Was there in any part of America, the leaft appear- ance of that penury and diftrefs, fo- vifible in many of the inhabitants of every country in Europe? Was there a fingle merchant, of any note, in the city of New York, who did not exhibit a very valu- able Udeboard of plate ? Are thefe figns of a country unable to con- tribute a grateful pittance towards the fupport of the kingdom to which it ftands indebted for its very exiftence ? Was it for fuch a country, when flie was afked only. ta ( 19 ) to contribute a trifle towards the maintenance of her own govern^ ment, to quarter a few foldiers for her own defence ; was it for fuch a country to difpute about an intri- cate point of law ? Are thefc peo- ple the defcendants of Britons ? Where is their generofity ? where their gratitude? where their equity ? England hath been egregioufly deceived in almofl every circum- ftance concerning America ; but no inftance more flagrantly than in the eftimation of her wealth. The people of America were doubtlefs the mofl: afiluent people in the world. But there was, in the opinion of a celebrated writer, another reafon why taxes would have been lefs burdenfome to Ame- C z rica il I- '-.m ( 20 ) rica than to any other nation. This celebrated writer was a fubjed of your great and good ally^ the king of France ; you will confequently pay a proper regard to his opinion. I will quote the paflage in the ori- ginal : as French muft now become the language of America, you cannot begin to learn it too foon. — — ^* Regie general : on peut " lever des tribut plus forte, a pro- " portion de la liberte des fujets ; " & Ton eft force de les moderer, *' a mefure que la fervitude aug- " mente. Cela a toujours etc, et *' cela fera toujours. C'eft une *' regie tiree de la nature, qui ne " varie point ; on le trouve par *' tous les pays : en Angleterre, en " Hcllande, et dans tous les etats ^- " ou ( 2' ) ** Oil la liberte va fe cjegradant ** jufqu'en Turquie." Efprit des Loix, torn. ii. chap. 12. For the benefit of thofe few Americans who may not be quite per fed in the French language, I could have wiflied to fubjoin a tranflation of this paffage ; but I am fearful of offending their Excels lencies the Right Hon, Congrefs, who are about to publifli an edid, enjoining every liege fubjed of the United States of America, imme- diately to follow their example in providing himfelf with a French grammar and didionary. Dr, Franklin will be quoted as an in- ftance, that the French language may be acquired, with proper ftudy and application, even at the age of C 3 feventy- f 22 ) feV€nty-two. It is indeed whif- pered, notwithftanding the Dodor's indefatigable application to his French grammar, that there are fome of the fecret articles in the treaty of alliance, which he did not perfedly underftand : but al- lowing a little for dotage, and a great deal for the exquifite fubtilty of French genius and French lan- guage, the Dodor is quite ex- cufable. Speaking of the ftrange alliance with France, I am naturally led to exprefs my aftonifliment, at the fupinenefs, the fhameful negli- gence, with which the people of America have fuffered themfelves, without their confent or approba- tion, to be linked, bound, chained to a nation, which, from their fouls, ' : ■ they ( 23 ) ^they abhor ! a nation, which, in manners, cuftoms, policy, religion, every thing, differs from America, as light from darknefs. The union is a monfter, half flieep, half mon- key. Fy ! Fy ! and are ye really the offspring of Old England ? Serioujly, Americans, I marvel exceedingly, that you do not infift on a full, an ample, a total promul- gation of this treaty with France. The Congrefs tells you, that fome of the articles are improper to be known by the enemy ; but T tell you, that all the articles are known by the enemy, as the Congrefs are face tiou fly pleafed to call their fovereign. Thefe articles are con- cealed, becaufe they are afliamed of them. A(k the Congrefs, whe- ther they have not mortgaged the C 4 whole, \ '? ( H ) ^liole, or part of America ) If they denj this, afk them what then they have given as a fecurity to France for the vaft fum flie has lent them ? What equivalent for the expence of a large fleet of fliips of war, fcnt lacrofs the Atlantic for the fole jpurpofe of aififting America ? What compenfation to France for rufh- ing precipitately into a war with England, contrary to the intereft and inclination of her old allies^ iand with the difapprobation of every J)ower in Europe ? Ifj in anfwer to thefe queftions, Congrefs fhould tell you, that except an open trade with America, their great and «3bOD ALLY, is folcly influenced by his AFFECTION FOR LIBERTY^ land THE NATURAL RIGHTS OF MAN- itiNDi you would laugh, even in the face of Congrefs^ ( 25 ) Poftibly fome of my readers may be of opinion, that I have exhaufted the fubjed: of the French alliance* The fubjed is inexhauftible. If I had a parrot at Philadelphia, I Would teach him to cry French ulliance^ till the whole Congrefs, French ambaffador and all, fliould grow heartily fick at the founds As to the futile pretence, that the French king hath concluded this alliance, merely in expedlation of an open trade with America, the attempt to make you believe it, is an affront to your underflanding. The French minifter is not fo unacquainted with the American trade, as to flatter himfelf that it can ever become an objed of im- portance to the French nation. The reafons are obvious. Their manu- factures 1 ii (I { 26 } fadurcs are much inferior to thofc of Ejigland ; French merchants, in general, have fo little credit in America, that very few people will ever entruft them with the fale of a cargo ; French manufacturers, and French merchants, are too poor to afford that credit which the na- ture of the American trade requires. If indeed the French minifter could have obtained, from Dr. Franklin, an exclufive trade with America, the cafe would have been very dif- ferent; but fo long as the Ame- ricans are fuffered to trade with whom they pleafe, they will, for the reafons abovementioned, always trade with England, in prefe- rence to any other country. Mer- chants may be fpeculative politi- qians ; but they ceafe to be mer- chants. ( 27 ) ichants the moment they ad con- trary to their own interefts. I have not yet done with thi« French aUiance. I am fond of the fubjed, becaufe I clearly per- ceive, that it will ad more powerfully than fleets and armies, in the good work of reftoring America to the parental arms of Britain. The Americans have hi- therto fupported the charader of a virtuous, religious people, pecu- liarly attached to the Proteftant faith. Is America unacquainted with the tenets of Popery ? Is there a Popifli country in the world, where the Proteftant reli- gion is tolerated ? Is it not the ipeculiar genius of Popery to in- jlinuate itfelf into all countries, and ( 28 ) and to ufe every poflible means of propagating its dodrines, wherever it gains a footing? What then has America to exped from a Po- pi(h alliance, but (hoals of priefts under every pofEble dilguife ? Yet the religious fentiments of a Popifli ally are lefs to be dreaded than his political opinions, which are always inconfiftent with civil liberty. Is there a Popifh prince in any part of the world, whofe fubje^s are not in a ftate of civil, as well as reli- gious flavery ? Is there a fingle example to be found in the uni- verfal hiftory of mankind, fince the creation of the world, of a free people affifted (bona fide) by an arbitrary prince, in the prefervation of their liberty ? That fuch an event never did happen, is moft certain, ( 29 ) certain, and that it fhould now happen, can be expeded only by the weakeft colledtion of heads that ever ufurped the government of any country. But Lewis XVI. is a phflenomenon of greatnefs and good- nefs, a lover, a patron of liberty —Corfica — Corfica— Corfica !— No, no, the people of America are too well acquainted with the hif- tory of mankind to be fo deceived ; they recolledt too many flagrant inftances of French perfidy, to put any faith in their compliments, their promifes,- or even in their moft folemn treaties of amity and alli- ance ; they are perfectly convinced, that France confiders nothing but her ovi^n intereft, and that nothing can be for the intereft of France, which will not prove difagree- < -^ able, r ( so ) ■ able, detrimental, deftrudive to America. In order to perfuade Great Bri- tain to treat with America as an independent people, it hath been artfully infinuated, that if fhe fpend* too much time in hefitation, the American merchants will in a little while forget their correfpondents in England ; they will eftablifh a con- fidential intercourfe with France ; the fafhions of London will gradu- ally give way to thofe of Paris, and that when the trade has once taken a new channel, it will be impoffible ever to bring it back. Thefe argu- ments are fufficiently anfwered in the firft part of this fedion ; but, if there fliould ftill remain the fliadow of a doubt, I will appeal to ^ ' ■ t ( 31 ) to the feelings of every honeft, unprejudiced man and woman on this continent. Tell me, ye fons and daughters o^ Old England, whe- ther your hearts do not revolt at the idea of an union with France ? Whether French manners, French politicks, French perfidy, French fafhions, do not infpire you with deteftation ? Whether the very fight of a Frenchman in your ftreets, is not an objed: of ridicule, difguft and contempt ? Whether they have not already given you fuffi- cient proof of their perfidious de- figns, and of their inability to affift you ? Now, lay your hands upon your hearts ; give me honeft an- fwers to thefe queftions, and the difpute is ended. 8 EC- M w Bw iw w«>i > ai «B >r"f 'ifc»-^ ( 32 } SECTION IV, IT hath ever been the pradticQ of defigning cafuifts, whofe caufe would be injured by perfpicuity, to perplex the fubjedt with a pro- fufe jargon of vague terms and un-^ intelligible diftindions. The com- mon reader who has no leifure nor inclination to follow the writer through all his intricate windings, admits his conclufions without fuf- ficient attention to the principles on which they were founded, and is thus deceived into a belief, that he has confuted his ad verfary . The peo- ple of America have been frequently amufed and perplexed with the terms of external and internal tax- ation ; and they have been taught Z tQ ( 33 ) to believe, that their liberty entirely depended on a nice diftindlion be- tween the two ; neverthelefs the people of America are, at this mo- ment, as incapable of drawing the line, as when the difpute began. The moft celebrated Britifh writer, in favour of the rights of America, attempting to put the matter out of doubt, informs us, that internal taxation is for the purpofe of raif- ing a revenue, and external taxation folely for the regulation of trade. It is truly amazing that any man of common fenfe, or common honefty, fhould deceive himfelf, and wifli to deceive others with fuch fluff ! Can any thing be more evident than that all taxes are levied for the purpofe of raifing a revenue ? Can any real difference arife from the D difference i ( 3+ ) difference of application ? What difference does it make to an American fubje6V, whether the dol- lars which he pays in taxes are fent to England, and guineas fent back to build a fort for his protedion ; or whether thofe dollars were im- mediately expended for the fame purpofe in America? What dif- ference is it to the confumer, whe- ther he pays a duty on tea at Lon- don or at Bofton ? But, taking off a {hilling per pound in London, and laying on only three pence in America, made a confiderable dif- ference to the band of fmugglers by whom you have been mifled. I am this moment in the utmoft aftonifliment, at reading in Riving- ton's paper of this morning (Ocl. 3d.) an ( 35 ) an anfwer from the Congrefs, to a letter written by Sir Henry- Clinton ; an anfwer which ought to be engraven in letters, not of gold, but of brafs^ on every liberty- pole in America, and at the corner of every flreet in every town in Eu- rope, that all the world may judge whether fuch impudence be any longer fupportable ? That the im- pertinent folly of this memorable anfwer may be properly underftood, it is neceffary that I fhould firft tranfcribe Sir Henry Clinton's let- ter to the Congrefs. Thefc letters cannot be made too publick, nor bj too carefully preferved. D 2 T$ ,.t„:. ( 36 ) To Mr. Rivington, Printer to the Kings mojl Excellent Majejiy. New-York, Od. 2d. 1778. '' Sir, " YOU will be pleafed to pub- " lifli the following copy of a letter <« from His Excellency Sir Henry " Clinton, K. B. addreffed to the «' Prefident and Members of the " Congrefsj with the anfwer fub- «' joined. I am, *« Sir, «' Your moft obedient, <' Humble Servant, '* John Smith, Sec." N. B. His Excellency addreffed another letter of the iame date and tenor to General Wafhington, to which he has as yet received no anfvvcr. ( 37 ) lo His ExceUe72cy Henry Laurens, Rfq'y Prefident^ and others the Members of the American Con- grefs at Philadelphia. " New- York, 19th Sept. 1778. " Sir, " NOTHING but his Ma- ' jefty's pofitive inftrudlions, of ' which I fend you an extradl, could ' have induced me to trouble you or ' the American Congrefs again on ^ the fubjed of the troops de- ' tained in New-England, in ' dired: contravention of the treaty * entered into at Saratoga. The ' negledl of the requifitions al- ' ready made on this fubje^ is ' altogether unprecedented among ' parties at war. I now however D 3 *^ repeat 'it. ic a <( <c <c C( cc (( ( 38 ) repeat the demand, that the con- vention of Saratoga be fulfilled 3 and offer by exprefs and recent authority from the king, received fince the date of the late re- quifition made by his Majefty's Commiffioners, to renew in his Majefty's name, all the condi- tions ftipulated by Lieutenant- General Burgoyne, in refped; to the troops ferving under his com- mand. *' In this I mean to difcharge * my duty not only to the King, ' whofc orders I obey ; but to ' the unhappy people likewife, ' whofe affairs are committed to ' you, and who I hope will have 'the candour to acquit me of « the confequences that muft « follow ( 39 ) " follow from the new Jyftem " of waf you are pleafed to in- " troduce. -■| '■%i *' I have the honour to be, "Sir, *^ Your moft obedient, ^' And moft humble Servant, If m *^ H. Clinton. ^^ D4 To I ( 40 ) To His Excellency General Sir Henry Clinton, K. B. &'c. &c. New York. Philadelphia, Sept. 2S, 1728. " Sir, " YOUR letter of the 19th " was laid before Congrefs, and I ** am dired:ed to inform you that " the Congrefs of rhe United States " of America make no anfwer to " infolent letters. " I am with due refpe<5l, " Sir, " Your obedient, " Humble fervant. ^^ Cha. Thomson, Sec, ( 41 ) Perhaps the reader may be at fome lofs to point out the infolent part of Sir Henry Clinton's letter, which could fo irritate the venera- ble^ the wife^ the prudent Congre(sj as to make them, like ^^fop's cat, forget their new charadler, and fpeak their old, their natural lan- guage. They muft in truth, have been in a violent paflion, thus fud- denly to throw off the mafk, and, in one angry moment, lofe all their friends, and juftify their enemies, in taking fuch revenge as Britifh ho- nour probably now holds indif- penfible. The part of Sir Henry Clinton's letter with which Con- grefs was particularly offended, is the laft paragraph. They hate every thing that looks like an ap- peal to the people. But they were 4 under 'i ''-■-i i V n ( 42 ) tinder a neceflity of giving fome fuch laconick anfwer to the letter, becaufe it removed their only ob- jection to fulfilling the convention. But to return to our fubjedt. That the people of America, who were not acquainted with the nature of taxation, fhould be eafily alarmed by defigning men, is not at all furprizing ; and yet it re- quires very little refledlion to com- prehend, that the burthen of taxa- tion is hardly felt. The people in England and Holland pay heavier taxes than any nation in the world, and yet thefe are the two countries in which there is the leaft ap- pearance of want among the loweft clafs of inhabitants. The taxes in Britain are faid to be enormoufly 2 in- ( 43 ) increafed, and all the neceffaries of life fo extravagantly dear, that it is impoffible to live ; and yet there is hardly a man in England whofc grandfather lived half fo well as himfelf. Who are the people who feel the weight of taxation ? Is it the farmer ? Noi? he raifes the price of his corn. Is it the land- lord ? No : he raifes his rents. Is it the merchant, the fhopkeeper, the mechanick, the manufadurer, the day-labourer ? No, no : they all raife their prices in proportion^ and generally in over proportion to the tax. Who then are the people who are really burthened by taxa- tion ? They are place-men, pen- sioners, officers of the army and navy, clergymen, and thofe who live on the intereft of money in the funds. But in an induftrious na- tion, \ ( 44 ) tion, which exports its manufac-- til res or produce to foreign coun- tries, the taxes are chiefly paid by foreigners. Poflibly it may be faid, that high taxes will increafe the price of labour, and prevent exportation, by raifing the price of your produce and manufactures too high for fo- reign markets. But the high price of labour in America proves, that it is not always the effed: of taxa- tion ; and it is very evident, from the prodigious exportation of Eng- liili manufadures, that internal taxation is no burthen on the ma- nufadturer, and no impediment to trade. / \ Prefuming that the good people of America are now convinced, that ■| ( 45 ) that this mighty hobgoblin, called external or internal taxation (they are the fame thing) is not fo hor- rible a monfter as they have been taught to believe ; we will now proceed to a fair and candid invef- tigation of the manner in which America might be legally and con- ftitutionally taxed— .It is the un- doubted privilege of Britons to tax themfelves : That is, every bill ex- ading money from the fubjedl, muft originate in the Houfe of Commons, muft pafs the Houfe of Lords, and receive the aflent of the King, before it becomes a law. Such bills muft originate with the Commons, becaufe they are the reprefentatives of the people, and, in this fenfe, the people tax them- felves. But the people of America are not reprefented in the Britifh Parliament, •I -3- I i m ( 46 ) Parliament, therefore, they cannot be legally taxed by that authority. This, I apprehend, every Ameri- can will allow to be a true ftate of the cafe. The caflnfts, on both fides the queftion have, I think, generally fuppofed diftind modes of confti- tutional taxation : viz. Either by the provincial aflemblies with the confentof the council, the governor, and the king ; or by a viceroy and parliament of her own ; or that America fliould fend members to the Britifli Parliament. The prin- cipal objedion to the firft of thefe methods is, that the fum, required by the minifter to be raifed by America, would be granted in the provinces, not in proportion to their refpedlivc abilities, but ac- cording ( 47 ) cording to the degree of loyalty, or affedtion, or generofity, or juftice of each affembly. An affembly of mulifh republicans, if any fuch fliould arife, would probably grant nothing towards the fupport of majefty and the whore of Babylon, This would create difputes among the provinces, and the tax would always be unequal. The fum re- quelted by the minifter would ever be thought too great, and would be an endlefs matter of difpute be- tween the American governors and the aflemblies. The fecond expedient is, a vice- roy from Englaad, with an upper and a lower houfe of reprefentatives, affembled at Philadelphia. There are fo few objections to this form of government, that if it had been pro- f ( 48 ) propofed by America, the projedl would have met with no oppo- fition. The third fcheme is that of beino: adlually reprefented in the Britifh Houfe of Commons by members fcnt from America. If this be the choice of America, Britain can have no objedion. If America, inftead of wrangling about external and in- ternal taxation, had petitioned to fend members to parliament, this miferable war would never have begun. But it was not the defign, becaufe it v/as not the intereft of jour Adams's, and fuch fort of men, to prevent the war. They objeded to fending members, becaufe, though every province fliould fend three, their number would be yet fo fmall in proportion to the reft, that th^y could ( 49 ) could have no weight or influence Ih the Houfc. This pbjcclion might with equal propriety be urged by the mea^bers of every county in England. The largeft county in Britain fends very few members to p;?rliament. Scotland fends only Forty-five, and yet Scotland has never fince the Union had caufe to complain of partial oppre/Iive tax- ation. But, as I have before ob- ferved, the mifcreants, by whom you have been deluded, were, from the firft, determined to precipitate you into a ruinous war with your befl: friends. They themfelves run no rifque : for they have nothing to lofe. E SEC- I > 11/ ( so ] ft'' SECTION V. BRETHREN and fellow-fub- jedts ! I now, moft earneftly requeft your ferious attention. Thefe are not times to fpend in idle cafuiftry and unavailing difputation. All your felicity, in this world, depends upon the refolution of a moment. For heaven's fake, trifle no longer, when your liberty and every thing you poflefs is at flake ! Reflect ferioufly on the characters of thofe men in whom you have confided. Confider them one by one, and be cautioufly inquifitive into the life and converfation of every indivi^ dual. Is there a man amongfl: them of diftinguiflied honour and pro- bity ? Is there a fingle individual among ( 51 ) among the principal promoters of this unnatural rev^olt, whom you would have honoured with the ap- pellation of an honeft man ? Were they not all people of doubtful origin, of defperate fortune, and of fufpicious charader ? And are thefe the men by whom you are advifed and by whom you wifli to be go- verned ? Depend upon it, low- bred people will be tyrants as foon a- it is in their power. The truth o .'is affertion is proved beyond all contradidion, by the prefent tranfadions at Philadelphia, where all their proceedings are tyrannical and oppreffive beyond conception. No publick trial, no confronting of evidence, no jury, no habeas corpus ; in fliort, not the leaft veftige of your ancient Britifh forms or judi- E 2 cature. I' 1; f 52 ) cature, by which the liberty and perfonal fafety of the fubjedl were fo efFecStually fecured. No, no: thefe happy and fingular fecurities of Britifh liberty are unknown at Philadelphia ; your governors are become tyrants ; their principles ^ are defpotic, their proceedings un* juftj and their intentions deftruc- tive to the freedom of America. What I have already written, toncering the private charadlers of the perfonsj principally concerned in perfuading the people of Ame- rica to oppafe the legal authority of the mother countrv, is of fa much confequence in the difpute, that I cannot help repeating my requeft. I once more earneftly delire, 'that the clraraders of thefe men f 53 ) men may be carefully examined and confidered, I now proceed to anr- fwer fome objedions to the condud of Britifh minifters, the parliament, and of Britifli generals. The enemies of liberty (I mean the Congrefsjthpir abettors, and de- pendents) have induftrioufly re- ported a thoufand tales concerning the cruelty of the Britifh army. Thofe, who are credulous from in^ experience, believe fuch tales on the mere ipfe dixit of the relator ; but thofe who are better acquainted with the world, will recoiled that mankind generally adt under the influence of felf-intereft ; that it is the intereft of the enemies of Britain to propagate every report prejucjirial to the Britiflj army, an^ E3 that mpwpww'w* ( 5+ ) that a Britifli general would acSt contrary to his intereft, in fufFer- ing his army to treat with cruelty thofe whom he wifhed to make his friends. On thefe confidera- tions, fuch reports will, to fenfible people, appear highly improbable, and their belief will be propor- tioned to the evidence of fads. It is well known, that large ar- mies cannot ooflibly be entirely prevented from irregularities on a march. In the Jerfies fome houfes may have been plundered, and fome burnt, contrary to the pofitive or- ders of the general ; but it is no- torious, that the troops, in their feveral marches through that coun- try, met with frequent infults and intolerable provocations, with which ( 55 ) which the general was entirely un- acquainted. Many of the peafants concealed themfelves whilft the troops marched by their houfes, and fired on them from the win- dows, P3 foon as they had paffed. The Britifh troops in their camps and cantonments, were perpetually infulted by fmall bodies of pea- fants, firing at their picquets and centinels in the night. Such ban- ditti are, by all the laws of war, entitled to no mercy y and if, after two or three fuch infults, the ge- neral had ordered every houfe within five miles of his camp, to be fet on fire, he would have beenjuftified by ^11 the world. The confideration of the con- dud of the Britifh miniftry, and E 4 of ( 56 ) of parliament, I have rcferved to the h([ J bccaufc it is that part of my fubje6l with which I w ifli, mo ft i^idelibly to iniprcfs the mind of every rational American. Doubtless the narllament of Great I Britain have paffcd fome ads oon- cernina America which cannot be juftilied. But we mufl: remember, that the only oppreinve acls of parlia- ment wxre fubfequentto, and in con- fequenceof, tranfadions equally un- juilifiable on the part of America, and that confcquently fome thing mufl: be allowed to national refentment : beiides, thefe acts had evidently no other object than to bring back America to a proper fenfe of her ovv'n inicrcft and of her duty to her fovercign 3 a duty (he has conftantiy ac- *■ ( 57 ) acknowledged, and without which flae can never be happy. But ad- mitting that thefe adls of parliament were oppreffive, furcly their laft ad muft have convinced all the world, that Britain no longer entertained any refcntment towards America, and that a Congrefs who could re- jed: fuch terms, muft have been previoufly determined, at all events, to ufurp a fovereignty, to which neither the people of England, nor of America can poffibly fubmit. With regard to the miniftry, it is necefiary to obferve, that their ac- tions are not to be poifed in the fame balance with thofe of other kingdoms. The exceflive freedom of the Britifh conftitution lays them under perpetual rcftraint, and this reftraint Mm M ( S8 ) reftraint is produdive of fuch delay as in time of war, muft often fruf- trate the moft rational plans of operation. I mention this circum- ftance as an exculpation of the miniftry to thofe friends of govern- ment in America, who complain of dilatory proceedings. The miniftry in England are always perplexed by an oppoiition in par- liament, which, though falutary to the conftitution, is neverthelefs an evil fometimes produdive of very difagreeable effeds. It is, however, an evil which admits of no remedy that would not be worfe than the difeafe. But the effedls of this fa- lutary oppofition are particularly unfortunate, when the govern- ment is employed in fuppreffing the inordinate effufions and exube- rances ( 59 ) ranees of liberty. The male-con- tents believe, that all thofc who op- pofe adminiftration, are their friends; the fpeeches of a Chatham, a Camden, a Burke, are repeated, and re-echoed in every licentious affembly ; and the floridly argu- mentative harangues, which, in the laudable pride of elocution and ir- repreflible fervour of patriotifm, were meant to preferve the confti- tution, unfortunately prove the caufe of its overthrow. Americans, friends, fellow- countrymen 1 I muft now bid you farewell. My epiftle is of fufiicient length, and its contents enough for your prefent confideration. But before we part, I conjure you, be- ware of evolves in peeps clothing, Re-^ J ( 6o ) Remember, that obedience to legal authority is the politive command of God, and the conftant dodlrine of his word. Remember, that your prefent ridiculous rulers are in every refpedl your inferiors, who, without your authority, have bound you to a nation which you hate, and who in the true fpirit of republican tyranny, already rule you with a rod of iron. Awake, awake, Americans ! Be no longer deluded by thefe notorioufly unprincipled demagogues. If ye regard the liberty to which ye were born, arife and pull down thefe felf created Lords, and tread them imder your feet. Be aflured, that Britain will now affift you with all her might. The infolent folly of this ridiculous Congrefs, hath, like a charm, in a moment annihilated 4 all ( 6i } all oppofition to government, hath united all parties in defence of the honour of the crown, of the nation, and of the conftitutional liberty of America. England will now throw away the fcabbard in earneft. She will refolve never to treat with this contemptible, this temporary thing called a CONGRESS, and Ihe will convince the world that though fhe may be flow to anger, perdition waits on him that dares infult her. There remains yet one argument, which, if I had ufed no other, were alone fufficient to roufe every ra- tional American to an immediate exertion of all his powers. I mean the enormous debt of fixty millions fterling, contracted by the Congrefs; which enormous debt, if the Con- grcfs "•i }\ I h * r !1! ( 62 ) grefs continue to reign, muft be paid by three millions of people, without coin, without trade, or any other poffible means of difcharging a twentieth part of the debt, ex- cept by an abfolute fale of all your lands to a foreign power. Com- pare your debt, your number of people, and yov total want of re- fources, with thofe of Britain, her debt, her number of people, and if you are not convinced that no- thing but immediate reconciliation can favc you from deftru6lion, you muft henceforward relinquifh all pretenfions to common under- ftanding. it '< POSTSCRIPT. TO SIR W****** H***, SIR, 'TpHE prefent editor of this -*• pamphlet takes the Hberty to fubjoin a poftfcript, and to addrefs it particularly to you, becaufe you are intimately connedled with the fubjed: of the pamphlet ; becaufe you will cut a very lingular figure in the hiftory of America ; and more efpecially, becaufe in your late wonderful fpeech in the Houfe ofCommons, you have endeavoured to I ,1 '^1 Si ^ ( 64 ) to iliift the piiblick odium from yourfclf to the king's minifters, and particularly to the fecretary for the American department. That a general officer, who, for fo long a time, without ciFed, commanded the fineft, the moft numerous, and bcft appointed army that ever failed from Britain, againft a defpicable, in- confiderablc rabble, fhould try every poffible mv^ans of exculpation, is not furprifing ; but it w^ould be really wonderful if fuch a lame apology fhould raife your character a jot with the rational part of the nation. Your advocates (for you have fome) will tell me, that it is un- generous to prejudice the minds of the people againft a man who expeds a legal enquiry into his con- dudl. ( 65 ) dudl. This plea you have rendered totally invalid, by beginning your exculpation in the Houil? of Com- mons previous to fuch enquiry. Befides, you have prematurely, in- formally, and impertinently accufed others ; you are therefore become fair game, and the publick have an indifputable right to an ample inveftigation of your condud: in America. That inveftigation I referve. I mean at prefent only to conlider your fpeech in the Houfe of Commons. You began with a declaration, that you could not approve of mea- fures that favoured of cruelty or barbarity. — In anfwer to this, I afk you, upon your honour, whe- ther you really believe that cruelty F and \i '■ i ( 66 ) and barbarity were intended by the authors of the Manifejlo laft pub- liflied in America? If you are fo uninformed in the afual intention of Ma?2ifejl 05^ your friend General Bur- goyne will tell you of one inftance, at leafl:, in which a furious proclama- tion was iffued merely in terrorem. But, Sir, admitting that the minif- try really intended to carry on the war in future, with rather lefs lenity than heretofore, they are juftifiable by every law of nature and of nations, becaufe lenient meafures in the ex- treme have been tryed to no pur- pofe. What are your precife ideas of cruelty and barbarity I know not ; my own ideas of cruelty I will tell you. When you, Sir, firft land- ed upon Long Ifland, it was cruel beyond example to fuffer the rebel 5 army h ( 67 ) army to efcape acrofs the eaft riven You know it might have been pre* vented by two or three frigates, and that if you had not checked your troops, all the rebels on Long Ifland muft have laid down their arms. This would have ended the \yar. It was cruel, horridly cruel, in you not to ftifle the monfter Re- bellion in the cradle ; and, if this be a fad, you arc anfwerablc for all the increafe of national debt, for every limb, for every life that has been loft in the conteft, and for all the miferies, paft and to come, infeparable from fuch a war, I honeftly confefs. Sir, that T re- gard you with the utmoft furprize, I had almoft faid, deteftation ; becaufe I believe that if you had poflefied the leaft degree of com- • , F 2 mon ( 68 ) mon fagacity, you could not pof- fibly have negledled the many op- portunities, which Fortune threw in your way, to deftroy Mr. Wafli- ingtor's ragged army. You may be very honeft, and you may be brave; but, in the commander of an army, fomething more is required. You faid in your fpeech, " that *' reflexions had been thrown on " your charader in your abfence; but " that you did not know by whom." — I will tell you by whom ; by every man in England and in Ame- rica, except thofe officers who are indebted to you for their promo- tion. The number is very con- fiderable ; for though you moft abfurdly complain, that fome of your recommendations were difre- 4 garded ( 69 ) garded by the miniftry, it is a noto- rious fad-, that no Britifli general was ever honoured with a more extenfive patronage ; infomuch, that if you had remained another year in America, there would hardly have been a lingle officer below the rank of a general, who would not have been indebted to you for his promotion. Whenever you are called upon to anfwer to your country, I beg this circumftance may be remembered, and that the evidence of your quondam fa- vourites and dependents may be . confidered accordingly. Why did you not purfue your advantage at White Plains ? Why did you not crofs the Delaware when Wafliing- ton had not three thoufand men to oppofe you ? Why did you not attack ■11 1^ n ■ m ( 70 ) attack him at Vallyforge, when he had not a fourth of your army, and when a very intelligent friend of government offered to conduct you to a part of his camp, where he might have been attacked with the greateft facility ? Why, whilft you were at Philadelpha did you fufped, difcourage, and totally dif- regardall. intelligence and advice, though communicated by the nK)ft fagacious and fteady friends of Bri- tain ? Such things, Sir William, are whifpered againft you by per- fons lately arrived from America. — I hope they are not true. You fay, in your fpeecb, " that " you were often left to (hift for *' yourfelf, for want of inftrudtions " from the miniftry."-^Your worft enemy ( 71 ) enemy could not have brought a heavier accufation againft you. Whenever the miniftry left you without inflrudions, they paid you the compliment of depending upon your fagacity. At fuch a diftance no minifter can adapt his inftruc- tions to every emergency, and a General who dares not ad: without minute inftrudions, would have been more in his element in the rank of a corporal. You accufed the miniftry of whifpering away your character ; and you afterwards, very fooliflily, qualified the accufation by faying, '' that if the reflexions againfl: " you did not originate with the " miniftry, at leaft, they did not *' contradidt them." — To this you received i 11' ( 72 } received a very explicit and pofi- tive anfwer from one of the perfons accufed. It vi^as, in truth, fo filly an accufation that all the minority bluflied for you. But is it poflible that you can be fo weak a man as to fuppofe the miniftry would vin- dicate the charadler of a general in whom they were fo much difap- pointed ; a general who could not in three campaigns deftroy a half- ftarved, half-naked, half-armed un- difciplined mob, which even in point of number feldom equalled one third of your own army ? Such, Sir William, are the ap- pearances againft you. If they be founded on fads ; if it fhould really appear that you were indolent, in- attentive, fpending your evenings at , s i1 !.. N ( 73 ) at the play, your nights in gam- bling, and your mornings in bed ; that your counfcllors were men of no abilities, that you were laterally deaf to all falutary information, and that your gallantries employed moft of your time : if, I fay, Sir, thefe things are true, there exifts not a delinquent on the face of the earth fo deferving of exemplary punifhment as yourfelf. In recoUedling this your ever memorable fpeech, the fpeeches of the reft of the minority are natu- rally brought to my remembrance. Thefe uniformly antiminifterial members are doubtlefs all honour- able men. The nation is perfcdly convinced of their fiacerity, and that places or penlions are no part G of ( 74 ) of their objedl. But I will take the liberty to affure them that, in the eftimation of their friends in Ame- rica, the minority are objeds of contempt and ridicule ; that, if in- depcL^ence had been granted to America, the farther pretenfions of the Congrefs would have been in- finitely too extravagant for even the minority to grant ; and that the fpeeches of this minority, how- ever well intended, have more ef- fedlually fupported the oppofition in America, than the abilities of Wafliington, the refolution of Congrefs, or the arms of France. Your moft obedient fervant, AMERICANUS. ^ 4.V .i*. ' } j^