9. ^^ n V ^^/ % ^"^J^ n V \ -'■•. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) '" Photographic Sciences Corporation '^>'^ t 73 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 672-4503 'I CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. i\ CIHIVI/ICIVIH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Instltut Canadian de microreproductions historiques Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes tachniquas at bibliographiquas The Instituta has attamptad to obtain tha best original copy availuble for filming. Features of this copy which may be bibliographically unique which may altar any of the images in the reproduction, or which may significantly change the usual method of filming, are checked below. L'Institut a microfilm^ t« meilleur exemplaire qu'il lui a iti possible df, ;im procurer. Las details de cet exemplaire qui s ant peut-Atre uniques du point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent modifier une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger una modification dans la m^thoda normale de filmage sont indiqute ci-dessous. □ Coloured covers/ Couverture de couleur D Covers damaged/ Couverture endommagde Covers restored and/or laminated/ I I Couverture restauria et/ou pelliculAe □ Cover title missing/ La titre de couverture manque □ Coloured maps/ Cartes g6ographiques en couleur □ Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or black)/ Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bleue ou noire) □ Coloured plates and/or cllustrations/ Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur □ Bound with other material/ Relii avec d'autres documents I — I Coiourftd pages/ Pages de couleur Pages damaged/ Pages endommagies □ Pages restored and/or laminated/ Pages restaur^es et/ou pelliculdes Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ Pages dicolordes, tacheties ou piqudes □ Pages detached/ Pages ditachdes 0Showthrough/ Transparence □ Quality of print varies/ Qualit^ in6gale de I'impression □ includes supplementary material/ Comprend du material supplimentaire D n s Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion along interior margin/ La re liure serr^e peut causer de I'ombre ou de la distorsjon le long de la marge Intdrieure Blank leaves added during restoration may appear within the text. Whenever possible, these have been omitted from filming/ 11 se peut que certaines pages blanches ajoutdes lors d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte. mais. lorsque cela Atait possible, ces pages n'ont pas 6t6 filmies. D D Only edition available/ Seule Edition disponible Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata slips, tissues, etc., have been ref limed to ensure the best possible image/ Lea pages totalamant ou partiellement obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, une pelure, etc., ont M filmdes d nouveau de fapon d obtenir la meilleure image possible. Additional comments:/ Commentaires suppldmentaires: WrinkM pages may film slightly out of focus. % This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ Ce document est filmi au taux de reduction indiquA ci-dessous. 10X 14X 18X 22X 26X 30X v/ 12X 16X 20X 24X 28X 32X The copy filmed here has been reproduced thanks to the generosity of: Library of the Public Archives of Canada L'exemplaire film* fut reproduit grAce A la g6n6rosit4 de: La bibliothdque des Archives pubiiques du Canada The images cppearing here are the best quality possible considering the condition and legibility of the original copy and in keeping with the filming contract specifications. Les images suivantes ont At6 reproduites avec ie plus grand soln, compte tenu de la condition et de la netteti de l'exemplaire filmA, et en conformity avec les conditions du contrat de fiimage. Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed beginning with the front cover and ending on the last page with a printed or illustrated Impres- sion, or the back cover when appropriate. Ail other original copies are filmed beginning on the first page with a printed or illustrated impres- sion, and ending on the last page with a printed or •dustrated impression. The last recorded frame on each microfiche shall contain the symbol —►(meaning "CON- TINUED"), or the symbol V (meaning "END"), whichever applies. Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included In one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les exempiaires origlnaux dont la couver ture en papier est imprimie sont filmta en commt^ngant par Ie premier plat et en terminant soit par ij dernidre page qui comporte une emprelnte d'impression ou d'illustration, soit par ie second plat, selon Ie cas. Tous les autres exempiaires origlnaux sont fllmte en commen^ant par la premlAre page qui comporte une emprelnte d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par la dernlAre page qui comporte une telle emprelnte. Un des symboles suivants apparattra sur la dernlAre image de cheque microfiche, selon ie cas: Ie symbole — ► signifie "A SUIVRE ", ie symbols V signifle "FIN". Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre filmfo A des taux de reduction diff^rents. Lorsque ie document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seui clich6, il est fiim6 A partir de i'angle supirieur gb!iche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en bas, en prensnt Ie nombre d'images ndceesaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la m^thode. 1 2 3 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 m f ' 0^ GF ■r. ^, ;-'•■■ ... ■^ s -^ f ■ i. .»- * V:^ »"fFl" ^^^v "^^ ., ■' ' * T '-'t'! t i?^. ^1 :rrM i V .'^" '/ '< ■ . •• ♦ .fl- ' / ' ,. V ADVERTISEMENT.' "i;\v I ^1, .,» » THE materials upon which the fol-. lowing Pamphlet is formed, were de- rived from the beft and moft inconteftible authorities. The Author had accefs to ori- ginal papers, accurate eftimates, and authen- tic difpatchcs. He has alfo availed himfclf of the records of both Houfes of Parliament ; ^nd he has made it his bufinefs to examine, with attention, fuch printed trads as might contribute to throw any light on the fubjed:. Upon the whole, more labour and time have t)een employed on this fhort difc^uifition, ^han are generally beftowed upon fugitive Publications of the fame kind. The defign of the Writer has been to extricate the con- teft now fubfifting between Great-Britain and her Colonies, from the errors of the ig- norant, and the mifreprefentations of de- figning men. As he has rigidly adhered to truth throughout, and to fuch arguments as paturally arife from undoubted fads, he trails he has attained his objed. i»»-'-'\ Since ■' ■ ^■< .: I ADVERTISEMENT.* Since the Pamphlet was iiril publifhed, fomc perfohsj eminent for their knowledge in the affairs and interefts of Great-Britain and America, have communicated, through the hands of the Bookfeller, feveral im- portant fads to the Author. Thefe were chiefly delivered, after the fourth Edition had been fent to Prefs. To do more juftice to the argument, as well as to (hew his gra- titude to his unknown friends, the Writer has been induced to revife, with attention, the whole fubjeft. The communications of others have fuggefted fome new fadts to himfelf; and he, therefore, hopes, that he has rendered this Edition lefs unworthy, than any of the preceding, of the attention of the Public. A N -,r> A N ANSWER I . ■ ■ .f '* TO T ri E DECLARATION OF THE GENERAL CONGRESS. itaM^^MB WHEN Independent States take up arnis« they endeavour to imprefs the World with a favourable opinion of their own caufe, and to lay the blame of hoflilities on the injuftice of their Opponents. But if Nations, ac- countable to none for their conduA, deem it ne- ceflary to reconcile others to their proceedings, the neceflity is ftill more urgent with regard to thofe who, breaking through every political duty, draw their fwords againft the State of which they own themfelves the Subjedts. The opinions of man- kind are invariably oppofed to fuch men. Their aflertions are heard with diftruft, their arguments P weighed wr H M I 2 ] weighed with caution } and, therefore, it is as t\c* celTary for them to adhere to truth, in the former, as it is prudent to avoid fophiftry in the latter. This confideration, however obvious it may ap- pear to others, fcems to have totally efcaped the attention of the body of men who lately fat at Philadelphia under the name of " The General ** American Congrefs." In a paper publiflied un- der the title of '* A Declaration by the Re- " prefentatives of the United Colonies of North " America'* *, the fafts are either wilfully or igno- rantly mifreprefented -, and the arguments deduced from premifes that have no foundation in truth. But, as whatever falls from men who call them- felves the Reprcfcntatives of a People, muft fall with fome degree of weight on the minds of the undifcerning part of mankind ; it becomes, in fome meafure, neceflary to examine briefly the reafons held forth by the Congrefs to juftify the rebellion of their Conftituents. On a fubjedt fo trite, ar- guments advanced by other Writers may fometimes but novelty is Icfs the object of this part recur of the difquifition, than perfpicuity and precifion. The Declaration of the Congrefs begins with an involved period, which either contains no meaning, or a meaning not founded on the prin- * Vide Appendix. ciples [ 3 ] ciples of reafon. They fccm to infiniiate, that no body of men, in any Empire, can exercife '* an " unbounded authority over others •," an opinion contrary to faft under every form of Government. No maxim in policy is more univerfally admitted, than that 9. fupreme and uncontroulable power muft exift fomewhere in every State. This ultimate power, though juftly dreaded and reprobated in the j>crfon of ONE man, is the firft fpring in every Political Society. The great difference, between the degrees of freedom in various Governments, confifts merely in the manner of placing this ne^ celTary difcretionary power. In the Britifli Em- pire it is vefted, where it is moft fafe, in King, Lords, and Commons, under the collcftive ap- pellation of the Jliegiflature. The Legiflature is another name for the Conftitution of the State ; and, in fadt, the State itfclf. The Americans dill own themfdves the fubje(5ls of the State } but if they refufe obedience to the laws of the Legif- lature, they play upon words, and are no longer Subjeds, but Rebels. In vain have they affirmed that they are the Subjefts of the King's preroga- tive, and not his Subjedls in his legiflative qua- lity ; as the King, with regard to his Subjetfts in general, is to be confidered only in his executive capacity as the great hereditary Magiftrate, who carries into effeft the laws of the Legiflature, the B 2 only f 4 1 only (lircretionary and uncontroulable power in a free State. ' . ^ ' > \M The difcretionary and uncontroulable authority of the Britilh Legiflature being granted, their right to tax all the Subjefts of the Britifh Empire can rfever be denied. Some ill-informed reafoners in politics have lately ftartcd an obfolete maxim, which has been feized with avidity by the Ame- ricans, That " the Supreme Power cannot take " from any one any part of his property without '^ his confenti" or in other words. That Reprefen- tation is infeparable from Taxation. The Colo- oifts, fay they, have no Reprefentatives ip Parlia- ment, and therefore Parliament has no right tp tax the Colonifts. Upon this principle, fcarce one in twenty-five of the people of Great-Britain is re- prefcnted. Out of more than fevcn millions, fewer than three hundred thoufand have an exclufive right to chufe Members of Parliament -, and, there- fore, more than tliree times the number of thp Americans have an equal right with them to dif- pute the authority of the Legiflature to fubje(5i: ihem to taxes. The truth is, Reprefentation never accompanied Taxation in any State. The Romahs were a free nation j yet the Senate, tha^ is, the great body of the Nobility, poffeflTed the fole right of taxing the people. In this kingdom, the Hoqfo c S ■f [ 5 ] Houfe of Commons have anexclufive right of mo- difying and regulating the quantity of public fup- plies, and the manner of laying taxes. They decide upon what the Legiflature ought to receive for the fupport of the State : but the Commons, by their own authority, cannot enforce the raifing the fup- plies they vote. That privilege is inherent in the fupreme and unaccountable power veiled in the three branches of the Legiflature united \ who are in fa£t the State, as the virtual Reprefentatives of the whole Empire, and not the delegates of in- dividuals. I If reprefentation is virtual in Great-Britain, why then is it not virtual in the Colonics ? The |:ruth is, The people of the four Northern Pro- vinces, though they deny the fadl in words, own it in their conduit. Near one third of the Corpora- tions in New-England chufe no Reprefentatives to fave the expence of paying their Deputies. They, jiowever, own the right of their Aflemblies to im- pofe taxes, and to make laws to bind the whole community, as the Reprefentatives of the whole Colony. The truth is, Reprefentation has no more t,o do with the right of Taxation, than with every ether right exercifed by the Supreme and Super- intending Power. Jt is interwoven with the very tilence of the Legifljitive Power ; a.id is exerted, by t 6 ] by that Power, for the neceflary fupport of the State. M r.t Why it has been fo generally received as a maxim, in this country. That Taxation ancj Reprefcntation are infeparable, requires to be fur- ther explained. Men little acquainted with the Conftitution, derived the opinion from their find- ing that it is the indifputable right of the Com- mons, that all grants of fubfidies and parlia- mentary aids fhould originate in their Houfe. But though they firll bellow thofe fubfidies and aids, their grants, as has been already obferved, have no efFed without the aflent of the other two branches of the Legiflature. The common reafon given for this exclufive privilege is, That as the fupplies are railed upon the body of the people, the people only ought to have the right of taxing themfelves. This argument would have been conclufive, if the Commons taxed none but thofc by whofe fuffrages they obtained their feats in Parliament. But it has appeared, that more than f».ven millions of people, befides the Peers, who are in pofl'eirion of fo large a Ihare of property in the kingdom, have no voice in the election of the Members who fit in the Lower Houfe. The Comn^ons, therefore, and their Conftltuents not being the (jw/y perfcns taxed, the former cannot pofllbly have the only right m f ■ [ 7 ] fight of raifing and modelling the fupply, frortf the mere circumftance of Reprefcntation. But if they have it not from Reprefcntation, they muft in faift derive it from the fupreme and dilcretionary power, whieh is repofed in them, in conjunftion with the two other branches of the Legiflature. It appears, upon the whole, that Taxation is the refult of the difcretionary power which is placed in the hands of the Legiflature, and exerted by them for the neceffary fupport of the State. To this power the whole Empire muft fubmit, and confequently no one of its fubjecls can claim any exemption. -?i The Counties Palatine of Chefter, Durham, and Lancafter, were anciently in the fame predica- ment with the Americans, on the article of Taxa- tion. The Earl of Chefter and the Biftiop of Durham became, by prefcription and immemorial cuftom, poflefled of a kind of regai jurifdiftion within their refpeftive territories. A fimilar form of Government was eftabliflied by King Edward III. in the County of Lancafter j which was created by that Prince in favour of Henry Planta- gcneti whc'; heircfs carried the fame rights and privileges to John of Gant and his pofterity. But though the subordinate Sovereigns of thefe Counties could pardon treafons, murders and felo- nies i FWr J nies i though they appointed all Jucfges, nominatecf all Juftices of the Peace ; though all writs and indictments ran in their names, as in other counties in that of the ICing •, though all offences were faid to be done againfl their peace, and not, as in other places, contra pacetn Domini Regis ; though, in fliort, they poffefled exclufively the whole inter- nal Government of their feveral Counties j their SUBJECTS (if the expreflion rriay be ufed) were " always bound by the Acts and Statutes" * of an AiTembly, in Which they had no Reprefcnta- tives. They were alfo *• liable to all payments, •* rates, and fubfidies, granted by the Parliament •• of England" f. i : f I. S ' Thofe Counties (It muft be confefled), like the Americans, confidered their being excluded from having ' Reprefentatives in an AiTembly by which they were taxed, a grievance. Accordingly, the Town and County of Chefter, as far back as the thirty-fifth of Henry VIII. petitioned the Legiflature for the privilege of fending Members to Parliament ; and their requefl: was granted by an exprefs Statute {. The County * Vid. Plowden Art. Duchy of Lancafter, p. 215. Statutes at Large, 34 and 35 of Henry Vlll. c. ij. f Ibid. 25 of Charles If, c. 9. 3<|. ami 35 of Henry VIII. c. 13. and [ 9 ] and City of Durliam made a fimilar application, and with the iame fuccefs, in the twenty- fifth of Charles II *. Had the Americans, inftead of flying to arms, fubmitted the fame fuppofed grievance, in a peaceable and dutiful manner, to the Le- giflatiire, I can perceive no reafon why their re- queft (hould be refufed. Had thsy, like the County and City of Chcfter, reprelented, that " for lack of *' Knights and Burgefies to reprefent them in the " High Court of Parliament, they had been often- " times TOUCHED and grieved with Ads and " Statutes made within the faid Court, derogatory " to their m.oft ancient jurifdidions, liberties and *' privileges, and prejudicial to their quietnefs, refl *' and peace -," this Country would, I am perfuaded, have no objedlion to their being reprelented in her Parliament. But the Colonies, though that circumfl:ance Is only infinuated in the Declaration, have uniformly affirmed, that granting the fupremacy of Parlia- ment (hould extend over the whole Empire, yet that they themfdves have a right to an exemption from Taxes, either by the conceflions of the Le- giflature, or by charters from the King, Itfeems and 25 of Charles If. c. 9. incom- [ to ■] incompatible with reafon, fay they, that the Cola- nies fhould have internal Legiflatures of their own, pofltrfling the authority of taxation, and that, not- withftanding, the Britilh Parliament ftiould retain its power of laying impofts. The firft of thefe iifienions is not founded in truth. The Charters neitlier give nor can give any exemption from Taxation. The abettors of American refiftance draw an argument, in favour of the Charters of other Colonies, from an expreflion in that granted in 1680, for Pennfylvania. The purport of the words is, that the inhabitants of that Pro- vince Iliould pay *' their proportion of fuch taxes " as were then laid or fliould thereafter be laid " on America, by the Parliament of England.'* This exception was introduced merely to exprefs what would have been otherwife implied, That the King only meant to grant, what he had a power to grant, an exemption from any demands of his own. The truth is, though the King may give away by Charter a right that militates againil himfelf, as hereditary Chief Magiftrate, he cannot authorize, by any deed whatever, an exemption from the general laws of the State. In fuch a cafe, ONE of the THREE branches of the I-egiQature wouU ufurp t!ie power of the three unitldj a folecifm as great in polity, as it is in mathematicks to affirm, that a part is greater than the whole. It ■w I I. J It may be neceflary, perhaps, to make an apology for entering fo minutely into the argument in fa^ vour of the right of Taxation. The Americans themfelves have deferted that ground. They fpeak no longer as fubjefts. They affurae the language of rivals, and they a£t as enemies. The qucftion between them and Great-Britain (for it is no longer between them and Government) confifts of de- pendence or independence, connexion or no con- nexion, except on the footing of a Sovereign State. They have already arrogated to themfelves all the fundtions of Sovereignty. They have formed a great deliberative Council. They have taken the whole executive power into their own hands. They have ftruck a new currency, raifed armies, ap- pointed generals ; and that they have not chofen ANOTHER Sovereign, mufl be afcribed more to their Republican principles, than to any remains of loyalty for their lawful Prince. In this fituation of affairs and opinions, it is matr ter of little furprize, that men who deny the authority of the State, fliould load the Legiflarure with opprobrious epithets. The Congrefs accord- ingly ftigmatize Parliament with various charges of tyranny, violence, and opprellion. Pafilng from this ftrain of general fcurrility, they enter into warp encomiums on the anceftors of their Ccnfti- C a tucj.ts. *»■• tuents. But they now deviate as much from truth in their applaufe, as they had done before in their cenfure. They affirm, that the anceftors of the Colonifts obtained the lands which they have tranf- mitted to the prefent race, '* without any charge to the country from which they removed." Their very enemies could not wilh to meet them on more advantageous ground. The fums expended upon the various Provinces, fince their firft eftablifh- menr, for their ordinary fupport, government, and protedion, have been fo enormous, that with- out the authority of inconteftible vouchers, they could fcarcely obtain credit *. Butjcven granting that the Colonifts had obtain- ed their lands without any charge to the Mother- country, were they capable of keeping thofe lands * Jn Account of ivhat Sums have been granted to the different Provinces in North America, as far as it appears fram the lijiimates for the fupport of the Civil Government of each Province ; and alfo what Sums have been granted for the Support of the Provincial Forces in North America. ' ■ ' ' ' £• s. d. New York Forces - . - 339>0j5 '6 8 Carolina in general - - 43,024 9 10 [- Georgia fettling, and fecuring that Province 250,853 4 6 . Military Expcnce of ditto - 130,066 18 41- South Carolina Forces - - - 101,524 5 6 iS'ova Scotia Civil Government - - 1,358,240 17 6^ Eaft Florida Civil Government - - 59>300 o o Weft Florida Civil Government - - 64,324 13 6 America in general forces - - - 172,999 o o Rewards and compenfations - - 1,316,511 1 5 3>''35»9co 7 Ai withou t [ 13 ] without her afliftance ? Was it not to defend the Americans, that Great-Britain involved herfelf in the laft expenfive war ? Did not thofe very " United " Provinces," who now pretend to fet the power of this Kingdom at defiance, lay themfelves in the dud at her feet, to claim her aid and protec- tion againft a single Colony ? Did they not com- plain in the fame abje€t terms with the Britons of old, " That the Barbarians drove them into " the fea, and that the fea drove them back on the " Barbarians?" Did not Great-Britain, like sl Guardian Angel, ftretch forth her hand to their aid i and, by expelling their enemies from the Continent of America, refcue them, not only from danger, but the very fear of danger ? Did fhe not, oyer and. above the many millions fhe expended upon the fleets and armies employed in defence of the Colonies, advance more than One Million to pay THEIR own native forces, employed in THEIR own Caufef? Did 4i 6 6i- o 6 o 5 'm f GRANTS in PARLIAMENT /cr^fiu«r9 ] tlon, it will appear, that moft of the Afts which bind America in coercive regulations, were pafled foon after the Revolution i in the reign of the very Prince, who brought about that great event. The Whig Minifters of King William (perceiving ^hat the Colonies, even then, had entertained views of placing themfelves on a ground of inde- pendence on Parliament) advifed their Sovereign, and their advice now Hands on record, to purfue meafures, which, in their confequence, fhould effeftually fecure their thorough dependence oa the !|Leginature of this Kingdom. m ''t ,1 In confequence of the advice given by a Whig Miniftry to a King who had mounted the throne upon Whig principles*, and alfo upon the full- eft evidence of the frauds and abufes committed in the Plantations, in violation of the Aft of Navir gation, the Ad of the 7th and 8th of William III. ** for preventing frauds, and regulating abufes, V in the Plantations" was paflTed. 3y that Aft, a power was given to the Cpmmiflioners of the Trear fiiry and Cuftoms in England, ^' to eftablilh ports, ♦* and appoint Officers, in the Plantations ; and " thofe Officers to have the fame authority for " vifiting fhips and goods, and entering houfes ^' and warehoufes, as was exercifed by the fame ^» Officers in England." I ; M 'n-< m All Ml I'i 14' C 30 ] All penalties and forfeitures were made recover- able in the Courts at Weftminfter, or in Courts of Admiralty, in the Plantations ; which Courts were then, for the Jirji time, eftablilhed throughout all America. In any a6lion or fuit concerning his Majefty*s Duties, the offence might be laid in any prccin6t or divlfion of the Plantations, where the fame Ihould be alledged to have been com- mitted, at the difcretion of the Officer or Informer. All laws, by-laws, ufages and. cuftoms repur^nanc to any Lws of Great Britain which relate to the Plantations, or mention the fame, are declared ** illegal, null, and void.'* Many other reftriftions, too tedious to be mentioned;, were at the fame time enafted and impofed. But it was not in matters of Trade only, that Parliament, during the reign of King William, fuperintended and controulcd the Colonies. The Colonics, it was found, had encouraged Pirates, in various places-, and no juftice could be obtain- ed in THEIR Courts againft offenders, whom they openly abetted. To remedy this fliameful abufe, a remarkable A6b was paffed, in the nth and 12th of William III. This Aft aboliHied all jurifdiaion jin that cafe, in the Courts in the Plantations. With regard to America, it virtually repealed the Ajft of Keniy Vill. by which Pirates were intitled to [ 3' J to a trial by Jury. The whole power of trying piratical offences in the Colonies, vas veiled in Commiflioners appointed under the Great Seal of England, or Seal of the Admiralty. Tlie mode of proceeding is fimilar to that in Courts Martial j and a majority of voices either acquits or condemns. The Commiflioners were impowered to iflue war- rants, in any of the Colonies, for arrefting fucli Pirates, or their acceflaries. They might, at dif- cretion, either try the criminals in America, or fend them to England to be tried. Should the Governors of any Charter or Proprietary Govern- ment refufe to afiiH the Commiflioners ; fliould any perfon in authority in the Colonies refufe to pay obedience to the A61 ; fuch refufal, in cither cafe, was declared to be a forfeiture of the Charter. ■V'i if f An Ad paflTed in the loth and nth year of the fame reign, confines the advantage of the Fiftiery of Newfoundland to Britifli fliips fkted out from Great-Britain. The execution of the orders and regulations refpeding that Fifliery, was placed in the hands of the Admirals, in the refpedive har- bours i that is to fay, in the hands of the Mafter of the Ihip that fnould firft arrive from Great-Bri- tain. The decifion in all queftions of civil fuit is vefted in fuch Admirals, with appeal to the Com- mander of the King's fliips. All criminal offences are m [ 3i ] arc to be tried in any County of England, by thd King's Commiffioners of Oyer and Terminer and Goal dclive.y. . , . The opinions of this Nation concerning the Government of the Colonies, may be colle(5led from the above Adls. The authority of Parlia- ment to bind America, in all cafes whatfoever, and tvhenever the general intereft of the whole Empire required it, was never difputed ; and it was often exerted to corredt abufes, and to fup- prefs the ideas of independence, which began, even then, to be cherifhed by the Colonies. The fame principles and the fame policy were carried down by Parliament through the three fucceeding reigns of Queen Anne, and of George I. and George II. Early in the firft of thofe reigns, the grofleft abufes were committed by the petty LegiQatures in the Colonies, with rcfped: to Coin. The interpofition of Parliament became neceflary to corred thofe abufes. An Act was pafled in the 6th of Queen Anne, for that purpofe •, when the Coun- cils of that Prlncefs were guided by Whigs. By this Aft the rates of Foreign Coin, in the Plan- tations, were afcertained ; and a fevere punifhment was inflided on thofe who fliould take them at higher t 33 J higher rates. The American Trade was placed in the fame reign under further reftridions, by A<5t of Parliament. Kice and Molafles were added to the lift of enumerated commodiiies. In the reign of George I. Furs and Copper-ore of the Plan- tations were fubjedled to the fame rcftriclions. The Britilh Parliament confined not to Adls their fcnfe of the undoubted right they polTefled of controuling the Colonies, in all cafes whatfoc- ver. In the Journals of both Houfes, there arc many Proceedings which furnifh proofs of their undeviating adherence to the fj.me principles^ In the year 1702, a Bill was brought into the Houfc of Commons, for abolilhing all the Char- ter and Proprietary Governments in America, and re-uniting them to the Crown. In 1705, the Houfe of Lords came to feveral Refolutions on the fubjeft of laws enafled in feveral of thofe Govern- ments. They declared thofe laws to be repugnant to the laws of England, and deftrudivc to the Conftitution. This proceeding was likewife fol- lowed by a Bill for abolifhing thofe Charters. Thefe Bills, it muft be confefTed, were not car- ried into laws. But they did not fail, through any doubt entertained by the LegiHature againft their propriety. Tiiey were bft through a change F in ■r m J. \n i,' [ 34 1 in the fituation of thole, who brought forward the meafure. That the opinion of the Legifla- turc continued the fame on this fubjeft, is evi- dent-, as the fame propofition was again taken up in the year 1716; when a Whig Miniftry governed the Kingdom. -■ In the reign of George II. the inftances of the controuling authority of Parliament over the Colo- nies, are more numerous and ftriking. By an AQ: of the 2d of George II. Chap. 35. fevere prohibi- tions and penalties are impofed and inflided on fuch perfons as (hall cut and deftroy white Pine- trees, tho* fuch Pines are growing within the li- mits of a Townlhip already granted; andthcfe penalties are direfled to be tued for and recovered in the Courts of Admiralty. The Merchants of Great-Britain having, in the 5th of the fame reign, preferred a Petition to Parliament, complaining of the difficulties they met with in the recovery of debts in the Plantations-, an A61: was paffcd, which fubjefted all real Eftatcs in the Colonies to jufl: debts and demands ; and to be aflets, in the fame manner as in England, for the fatisfadion of debts- due by Bond. The exportation of Hats from any of the Colonies, and even the conveyance of them by land from one Colony to another, is pro- hibited. 4 i i ( Ci [ 35 ] hibited, under fevere penalties, by an Act paiTcd in the fame SefTion. Tn the year 1733 the Province of MaflachufettV Bay prefented a Petition to the Houfe of Com- mons, praying that they might be heard by Coun« fcl on the fubjeft of Grievances. The chief of thefe was, *' That the Crown had rtftrain ;d their " CJovernor, by inftrudions, in certain cafes re- *' lative to the iflue and difpofal of Public Money, *« and the cmiffion of Paper-mils of Credit." The Commons, having confidered the matter, came ;o a Refolucion, '• That the Petition was frivolous " and groundlefs, a high infuU upon his Majefty*s " Government, and tending to shake off the " DE. ENDENCY of the faid Colony upon this " Kingdom, to which in law and right they *■* OUGHT TO be subject." Complaint having, at the fame time, been made to the Houfe, •' That the Reprefentatives of that Colony had cen- ** suRED a perfon for giving evidence, before a *• Committee of the Houfe, in the cafe of a Bill " then depending in Parliament j" it was refolved, " That the pafllng fuch cenfure was an audacious PROCEEDING, and z high violation of the privi- leges of the Houfe." A Committee was ac- cordingly appointed to enquire who were the abettors of this unwarrantable proceeding. C( c< m m PI ' ' ''J' F2 We m ' K I r 36 ] We may perceive, from the above circumftancc, how jealous Parliamenc have been of their fu- premacy and uncontrouhble authority over the Colonies. Happy it would have been for the bulk of the Colonifts, that this uncontrouhble authori- ty had flill extended itfelf with vigour over Ame- rica, on the article of Paper-money. At Rhodc- Ifland, in the year 1763, a Dollar was Nvorth eight pounds Paper- currency j 3'et when the emifllon took place, it was 01 Iv '.Th fix Ihillings and eighr-pence. The coiJi. qvitnce was, that Guar- dians and others, who had got pofleffion of effefts belonging to infants and orphans, being by law oblig>ed to account for the nominal value only, . appropriated to themfelves the greateft part of the' fortunes of their Wards, in confequence of the fall of the value of the Paper-currency. The cafe will certainly be the fame, with regard to the Paper- currency of the General Coner^f?, notwith- ftanding its boafted credit. It rr' :l fiii in its va- lue, whatever may be the iffue 0" . •' p' .^fent Re- bellion. The exertion which they ha/c *^iade for emancipating the Colonies from the jufl fupre- niacy of the Mother-country, has opened a gate for the entrance of public ruin j for while a Pa- per-currency prevails, America mull ever be drained of filver and gold. , The The Houfe of Commons were no ftrangers to the ruinous confequences of an American Paper- currency, when they entered in the year 1740 into a confideration of *' the abufcs committed " in the Colonies, in rcfpeft to the emifllon of •' Paper Bills of Credit." After a long examina^ tion, they came to various Refolutions. They refoived, ** That the Adl paficd in the 6th of ^* Queen Anne, afcertaining the rates of Foreign ** Coin in America, had not been duly obferved. " That n.any indireft praftices, in that refpeft, *' had been introduced, contrary to the true in- '-' tent of the Aft. That an Addrefs fliould be " prefented to his Majefty to require the Gover- *' nors of his Colonies to take effedtual meafures " for the fl,ri(5l obfervance of the hOi of the 6th •* of Queen Anne, That another Addrefs ihould •* be prefented, requefting his Majefty to iflue ** his Royal Proclamation, to fettle and afcertain *' the rates of Foreign Gold Coins. That the " CREATING and ifluing Bills of Credit, in the Bri- " tilh Colonies, by virtue of Afts of Aflembly, " had fruftrated the dcfign of the Aft of the " 6th of Queen Anne. That an humble Addrefs ** of Thanks ftiould be prefented to his Majefty, ** for the orders he has already given on that " head •, and, That he (hould alfo be requefted ** to require and command the Governors of the refpeftive t( M & 1^1 wM 38 1 ** refpeftive Provinces, not to give their aflent to «' any A<5t, whereby Bills of Credit might be «' iffued in lieu of Money." >.i W- 11: Thefe fpirited Refolutions of the Commons checked, for fome time, the abules in the emiflion and circulation of Paper-Money. The New- England Governments, however, did not continue long to pay any regard to royal Inftrudlions, though fupported and enforced by the authority of the Houfe of Commons. The frauds committed awakened again the attention of Parliament. In the 24th of George II. an A£t was paffed, " to •* regulate and reftrain Paper-bills of Credit in the '* Four New-England Governments." The Go- vernors of thofe Colonies were prohibited, under pain of being removed from their Governments, and for ^.er rendered incapable of any public office or place of truft, from aflenting to any Ad, Order, or Vote, for the ilTue of any Paper-bills of Credit ; and all fuch Afts, Orders, or Votes, were declared to be, ipfi fa£lOy null and void. In the year 1741 the Colonies took up the idea of a Land-bank, which had proved fo unfucccfs- ful in England in the reign of King William. The " American Aflemblies," it appeared to Parliament, ** had presumed to publifli a fcheme •' for «(. [ 39 I for fupplying a pretended want of a medium in ** trade, for fetting up a Bank on land fecurity, *' and to folicit fubfcriptions." To corrcft this evil, an Aft was paiTed, in the 14th George U. '* to rcftrain and prevent fuch unwarrantable prac- ** tices i and to extend to America, the penalties inflidlcd by a Statute of the 6th of George I. on perfons guilty of fuch pradices in thefeking- ** doms." They were alfo fubjeded, by the fame A£t, to the penalty and forfeiture ordained by the Statute of Provilion and fremunire of the 1 6th of Richard II. c« cc Um ' ^: if There are feveral other Statutes by which Par- liament with equal force aflcrt their authority over the Colonies. In Ibme of thefe they carry this authority beyond the limits, with which they have hitherto circumfcribed it in this Kingdom. Im the 29th of George II. cap. 35- Officers of the Army are empowered toenlid, in the Colonies, ap- prentices and indented fervants. The perfons fo cnlifted were exempted from arrefts in civil anions, where the value of the aftion exceeds not ten pounds. To thefe flriking inllances of the con« trouling power of Parliament over the Colonies, may be added the Aft of23d of George If. cap. 29. By that Aft, *' every perfon erecting or working any mill or other engine for Hitting or rolling iron, or any plating forge or furnace for making *^ Heel, u (( i: f I III' r 40 ] *« fteel, is fubje<5led to a penalty of 200I. to be *' recovered in any of the Courts in Weftminfter- " Hall, or in the Court of Exchequer in Scot- " land." The foregoing recital of Statutes binding the Colonies, prior to the prefent reign, of which the Congrefs fo much complain, is fufficient to con' vince the difpafllonate, that the controuling power of Parliament has been perpetually exerted, and never difputed. There is hardly any objedt of egiflation in which the laws of this Country have ..ot bound America, The Congrefs, whilft they affedt to difavow the fupremacy of the Britifh Le-. giflature, acknowledge that fupremacy, perhaps ihro* inadvertence, in its utmoft latitude. They own themfelves the fubje(5ts of the King of Greai:- Britain-, yet it was the Britifti Legiflature that placed his Majefty and his family on the Throne. Were the Colonies reprcfented in the Parliament which limited the fucceffion of the Crown to the Houfe of Hanover, any more than they were in THAT which laid a palrry Duty on Tea in the Ports of America? His Majefty owes his Throne to the Laws of England ; and, as King, he can have no fubjed that is not bound by that law. Taxation [ 4' J Taxation has been purpofely omitted in the above detail. T hat article, as the great objcdt of conteft, ought to be feparately ftated. The feverul inftances of the exercife of the power of Parlia- ment, in that cafe, (hall be, therefore, thrown into one point of view. The firft inftance of Taxa- tion is the Aft of the i2th of Charles II. for granting to the Crown a duty of Tonnage and Poundage. This Aft is in point. It direfts, that the duties abovementioned " fhall be payable "upon commodities not only imported into the "realm of EngUnd, but alfo into the domi- " NiONS THEREUNTO BELONGING." The ColoniCi are here included in exprefs words. It is true, indeed, that the Duties of Tonnage and Poundage were not coUefted in America. The reafon was, that the commerce of the Plantations was fo in- confiderable, that the revenue arifing from it could not pay the expence of colleftion. f.*4 But whatever might have been the reafon for not coUcfting the Duties of Tonnage and Poundage in the Colonies, the Law was certainly underftood to extend to America. In the year 1680, the Aflembly of the Ifland of Jamaica re- fufed " to raife levies for the fupport of Govern- " ment." Upon this refufal, the Lords of the Council made a Minute " to confer with the G " Judges [ 43 ] ** Judges upon the queftlon : Whether the " fubfidies upon the Tonnage and Poundage •* upon goods that may by Law, or (hall be ** direftly carried to Jamaica, be not payable* •• according to Law, by his Majefty's fuhgcfts ** inhabiting that liland, or trading there, by •* virtue of the Ads of Tonnage and Poundage^ " or other Afts made in England ?" Unfortu- nately it does not appear, whether the conference was ever held -, or if ic was adually held, what watf the refult. 4^ n The 25th of Charles IL cap. 7. h thtf ntxt A6t that binds America, in point of Taxation* By that Adb certain duties are made payable ill the Plantations, upon fugar, tobacco, cotton* wool, indigo, ginger, logwood, fuftic, and other dying woods, and cocoa-nuts exported to any other place, except England. Thefe Duties con- tinue to be paid to this day j yet the Congrefs in their Letters to the People, and alfo in their Decla- tion, exprefsly fay, " that till the prelcnt reign, •' they have ever exercifed an exclufive right ove* •* their own property." They were no ftrangers to the falfehood of this impudent aflcrtion. But the duty of a penny per pound on tobacco, by the 25fh of Charles If. was prefented by King Wil- liam to the College of William and Mary in Vir* giniar ( 4i ] ginia. The Virginians, they knew, would, by no means, relilh the repeal of that A& j as the Royal Grant to the College comprehends the Tobacco exported from Maryland, aa well as that ihipped from Virginia. .,: .m • In the 9th of Queen Anne, an Ad was paflcd, impofing certain Duties on all prize-good^ taken in America, and imported into any of the Colo- nies. Thefc Duties were as follows : ** All Eu- ** ropean goods (wine and brandy excepted) which *' have been ufually fent to the Plantations, are to ** pay THERE fuch Cuftoms, as are payable " for the like goods imported into the Planta- ** tions from Great- Britain. Other goods taken ** as prizes (hall be liable there to fuch Duties •^ as were payable for the fame, by any Ad: f» of Affcmbly, in the faid Plantations/* To thefc A<5ts, fubjcding his Majefty's fub- je£ts in America to Taxes impofcd by the Bri,. ti(h Parliament, fcvcral others may be added. The Aft of the 9th of Queen Anne, for efta^ bliftiing 9 Poft-office. The various Ads palTed for levying and inforcing the colleftion of the duty of fixpence per month, oqt of Seamen's wages, for the fupport of Greenwich HofpitaU ^11 thefc Afts ejftend to America, They bind the G 3 Colonics s [ 44 ] Colonics as well as the Mother-Country. Their authority was never difputd -, and the Taxes im- pofed by them have been uniformly raifed. The Adl of the I ft of George I. ejrprefsly mentions and appropriates certain Plantation-duties, and orders them to be paid into the Exchequer. The Ad: of the 2d of George II. ';ap. 7. is equally ex- plicit and dccifive in the words. It requires the payment of the Duties for Greenwich HofpitaJ, ** by feamen belonging to Ajrierican fhips, whe- *' ther employed upon the high fcas, or in any " port, harbour, bay or creek, within any of " the Colonies." It appears from this detail of fafts, that the right of Parliament to bind the Colonies, in all cafes whatfoever, is not a claim founded on mere theory : on the contrary, that the controuling power of the Legiflature is warranted by conftant ufage, and uninterrupted pradice. That the De- claratory Aft, of which the Americans complain, contains no new, no aflumed powers over the Plantations ; and that there is fcarce any chan- nel of Legiflation, through which the Britifh Parliament has not exerted its fupremacy, in as full and ample a manner as it has been exerted over the inhabitants of Great-Britain ; and all this prior to the prefent reign, in which the Congrefs place the commencement of " pub tic ruin." It [ 45 ] is evident, upon the whole, that the right of the Britifli Legiflature to bind the Colonies in all cafes whatever, is founded on long and immemo- rial ufage, and uniform and uninterrupted pradice. Upon the fame principles ftand the legal preroga- tives of the Crown, the privileges of both Houfes of Parliament, and the cleared and moft incontef- tible rights of the three branches of the Legifl4- lure united. • . iitl The American Congrels, with a partiality for themfelves fcarcely confident with their defign of gaining others, in the next paragraph of their Declaration, call the Ads, which were the con- sequence of the refinance of their conftituent^, the CAUSE of their rebellion. In defcending to par- ticulars, their firft complaint is ftatedagainft "the •* extenfion of the jurifdidion of the Courts of " Admiralty and Vice-Admiralty beyond their «* former limits •," by which, they alledge, " the *' fubjedt is deprived of his inherent right of a « trial by Jury." This is mere declamation, ad- drefled to the prejudices of the ignorant. In the Courts of Admiralty erefted in the Colonies, all fuits between the King and the Subjed, wheiher breaches of the Ad of Navigation or queftions of revenue, have always been determined without jrial by Jury. The reafon was, that no Court of Exchequer I m i* %■ f'Wi '' m^ til 1^^ t f 46 ] Exchequer was ever cftablilhcd in America. Even in England, for breaches of the laws of cxcife, Jand-tax, and other queftions of revenue, tiicrc arc no trials by Jury. The jurifdidlion of the Courts of Admiralty in America, has been ex- tended ONLY to the cafes juft mentioned. In all criminal queftions, commonly called the Pleas of the Crown, in all civil fuits between fubjedb and fubjedl, the inhabitants '^f America have uniformly enjoyed the fame mode of trial, and in fimilar Courts of common-law and equity, with the in- habitants of Great-Britain. The Congrefs fur^' '^orget, or it is not con- fiftent with their defi^^ .0 remember, that the al- terations of which they complain were made at the requeft of the Americans themfelves. The reafons afllgned for this requeft were, that the Courts of Admiralty eftablilhed formerly in the various Provinces, poflefled fo little dignity, on account of the dependence and poverty of the Judges, that juftice was either facrificed to con- nexions, or biaffed by avarice. Befides th^t. Ap- peals to Great-Britain could be feldom made, on account i the expence and diftance. To re- medy this evil, the prefcnt eftabliftiment 0^ Courts of Admiralty in America was formed. Four great f ourts of Vice-Adrniralty were eredlcd. The Judges j line or Appeal became ihort eafv ,«^ obvious i and had the Am.r; V^ ^' """^ « was the feditiom condufl: „f K . . ■'"*• ** '■nd ridiculous, as they thcmfdve, h.rf > ° ' power to remove the grJtc r^ iT'' «'<>" of the Eaft-I„dia^~ s t '*"'" known to hav^ K- ^o^panys tea is well -«-jo.t?:;^rx,rr/"°^" obtain reparation by the clI "' ^° law was impoflible Th T°" '°"'''"'= of of the offender teenlJ,.""'"'"^ """ '"«"»« juftice. Thele dt Ldo '"''^^"^ ^""» '" "ftual rebellion Th ''r^^SPOwer wa. ^-i-t.b;T„-j::^,<.t'«;f^;n.aof c^^le,andthepunifhmen^ t' ^^ "^"^ « P"Wic -•• ^''eAL^XTtlto'rr"^:^^ fore a meafure of ^„ • '^ " '^^ there- Ws- The fatal error o7r '*""" ''°"='' ^- -^ -e not eon;r -- ^-J and ti II la f 48 J and Adminiftration, inftead of deferving ccnfure for feverity, were highly reprehenfible for their ili- tiu'»ed lenity ; as, after the Bill was paflcd, they flept under it, as a peace- regulation. .-: li i-i In purfuance of the plan of tendernefs and for- bearance, which has been fatally loft on the Americans, the Bill for fufpending the trade of Bofton was rendered conditional A door was left open for an immediate reconciliation, fhould the Aflembly of Maffachufett's-Bay make a pub- lic grant, for repairing the damage luftained by a Company of Merchants, through a public out- rage. Yet the Congrefs ftigmatize with the name of injuftice, a coercive Statute rendered abfolutely necelTary by the fhamelefs depreiiations of the in- hab-rants of Bofton ; and which S':atute they themfelves had it in their power to terminate, in an inftant, by doing an aft of common juftice. But why (hould we exped common juftice to- wards others, among ?, people who Cwith regard to the Tea-Aft:^ have been manifeftly unjuft to ihemfelves ? It is of the Duty on Tea, the Ame- pcans principally complain ; yet chey lubmittcd to a Duty of 7 1. per Ton, laid on Wines, the SefTioii which immediately preceded the pafllng of the Tea- e- co C 49 ] Tca-A6t. The Duty on Tea was alfo fuhmitted to in all the Provinces where that commodity had not been ufually introduced by Smuggling. Bof- ton itfelf, and even Mr. John Hancock (now pre- sident of the Congref^, but formerly a moft no- torious smuggler), originally made no objedtion to the A6t, It was when the Eaft-India Com- pany, by adopting the plan of fending Tea to America in their own name, gave the fini(hing blow to Smugglings that the inhabitants of Mafia* chufcttVBay determined to oppofe the Duty, prior to the Aft for laying the three-pence Duty on Tea, payable in the Coloii:=?s, the Americans iiiflually paid a shilling, together with the profit of the Merchant, Formerly all Tea ex- ported to the Plantations went encumbered with 9 Shilling, paid by the Eaft-India Company. In other words, the Duty was not drawn back on exportation ; fo that, by the Aft, the confumer is a gainer of a Shilling in every pound of Tea, if to the nine-pence duty we (hould addcommifliont infurance, freight, and profit. Smugglers found themfelves incapable of carrying on their contra, band commerce i and they inflamed an ignoraut rabble, to ferve their own intercft, or to gratify ^heir own revenge. 'm i H WitH ta- rr I: 50 ] With equal effrontery, and with ftill lefs rcafon, fheCongrefs exclaim againft the alteration made in ' the form of the government of Bofton. With their ufual fallacy in argument, the Americans wifh to cftablifh it as a maxim in polity. That Charters granted by the crown, can neither be reverfed nor altered by the legislature. The Congrefs de- fignedly rnake no diftinflion between the power of the King and the power of the Legiflatur^. The King cannot revoke any Charter he grants, without the concurrence of the two other branches of the Legiflature. But it has already appeared jhat the King can grant no Charter, which the three branches of the Legiflature united cannot ^Iter and annul. They inight as wejl go at once to the whole fupremacy -, ai)d fave themfelves thf trouble of thus fupporting a caufe untenable on 3ny other groun4s. T^e three branches of the Legiflature united make daily alterations in the Conllitution of Great Britain ; and, if their Su- premacy extends over the whole empire, they have the fame right to alter the confl:itution of the American Colonies. Jf the Americans deny this pofition, all argument is at an end; and ihey avow an independence, which, in their^ circumftances, marks them out for enemies. The alterations under the circumft:ances exifting at tlie time, were abfolutely neceflary. When the Conftitution • w'fi'w«' uijuwiij [ 5i ] Conftitution was attacked, the Civil MagiftrateS ought to have been on the fide of the Conftitution, and not all named by the fomenters of rebellion, who denied the authority of the Lcgiflature. After all, this alteration of which the Congrefs affeft to complain, is no more than putting the inhabitants of Maflachufet's-Bay on the fame footing with the other Colonies. They have re- ceived in miniature the counter-part of the con- ftitution of the Mother-Kingdom ; and have THEY a right, or can they wifti to be more free than the freeft nation in the world * ? 1 The A6t for regulating ;!ie Government of Qiiebec, furniflies the Congrefs with an ample field for declamation. To inveigh againft Po- pery and Arbitrary Power has been ever a favou- • ' Come of the Colonieg, RJiode-Tfland in particular, every OfficL., from the Governor down to t! ' nftable, is annu- ally cholen. Such is the confufion hd io violent are the ani- mofities which r.t^cnd this general eledlion, that every (eiifiblt: man in the provinc wilhed th Charter revoked, and a Form of Government ellablifhed on the fame footing witli the Southern Colonies. The extenfic of the right of clew- ing Magiftrates to the people at large, was ciie principal caufs of the fall of freedom in '')id Rome. The prejudices and fears of the rabble vvero the fteps by which ambitious men afccnded to a power, which they converted into tyranny over their foolidi ConlHtuents. 1 he vanity gratified by the right of eledlion, was foou bal: ■ ced by indignity jind con-* tempt J for the grandfons of voters who placed Marius, Cinna, and Ca;lar at the Ijead of the State, were employed by Caligula in raifinghia horle to the Conlul(l;ip. H 2 rit« ■1 M i^ f 52 J rite topic with men, who wifli to profit by the prejudices of the people. Had the Congrefs at- tended to the general principles of the Britifh Conftitution, they might have informed ihem- felves, that His Majefty, without the inttrpofition of the two other branches of the Legiflature, might have permitted the inhabitants of Canada £0 remain for ever under French laws. There is no maxim in the Law of England more gene- rally known or lefs controverted than, That in cTonquered or ceded countries, which have already laws of their own, fuch laws remain in full force till they are altered and changed by the Sove- reign. Had His Majefty, therefore, entertained fuch defigns as the Congrefs obliquely lay to his charge, why fhould he call in the aid of the Legiflature to execute what was already done by the Common Law ? The Congrefs will not, furely, affirm, that the fyftem of government eftablifhed by the Legiflature in Quebec, is fo arbitrary in itfelf, or fo fit for the purpofes of delpotifm, as the Conftitution which fubfifted in that Province under the French. Ought they not to confider, that no other form of government could have been eftablifhed, fo fuitable to the difpofition of the inhabitants, the tenures of their property, and the toleraiion of their religion* to all which, they had an undoubted- right, by the terms of their i 53 3 their Capitulation, and the articles of the fubfe^ qucnt Treaty of Peace ? The Oppofition at home, as weH as the Pa- triots abroad, have found an extentive fubje^ for pathetic eloquence, in the form of Government now eftablilhed by Law in Canada. The former have either very treacherous memories, or they change without any ceremony their opinions with their fituation. Under the AdminiHration of the Earl of Chatham, Mr. Morgsui,. Lord Shelburne's Secretary, was fent privately to America, as Com- iniflioner, to fettle and regulate a new code for thp Government of Quebec. The Governor and Chief Juftice of that Province, if I am not mif- taken, were joined with Morgan in this fecrer, but important commiflion. The meafure, it is faid, was confidered bv the Board of Trade & it was certainly debated, if not adopted by the Cabinet^ as far back as the year 1767, during the plenitude of the Earl of Chatham's power. Lord Camden was Chancellor, and gave his fanftion to regula- tions more allied to Defpotifm than thofe he re- probates at prefent. The Duke of Grafton, the Earl of Shelburne, General Conway, and feveral others of ** that illuftrious Band,'* on whofc vir- tues the Americans expatiate with rapture, ap- proved this POPISH, ARBITRARY, TYRANNICAL fyftem ■ 7: 1- r Hi'' I t 54 1 fyftcm of Government * ; yet all thefe are^ nowj true Americans, ftrenuous Protcftants, Whigs of the ancient mould, determined aflertors of* freedom, avowed enemies to oppression, p6pe- RY, and ARBITRARY POWER I .; ii The Congrefs, with a pliance fuitable to their* defign, vary their language, according to the fup- pofed prejudices of thofe whom they wi(h to de- ceive. When they {peak to the Oppofition in Par- liament, and the reftlefs fpirits without doors in Great-Britain, they declaim, with vehemence, againft the Quebec-bill, as the means of eftablilli- ing dcfpotifm in Government and errors in Reli- gion. When they write to the Canadians, they afTure them, " that religious and focial principles ** are not incompatible ; that the fate of the Pro- " teftant and Catholic Colonies are ftrongly linked " together •, that they fmcerely wifli to unite with *' them in defence of common Liberty." Had the glaring inconfiftencies in thefe oppofite profefTions of the Congrefs, remained a fecret from the Pub- lic in general, we might be induced to place them to the great account of American deceptions. But as they were printed by the very perfons by » ■ • ' ■ • - • A noble Whig, the Marquis of Rockingham, fent a Pt>j>ip Bilhop to Quebec. whom I 55 ] jinrhom they were made, we can fcarcely afcribe this part of the conduft of the Congrefs to a bet- ter motive than political lunacy. .1 ; The Congrefs enumerate, among their com- plaints againft the Britifh LegiHature, the Re- ifolution of Parliament to give its due force to an unrepealed Statute paiTed in the time of Henry yill. It is declared in the Refolution, that upon thJs Statute, treafons and mifprifions of treafon committed in any of his Majefty*s dominions beyond fca, fubjed to the Crown of Great-Britain, may be tried in England. Though this Refolu- tion is confidered by the Congrefs as apart of the ideal fyftem of enflayement, with which they charge the King and fai liament, it contains no novelty, no uncommon ftretch of law. A thou- fand inftances of the fame kind are upon record, long before the prefent difputes with America began. One inftance is extremely remarkable ; I mean, the tranfafticns in the Cafe of the Infur- reftion in Antigua, in the year 1711. All the proceedings were founded on the A6t of Henry VIII. Some of the Infurgents were fent to Eng- land ; they were tried upon that Statute ; and that cirpumftance has eftablilhed a precedent which cannot be controverted. But had even a new law M I :'■!»■ , t 56 J . jof this kind been made, what reafon could the American Congrefs have to complain ? Have not the prejudices, infurreftions, and even re- bellion of their own countrymen totally inter- rupted the common courfe of juftice over all the vaft Continent which they inhabit ; and fhall the generality of the crime be admitted a com- petent excufe againll puniihment ? r'v m i The Americans owe this grievance, if in fa£t itdeferves the name, to that *'illuftrious band,'» whofe former political fins have, it feems, been obliterated by their prefent oppofition. The Declaratory- Aft, the Tea-Bill and internal Taxa- tion were, confeflcdly, the work of the " illuftri- ?• ous band.'* Oneof their leaders (Lord Camden) was the author of the Refolutions of which the Congrefs fo loudly complain. He carried them, fis Chancellor, to the King j and it was at his Lordfhip's inftigation they were propofed in Parliament, and fentup in an Addrefs from both Houfes to His Majefty. If, therefore, " the li- *f berries of America" (to borrow an exprelfioi^ from one of her writers) " have received a mor- f* tal ftab by thefe Refolutions," the dagger which inflifled the wound was in the hands of a FRIEND. This FRIEND, howcvcr, has not al- ways been the friend of American independence [ 57 ] and refiftancc. Mr. Pratt, when Attorney-Gc- neral, advanced a doftrine very different from that adopted by Lord Camden, when divefted of the Great- Seal. Inftead of erefting each petty Aflembl/ in the Colonies into a branch of an Independent Legiflature, he declared under his hand, " That care ihould be taken not to <* admit the encroachments of the Provin* «* cial Aflemblies on the Upper Houfes, when *' they fupport fuch encroachments by argu- ** ments drawn from the exercife of the like «^ rights in the Britilh Houfe of Commons. The «' Conftitutions of the two Aflemblies differ fun- « DAMENTALLY in many refpefts. Our Houfe " of Commons Hands upon its own laws, the Lex " Parliamentaria. But the Aflemblies in the Co- ♦' lonies are regulated by their refpedivc Charters, " Ufages, and the Common Law of England j " and will never be allowed to assume thofe pri- ** vileges which the Houfe of Commons are en- " titled to JUSTLY here, upon principles which *' neither can nor must be applied to the AflTem- ** blies of the Colonies *." m il I'll m * MS. opinion of Attorney-General Pratt, (now Lord Camden) extracted from th^ Archives of Maryland. Equally m I :^\i i ^ 3 Equally ftrong in itfelf, and adv^rfe to the claims of the Colonies, was the opinion of tlie fainc man, with regard to the trade of Great- Britain with America. He was fatisfied, he faid, ^hat " the Mother- Country would nevejt endure «* any impoli laid by the American Aflemblies on " her trade. The Provinces," continues Mr. Pratt, " might, by the fame rule, prohibit the " importation, as well as they might tax thp ** merchandize imported j and it feems to be a *» very unwarrantable attempt to make the Eng- " lifti importer of goods carried to America io " the way of trade, pay a tax for the defence of ** any of the Provinces, for no other confidera- « tion but the liberty of trading there, to which " Great-Britain has an original right, which *' cannot be invaded, :■:! 1 The Americans formerly declared themfelves willing to contribute to the exigences and cx- pences of the State, provided the demand fliould come by requifition from the King, and not by an immediate exertion of Parliamentary authority. This offer his Majefty declined, with that patrio* tifrti which has uniformly marked his own mea- fures, during his reign. Anxious for the happinefs of ALL his fubjefts, he chofe to be the Monarch jof ONE great and free nation, rather than the Sovereign of a number of petty States, weakened bv their own difunion. Had his Majefty been adluated by thole motives of ambition, which are not uncommon among Princes, he would have eagerly clofed with the offers of the Americans. Inftead of making himfelf dependent, for the maintenance of his dignity, upon the grants of ONE Affembly, he might have extricated himfelf from even the fear of pecuniary difficulties, by ;i proper management of many Allemblies. The Reprclentatives of one Province might be grati- fied into the views of the Crown, from the revenue of another •, Brh;i(h Members might rcr ctive the wages of corruption in America ; and Anieri^^n ijl "> . #• [ 69 1 American Reprefentatives be fent for the price of their votes to this Kingdom. But fucceeding events have demonftrated, that the Americans were not finojrci in any one of their declarations, in favour of a.i amicable accom* modation. The Propofitions voted on the 20th of February, came up to their own former de- mands ; yet they evaded them, by treating them «s infidious. The truth is, they knew their own •demerits towards this Country, and they could not believe, that propofals fo highly favourable xould have been, on her part, fincere. One good, however, has refulted from the Propofitions. The Colonies, by rqeding them, have left no doubt remaining concerning their real intentions. They confine no longer their claims to the exclu- five privilege of taxing themfelves. They aim, evidently, at a total independence in all matters whktfoever i and more particularly with regard to the Aft of Navigation. They have long made fe- cret but moft dangerous encroachments on this PALLADIUM of our Commcrcc. They now pub- lickly avow their refolution to pay no regard to any Parliamentary reftriftions, whether ancient or recent, on their Com.merce. They now openly trade all over Europe ; and the obtaining the pri- vilege, which they have, at length, ufurped, has been m I 111 )''S i, liir' ii; ■il ; ■fi ,.i u [ 70 ] been the primary caufe of their rcfiftj»;ice to Parliament. The manufafturers and merchants of this Country have been long no ftrangers to this American policy j yet the Congrefs have the effrontery to expeft, that the mercantile intereft of Great Britain will efpouie their caufe. The American Congrefs having in a loofe, cur- fory, and fuperficial manner advanced fomc pretended arguments to juftify their rebellion, de*. fcend to the mifreprefentation of fads, with the fame defign. They affirm, " That General Gage, ** who had occupied Bofton as a garrifon, fent *' out a large detachment of his army, on the 19th " of April, who made an unprovoked aflault on ^* the inhabitants of the Province of Bofton, ** at Lexington." On this allegation of the Congrefs it may be remarked, That the rebel- lious conduft of the Town of Bofton, where all the authority of legal government had been long extinguilhed by the tyranny of a rabble inftigated by fadtious leaders, had rendered a force necefTary in that place, to reftore order and tranquillity, to proteft the innocent, and to reftrain the ex- ceflcs ^of the turbulent and guilty : That the military preparations made in all parts of the Province, and efpecially at the Town of Concord, with the avowed intention of oppoiing all legal authority. k [ 71 ] authority, induced and even forced General Gage (though fatally too late) to fend out a detachment of the troops under his command, to prevent hofti- lities, by feizing the means of carrying them on : That fome of the Inhabitants of the Province, in " warlike array," flood in the way of this detach- ment, with arms in their hands •, and, That when ordered to remove in a peaceable manner, they made " an unprovoked aflault** on his Majefty's troops, by firing first upon them, and killing fome, and wounding many. The audacity of the Congrefs, in aflerting FALSEHOODS, demands a brief detail of the truth. General Gage, having been informed that arms, ammunition, cannon, and other implements of war, had been collefled in the town of Concord, ordered a detachment of the Army to march with all pofllble fecrecy to that place. He gave orders to the detachment, to obferve the moft flridt difcipline, and to refent no infults offered them by the country people, except aftual hoflilities. The General's orders were, in truth, too implicitly obferved. There was not one loaded Musc^ET in the whole detachment, except thofe in the hands of fifty Marines, who formed the van, when they were fired upon, by the country people, at Lexington. The affidavits of the rebels. \' I ii \ : 1 1 t .. 1- C 7'. ] rebels, on this fubjefl, are impoficions and perjuries. There is not a man, whether officer or foldier, in the whole detachment, confiding of 800 men, but is ready, in the mod folemn manner, to atteft the truth of this faft. i-i It were to be wilhed, for the honour of the in- furgents, that their barbarous cruelty to the wounded foldiers, were more problematical than their firing first on the King's troops. The fol- diers who fell by the firft fire of the rebels, were found fcalped, when the detachment returned fri n Concord to Lexington fridge. Two foldiers who lay wounded on the field, and had been fcalped by the favage Provincials, were ftill breath- ing. They appeared, by the traces of blood, to have rolled in the agonies of this horrid fpecies of death, feveral yards from the place where they had been fcalped. Near thefe unfortunate men, another dreadful objed prefented itfelf. A foldier who had been (lightly wounded, appeared with his eyes torn out of their fockets, by the barbarous mode of good in o, a word and prac- tice peculiar to the Americans. Humanity for- bids us to dwell longer on this fcene of horror. The rebels, to break the force of accufation, began to recriminate. They laid feveral inftances of wanton cruelty to the charge of the troops i yet nothing is better a tl n C m ti( fc( [ 73 J better afcertaincd, than that not one of the fol- diers ever quitted the road, either upon their march or return from Concord, The Congrcfs ftigmatize the expedition to Lex* ington and Concord, with the epithets of " an " unprovoked and wanton afTault.'* Was the collecfling warlike implements at Concord, raifing men throughout the Province, difciplining troops in every diftridt, forming magazines, purchafino- ammunition, and preparing arms, no provoca- tion ? Were not the whole Country aflembled be- fore they knew of this expedition ? And was noc their being fo completely provided with the means of repelling hoftilities, a fufficient proof, that they had previoufly refolved to commence them ? Could TEN THOUSAND men, the number that attacked (though at a prudent diftance) the troops on their retreat, have been colkfted by accident, or called together by a fudden alarm ? Are not the Congrefs confcious to themfc-lves, and was not General Gage fufiiciently apprized, that the people of MafTachufet's-Bay h^d deter- mined to begin hoftilities, had the expedition to Concord never happened ? The truth is, the march of the troops had only haftencd the execu- tion of the plan of rebellion fettled before in the fecret Councils of the Provincial Congrefs. L The 'if ■^■f [ 74 J The afli^rtions of the Congrcfs concerning tranf- aftions within the town of Bofton, arc as utterly de- void of truth, as their account of what happened in the country. 1 he hoftilc intentions of thofe with- in, were as apparent as the rebellion of their brethren without was certain. The great law of felf-defcnce mufl: therefore have juftified Ge- neral Gage for having deprived the former of arms, which they almoft avowedly intended to raife againft all legal authority. After the fkir- mifli at Lexington and Concord, all fupplies from the country were cut off from the town of Bofton. Many of the inhabitants defired to remove, with their cffedls. Their rcqueft was granted ; but it was at the fame time demanded, that they fiiould deliver up their arms. This was, at firft, ap- proved by all i but great clamours foon after " followed. Such of the inhabitants as were well af- fcdled, or pretended to be well affefled to Govern- ment, alledged, that none but the ill-inclined fliewed any inclination to remove ; and that when they (houlc! become fafe with iheir cffefls, the town would be fet on fire. A great demur having alfo arilen about the meaning of the word effects, whether merchandise was included •, and the General being likewile fenfible, that the permitting articles of that kind to be carried to the rebels, might ftrengthen them in their refiftance ; he re- tained [ IS ] tained the goods. But they are Hill fufely kept for the owners, Ihould they cither continue faith- ful, or feize his Majefty*s mercy, and return to their duty. The next paragraph of the Declaration, as it is not fupported by truth, is addrefled to the paf- fions. The Congrefs cc:nplain, with an attempt at the pathos, "^ of the reparation of wives " from their hufbands, children from their pa- ** rents, and the aged and fick from their rela- ** tions and friends." But is it not notorious to the whole world, that this separation, which the Congrefs afFeft to lament, was the necef- fary confequence of the rebellion of their country- men ? Did they not furround the town of Bof- ton, with an armed force, with the avowed inten- tion of deftroying his Majefty's forces, Generals, and Governor? And were the gates to be left open " to let ruin enter," as one of their own writers exprelTes himfelf ? Have the people of Boftop fuffered more hardfliips than the inhabitants of befieged towns ufually fufFer? Have they not even fuffered fewer reftraints than men in their Situation had reafon to exped ? Was not Dr. War- ren, the Chairman of the Provincial Congre^ , a notorious abettor of the infurre«5lion, a nominal CJeperal in a rebel army, permitted to come ■J >i4' i-'^ \^% intQ C 76 ] \nto Bo/lon, under pretence pf vifiting a fick fpend, on the day preceding the adion on 3un- kcr's-hill, where he was killed in arms againft his King and Country ? Is this a mark of thofe cruel reftramtSj thofe rnelancholy reparations, of which the Congrefs complain ? But their bufinefs is to engage the paflions, where they can make no impreJlion with their arguments. In thene3;t paragraph of their Declaration, the Congrefs, with their ufual want of impartiality and fairnefs, affert that " the General, emulate *' ing his minifterial mafters, by a Proclamatior, *' bearing date the 12th cf June lUl, after vent- " ing the grcfllft falfhoods and cuiumnies againft *' the good people of these Colonies, proceeds " to declare them all, either by name ordefcrip- " tion, to be rebels and traitors ; to fuperfedc the *' ufe of the Common Law, and inftead thereof '^ to publifii and order the ufe of the Law Martial.'* Men who accufe others of falfhood and of ca- lumny, fhould carefully abftain from mifreprefen- tation and gander themfelves. The Proclamation was not iflued by General Gage, as Military Com- mander in Chief in America, but officially as Civil Governor of MafTachufett's-Bay •, and as fuch he WHS authorized to ilTue ir, by the Charter and Laws of tlie Province. The [ 11 ] The Proclamation of the 1 2th of June appears on the face of it to relat to the affairs and inhabi- tants of Maflachufett's-Bay only. To keep up the fpiric of deluHon which has ruined America, the Congrefs reprefent the Proclamation as declar- ing the inhabitants of all the Colonies, re- bels and traitors, apd as extending the Law Martial £0 every Province. But did he declare even the inhabitants of Maflachufeti's-Bay rebels, till they had attacked his Majefty's troops, feized his forts and garritbns, befieged his army in the capital of the Province, and not only interrupted the com- mon courfe of juftice, but even totally annihilated all legal authority ? It is with peculiar effrontery, that the Congrefs number the fufpenfion of the common courfe of juftice among their grievan- ces, after all law and order had been trodden un- der foot by their own countrymen. !■' I: With the fame degree of arrogant folly the Congrefs complain, that *' their countrymen v ere *' killed on Bunker's-hill, that Charles-town was '^ burnt to the ground, that their fliips and veflels "have been feized, that their fupplies of provir ** fions have been intercepted, that General Carle- " ton is inftigating the Canadians and Indians *' againft them, ?.nd that domeftic enemies are *f encouragf^i to arrack them." All thefe things may r 78 ] may certainly have hapjv ; d; but have they not happened in confequence of their own rebellion ? Have they a right to attack others, and have others no right to defend ihemfelves ? Do the inhabitants of Maflachufett's-Bay think, that as they have broken through all the ties that bind the fubjeft to the Sovereign, the law of nature and of nations ought alfo to be fufpended to gratify their ambition, to flatter their folly, to fa- vour their extravagant fchemes of independence ? To the above imjginary catalogue of American grievances, may be oppofed the juft complaints of Great-Britain. Have not the rebels carried their hoftilities to every corner againft the Parent- State, that firft gave them exigence, and reared them to profperiiy ? Have ihey not attacked her troops at Lexington and at Concord, fired upon Bofton, burnt the Light-houfe, taken Ti- conderago and Crown Point, and even penetrated into Canada ? And have they not ufed every arti- ^ce to inftigate the Savages to make war on tfieir Sovereign and Mother-Country ? Almoft all thefe injuries preceded the juft exertions of this Kinc- dom to punilh their rebellion. The conclufion of the Declaration, though la- ]t)oured, contains nothing but empty declamation, and therefore merits little notice. The fame dif- re^ici [ 79 1 regard to truth, or, rather, the fame attention to niifreprefentation, which dillinguifl% the reft of that flrange compofition, is carried down to the end. They alledge, *' that they are reduced to "the alternative of chufing an uncondition/- " fubn^.iflion to tyranny, or refiftance byforce." The Congrefs lurely forget, or it fuits their purpofc to pafs over in filence, the favourable (perhaps too favourable) conditions offered to them, by the Re- folution of the Commons, m the month of Fe- brnary laft. The terms ouched in th^i Refoiu- tion were ib obvioufly advantageous to America, that the Oppofition in Parliament declared them INSIDIOUS ; or, in other words, " too good to " be fincere." An amicable fettlement had ceafed to have been an objeft with the Demagogues ABROAD -, and it would have ruined the fchemes of the Fadtion at home. The former derivevi their influence, confequence, and power, fronrv anarchy and confufion. They could cxirt only in a ftorm i the reftoration of peace and tranquility muft have reduced them to their original infigniA- cance; and as for the latter, rendered defperate by difappointed ambition, they would not hefitate to ruin their Country, to procure the tali of their rivals. I n Such l-t t* T Such being the ftate of opinions among the leaders of Fadion on both fides of the Atlantic, «* refiftance by force became naturally the choice " of the Congrefs." To deceive an unhappy peo- ple, over whofe minds they had eftablifhed a tem- porary dominion, they boaft of " their perfedt *' union, and their great internal refources ; *' and that foreign affiftance is attainable." As to the firft, we have no great reafon to give it implicit faith. The Demon of Difcord had ap- peared in fome of the Provinces before he was con- jured up b) the Congrefs throughout the Continent. Governor Tryon had been obliged toraife 1200 men toquell an infurretVion in North-Carolina ; Virginia and Pennfylvania were upon the point of quarrel- ling about their boundaries. At this very mo- ment the Congrefs, who boaft of American unanimity, are forced to interpofe their authority, to prevent a rupture between Connedicut and Pennfylvania on the fame fubjt*^. kk". The fnew of unanimity which now 10BK» m America, appe-irs from undoubted ir ition to be the refult of fear, more than any iii>o for the defperate caufe of the rebels. Force, fraud, and violence over the minds, perfons and properties of His Majefty's fubjeds, have bet., found neceffkry for carrying on every meafure of the Congrefs. Wen !4 4 [ 8i ] Men of property are, from intereft, enemies to confufion •, and the intelligent, forefeeing the in- evitable iflue of hoftilities againft the invincible power of a mighty Empire, are averfe to a conteft, that, on the fide of the Americans, muft terminate in ruin. But both are terrified into filence by the tyranny of a t.iifled rabble ; or their still voice is drowned in the clamours of Fadion and tumult of Party. The INTERNAL RESOURCES of the Americans are as problematical, as their unanimity in rebel- lion. Confift thefe mighty refources in a wretch- ed Paper-currency*, eftablifhed on no oltcnfible M fund • Thefe Paper-Resources have been very liberally ex'-Tted by the Colonifts, in the courfe of the year 1775. By the mod authentic accounts the Congrefs and the Provin- cial Conventions haveraifed the fums annexed to each, refpec- tively, in the following ftate, by iffuLng Paper-bills, to fupporc their rebellion againlt the legal authority of Great-Britain. Currency. The Continental Congrefs have iffued ) 3,000,000 Paper-dollars, at 4s, 6d. each j Georgia or or or or South Carolina, North Carolina Virginia - - - Maryland - - - Pennfylvania, at ) two emiflions 5 P.hoJe-liland - - £. 1,000,000 50,000 550,000 • - 100,000 115,000 100,000 or or Sterling. jC. 675,000 10,000 150,000 30,000 280,000 60,000 69,000 75,000 £' 1,3^9^000 I have fI :'(ii C 82 J fund of credit i and voted by an illegal Aflembly, whofe authority is feeble, on account of its novel- ty, and tranfitory, as it arifes from temporary pre- judices ? Should force, or even folly, ftamp a do- meftic value on the pajte-bcard dollars of the Congrefs, what foreign nation will receive them for its manufaftures and commodities ? Are the Ame- ricans themfelves capable of furnifliing all the great implements necefTary for the profecution of war ? Can they fupply their armies with tents, with powder, with cannon, or with mufquets ? Is any one of thefe articles manufaftured in a fufEcient quantity in America ? And how can they be procured in Europe, with the wretched cur- rency of the General Congrefs ? The Colonics, had not reafon been warped by prejudice in every part of their condudV, might have forefeen, that their commencing a war deprived them inftantly of the refourccs for carrying it on. Their whole Coaft is lined, it is to be hoped, at this very moment, v/ith our fhips of war, to put a total flop to their Commerce. They have, there- 1 have not been able to obtain any authentic intelligence concerning the fums raifed in the other Colonies. 1 may ven- ture, however, to affirm, that the rebellious Provinces have raifed, in the courfe of this year, a fum equal to the amount of their whole taxes (Provincial as well aq Parliamentary) in SEVEN YEARS. fore, [ S3 1 ' fore, lofl: at one ftroke their whole trade in Corn and Rice with Spain, Portugal, and the Medi- terranean i which, at a moderate computation, brought annually One Million Five Hundred Thoufand Pounds to North America. They have loft the fupplying our own Weft-India Iflands, as well as thofe of other nations, with provifions ; a branch of Commerce eftimated little fhort of a Million annually. They have loft their Fifhery, aa article too great for computation; and they have loft the exportation to Great-Britain of com- modities which would nor. have anfwered in any other market, had the fea remained open to their Navigation. But if the Americans have little reafon to depend on DOMESTIC RESOURCES, they have ftill lefs to hope from foreign aid. Will France, in the prefent ftate of her finances, involve herfelf in a ruinous and expenfive war, to gratify the re- venge of a Fa£tion in this Country, or to favour the ambition of Demagogues beyond the Atlantic ? Will Spain give her afliftance to raife an inde- pendent Empire in America ? Will ftie encou- rage her own American fubjefts to rife againft her authority, by abetting the rebellion of the Ameri- can fubjefts ot Great- Britain ? Can either Branch of the Houfe of Bourbon be fo blind to its own M 2 intertfl-. '.n »v 11- V. t 84 J intereft, as to wifh to fee a Sovereign State credcd lo near its fettlemcnts, which, from their proxi- mity, their produce, and their wealth, muft, in fuch a cafe, become objcfts of invafion, depreda- tion, and conqueft ? What has either France or Spain to fear from this kingdom, whole intereft confifts folely in prcferving what fhe has already acquired ? But have not both every thing to fear, fliould a new Sovereignty ftart up in America, in which a want of refources would, in fome degree, juftify the providing itfelf at the expencc of wealthy neighbours ? * li Having endeavoured to terrify Great-Britain with their domestic refources and foreign aids j the Congrefs thinking, perhaps, they had gone too far, conclude with aflurances, that *' they have " not YET determined to diflblve their union with " the Mother-Country." But that union, it ap- pears from the fequel, muft not be conftrued into subordination, on the part of the Americans. The general fupremacy of the Legiflature, which by pervading the whole Britilh Empire renders it ONE State, muft not, it feems, crofs the At- lantic, but in fuch proportions as may fuit the in- chnations of the Congrefs. " 1 hey have taken " up arms," as they openly avow, " againft that " Supremacy i*' and "they will not lay them do wn [ 85 J *' down till hoftilities (hall ceafe on the part of " Great Britain." This is the Ultimatum offered by the Congrefs : Withdraw your armies, recal your fleets, and you may have peace from the Americans •, for, as " they fight not for conqueft," they do not yet mean to transfer hoftilities into the heart of thefe kingdoms I The haughty Monarch who dreamt of univerfai monarchy in the laft century, could fcarcely have exprefled himfclf in more infolent terms to the petty Princes furrounding his dominions, than the Congrefs have done to the powerful Empire to which they owe the allegiance of fubje(5ts. Some allowance ought to be made for their ignorance, and a great deal for the petulance of men new to confequence and authority; but, even in that cafe, the infolence of the Declaration is calculated to raife indignation, as well as contempt. The Congrefs, however, are only the echoes of a def- perate Faction in this Kingdom, who have uni- formly, in their public exhibitions, degraded the ftrength, power, and authority of Great- Britain, to exalt America on the ruins. With an effron- tery without example in any other age or nation, THESE MEN aifume the name of Patriots, yet lay the honour, dignity, and reputation of their Country under the feet of her rebellious fubjedts. With \\ t 8« ] With a peculiar refinement on Parricide, they bind the hands of the Mother, while they plant a dagger in thofe of the Daughter, to ftab her to the heart; and, to finifli the horrid pidlure, they fmile at the mifchief they have done, and look round to the fpedlators for applaufe. I. : |, \M m It appears, upon the whole, that the Declara- tion, which ought to contain all the argument in favour of the Americans, contains, in faft, nothing that does not militate againft their caufe. The right of taxing all the ful .^-'^cs of the Em- pire, for the general fupport j. t..- Statc^ is a part of that Supremacy which t/*^ firft principles of the Conltitution have veiled \r< ';he Britifh Le- giflatiiie. This Supremacy has been exerted by Parliament, and admitted by the Americans, ever . fince their anceftors migrated from thcfe ' ingdoms. If they now deny it, i>y that very aft tht) ceafe to be fubjedls, and become rebels. But gram ng, for the fake of argument, that Taxation is no part of the fupremacy of Parliament, the very condud of the Americans not only juftifies, but even renders itabfolutely necefiary, that a precedent (hould be made. They own, " that their internal refour- ** ces are great.'* The inability of contributing to the necefllties of a State, from whom they h.we derived their origin, their fupport, their proK c- tion, II [ 8; ] tion, and their profperity, is no longer a pretence ; and if they will give no Revenue as fubjeds, they owe a debt as allies. They afFci^l to main- tain armies by land •, they threaten to fend fleets to fea } they allcdgc, that their refources are ca- pable of fupporting a rebellion againll the Mo- ther-Country i yet they juftify that rebellion by the demand made by the Mother-Country, for their bearing a part of their own future ex- PENCES, That the former expences of America have drawn from Great-Britain an incredible treafurc, may be feen from the following authentic eftimate. We fhall begin this eftimate with the accefllon of the Houfe of Hanover to the Throne of thefc Kingdoms. From the yerr 1714 to the year 177?, the money voted by Parliament, for the forces employed in defence of the Colonies, amounts to - - - Graitsin Parliament, for rewards, encou- ^-agement, and indemnification to the Americans, during the laft war - - Bounties on American commodities to the end of 1774 - - - - Sums granted to th'' Colonies, for the fupport of their Ci\ il Government and Provincial Forces - - - _ £' 8,779»925 3 "s 1,081,771 II 1,609,345 9l 3 9\ 3.855,900 7 4«: Carried over, ;^. 15,306,94* 6 11 Extraordinary H /'I m T ^>. 4^ \l^ \ " IMAGE EVALUATrON TEST TARGET (MT-3) fe v#^%^ <^ ^ 1.0 I.I ■" MIA IS muu lAO 2.5 2.2 2.0 1.8 1-25 ||U ||.6 4 < 6" ► V] 7}. f '%\^/ ^0^ '> 7 ^> /A 'W '/ Photc^phic Sciences Corporation 23 WIST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 873-4S03 % / o^ hi' !! ■ t ; I ■■4i (J [ 88 ] iC. J. 6 II 8.779»925 3 ii; Brought over 15,3061942 Extraordinary cxpences for forts, garri- fons, ordnance floras, tranfports, car- riages, provifions, may be eftimated equal to the expences of the forces Expences of fleets and naval Nations employed and eltabliflied in America for its defence may be eftimated at - 10,000,000 00 00 Annual prefencs to the American Indians, for abftaining from hoftilities again 11 the Colonies, and for the ceffion of lands, 6 1 0,000 00 00 34,697,141 10 lot To this amazing fum might be added, by implication, the other expences of the two laft Wars. The former of thofe wars was undertaken for the proteftion of the American Commerce, or rather American smuggling, to the Spanilh Colonies. We entered into the latter for the defence of the Colonifts ; we carried it on for their fecurity j and terminated it for their sole advan- tage. The two laft Wars have coft this Country, at a moderate computation, one hundred and FIFTY MILLIONS. To this extraordinary wafte of treafure, what have the Colonies to oppofe to balance the account ? Is it a languid Com- merce, which fcarcely makes its returns once in three years ? We have heard much (indeed, a great deal too much) of this Commerce from faflious men on both '■yiji^jwigiifyj*'' both fides of the Atlantic. This is the mighty engine which they wield over the heads of the ig- norant i the great bugbear with which they ter- rify the timid. To eftimate the value of the Ame- rican trade with any degree of prccifion, is impolTi- ble. The accounts kept in the Cuftom-hoUfe are no authorities. When exports pay no duty, a door is opened to falfe entries. The vanity of fome Merchants, the interefi; of others, too fre- quently induce them to magnify, beyond meafure, the quantity of their export trade. Befides, the mercantile abettors of American refiftance thought they ferved the Colonies, whilft they gratified their own private views. We may conclude, that the Commerce with North -America has been greatly over-rated, as the total loss of it has NOT afFeftcd this Kingdom. We ought, perhaps, to afcribe to its insignificance what we are taught to attribute to an increase in other chan- nels of trade. 1 1 Like all monopolies, the Commerce with North-America, fuch rs it has been, was much more profitable to the Merchant, than advanta- geous to the Manufaflurer. One-third of this com- merce with any State in Europe (from which the returns are annual) would have brought equal profit to the manuhflurer, and would have en- N abled 1 ii ^ 1., m. I -I ( 1 ! 1 I I so ] abled him to employ an equal number of hands. Political impoflors will not tail to advance magni- ficent fidions on this head, and the ignorant cannot ceafe to give them credit. On a fubjedt where proofs are fo difficult to be obtained, one may hazard a conjedure. The money expended by this Nation upon America, for the protection of HER inhabitants and the encouragement of HER Commerce, would have been more than fuffi- cient to purchafe all the manufactures ever ex- ported from Great-Britain to the Colonies now in rebellion. I mean not to include, in this conjedural eftimate, any fums expended by us in any other part of the world during the two laft (truly American) Wars, The Americans, with a degree of folly fcarce excufcable in the moll confummate ignorance, claim a merit with Great-Britain, for the Revenue arifing from impofts laid upon fome of their com- modities, in this Kingdom. The chief of thefe are Rice and Tobacco. The Revenue arifing from Rice is fo infignificant that it fcarce deferves to be mentioned. It never amounted, at the highell computation, to ten thoufand pounds in any ne year. Tobacco, when re-exported, pays no duty ; and it is a matter of great doubt, whether the frauds committed in the drawbacks may r 91 ] may not nearly balance the oftenfible Revenue arifing to the State from the home conlumption. But, granting a great Revenue ftiould arife from Rice and Tobacco to the State, what favour do we owe to our Colonies on that head ? That Re- venue is paid by ourselves. The Tax is on the Confumer, and not upon the Planter. Should Siberia fnpply us with Rice and Tobacco, the price would not probably be greater to the Con- fumer, nor the Revenue lefs to the State. If the Americans claim any merit from thofe Taxes, what do we not owe to the. Emperor of China ? The Revenue from Tea is much more confiderable than that from Rice and Tobacco. A Congrefs at Pekin might accufe us of ingratitude on this fubjed, with as much juftice as the Aflembly lately fitting at Philadelphia. It is evident, from the above (late of fads, that the Colonies have no claim to an exemption from Taxation, on account of any advantage that has accrued to this country from their commerce. But Taxation has now ceafed to be any part of the difpute. It goes to the whole authority of the Mother-Country. The Americans offer no longer the very name of Obedience. But why fhould I fpeak of Obedience ? This very Congress, N z whofe f :^!^ [ 92 3 vvhofe Dcclaiaiion is the I'ubjeftof this difquifition, have pafled a Vote of Independence *. They have formed the plan of a Republican Govern- ment in their fecrec Councils. They have fent Circular copies of that plan to all the Provinces, for the approbation of their Confticuencs. They have long aded as rebels, they now affeft to contend as enemies. Their abettors in this Kingdom are no ftrangcrs to their extravagant defigns ; yet, with pernicious effrontery, they avowedly defert the in'.ereft, fupremacy and glory of their Country, and dignify the fouled rebellion with the title of *' A GLORIOUS STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM," n . \ The Independence which they now openly affsr^ has been all along the objcfl of the leaders of the infatuated Colonifts. Ambitious Demagogues have led forward a.i ignorant Populace, ftep by * When this Vote was carried, the Provinces flood as follows ; For Independence. jigainjl it. M^fiachufet's Bay New York ConnefUcut New Jerfey New-Hanipfhire Lawer Counties Pennfylvaiiia Norih Carolina Viii;iiiia Maryland, South C.irnljna Riiode-Ifland. 'I'll is v/as the State of the Vote, on the firfl: day. But, nn the fecond day, Mr. Dickcnfon, after reflection on HIS PI Li.ow, rerrafted, and carried '.ff Uie Pennfylvania Dele- gates. '1 here being then an equality of voices, the quellioa .za«/ c^, for the ticie. ftep, i I 93 1 {^cp, till their retreat from ruin is difficult, if not impoffible. To cover their own defigns, the Congrefs afFe(5ted, even fo late as the month of July laft, to offer conditions (too humiliating in- deed to be accepted), as grounds for a reconcilia- tion with the Mother-Country. They voted a Petition to the King, which was prefented to His Majefly on the firft of September. But inad- miflible, as the terms of the Petition were, the Congrefs were unwilling to truft the fate of their favourite Independence to the infolence of their own demands. When they pretended to folicit the Throne for Peace, they endeavoured to make the breach between the Mother-Country and America irreparable, by pufhing with vigour their rebellious War. The Petition was the laft A6t of the Congrefs, before their adjournment on the fecond of Au- guft. After this adjournment, and before they could pofiibly hear of the reception of their Pe- tition, St. John's was befiegedj an attempt was made on Montreal ; a party under Arnold invaded Canada, by the way of Kennebec i and the fort of Bermuda was robbed of its gun-powder on the 14th of Auguft. On the 13 th of the fame month the boat of the Afia Man of War was burnt at ,New- Htlf ~ I ! - I! It ■ .* I? ■ . r* f 94 ] New- York ; a vcflel bringing provifions to that fliip (harcd the fame fate on the 5th of Septem- ber. Two fliips were feized to the fouthward, in the month of Auguft, by veflels fitted out in South-Carolina. In the firft week of Oftober Mr Wafhington iflued commiflions to mafters of armed veflels to cruize on the (hips of Great- Britain, as againft: a foreign enemy. In the month of November, before any Bill of the fame kind was brought inco the Bricilh Parliament, the Pro- vincial Conventions of the Northern Colonies paflTed pretended A6ls, forbidding, under pain of death, every correfpondence with the People of Great- Britain i and appointing Judges in the various ports, for the condemnation of Britifti captures. Such is the conduct of the Americans, to which that of Great-Britain has all along formed a ftrik- ing contraft. With the indulgence and patience of a Parent, fhe foothed, flattered, and even courted them to a reconciliation. In pity to the weaknefs, in condefcenflon to the folly, in confl- deration to the prejudices of a froward child, flie held out the olive-branch, when flie ought, per- haps, to have flretched forth the rod of correc- tion. Her pity, her kindnefs, and affedlion, were loft: upon the Americans. They advanced rapidly from claim to claim, and conttrued her forbearance ( / r 95 ] forbearance into timidity. Each Aft that was repealed furniflied a fubjed for triumph, and not an objed for gratitude. Each conccfllon became the foundation of fome new demand, till, at length, by alTuming all to themfelves by rebellion, they left the Mother-Country nothing to beftow. In this fituation of affairs, Great-Britain muft purfue one of two lines of conduft, with regard to her refraflory Colonies. She muft either put up with the lofs of all her exptnce, and emancipate them for ever, or reduce them to that ftate of de- pendence which fubjeds owe to the fuprcme au- thority in every Empire. As the latter line muft of necefllty be purfued, it ought to be purfued with a mixture of fpirit and prudence. To be in every refpe<5t in a condition to force equitable terms, is the beft fecurity for their being voi'in- tarily offered. But fhould terms be offered by the rebels, the Rights of this Country muft be more regarded in the accommodation, than the claims of America. To permit the Colonies to GAIN by one rebellion, is to fow the feeds of another. But if the Colonies, as communities, are not permitted to gain by their refradory con- duct, I am far from wifhing that individuals fhould iofe any part of their rights as Britifli fubjedts. ti','- ■■V To ^'r- !i- I 1 It ■) : i i 51 J f 96 ] Topropofc a plan to the Americans, in their prefcnt political frenzy, would be to fpeak to the winds. To make them lefs free than the other fubje(5ls of the State, can never be the de/ign of this Country. To obtain greater privileges, can fcarcely be their own dejign. If ihey are not madly bent on independence, let them propofe the conditions on which they wifh to continue fubjeds. But if they are to continue fubjedls, they muft perform their duty as fuch, and con- tribute toward the expence of the State, for the general protedtion. The Legiflaturc of this Kingdom cannot pofllbly relinquifh any part of its fupremacy over the Colonies •, but it is in the power of the Colonies to ihare in that fupremacy. If they complain of being taxed without having the privilege of fending Members to Parliament, let them be reprefented. Nay, more : Let their Reprefentation increafe in proportion to the Re- venue they Ihall furnifh. If they wifh rather to vote their c^uota towards the general fupply, through their own General Courts and Aflem- blies, the refolution of Parliament on that fubjeft is ftill open to their choice. But as long as they aflume the language of a Sovereign State, this Kingdom can enter into no negociation, can meet no compromife. Nations, as y ^: r*l. 11^ [ 97 ] as well as individuals, have a chara<5ter, a cer- tain dignity, which they mufl: prefervc at the rifque of their exiftence. Great-Britain has obey- ed the dictates of humanity beyond the limits prcfcribed by her reputation. To tempt her further, is full of peril, as her indignation begins to rife. She has lon^^ had reafon to complain of American ingratitude ; and Ihe will not bear longer with American injuilice. The dangerous refent- menl^ of a great people is ready to burft forth. They already begin to alk, with vehemence. Is this the return we ought to exped from Colo- nics, whom with parental indulgence we have cherifhed in> infancy, protefted in youth, and reared to manhood ? Have we fpent in their caufe fo much treafure, and have they the ingratitude to refufe to bear a fmall portion of our burdens ? Have we fpilt fo much of the blood of iheir ene- miesi and do they repay us by imbruing their hands in our own ? The law of God and of Nature is on the fide of an indulgent Parent again II an undutiful Child •, and (hould neceffary corredion render him incapable of future offence, he has only his own obftinacy and folly to blame. jti; FINIS. J'' ■ ■(■ $ '» I \ ^\ APPENDIX W \. ■< "^^^ •f .* T\ww«y*i«#t^;**c^iwK«WPC*wai««i«^^ :/■■■• ^mmm wmm m mm^mm ■A I'tl ?v H [ To face Page 99. ] .vt |l! !* V fWvy^^ ppnppwF [ 99 3 An ACCOUNT of MONEY Voted for the FORCES employed in the Defence of A M E R I C A fmce the ACCESSION of the FAMILY of HANOVER J diftinguifhing each Year. £- i. d. £' *' d. 17H — 39.478 II 1745 — 97.739 5 S 1715 — 34.742 '4 2 1746 — - 97.038 7 II 1716 — 34.837 17 lOi '747 — 97,038 7 II 1717 — — ■ 34^742 14 2 1748 — 97,277 2 6 1718 — 40,283 15 II •749 — 63,002 17 I 1719 ^— 37.325 2 1 1750 — 81,059 14 2 1720 — 37.423 I idi '75> - - 81,059 14 2 1721 — 40,396 9 7 1752 — — 7^X38 18 7 1722 — — 40,396 9 7 '753 - - 81,059 14 2 1723 — 40,396 9 7 '754 — 81,059 14 2 1724 — ^ 40,502 17 8 '755 — 81,059 14 2 1725 — 40,396 9 7 1756 — 142,813 i^ n 1726 — - 40,396 9 7 '757 — 249,854 1 3 1727 — 40,396 9 7 1758 — 449. S 94 4 7 1728 40.502 17 8 '759 — 44b. 01 3 9 7 1729 — 40,396 9 7 1760 — 482,797 8 6f 1730 — — 40,396 9 7 1761 — s-83,892 18 9 173' — 40,396 9 7 1762 — — 615,845 12 II 1732 — 40,502 17 8 1763 — 3'o.3«7 8 1733 — 40,396 9 7 1764 — 252,093 15 "i »734 41,041 6 3 1765 - — 268,054 19 9f J735 — 52,754 '5 5 1766 — 26S,5&5 '9 91 1736 -— ' 52,895 8 1767 — 279,668 I It •737 — 52,754 'i 5 1768 — 270,666 2 6i '738 — . 63,026 9 7 1769 — 269,615 2 3i 1739 — 65,106 19 7 1770 — 259,662 12 Ik 1740 — 73.469 »» ici 1771 . — 259,909 3 It 1741 — 72,723 18 9 1772 — 2b3,66o 5 6i 1742 — 74,027 8 Q '773 269,196 17 8^ ?743 — 73.827 8 9 '774 • — 247.324 5 22 »744 ■"" 81,595 19 8 1775 ■ 247.506 '5 2f 1,487,340 o 71 7.437)236 O 2 The / A P E An ACCOUNT of what SUMS have been GRANTED to the different ESTIMATES for the SUPPORT of the CIVIL GOVERNMENT SUMS have been GllANTED for the SUPPORT of the PROVIN ■■'i"'v,. 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720 1721 1722 1723 1724 1715 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730 i73i 173^ 173? 1734 1735 >73^ •737 •738 '739 1740 1741 1742 1743 »744 '745 1746 •7+7 1748 >749 >7So 1751 1752 '7)5 '■754 1756 • 757 1758 1/59 17 o 1761 17 '5 2 ,-63 I', 64 1765 176 1767 176:1 1769 1770 '77' 1772 >773 '774 Nl'VV-YORK. Forcts. /75 7,112 u 7.093 3 7. '4' 16 7. '4' 16 7.161 8 7''4' i6 7. '4' 16 7.'4« 16 7,i6i 8 7.'4« 16 7.«4' 16 7.'4' 16 7.161 8 7.'4» 16 '/.14' 16 7.14' 16 7. 161 8 7.141 16 7.141 16 7.141 16 7.161 8 7.141 16 7.H' 16 7. '4' 16 7.i6i 8 7.H1. i6 7.141 16 7.14' i6 7. 161 8 7.141 16 7.141 16 7.14' 16 7.161 S 7.14' 16 7.14-- 16 7.14' 16 0,946 3 7.141 16 7.141 16 7.141 16 7.161 8 7.141 16 7. 141 i6 7.141 16 7.161 8 7,141 16 7. '4' 16 2.367 II o 4 8 8 o S 8 8 o 8 8 8 8 8 8 o 8 8 8 o 8 3 8 o 8 8 8 t) 8 o 8 8 8 o 8 8 4 CAROLINA. Not diftingjiOicd whe- ther North or South. 3.071 7 3.071 7 3.079 >5 3>o7' 7 3.07' 7 3.07' 7 3.079 15 3.07' 7 3,071 7 3.071 7 3.079 15 3.071 7 3.071 7 3.07 1 7 33 /'/J 5 7 8 6 6 9^ 6 6 6 6 6 6* 6 6 GEORGIA. Settling and Securing. | Military. 26,000 10, COO 20,000 8,000 20,000 4,000 10,000 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 12,00O O O 4,000 o o 5'304 3 4 5.304 3 4 43,024 9 loi 4,000 2.0:0 18, ,28 19 ll =^.957 10 3.,' 57 10 30,000 3.557 10 4.057 10 4.057 10 4.057 10 4.'-'57 10 4.136 4,031 K 8 3.96'^ 3,986 3,986 3.9S6 3.0-6 3,086 3.0-6 3,iS6 3.0 6 3,oH6 3,0*6 SOUTH CAROLINA 3.079 '5 9\ 3,071 17 6 2,445 87.724 20,406 2-445 2,445 2,445 10 2 I z 10 10 10 o 2 I V o o o 250.8 S3 3 9I 30,064 S 4> 5.'53o 5,^30 <:,H46 5,8.50 5.^30 5.S30 5 '671 S.330 5,830 5,830 5,846 5,8?o 5,830 5.867 5.883 5,667 5.867 1.545 <7 '7 17 '7 17 17 2 17 '7 17 17 «7 »7 7 9 7 7 I ui,lC4 4 I To face Page 99. J E N D X. SD to the different PROVINCES in NORTH-AMERICA, as far as appears from the GOVERNMENT of each PROVINCE, dhlinguifliing each Year. And alfo of what ' of the PROVINCIAL FORCES m NORTH-AMERICA. d. 9i 6 o 2 I V o o o SOUTH CAROLINA. 5,8.50 5.^30 5.Sjo 5.671 5.330 5,830 5,830 5,846 5,8?o 5,830 5.867 5.883 5,667 5.867 '.545 <7 «7 17 '7 »7 17 z 17 '7 17 «7 '7 »7 7 9 7 7 I 6 6 o 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 o 6 6 6 o 6 6 6 NOVA-SCOTIA. Civil Government. EAST-FLORIDA. I WEST-FLORIDA. Citil Governinent. | Civil Government. iions. 65,607 6, 8 49,4^,8 5 o 35.744 22,179 8 o 4 o i. 235,749 2 10. 120.000 O o 50,000 O o 41,117 17 6f 200,000 O o 202,977 7 8 200,000 O o. I33»333 6 8 133.333 6 8 i/Zjoyy o o i.3't*.iU 1. 5 f 100 J The Sams granted for the cxtraoniuay Expcncf s of the Army, I oi ts, Or' usncc Stores, Tranfports. Carriages, krrovi- fions, arc lo much difpTfed through the Accounts of the variuus Offices, that it was found very difficult, if not impoiTible, to rxtradl the particulars. The general Eftimate is - - - The fame Obfervition may be made wi^h regard to the Navy. The iixpeuces of the Ships employed in Nprth- America, ate fo much blended with the other Ex- pences of tlie Navy, that it is impof- fible to feparati them. At the moll: moderate Computation they may be elHmated at - - - . - Money laid out in Indian Prefents, in hold- ing Congrefles, and in purchafing cef- fions of land, may be eftimated at - £' (• d[t 8,779.925 3 »»t 10,000,000 o o 610,000 o o -145,022 3 y/« Mcomit of Bounties on American Commodities. Bounty on Indico from 1749 to 1^73 paid by Great-Britain . - - Bounty on Hemp and Flax paid under the Aft of 4 Geo. III. ch. zC. from 1766 to 1772 - _ . . Bounty on Importation of Naval Stores from America, purfuant to the Aftof the 3d of Queen Anne, from 1706 to 1729 Under the Aft of 2d Geo. II. from 1729 to 1774 - . - - 430,178 1,028,584 lonies enabled her to triumph over her enemies. ---Towards the conclufion of that war it pleafcd our Sovereign to make a change in his Councils.— From that fatal moment the affairs of the Britifli Empire began to fall into confufion, and gradually Aiding from the fummit of glorious profpcrity, to which they had been advanced by the virtues and abilities of one man, are at length diftraded by the convulfions I' >^.^ ^ >•■♦,• f 105 ] cpnvulfions that now fliake it to its dccpcft foiinJation. The new Miniftry finding the brave foes of Britiiin, though frequently dcf'c.ited, yet ftill contt r:'in?, took up the unfortunate idea of granting them a hafly peace, and of then fubduing her faithful friends. Thefe devoted Colonies were judged to he in fuch a flate, as to prcfcnt vidiories without bloodlhed, and all the eafy emoluments of ftatuteable plunder. The un- interrupted tenor of their peaceable and refpe<5lful beha- viour from the beginning of Colonization, their dutiful, zealous, and ufeful fervices during the war, tho' fo recently and amply acknowledged in the mnft honour- able manner by his Majcfty, by the late King, and by Parliament, could not favc them from the meditated innovations. Parliament was influenced to adopt the pernicious project, and afl'uming a new power over them, have, in the courfe of eleven years, given fu h decillve fpecimens of the fpirit and confequences attending this power, as to leave no doubt concerning the effeclc of acquiefcence under it. They have undertaken to give and grant our money without our confent, tho' we have ever exercifed an exclufive right to difpole of our own pro- perty. Statutes have been pafl'ed for extending the jurif- didtion of Courts of Admiralty and Vice-Admiralty be- yond their antient limits, for depriving us of the ac- cuflomed and ineftimable privilege of trial by Jury in cafes afFedling both life and property; for fufpending the Legiflature of one of the Colonies; for interdidling all commerce of another ; and for altering fundamentally the form of government, eftablifhed by charter, and fecured by Adts of its own Legiflature folemnly con- firmed by the Crown ; for exempting the " IVlurderers" of Colonics from legal trial, and, in efFe^, from punifh- ment ; for eredling in a neighbouring Province, ac- quired by the joint arms of Great Britain and Ameri- ca, a defpotifm dangerous to our very exiftence ; and for quartering foldiers upon the Colonics in time of pro- found peace. It has alfo been refolved in Parliament, that Colonifts charged with committing certain oflTences, (hall be tranfported to England to be tried. But I u-^ [ ig6 ] But why fhoulJ wc enumerate our injuries in detail ? By one Siatutc it is declared, that Parliament can ** of -•* right ina|:c laws to bind us in all cafes whatfoever." iVliat is to defend us againfl: fo enormous, fo unlimited a power ? Not a (ingle man of thofc who afl'ume it, is chofen by us, or is fubjedt to our controul or influ- ence ; but, on the contrary, they are all of them exempt from the operation of fuch laws ; and an American reve- nue, if not diverted from the oftcnfible purpofes for \vhich it is raifed, would adlually lighten their own bur- dens in proportion as they increafe ours. We faw the mifery to which fuch defpotifm would reduce us. Wc for ten years incefl'antly and ineffedually befieged the Throne as fupplicants j we reafoned, wo rcmonftrateJ with Parliament in the molt mild and decent language. But Adminiftration, fenfible that we fhould regard thefe cppreflive meafures as freemen ought to do, fent over fleets and armies to enforce them. The indignation of the Americans was roufcd, it is true; but it was the in- .dignation of a virtuous, loyal, and afFe<5lionate people, A Congrefs of Delegates from the United Colonies was aflembled at Philadelphia, on the 5th day of laft Septem- ber. We refolved again to offer an humble and dutiful Petition to the King, and alfo addreflld our fellow-fub- jciSts of Great-Britain. We have purfued every tempe- rate, every refpeitful meafure j we have even proceeded to break off our commercial intercourfe with our fellow- fubje^ls, as the laft peaceable admonition, that our attach- ment to no nation upon earth fhouJd fupplant our at- 1|achment to liberty. This we flattered ourfelves was th~ ultimate fl:ep of the controverfy ; but the fubfequent events have (hewn, how vain is this hope of finding mo- deration in our enemies. ~'ifi v^^-iM ., : . • ^ ■< - '-■ ■''Sj,-L •"> )' :■■-■■ Severs! threatening expreflions againlr the Colonies were inferted in his Majefty's Speech. Our Petition, though we were told it was a decent one, that his JVlajefty had been pleafed to receive it gracioufly, and to promife laying it before his Parliament, was huddled jnto both Houfes amongil a bundle of American papers, and there ne^le»Sled. The Lords and Commons in their Addrefs, in the month of February, faid. That ** a re- f? bellion at that time ;6lually exilled within the Pror ** vince t \ lo, [ 107 ] ** vince of Maflaclu fet's Bay ; and that thofe con-' ** ccrned in it had bi«n countenanrcd and cncoiiragcl *' by unlawful combinations and riigar I- 1 \ )- /( T ^ 11 .! ' . i 1' ' ■ ;-f' / * I with unabating firmnefs and perfevorance, employ for the prefervation of our liberties, being with one mind refolvej tc die freemen rather than to live flaves. Left this Declaration fhould difquiet the minds of our friends and fellow- fubjedls in any part of the empire, we aflure them, that wc mean not to diflblve that union which has fo long and fo happily fubfifted between us, and which we fincerely wifti to fee reftored. NeceiTity h%a nor yet driven us into that defperate meafure, or in- duced us to excite any other nation to war againft them. We have not raifed armies with ambitious defigns of feparating from Great Britain, and eftablifhing in- dependant Itates, We fight not for glory or for con- queft. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable fpedlacle of a people attacked b'^ unprovoked enemies, without any imputation, or e.-cn fufpicion of offence. Thev boafi. of their privilegfs and civilization, and yet profi.r no milder conditions than fervitude or death. In our own native land, in defence of the freedom that is our birthright, and which we ever enjoyed tilt the late violation of it; for the protedticr. of our property, acquired folely by the honeft induftry of our forefathers and ourftlvcs, againft violence actually offered, we have taken up arms. We Ihall lay them down when hoftilities ftiall ceafe on the part of the agarefTors, and all danger of their being renewed fhall I)e removed, —and not before. With an humble confidence in the mercies of the Su- preme and Impartial Judge and Ruler of the Univerfe, we moft devoutly implore his divine goodnefs to con. ?^u6l us happily through this great confliiSV, to difpofe our adverfaries to reconciliation on reafonable terms, and thereby to relieve the Kirpire from the calamities of civil war. By Order of Congress, JOHN HANCOCK, President. Attefted, CHARLES THOMPSON, Secretary. Philadelpliia, July 6, 1775. \ Since the firft Publication of the preceding Pamphlet, the following Articles came to the hands of the Author. If any additional proof was neceflfary to eftublifh the juftnefs of his obfervat'ons on the real designs of the Americans, he apprehends it is furnifhed by t!iis Paper. The Reader is requefted to com- jpare the concluding Article, with the late fpeeches of a certain " lUuftrious Band," lii both Houfes of Parliament. ' I 11 I i I ARTICLES of Confederation and perpe- tual Union, entered into by the Delegates of the feveral Colonies of New Hampshire, • Massachusetts, &c. &c. &c. &c. &c. &c, &c, &c. &c &c. in General Congrcfs met at Philadelphia, May loth, 1775. i 1 1 A R T I C L E I. TH E name of this Confederacy fhali henceforth be Tis United Colonies of North Ameri-ea. II. The United Colonies hereby feverally enter into a firm League of Friendfliip with each other, binding on themfelves and their pcf*'*rity, for their common defence againft their ^Aemies, for the I'ecurity of their liberties, and properties, the fafcty 1^:^ [ 112 ] Safety of their perfons and families, and their mutual and general welfai?. III. That each Colony ftiall enjoy and retain as much as it may think fit of its own prefent laws, culloms, rights, privileges, and peculiar jurifdidlions, within its own limits ; and may amend its own conftitution, as Aiall feem beft to its own AiTembly or Convention. • . IV. That for the more convenient management of general interefls. Delegates (hall be eleAed annually i>> each Colony, to meet in General Congrefs, at fuch time and place as fhall be agreed on in the next preceding Congrefs. Only where particular circum- ftances do not make a deviation necefTary, it is undcrflood to be a rule, That each fucceeding Congrefs is to be held in a diffe- rent Colony, till the whole number be gone through, and fo in perpetual rotation ; and that accordingly, the next Congrefs af- ter the prefent ihall be held at Annapolis, in Maryland. V. That the power and duty of the Congrefs fhall extend to the det<^rmining on war and peace, the entering into alliances, the 'wConciliation with Great Britain, fettling all difputes between Colony and Colony, if any fhould arife, and the planting new Colonies where proper. The Congrefs fhall alfo make fuch general ordinances as thought to be neceffary for the general wel- fare, which particular affemblies cannot be compeceD*:, but thofe that may relate to our general commerce or general cur- rency, to the eftablifhment ofpofls, the regulation of our com- mon forces : the Congrefs fhall alfo have the appointment of all OfHc^rs civil and military, appertaining to the General Confe- deracy, fuch as General Treafurer, Secretary, See. &c. Sec. VI. All charges of wars, and all other general expences to be in- curred for the common welfare, fhall be defrayed out of a common treafury, which is to be fupplied by each Colony, in proportion to its number of male polls between i6 and 60 years of age : the taxes for paying that proportion are to be laid and kvied by the hiwsofeach Colony. VII. The number of Delegates to be elected, and fent to the Congrefs by each Colony, fhall be regulated, from time to tiw?» r \ V [ "3 1 time,. by the number of Aich polls returned ; fo as that one De- legate be allowed for every 5000 polls. And the Delegates are to bring with them to every Congrefs, an authenticated return of the number of polls in their refpeAive Colonies, which is to be taken for the purpofes bove> mentioned. viir. At every meeting of the Congrefs, one half of the Members returned, exclufive of Proxies, ihall be neceffary to make a quorum ; and each Delegate at the Congrefs ihall have a vote in all cafes ; and, if necefTarily abfent, Ihall be allowed to ap- point any other Delegate from the fame Colony to be his Proxy* who may vote for him. IX. An Executive Council ihall be appointed by the Congrefs out of their own body, confifting of 12 perfons, of whom, ia the firft appointment, one third, viz. four, fhall be for one year, four for two years, and four for three years ; and u the faid terms expire, the vacancies fhall be filled up by appoint- ments for three years, whereby one-third of the Members will be changed annually ; and each perfon who has ferved the fame term of three years as Counfellor, fhall have a refpite of three years, before he can be eleded again. This Council, of whom two-thirds fhall be a quorum, in the recefs of the Congrefs, is to execute what fhall have been enjoined thereby ; to manage the General Continental bufinefs and interells, to receive ap- plications from foreign countries, to prepare matters for the con- fideration of the Congrefs, to fill up, pro tempore, Continental Offices that fall vacant, and to draw on the General reafurer for fuch monies as may be neceffary for general fervices, and appropriated by the Congrefs to fuch fervices. No Colony fhall engage in an ofFenfive war with any nation of Indians, without the confent of the Congrefs, or great Coun- cil above mentioned, who are firft to coniider the juiHce and neceflity of fuch war. Xf. A perpetual alliance offenfive and defenfive is to be entered into, as fbon as may, with the Six Nations ; their limits af- ccrtained, and to be fecured to them ; their lands not to be encroached on, nor any private or Colony purchafe to be made of them hereafter to be held good, nor any contrail for lands to be made, but between the great Council of the Indians at Q^ Onondega i ^^^im "PPIPPiMpaRPMpilit^MiH "if '■I 1 it i '';i [ IJ4 ] Onondega and the General Congrefs. ']^he boundaries and lands of all the other Indians (hall alfo be afcertained and fe- cured to them in the fame manner ; and perfons appointed to refide among them in proper Diftrifts, who fhall take care to prevent injuilice in the trade with them ; and be enabled at our General cxpence, by occafional fmall fupplies, to relieve their perfonal wants and dillrelTes, and all purchafes from them fhall be by the Congrefs, for the general advantage and benefit pf the United Coloniet. XII. As all new inftitutions may have imperfections, which only time and experience can difcover, it is agreed, that the General Congrefs, from time to time, Ihall propoie fuch amendments of this conllitution as may be found neceffary, which being approved by a majority of the Colony Aflemblies, all be equally binding v/ith the reft of the Articles of this pon^ federation. xiir. Any and every Colony from Great Britain upon the Conti- nent of North America, not at prefent engaged in our Affo- ciation, may, upon application and joining the faid Aflfocia- tion, be received into the Confederation, viz. Quebec, St. John's, Nova Scotia, Bermudas, and the Ball and Weft Florida's, and Ihall thereupon be entitled to all the advantages of our union, mutual afTiftance, and commerce. Thefe Articles ihall be propofed to the feveral Provincial Conventions or Aflemblies, to be by them confidered ; and, if approved, they are advifed to empower their I>:legates to agree and ratify the fame in the nnfuing Congrefs ; after which the union thereby eftablifhed is to continue firm, till the terms oif reconciliation propofed in the Petition of the laft Congrefs to the King are agreed to ; till the Afts, fince made, reftraining the American commerce and fifheries, are repealed ; till reparation is made for the injury done to Botton by fhutting up its ports ; for burning Charleftown, and for the expence of this unjuft war ; and till all the Britilh troops are withdiawn from Ame- rica. On the arrival of thefe events, the Colonies are to return to their former connexions and friend fhip with GreatBriiain ; but en failure thereof, this Confederation is to be perpetual. WHEREAS r-n r "5 ] "^SgS'SSSSS.? ftme: fP?htu%ftri;7'bctt^ie'd«?^^^^ °'' fi'^ "onths from the Confederate Colonies, all Cuftom S^""""? the Trade of the tZh%l'P''''^^ ^aJI beluV^un' ^V'" ('^ ^he faid Aft Ind ^^ ^f^'"'&^^ from the execut L V ^"^ ^ "'*' °''^'*" °*' Re/olved, That 'ii ft^'comT ^ "^'^ f^-do'm'of^^rl;;^^^^^^^ °- P°--. "-ntain »ts commencement, any reconrS »• T *^° J^^^rs certain after Bntamnotwithftandinfffann ''T,''"^^^" "' and Gre«f a^d'/fl,^^^ ^«» o'Parrame'tTo? eT^'^^^i:'^ ^''^^ ^'" the Colonies, /hal] continue^unrepeard ''""'^•^ ""^ *"/ ^^ 'i '^ ' J' . 7 M^^m'