IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // ^/ .ld arjfdiiK^nta under a new guise, and slate the i re8\ilia of those nrgumentH on my own mind. I ! shall, of course, be liable to present miiiiy tlin'iglits i ? and arcuineiils in a manner somewhat crude, and | I not sufFiciently matured. He tliat as it may, 1 do not | feel myself justified, as one of the representatives of a sovereign State, to give a silent vote on a oucs- tion HO momentous, which may possibly result in involving the peace of tliis country with one of the most powerful nations of the earth, as England is vauntingly represented in this chamber, but feel myself conscientiously bound to give the reasons which wUl govern my own vole on the various propositions now under coiisiderHtioii, and for the strength and correctness of which I hold myself resuonsible to my constituents. In the disc\ission of this quosiion. various topics I iiave been introduced, which, in my judgment, were altogether ii relevant, and have really notliing to do Willi its inerit.s. If we had confined ourselves to the isolated question legitimately and properly be* fore us, it appears to me that there could be scarce- ly any diti'erence of .sentiment as to ihe I cannot assent to the propriety of introducing any- thing else. Notwithstanding many irrelevant and extraneous matters have been brought into this dis- cussion, (which I should not have introduced my- si;lf,) yet, having been frequently referred to, and commented on, in the previous debate, I am un- willing to pass in silence, lest the Democratic party should be subjected to wrong constructions, and imputations wholly gratuitous and un'bunded, and our silence adduced i\s evidence of the justness of the allegations in.ide, and inferences dcuuced from them by our Whig friends on the other side of the chamber. One of these irrelevant matters, which hu.f inn.st surprised me, is the introduction into this -hambcr and thi.s deliaic of the doings of the 1^1- timore convention; and I have been yet more sur- 1 prised at a charge made by an honorable Senator ! from Virginia, on the other side of the chamber, I [Mr. .\rciibii,] that the convention and its intro- duction here w.is the result of Jacohiaism; and not ! to misrepresent the remark of the gentleman, I beg I leave to read from his pulilished speech a short ex- tract. Hes,ays: I "The aulliiihty iif t!ic Bnltiniorc convention had been I openly iiivolovl in tlie di^'iisHioti. lut one of the nppronriiue I iiicniis tn inrtiimice it. Il wnt proper that the people xhould I be iniiile iu'i|uaiiited with the t'aci, Hiid with the fearftil bcar- I iiig of tliis iipixml. Tim B.iltiiiioro convention ! What won ,' il? Tin- aiitlinrity of an iisfiiioiaiion unknown tn tlic iiisti- ' oitiniiH lit" Ihe eountrv, niiide the miliject of iipi>cal to control ' ilie legislation of the country ! Tlii< liody, n'lilly sclf-ap- I iiointcd, or nearly no, coiivimiimI lor an alleicrd specific object, to c irry into eifccl lui a~snuii'd public Henliiiit'nt in relabon to til I obji'cl. Its tint iir^crelin.; had bi^cn to dincard the a.linilti'd public Hcntiionnt which it piirportc.l to have met to 1 I'lTiH-iuatc. iLs notorious coiirr^c of procc-ding had been, of .sentiment as to llie proper i-.ourse which ought to be adoiited. The ainqile question of notice; alone, would 8un;lv have long i not .o r.'ccii-c, hut to make a puhlic sentiment, in subrtitu- 4o been determined upon, if all whobelieved we i !;;;;/ ;i;;^lt ^^^ Hlue^^;l"w;;;;^:;:;i^r /^^^ had any claims to Oregon had acted in concert. ,m of this operation. A junto. wiUi no authority of any There are, nevcrtheleaa, some other subjects which, i ; ind, or actinn in ailmittcd contradiction and violation of itt 'houtrh not strictly connected with the question be- 1 p.ofcsmd auU...rity,h.i.lb.^cnsuccc(«.ful indictatingiuinoiit - ■. _ ' I ■ ,< .1 o . <• I imnorlanl election to tlm country; and il-s authority was now lore us. It may not be improper (or the Senate of | ^„;pu,,c.U on the pr«(tjc of ihat success, to dicuitc the the United Slates — a most imporiunt branch ot the ; ii'i^islation of the country on a 8ubjcv?t of the most vital fm- Government — to look forward to, and cjireffdly | |H)rtance. Thin was tlie first opui avowiU the country had weigh: such as the results that might be anticipa- i ever known of Jj«HMi.;n in ii« halls of legi-lauon. It war led as likely to spring out of the giving the con- templated notice. If we believe war will prob- ably follow, then prudence and sound wisdom would require us to make adequate preparation, in view of such a contingency. . ...... 1 yel to be Bccn how the avowal would be received." It is manifest froin these remarks, tnat the Sen- I ator wishes to induce the people to believe that there has been an attempt to dicbite to the Legis- I latiire, to influence their decisions improperly, and i.KJ j:i to contrnl their nction.ns llic colcliriitpd Jncnbin club of Paris did in the diiyn of l\\('. h'rcno.h Ilrvo- lution. 1h \n' l>oriii; out in thi.s tiy iiiiytiiinf; tlinl h(vs lrnn.-')iirrd in lliisrlmnilxT? — liy iinythini; tliat has been tlonc out of il ?--l>y ii.t; ,\,t« of (he Haiti- more convention itself, or the Democratic party, whose delc;;ates composed that convention? Sir, that convention was composed of d"l('fi;ateK from all parts of the Union, re|>rescntini; the will and wishes of the whole Democracy of ihi^ United Slates; possessed of hi!;rli talents, and the full con- fidence of those whom they represented, convened to consult "11 the common weal of the jiarty, and to select candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency of this jjreat llepublic, iliat shonld meet tlie wishes and carry out the principles of the Dam; iTntic party— theprincijdes of a Wasliinston, a Jel'l'erson, a Madison, and a Jackson — and well did they perform th ir duty. Allow me, Mr. President, to read iVoiii ihe procecdm^N cif iliul coiivenlion what they did do in relation lo the sub- ject now before the Senut". Mr. H. I''. Hutlcr, of New York, otfeiTd a series of resnlutioii.s expres- sive of the sentiments and principlrs of the party, which were unanimously ado])iid by the conven- tion, nmonc^ which, the only one referriii:; to the subject now under discussion, is the followiii;;: '•/ifjo/cci/, Tliiit iMir title !■> ilir' ivlidlc of thf (crriiiirj ol" Orezon in ciciir mid iiiii|iic iioiiiililc ; thai iii> iinriion i>l' thi' name ought to he ceilcil in Kiaihiml ornny other I'owit; ;iiiiI Ihnt tlic reoci'iipati'Mi cil' Ongon ami Ihc rciiiiii"\Rli(iii ol' Texaii, at the carliiv'l (iriictiiabli' pirhiil, arc Krcal Aiiicricaii incaiiured, which this icinviiitiiiii n iii'iicmiiI.s to ihc conlial DUpport of the D-moeracy of tlii' I'liion." Was there any Jacobinism in this.- If so, in what did it c(u^sist ? Af^er a thoroii^jh examina- tion of the whole proceediiiija of that body, and all that has been done .since under Iho.scrccoinnienda- tions, in and out of this chamber, I cmi find no foundation for the eharne so tcruvely made by the Senator from Virijinia. This re.<(oluiion I liiive read, contains, I thiiilt, ^ood sound doctrine, and recommends the reacinipulion of Dre^on, uiid the reanncxation of Texas, as "reut .American meas- ures. Is such a reeomiueiiimtion Jacol)iiiical - [f it is, sir, a largre portion of the .American (x-oide havt shown their love of Jacobinism, by adoptmjj one of tho.« American measures. 'I'liey have al- ready reannexed Texas, and have added[ the lone star of that little republic to our own briirht and glorious constellation; and within a few days past, we have witnessed the full evidence of iiscoii.'!um- mation in this chamber. It was, sir, one of the proudest days of my life, when I heard the oath of office administered to her Senators, and they took tlicir scats in our midst as the rejiresentalives of that young and chivalrous State, whose independ- ence was obtained by her sons on the menionible field of San Jacinto. This resDhition was neither more nor less than u recommendation of great meas- ures to the Democratic parly throughout the United States; and they, as I presume, will at this day be acknowledged on both sideaof this chaml>er to con- stitute a large majority of the people of the United States. I B<'.c some genllemeii on the other side of the chamber shaking their heads at this proposi- tion. Is it not true, sir.' Have \\r not tnc most overwhelmin;;; evidence of its truth? But if they will not admit it, we can resort to actual demon- stration of its trutb. Look, sir, at the triumphant inaj'irily by which wc elected our Prcmdcnt ntirf Vice President, nominaled by this convention, iit opposition to the iilol of the opposite parly. Look at the lar'.,'c majiirity of the Democratic party in the House of IlepretH:ntatives; and lo(d< at this body also, with a majority against us prior lo tlu 4lh of March last, and now haviiif; a lai'fje majority on our side of the chamber. Surely such evidene( is full and complfte, anil establishes my [iropi^si- tioii too fully lo be endangered by the shaking of li( ads on the other side, or the force of argument itsi'f 1 deny that it is Jacobinical; and how its intro bictioii here can lie called a Jacobinical meas- ure, q lite passes my coinprelunsion. I admit ilH inlrodiiciion was not callet! for in this discussion, and 1 thoiild not have introduced it; but introduced it has been, and I will now, therefore, tell you what 1 do claim under the authority of that convention. Whether itie rcsipjniions there ndopl'd bind the whole Democratic parly or not, it is not necessary to investigate or ('clerminc; but I am tpiite sure, and I believe the .Senators on the other side of the iliambcr even, will a';iee wiili me that the re.sulu- tioMs of ll'Ti cdnveiilioii Ixmntl the President and Vice PrMident of the United Slates, actually electcti under nominations nuulc by it, nccotnpanied by their declanvtioii of principles — "their confession of faith." Long anterior lothe Balliinore conven- tion, Mr. Polk, as was well known, had given to the world similar views on the Oregon ipu .•Jtion to those which were presented in the rcsoknion, (and simi- lar views to those presented by the whole series of resolutions adopted by thnl convention,) and he whp selected by the convention for the high office he holdn, n.i till! exponent of thcM; great principles promulgated to the .American (leople, and known' to have been in accordance with those entertniniul by him previous lo Ibe meeting of the convention. I re|x^at, sir, the President and Vice President were bound to carry out those princi[ile», by having ac- cepted the nomination of the convention that had at the time declared them; hound, sir, as much ns an elector for President and Vice President i.«t to cast his vote in favor of the person whom he had pledged himself to support when he ofl'cred him- self lo the people as a candidate for their sulFiages. The resolution, tlii'ii, does but embody doctrine" and sentiments which Mr. Polk put forlh imlilicly long before the convention was held, and which, indeed, he liad idways avowed. He claimed the whole of Oregon as strongly as even the 8eiuitor from Miuaouri [Mr. Benton] did in 18^5 and l><4:i. He look tins ground in public addresses, a;id published it to the wliole United Stales. When the convention was called, they proclaimed the same principl'S' and, as representing the Demi>c- rucy of this Union, they called upon him, ns their nominee, to e«rry their principles into action. If he, after thal^ accejited their nominal ion, he is mo.st assuredly bound by their resolulions. He gave his bond to the American people. I hope the gentlemen on the other side will all agree with ine, that whoever else may or may not be bound by the acts of that convention, those whom the con- vention nominated as candidates, and whom the people afterwards elected, were undeniably bnuiidr just as much as they would have been if they had issued a manifesto containing their political creed. In all tills, if there is Jacobinism, then it makes m Prcmiicnt nnd •oiivfiilion, irt party. Look iriilic piiriv in I look at tliix \\s prior to tin lio'fjr majority siK'li evi(irii<'.( » my pr'ip"Ni- lli(' Himkinp oC p of arRumriil 1; and liow ils ■oliiiiical iiicaN- i>. I admit ilM his difio,uwsii)ii, liut iiitrodiirrd f, tpli you wliat lal roiivpnlion. ipl<'d bind tlie » not neci'ssury ani (|iiilt; sure, .her side of tl«; ilial tlie rcsulu- Prcsidcnt and ai'tually rUrtod r.cotnpanii'd Ity lifir confcwsion ilimoreronvrn- had p\e» to lltr u( ntioM to tlios(! lion, (and simi- whoie Nffios ot' ion,)i>nd lie wBf> 3 Wia;\\ office lit" Treat prino.iplei! t)le, and known loae cnlcrtaini'd le convention. I'rejiidpnt were , by having ae-' enlion that had ir, aM nnif.li iis PreNident i.i to whom he had he ofl'ered iiim- their»uirrai;eN. ibody dorlrine.T t forth puliliely Id, and whic.li,- He ohiimed the ■en the Senator in 1825 and ;uldrcs.'t<'il in lli.it i|Uiirlrr ol' tin' cdiiiitry, luiil by itH lli'pri'Hi'ntntivi'M her'. II'' (Mr. A.) iliil not iw 4'hl>e the Vf'liKiMcncn of thin propensity to Ihi.* intlB^Mice of any vurh loltish eonxiilcriilion. Hut he did iuhtiIiu it to u pccnliiirity oi' wu.st. rii tcinptriinirnt, tlie ineidciit, pi'rliaps, of their !.ttt'/n of socisi condition. The people were iioto- rionsly liriive ; but thi:< hrnvery ran into reckliKHiicH^ of all eonn«|U nc'H in controveniy with liireijn I'lmem. They I were ie< iiiiiliiiililedlyii.'neroiiK ; but liny had the i|iiulily Ion often found in allj.'inee willi Hpiiil ami veiieio-ity— inipii- j lience of ri jistniiee to tleir view--, and the ilwmp-ition to domineer over it. He (Mr. A.) ndinitteil hit indnli»en<'e of I an o.vtreine Hiixiely on Ule subject of this western leinpera- inent, not in nlatinn to the |ireseni instance only of ilx dis- liliiy, hilt the lirije future ivliich wa.s hcfore ns; the political power of the eonntry beinj de-tineil, pniliihly, to pa-« to Ihiit reuion, hcfore this temperament passed away from it, under the inlluinci: of its only eorreitive, Hm.treH Hurution. ICiiiniii.'iiiiiii on this iipii', he had to cunfurK, had for some time kept him in terror." Put into plain En^'lish, tlii.s means neither more nor less than that the whole people of the West arc so ifrnnrant that they could not be expected to bo ri;;lit, either on thin Oren;oii question or any other. Tliis i>t certainly a most Hwec|iin}; charge, and seems to invoke all the people west of the Al- Icirlianies. Now, 1 ask that gentleman, anil the Senate, tn look at the political character of these people — to look at what they have done, and omit- ted to do, and in what this western temperament has manifested itself in their conduct and history; and I aver that there are no people in these United -Suites who have manifested so strong an attach- {iment to their Government, or such a zealous de- motion to Ihe union of these States. Why, sir, if he honorable Senator had described us all as the ineal descendants of patient Job, and had summed ))p our cliaracter by saying we were all the chil- Jlreii of meekness and jiatience, he would have jeen far more correct. What have we ever done £8 a people to show r\ir recklcsmics.^ and our |iroi)eiics3 to run in'.o extremes.' Look at our toast history, ami see whether I claim too much for the meekness, forbearance, and patience of the {leople (if the West. On the formation of the Con- e.deralion, the Old Thirteen became sovereign and ind(!|ienilenl, and in the atlopiion of the Constitu- (tion of the (ieneral Government, made provision ^br the admiHsion of new States, and subserpiently cnlercd into a compact with Virginia, and a trentv >vith France, that certain new Stales should be ail- fnittod "on an equal footing with the original fcitates;" and then, forsooth, although the original : States were the absolute owners of the soil within I their limits, they, in violation of their own com- I pacts, refused to the new Stales that right of soil ; itiliereiit to sovereignty, and which each original ; Stjtie possessed itself, but held on to it, and ped- I ilh'd it out for the .sole advuiilasre of the General tiovcrnment. What did the West do.' Rebel.' Get up a civil war.' Nullify the laws of Con- gress, thus violating our sovereignly? No, sir. We have, from time to time, complained and I protested only. What did the people of Ar- j Kansas do, when forty miles in width of the whole western portion of her rpcondcd to iiinlude only tlioae tales whosr Seimtors hnvc Imtii railed " the Hol- ■purs of the Scrmtc," " tin; ullni men," " the all- or-none-[)urty," the 54° 40' men; mid I have left out the rcinuiiiiii>!; southem and western S'i'iifH, because neither rnuld have lieen referred to •, ihe remarks of the Senator. TIiIh table I espeeially commend to the attention of the Senator from Vir- ginia: Proportion of white persons over 20 yearn of age who cannot rend and write, to the aggi-eifate while pojiu- lation of the foUowing States, according to thi renms O/1840. In Virginia 7.72 per cent. Arkansas 8.25 " Illinois 5.82 " Missouri 5.97 " ■i Indiana 5.C1 " Michigan 1 .02 " Ohio 2.35 " Averaf^e per cent, proportion of the six la.st- named States, 4.H4 per cent. And now, how standi this matter in old Virginia, in the "Old Dominion," the "mother of States and statesmen.'" with her long-settled country — her university — her colleges, and all her academies and common schools.' Rather more within her borders can neither read nor write than double the proportion in the western States. Her average stands 7.72! !! — below any western Slate but Ar- kansas; while the one has been settled more than two hundred years, and th(^ other some twenty-live; one a free sovereign Slate for seventy years, and the other ten only. [A voice: " But, then, Arkansas has always been Democratic."] True, Mr. Pres- ident, she always has been Dtmocralic; and I trust in Heaven will always remain so. It is that democracy, that equality of rights and privileges resulting from it, that has extended among the whole mass of her citizens the blessings of diflused education, of which she may well boast. After having so recently taken her station among her sis- ter republics as a free, sovereign, and independent State of this Union — only one-linlf of one per cent. below Virginia — with all her wealth, her literary institutions, her age, and superior advantages in every respect ! ! fhavc taken this general fact as an indication of the state of information in a com- munity; nor do I know a better or fairer test; and it places Virginia in a position where her Repre- sentatives in this chamber should have been the very last to say a word on the want of education in the West. Is it I., that charges us with igno- rance, and measures our temperament by it? I leave it to the candor of the gentleman from Vir- ginia himself to say, whether, according to this standard of educational geography, if the West, through her ignorance, goes for 54° 40', Virginia ought not to stand firm at least as high us latitude 750.> There is one other subject to which I cannot but refer. I do so with regret, and without the least purpose of casting censure on any one. I refer to the discussion in this chamber of the British title. 1 concede to gentlemen on the other side quite as much patriotism as is possessed by those on this. I am far from charging them with advocating Brit- ish intcrcala in opposition to thuac of their own country, with « view of bonefiiing them and in juring us. We arc all Ainrrican cilizeiis; but when a ccnitest exists in rcgiird to titles beiwcen us and (iri'at Britain, I hold it wrong tn advocate the British title, or express dmibts about our rights, in open debate, in an ,\mcricMn Seniilc. I wbh much gratified to hear the lioiioiiiblt' Sei.ator from Massachusetts (Mr. WKii«Tr.ii| say "that his tongue should blislrr before he would say one word in derogation of the American title so long as the subject was under iiegotialion. I think that in that determination he was perfectly right; othci Senators have thought and acted ilifTerently. I give them credit for the best intenlioiis, but not for good judgment. I disagree with them in their ideas of duty. But what may be the etfert of thiK line of conduct.' Mr. Buchanan, in his corn spondence with Mr. Pakenham.says thai the claim of KnglandjOn the ground of the treaty of Noolka Sounu, was first suggested by the American ne- gotiator, Mr. Rush. In this it is possible he IS mistaken; but I shall not venture to enritradirt the Secretary of State without a further investiga- tion than I have been able to make as yet. Let gentlemen only look what a curious position they may find themselves phiced in. Since this nego- tiation commenced, the British Minister.'^ have been compelled to change their whole mouiiil. In thi' corresjiondence which took place in 1818, the Brit ish negotiators never once referred to the Nootku convention. They relied then on sonie purchase from the Indians, on Captain Cook's disi-ovcries, and the Lord knows what else; but not a word about the convention of JVootka. Now, tlicy rely on that convention altnmether, and on nothing else; and yet this, which they now connider as their strongest ground, wa.i first suegested to them by one of our own advocates. If my views of that matter arc correct, th'^v have got tn change their ground once more; for ' hold that theyr have not a shadow of title undci that treaty. Will not those gentlemen, who have devise iiiittiorily, liul anil Clarke, Ih mnkc iliwover liie |iiir|ii>iie of Uml Uiey »|ip|| IKirtJ, luid aril pror(w^<, indii'il lliu iiHiiiil iiiarh ■eript Iroin Itic wi: i|(it Lijiiisui iMiiih lit imri!r tlic (Viliiiiihin 1 ciieli iailic iHcl dmciimiioii. \\ I have no t I don't belie' Sec what thf intention, I I thing to injui cation was passports foi 'recorded in t jC&n be prodii jble argumen jthe Nootktt ( ithing Great inot, indeed, ■weaken one Clarke's ex getting Louii •nd Clarke t cur new pur World as one l)Ut if the sla It was no KiK commercial hunters, and Wen — an ex jects. This of our pri'vii «nce that has theirs, based Allow me, .the vast nun (raised. The br] says: f authority K ; thrm nnd in ri cilizJ-lis; l>ut ) lillm IwlWLcn out; li> iulvocnic iIhiui Diir liRhlH, 8<'niili'. I wnn i|(; SoMHible III' ire to corilnulirt iirlhcr inveHtifjii- ke ns yet. Let us position they Since this ncf;o- linlcrs iuive been n;roun(l. In the in IcilH. the Bril 1(1 to tiic Nooikii 1 Home purchase ik'a ilirtcovcries, but not n word Now, ihcy rely on nothing eUe; •onsider na their i'«ted to them by ny views of thnt t to chnn^e their I they hnve not a Will not ihoBe ;;uments here on ■el nithcr stmngc- a renewal of the •punipntH, such ns ; been luufjht him I fancy lliey will reniely awkward ite,nHalegisli\livc t8 equal to those face of the earth; entlemen on the itled to the credit select out of that I gentlemen who, e, are quite equal r vanity will for- nssertion. Now, mselves down tn ire not ground to n nrffunieiits and ihuni never would remember, when lihlrain our claimH lot mendy us, ul- term us, but they nd to tiie whole tlie case as pre Miitrd in not exii|rg:eral«d. Lnt mn illuatrnte by quoting an instiuicc of it. The tSuiiator from Maine over the way, (Mr. Kvanh,] sugfjesicd in his urfjunient the other day, matters entiridy new, and Hucit as I will venture to say the Uritish Min- iMler never heard of before. I do not say that it would be ri>;hl in us, if we were puN.sesHed of u knowledj,'e of facts which England has not, to ;)ur- siie a fraudulent course in their coiieeulment, as wnu done by the British negotiator in the famous <'aiic of the red-linc map. I admit that wo mi^lit, in common honesty, be bound to produce evi- dence; but 1 say it was a new arj^umenl, and such as never was ur^^cd against us in any of the pie- \iou8 negotiations which have tuken place on this Oregon matter, and wliich we were not bound to hnve produced. The Senator said: "Tlicrc in aiiiillicr thing wliicli tlirim-H iloiilit oa thi» part of (lur ciniui.iiiiil wliiili wc xliouiil curcfiilly mid tliuriiiiKlily •■xninliK* lierori- wv tiiko xtipi tliat iimy |iliiiiK'' tl>'' niiliciii iiilu war. I have xcvii n ract hWIciI in a iMuik, wrilU'ii, np pnruntly, wiiii a viiw of niaiiilaiiiiiiK the Kiiuiidiiniw ufiiur title, hy n Mr. itiiliertjidii, a Keiitleiiiaii whom I ilii not per- "onall^ know, liiit who, nil I underxlaiiil, ia eoniici led wllti one (it the deimrtiiientii nl'thc (Jovcrninent, nnd written in a Kpiril wliieh iihund«iitly exemptu hiin t'riini all inipiilaUoii of liiirtiality tu (irial ilriiain. The writer Joch nut give hi;i aiitliorily, hiil he sayM, speaking uf the eiploratioii by Lewis and Clark), lliltt the ohject or tlieir etpiilitjon wax not to make diM'iivcrieH, hut that it wan purely poiniiiRreinl— ror tile piirpoiie old|H-ninit a trade weM of our iHiHiiei'iiioiia; and Uiul Uiey applied to Hpain, Kiii{hind, luid Hux^'ia, for pita- IHirts and in lu illy obtained tlieni. The |iiiM Totiii :m 4,58;) loo :t,i65 lat^ »,9:o IN oHnt- NARY. No. Uutu. No. Gwu. 4UM IdO 100 6 13 40 6,a.'rfi 3,006 S31 18 40 30 11.5 l',!0 i:a 84 6J6 * Kroin the Navy List of January, 1849. f Nuiniaol armament. Non — Th« mfW-l*! flM nunihfra 671 vcmpI* , but namin only KH. Namhrr of vowrln In rhfi llrilitli n«vy, Kid; nioiinlinn, ! whi-n arini'd, l7,iiHI xiin<. NuinhiT oriiii II i'in|ilii)i'i| ill UiP navy, 1HI.V41 iJ7,.')(IO '• '-- I»iyi4 dn do do a,(K)(l i IKi Do dn iiiariiu-ii do du do \o,rAm 4U,U00 Rrvrnuo vpim-Ih rnininnnilml by ofliovrM of ilii- royul iiavv, . I 'uxu-n a J riteamen 2] mounllng (10 " Total » Total m •• Total Mrniueiii oI°hII cIiukph in thn Knwliiih navy HI l>o in till- ri'voniic Hcrvii'c I I) > in tlic Indian nnvy ijo " Cnntrart mail KlPiinDT" nilKr itiR rontrnl of thi! Ad- j ininUly, for war piiriH , I'atiiiiiiiiMl at .'ri Total efliflivo fti'mii navy, viwtclii |mu | EADT INDIA MAIL STRAMEIlll. In this service thci^ nrc nine steumerH, «vcnijriii;» 833 tons, tnountinj; three j^uim each, ("lii and 'Mt- pnundcrs,) showing a total number of it^j odicers and men. I now refl'r you to the Aineriran navnl fl)rcc,and it makes, I confess, but n smnll whow by the side of the other. NATAL FOBCE OF TIIK UNITED STATEII,* rLAil or ■IIIPU. IN COH- MIHHIilN. A'o. &UIU. Hliipn uf till' line 4 Fiigiiti'S and razri'« 1 7 HIiKipK of war j 15 Brif!< of war i 6 Sti'ameni of war 3 SthiKinT* ; 1 Somali iinnrnu'd voiiheUi and BtorcHliip^ 1 1 \rgregate i 47 .174 374 314 611 3:1 10 tfo. Gam. I 420 I ISO I 40 I -. I I,I5,'> I II I 614 IN ORDI- SVKV. No. Guiw. 6l 9 3 19 164 ail) 130 ao 11 576 Total numlHT of GoviTnincut vi'khcIh, ofall cliiMiei', 77. Total number of pinv, when nil aniii^d, 2,:) 15. Total number of Hciuiien and boyn empjoyed in the navnl wrvico, lfH5, 1848 7,.500 Total nDmb«r of marine corpn, exclusive ofoHk-iTH. . I,!2:>4 Total 8,734 r>f tho four linc-of hnttle Hhip'< iimrkrd as in rnmmisHion, one only in nt sea. T!ii' otlier Uiree nrc used as receiving ships, or tlie five marked as building, one in at Sackeit's Harbor. Of the Ktennicrs, one of the three in the eolumn of "ordi- nary" IB for harbor defenee. 'I'hu other id a steiiiii lug. Now, sir, Hltheoi)le, to such degradation that we shall no longer ueaerve to enjoy the blessings of liberty and freedom, pur- chased and consecrated by the glorious dcetis of our sainted fathers of the Ilevolulion; then, aiid then only, shall we have ciui.sc to feur the inglorious contests for supremacy among our " military chief- tains," so eloquently described by the gentleman IVom Soutli Carolina. We have already passed through two wars, and a Washington and a Jack- son — the military ( hieflains of those wars — have each occupied the presidential chuir (without fight- ing for it) by the free and unpurchased votes of millions of freemen. I beg leave, Mr. Presidimt, wilJi a view of coun- teracting the false impressions that are thus en- deavored to be made upon our fears, to present a dirterent picture, the results shown liy our census, exhibiting the number of free white males at the end of this year, and our annual increase. I ex- '. : '• this, prepared in the Secretary's office at my I 11 est, to show that our pre.seiil numbers, willi lie annual increase, present results llial have nu pu>ui''e) iu the world. „ . .., - »• I hold thni thr we linvfi ri^hta. 'ii (I) lir icrrifica nilr (if ilir power ly ,'H't. Till' I'liri'iiKiiiU I" liaKi'il ii|iiiii a>i iiviTiivr aiiiiiinl liiri i'ii-i> iil Ihii IitkI ti'n yi'iim i lull, iih tlii' |ini|iri'Mlvi' i>r hi iiiiiilrlral riilni wii< kfi'iiIit, miy aliinil 'l.'M jiiT I'i'iil. liir llii' pi rliiil 111 wliirli niir pi>|iiilaiii,'|M7— nllnriliiiU KX hirlliit nf inalrii pnr iliiy, "IH prr I'lil. Ill' wliiiin, iivri'i'iihly !•• Ilii' lull' iiC iiinrtiility. iillain Civ ai(i' iil IM yiarH, iiiiil lliui Hit! il.iltti iiHTiii-i' iil' iiiiili'i utlaliiiiiii IH yi'Hm iil' iiiii' wiiinl hi- 4I'J, anil iiiakiiiu llii' I'nnriMiiiH nililltiiiii i>( l((!,.'MI aiiiiiiiiMy, I'upiibli! iif liiarliiK iiriiH." Mr. Prf'sidenl, you mny cxamino tii. iimuh of every other nnlioii on the Inrn of the earth i find iiolhini; to ronipare with this. In this iciintry, the whole ronimuiiity havini; arms in ' I'ii IiiiiiiIm, enables the Oovernment to mine n ,>'iynciil nnwcr thai, for defence, would be adeni'iite to iiny iiiid every emnrt;ency. Is such n iialmn to have ihtiv Iran ninrmed by any force that can be bni'mhl af^ainst it by rimi or by land ? No, sir. mi. Tliix (jovernment, on any en.eri^ency, e^n ihii-i easily cominiind the services of a boily '^f fiijhtiiitr men which, when bniiierlit toi^cthiir ly the power of steam, would conMiitnle an army far exceeiliis; in number llial with which the threat captain of modern tiinen invaded the Uiix.siiin empire. This immense force is wanted for defence only, and nut for foreign conquesls; all we require in war is the ability to defend ourselves. In contrast with this, i\llow n'3 for one moment very lirieOy to refer to the position and Miililiiry strength ot* Ureal Uritain, and her neccKsities for its use, and see whether she has such a power i i her command lis can jiMlly be held up in trrrorem over us, and to which we have been so often re- ferred in this debate. She has her sulijects scattered over the whole extent of the habiuible globe, and nearly all of them kept in subjection by the [lower of her army and navy. Shf dare ml trust arms in the. hamln of her mhjrrls; and it requires nearly the whole of her disposable military force to keep the peace, to hold her own people in subjection to her monarchical Government. Is not this true now? Mas it not been true for the Inst century? Were it not for her niililury force, how long would the immense empire in the Kusl Indies remain a dependency on England? How long would down-trodden Ire- land continue in the abject slavery she now en- dures so impatiently ? How long would the star- ving I'opulation of even England herself remain as they now arc— dying for want of food and the ne- cessaries of life ? The first act of the British Government towards removing her army from India, would deal a mor- tal blow to her supremacy and authority there; and the millions now kept in abject slavery would then strike for freedom and emancipation from the iron rule of despotic power, and soon cfl'ace ond utterly ilestroy every vestige of British domination under which they iiiive suifered for centuries all t!ie degradation and misery that English cupidity, ava- rice, and tyranny crjld inllict on an unoU'eiiiling people. And Ireland — brove and generous Ireland — now much longer would she remain a dependency — how much longer sulfer the galling tyranny of the I British Oovernm«ni> Not a moment longfr, mr, I than it would re(|uire to call a p;irliament of her I own, iind lake her rank as one of the iiidepeiidcnt nntiiins of ilie world. She would lo.itlie and Hiitirn any connexion with haughty, ovirlieaiing rln;;- ! land, that has so long ennteuined, enslaved, nnd biiweil liir Hiiiis to the diisl. I And look at old EMgland herself: the whole power of the (Joveriimenl in the haiiils of the few, and the many — \hr iiiiisses — ground to the dust by arbitrary, unjust, and iniquitous laws, by whicti even the absolule necessaries of life are scarcely atlaiimble by a large portion of her people, and ' the rood of man iteelf rendered, by their iniquitous ' laws, too dear to be purchased by her thousands, aiilrly to innease the eniiroioMH wealth of the few j huiufi-eds that own iIk^ land of ilic country. How , long would sMi'h a population, thus oppressed, I eiintiniie to .sulVer, to starve, to die, from want and I I li?" ry, were the power of her military force dimin- ished materially or withdrawn? I Sir, not a month would be siifTered to pass, ere (he oppressed masses of her people would rise in i their majesty, and call their rulers to an awful account fur the oppressions under which they have ! so long sod'ered. .Sir, they would aliolish the ex- I actions of the landlon' I'cstroy her overbearing ' aristocracy, and keep U). with the sjiirit of the age, 1 and e.Ml.ilfish our great democratic principle, that " all men are born free and equal," and tims pro- duce n revolulion in her existing fiovernmenl that I would materially change the destinies of a large I proportion of the inhabiLinta of the world. The Brilisli empire — that most imperial Govern- ment of fragments, surrounding the entire globe, and divided, as has been well remarked in this chamber, into " seveiily-two diffi rent parts, sepa- rated from each other by water" — requires a inil- ! ilnry force to preserve her supremacy, '«iid to keep I the peo)iIc in subicctiun in each and every one of those parcels of her emjiire. We, on the other j hiiiiil, sulTer no sninding army, require no armed force lo protect our( jovernment ajrainsi the jieojilc. Our Government has its foundation in the hearts I and nlTcctions of tlii' whole mass of our citizens, ! and each m'ln here feels that he forms a pari of the i CJovornment itself, and that on him rests a portion ' of the sovereign power of the people. Tims Great I Britain can never command a disnosable force on this continent, three thousand miles from hor rc- I sources, sufficient to cope with our immense dis- posable means. She dare not withdraw any con- siderable part of her army from their present employment, of guarding and protecting her Gov- ernment against her own citizens, and preserving dominion over the fragments of her empire, scat- tered in every part of the habitable globe, and con- quered from nearly every other nation in the world, and held by the power of the sword alone. True, she may injure our commerce greatly; though it may well be doubted whether she would not snfTer in her oirn commerce far greater injury and loss than she could inllict on otirs. 1 then re- pent, it is idle to address our fears. Let us pursue the even tenor of our way, do justice to all, "de- mand nothing but what is right, and .submit to nothing that is wrong," regardless of the power and threats of even England herself, S3 often denominated " the moat powerful nation of the 10 T world." We have no cause to fear her, or any combination sho muy form. With near two mil- lions of men with arms in their hanil.s, and an an- nual increase of )icarly one hundred and fifty thousand, we muy well thank Heaven for Imving thus placed our safety and destiny in our own hands and in our own keeping. I trust, then, every attcmnl to operate upon the fears of the Aniericnii people will prove abortive. Who will doubt, with such means at command, that we can successfully protect ourselves against the assaults of, not Great Britain only, but of all tlie civilized world? Although fully sensible of our strength — our ability to protect ourselves — yet I am an advocate for peace. I urn for applying the golden rule of "doing to others as we would that others should do to us;" which doubtless applies with as much force to nations as to individuals. But, sir, I doubt whether a nation — even a Chris- tian nation — can literally apply to herself the Scrip- tural injunction, " Whoever shall smite thee on the right cheek, turn to him the other also." Acting under such an injunction, we should soon exchange the blessings of freedom and independence, for slavery, degradation, and infamy. Whoever, then, desires to press upon us as a Christian nation an obligation to avoid war, I would especially refer to the Chrisliun, philanthropic, English nation, the sole aggressors, and to whom alone their homilies can properly and appropriately apply. Although, !VJr. President, I do not "believe that in this discussion it was proper to investigate the ex- tent of our tide to Oregon, as all will agree that we have a title to some portion of it, and all, therefore, ought to be willing to go for the notice; yet as nearly every one has investigated the title who has pre- ceded me in tins debate, I shall detain you a short time in a similar research, and will endeavor to avoid the beaten track, in presenting my views, as far as practicable. I have said that Great Britain now depends on the Noolka convention for the whole ground of her title to Oregon. She has placed her reliance on that convention, and I say that thereby she has committed a suicidal act. If she depends for her entire claim on the treaty of Noolka Sound, and avows this before the world, then I insist that she destroy* every shadow and vestige of claim that she ever had to any part of the territory. | And here let me again refer to the statement of I the honorable Senator from Virginia, [Mr. Arch- ! BR.] That gentleman seems to suppose, that even i could we succeed in driving England from her claim on the Nootka convention, she has still other claims to which she muy resort. Allow me to read a short extract from his speech: "The language of tlii' Knglish cnmniisaioners in lt»!i) was, Uwtt It Uii; coNn.iciiNii CLAIMS wiUi Spain hail nut been 'FINALLY AUJUKTKD lij tile Nootlvii cniiveiition, Bnd oli ar- gunienta and pri'icnsidns dcfiiiilivtiy set at rest liy the signa- ture of that cimvcMtiiin, notliing would b'' more easy tlian to dumoM^lrato Iliat tlic cliiinis of Urtat Britain to tliatconn- try, «A 0|ipc)S(:d to those of Spain, were co fur from vision- ary or arbitrarily asunincd, tliatthey .stablislicd more than A PARITY or TiTLK lo till' po-scssi(ni of the country in >eiiccforwnrd no lon- ger to he traced in vague narrativen of di) mouth. She obtained a concession } from Spain in a way she never will obti\in any ^ from the United States; for sure I am that there i is no Senator here who will not say that. he would ,' sooner draw the sword, and throw away the scab- . bard, than think, for one moment, of yielding up ', rights at the mouth of the British cannon, as was , tamely done by the Government of Spain. I have not yet heard any attempt, in this debate, to give ■ a construction of the grounds of that treaty. I have carefully examined its terms, and I have placed my own construction upon them. I may oe in error, but I have been unable to discover in .. what respect. If 1 am right, then I say that the production of thai convention by the British nego- . tiators was a suicidal act. I say that Great Brit- < ain has thereby placed herself in a position where J she has defeated every claim she ever could have I had; and I infer this from taking in connexion the tj convention of Nootka, between England and Spain, with the convention of 1827, between England J and the United SlateL. The whole object of Great J Britain was to do away the claim set up by Spain „ on her grant from the Pope, However such a grant may now be ridiculed, the title derived from It was at that time good and valid — never disputed, , for more than two hundred years; which circum- stance was, of itself, .sufficient to make the title good, let its origin bo what it might. The third article of the Nootka convention is in these words: "Art. ;i. In ordei to strcnRthcii tlie ImniU of frieiiil^hip. anil to preserve in t'lUure a prTlccl hariiiony and gooil under 8tandiiiK hetwciiii the two L-oiitrnotiiii; piirties, it ia ii|;rei'd thiit tlii'ir ri'spi'ctive i>nlijeeia Hhull not lie disturbed or ino- le.^tiMl I'iilier in n.ivigiuini{ or inrryinK on llieir fl-!|ieries in the Pacitic Ocean or in tlie South .Seiis, or in landing on the coiint of iho.'ic sens in plnees iiotiilreiidy oeciipied, for the pnrjiose of cnrryini; on their coininerc ' 'i the niuivcB of the country, or of innking iiettleincnts re — tlie whole sub- ject, nevcrthrlesH, to tlie restrictions specified in tlie three foUowing articles." Now, what was the object in agreeing to this ar- ticle .' Spain had had possession of the country for two or three ccnturie.'), and there was th< ,i a controversy between the two nations, arising from the fact that England had molested her in this pos- session. Spain, in this article, says that English subjects might come there for purposes of hunt- ing, fishing, and trade, and might make settlements: but the settlements referred to, are obviously such OS might bo necessary to further these objects, and n(me other. To take the word " settlements" as here used in it,s ordinary and general acceptation, would lie to defeat oil the rest of the article; — that, at least, is my construction of it. I apprehend that treaties between nations are to be inleipiTled liy the rules of common sense. It is then aildcd, that all the provisions in this article are to be held sub- ject to the restrictions contained in the three t'ol- lowingarticles, viz: 4th, 5tli, and Bth. Now, if we look at the .5th article, we shall sec that these set- tlements arc those subjected to the restriction, tliut they must be north " of places already occupied by Spain." Spain then occupied Nootka, anil all British .g of and objeeling to the Nootka convention; bui 'lid Mr. Pitt, the then Prime Minister, controvert le positions taken by his talented opponent.' Did ai member of the British Cabinet? Were the positioi.i controverted by any one during the debate.' No, sir, not a word of it. Mr. Pitt, in his response, only claimed that they had additional facilities for their fisheries, had a temporary use of the territory north of Nootka for hunting and trading with the natives, and the erc(;tion of temporary huts in fur- therance of those objects. Ho says: " If they had .icipiired no territorial riijht". they had gained Home advantages tlieydid not before posfes^." I believe this is perfectly conclusive, and shows iiow this convention was understood at the time. It always appeared to me, Mr. President, that the views tiiken by the British Minister were suicidal of the (tlaims of Great Britain. Mr. Pakenham has said this convention is in force up to the present time. Hut let me ask, if it is in force, how does it happen that she never claimed under it the country down to the bay of San Francisco.' How dots it happen, that Great Britain, who has shown it her constant purpose to lay hold of every foot of this earth she can , has never claimed as far as the bay of San Frai.cisco? Why, she felt she had no right; and if she has ever done so since, it was altogether an afterthought, for the jiurpose of opposing our claims. Nothing else can account for it. Great Britain slept over her ab-^^iud claim for more than thirty years, and until she found it necessary to adduce new and more plausilde arguments to sus- tain her unfounded pretensions, aiid endeavor to rebut and weaken the ''irrefragable iUuts and urgu- merita" by which our American rights were de- monstrated, and she was driven to claim imder the Nooika convention, becjiusc she had nothing else to bring forward — nothing else to rely on. I will not go through the argument, as the Secre- tary of Sl;ile has done, to show that tlie convention was terminated by the war. It is not needed to sus- tain my argument. But the exposition of Great Britain herself shows that the convention was en'led by the war of 179(5. What does Mr. Pakenham say on lliis point.' His ground is, that there are some national rights which survive a war; but he has not pointed them out. He says the treaty was revivial in 1814; but 1 contend, that if it ever was dead, it could not be revived by the treaty of 1814, because there were o//ier parties then besides Great Britain and Spain who had claims on the coast as well as themselves. We were actually in posses- sion of the country at the time, and could not be put out by the revival of the Nootka convention. There is one argument not used by Mr. Bu- chanan, or any one else that 1 have seen, which 1 consider as having great force. If the Nootka con- vention is still in force, what became of it in our own convention of 1827 ? In 1818, we were not in p' sstssion of theSfiunish title; but when it was re- newed in 18-^7, we had then all tiic rights of Spain, including soDtrff^nJi/, the cmiiifiUt/oiimiii, and a/J the rights she had under the Nootka convention. If, then, ihe convenlioii is In force at this hour, how is it possible this was not included in (he convention of 1827 .' It was; and Great Britain and the Uni- ted Suites owned all the claims to Oregon which were then in existence; all her rights under the Nootka convention were "limited" to joint occu- pancy with Spain — Spain puts us in her shoes. When the convention for joint occujiaiicy is ter- minaU^d, England goes back to her original rights, 'lights to what.' To joint occupancy .' For be it bserved, F.ngl.md ahniidomtd to Spain all her claims I I or to 1790, on entering into the Nooika conven- tion, and declares to the world that her whole claim or pretension is "limited" to a joint occupancy with Spain, and her right is only to be found in " the text and stipulations" of that convention; and Spain having, on the 22d of July, 1K19, transfer- red her rights to us, England has a joint occupancy with us by the convention of 1827, by the 3d article of whii'.h It is iigrecd, that nothing in the convention " shall be construed to impair, or in any manner ' affect, the claims which either of the contracting ' parties may have to any part of the country west- ' ward of the Stony or Rooky Mountains. " Now, then, pray what are her "cloinis," which are not "affecled" or "impaired".' She has none whatever but that of "jointoccupancy' 'under the Nootkacon- vention, which was merged in the convention of 1827, and thus the termination of her "joint occu- pancy" would not "aflect" or '•impair" her "joint occupancy." This isaeon'radiclion in terins, and shows that the only claims that are not "aflccted" or "impaired," must be those of sovereignty, tmincnt dimain, or title of some kind ; not one of which dees she possess, or even claim. This may be call- ed "chopping logic" by gentlemen on the other side of the chamber; if it is, let them show how Great Britain can escape the conclusion. I think the in- ference irresistible, and that the "ifuod eral demon- sirandun.'" of the mathematician migh' . fairly ilid legitima 1st claim, b . itory west timplelely - erself out ( 0tove, the n (ossess, if n II existence I pray y< the Noot laimed by Irituin coul ^nce to vest Souvcr's ex 1792, and ling of En; ki violation ( Nootka eon^ it, as the Bri they ought i frr, and di iampling u on. The f ements sul rnzcr's rivi |h giving exi J ere made s hich she cr ' And nlloM [1 article of id Great I any co jpnrty on th 'ward of the ^e whole c Ian possessi ion ea&t of lie Rocky rough Po ■j.ence a line Bierefrom to Seridinn to I gion is inci id 1827, an lice lo in i anifest our (id the righ ined wheir made. 1 cannot, '. jnoticed tl gained by t ion and CI our own a bBrc,na do not d Irny disco^ •itisli subj a England d the riv 1B05-6, and iftgs, and f 'nr intentio c matters [h Governr . )9, 1810, lent) made j the Cnlu qlt the Okai I rights were de- 1 cliiini under the hud niithing else rely on. cnt.as tlicSccrc- ;it tlic convention lot needed losus- losiiion of Great cntionwascn'Ied I Mr. Pakenham is, that there are vc 11 war; but he ys the treaty was at if it ever was le treaty of 1814, en besides Great B on the coast as :tuaily in posses- could nut be put ;onvention. sed by Mr. Bu- vc seen, which I the Nootka con- amc of it in our i, we were not in t when it was re- ;ria;lus of Spain, Duiin, and all the convention. If, this hour, how is n the convention lin and the Uni- o Oregon which •ii^hts under the " to joint occu- is in her shoes. iccu|)ancy is ter- r orij:;inal rights, mcy .> For be it lin all lier claims Noolk.i convon- hcr whole claim ocmipancy with 3 found in " the onvention; and ISlit, transfer- joint occupancy by the 3d article II the convention in any manner the coiitractiiig le country west- itains." Now, ' which are not s none whatever the Nootka con- 3 convention of ler "joint occu- )air" her "joint nt\ in terms, and 3 not "allected" crftgii/!/,tHiittcjW t one of which 'hi.s may be call- in the other side how how Great I think tliu in- luod erat dcmon- niigli' . fairly 13 A legitimately applied to it, and that she lias no i St claim, by her own showing, to one foot of ler- | tory west of the Rocky Mountains. She has 1 timplctely tripped up her own heels, and thrown rrsclf out of all shadow of riaim beloir, or even (fhove, the miigical line of 54° 40' — lUid that we I ossess, if not a perfect, undoubtedly the best title j 1 existence to the whole. ' j I pray you to observe, Mr. President, thai, | the Nootka Sound convention is in force, as i aimed by the Briti.sh Minister, then Grcal | ritain could have done no act during its exist- ' nee to vest any exclusive right in herself. Van- I louver's exploration of the Cohimbin river in | 1792, and 'aking possession in the name of the | [ing of England, was « void act on his part, and ; bi violation of the "text and stipulations" of the I Wootka convention; and instead of claiming under I it, as the British Qovcrnnient have modestly done, | they ought at the time to have cashiered Vancou- i trr, and dismissed him from her service, for thus iampliiig upon the good fkith of the British na- on. The exploration of Mackenzie, and the aoi- emcnts subsequently made in that territory, on razer's river and elsewhere, cannot be claimed is giving exclusive rights to Great Britain. Tlu^y ■ ere made solely under that convention, and und;'r hich she can claim no exclusive ri^ht for herself. ; And allow me to observe, in addition, that the jjd article of the treaty bct-veen the United Slates ind Great Britain, of 2(lth October, 1818, applies •> " any coimtry that may be claimed by eillier 4partv on the northwest coast of America, west- ^wurQ of the Stony Mountains;" and thus includes * e whole country from latitude 42^ to the Rus- an possessions in latitude 54° 40', and all the re- on cast of the Russian possessions and west of le Rocky Mountains — the Ru.'^sian line going rough Pordand channel to latitude 5G°, anH "j.ence a line parallel to the coast ten marine leagtu's tliercfrom to 141st degree of loncitude, and in that Acridian to the Frozen ocejin. All which northern lygion is included within the conventions of 1818 J id 1827, and which 1 have never .seen any refer- ice to in ony speech delivered; and yet it is anifest our joint occupancy extends to the whole, d the rights of each to every jiart is to he deter- incd whenever a division of territorial right.s i^hall made. I cannot, Mr. President, permit my.self to jiass noticed the title which we have to the country nined by the waters of the Columbia, by the ex- ion and enterprise of our own citizens — acquired our own discovery, exi>loralion, and .'jcltltinent. a bare, naked discovery is not deemed sufficient, do not depend upon that alone. That ('aptain ray discovered the Columbia river before any itish subject had seen it, is now conceded even SKnghind herself; and that Mr. .TefTcrson first d the river explored by Lewis and Clarke, in W05-6, and shortly afterwards published their do- Iftgs, and thus publicly proclaimed to the world ^ir intention to occupy and settle that country, me matters of history, as well known to the Brit- ■h Qovcrnmcnl as our own. We subsequently fin 1B09, 1810, and 1811, and prior to any other settle- ment) matle the seitlcmentof Astoria, nt the mouth of the Columbia river, and also established a post on the Okanagan, "Ix hundred miles up the river; another at the mouth of the Spokan, fifty mile'* higher up; and others on the Kooskooskee nn«l Willamette rivers; and (although the Nootka con- vention is claimed by F.nglund to have been then in full force, by which she sets up a pretence to h right of joint occupancy over that whole region) without a whisper of remonstrance or objection on her part. Our hands were untied then — no con- vention controlled us; we claimed a right l)y virtue of our purchase of Louisiana, whether rightfully or not, I do not derin it necessary for my present argur ;ent to inquire. If any nation had a right to object, it waii Spain, and S)iain alone; and .she did not object. 1 claim I then, that our right to the country drained by the waters of the Columbia, founded on our own discovery, exploration, and settlement, was conqilete and perfect, agreeably to the nto.'tt stringent requisitions of the law of nations, consecrated by the universal practice of all nalior:?, in relation to the American continoiit; and this view Great Britain herself has fully recognised, and by her acts fully ackncwiedged our title. We were thus in possession jf the valley of the Columbia al the commencemer : of the late war; and during that war our po.sscssiono 'yere captured, and passed into the hands of Great Briiain. By the treaty of Ghent, "all territories, jiKices, and posscsuuns whatsoever, taken by cither party from the other during the war, &c., shall be restored without delay.'' Our Government demanded, after the restoration of peace, that those possessions should be restored. After some negotiation, and some delay, the whole was restored to us — an account of which 1 ask the indulgence of the Senate to read: " Mr. Biigot [the llrili.-li I'lenipoli'iiilnry nt VViisliington] at tlie aiune time coinmiinicatetl tlic eiriiiiiistancv!! ti> liiH (Jovcrnment, and they became the mihject of didcuDsion ha- twcca Lord Castlori'iu;)), the Hriti.-'h Secretary or Korcig. .Afl'nirs, and Mr, Kiixh, the .\iiicricaii I'lonipntontjary at Ijondoii. Lord Ctislleri^aijli proposed that the qiiestinn re- Hpicliiig tlic clioinUi liad been, ngni'alily to the treaty (il'Cliint; to wliioli Mr. Itiisli objected, for the ^^ilnpte ru.'isons that t!io spot was in the |iosiie9Hion ol' tlie .Americans liel'ore tlie war; that it fell, liy belligerent capture, into ttiu liniids of tlic Brilisli during tlie war ; anil that ' unty'8 Hhip Andromache, vc, the. unliT\igned, do, in con- formilijto I lie first urticle of the trci.lij of Olient, restore to the Gox-crtimcnt of the United States jiiirou^U ita i^iiit, J. B. Prnvost, Eiii.jtkt sctHemctU of Fort George, on fc'ic Cb- lumHii river, "(Jivcii iinilcr our hiinilsi, in triiilicBto, nt Fort Onorge, (Coluiiikiu river,) this 6tli iliiy of Dohiber, IhlH. "F. MICKEY, ' " Oiaitain of Mil Miijfsty's ikip UlOKSom. "J.KKITII, " Of the Sorthue-it Com^jotii/." The acceptance on the pnrt of the United States ia in these words: '•I do hrri'hy noknowlcdRC to hiivo thiH dny received, in behalf uf the Governnicnt of the United HtateM. the ponnsion of the tcltlernciit desi^niited abov^, in eonforniity to tile first article of the treaty of Glient. "(Jiven undiT my hiiiid, in triplieate, at Fort George, (Co- lumbiu river,) this Gtli day of Oetoher, IHI8. "J. B. I'KKVOST, » ^Agenl of the United Slutcs." On the consummation of these acts of the resto- ration of the valley of the Columbia river, in con- formity with the treaty of Ghent, and the acknowl- edgment of our right " to be llio party in posses- sion while ueating on the title," Mr. Urcenhow remarks: I thitn, M pvinp; the m provided foi few on this, will justify themselves to the Ameri' can people in thus proposing to give up any por- tion of the valley of the Columbia, thus shown to be ours, without an iulverse claim having any . |,^ord no jut just foundation. If we had no other title or claim, * our own would be full and conclusive to latitude 530. The President, having made an offer to settle our boundary on the parallel of 49°, " in deference , alone to what had been done by his predecessors," it has been gravely claimed in argument here that he is bound by that offer, although withdrawn; the offer having been thrice made by his prede- cessors, in lyi8, 1824, luid 1826. I o^mnot agree to this doctrine. All offers of compromise arc efforts to buy one's peace, and therefore, under the wise provisions of our law, are not suffered to be adduced us evidence. I fail to see any difference between nations and individuals in this respect. The reason is surely tlie same. What nation would ever make a proposal or offer of a conces- .?ion for the sake of peace, if, against her will and consent, it was always binding upon her, accepted or not ? The gentleman from Georgia [Mr. Ber rilm] says this principle cannot apply to nations, ./^7JJ'«1'"^''"?"'"r''''^-^Tl"''''^''T''^"'^'^f "•f'YIl'eMUsn they have no common arbiter. 1 deem Utiiled StiUea /Miiiig hecn hoisted in its atrud oeer the tort, ... ' , , mi 1 i- ,m! S.J i/ol h, the bloom. il>>s 's no reason whatever. The rule, as applica- •' The documents cited— the only one? ichich passed bctiiren \ ble to individuals, is not based upon such a con thx' commmhuers on Ihe occaiioti — .-. //:... -..-.i #- .1-... ii.j 1 ■■ .• 1 . . •■ , fW) res(-Ti'rt/ion or excejition Itritiiin, and thiit the resti . _ States n-'is complete and umondiliona." | and the same reason exists m respect :a — i/ic ojiijf 'nics trnivit- ftnasca oviut'tni | tjm itf iiiui viuiiu'r*) la iiul uuci^u itMuii oui^ii u. v^uii- he occmio)i~,tre sufu lent tnshiw that \si^f.rixUon, but upon sound policy, to encourage 'fS?.;:;U"'o/X.w:rM/S Attempts at compromise, anJ to avoid litigation; d utuondilionul.''' 1 aud the same reason exists in respect to nations, IS a peace m of the coun measure thai is setting str doubtless ye soiis of the and flocks ai to Oregon, a it; and scttii lich subjects nd servant bdottcd the w lind trading ^ion, and ha *vcr the cou only in term 11 within I ritish Mini 'or their ow ssuraice dc hat have be itizens, uni! ne of her s can cxpatriu evidence to s These transactions occurred in the year 1818, "'"l ^'^'> "r':''"^'' ^^'T' ''"' ."a"ons tlo now have and in the month of October, being the same year ^^"'"".1"" arbuers The opuiions and judgment ol .-ind mouth in which the convention of joint occu- the civili/.ed world are now those arbuers between nancy was entered into. I nations, mid to which all civilized Governments And to show the view entertained by our own I fil'll 't necessary to submit. 1 hold, then, that no Government of this surrender, I beg leave to read from the instructions of Mr. Clcy, when Secretary of State, to Mr. Gallatin, our Mi'iiister to England, dated 19th June, 1826: " It was stated by Oie British Plenipotentiaries to Mr. Rush, tliat the surrender to the United States of the post at Uic iiioulh of (Mlumbia river was in fulliliiient of the stipu- liitioiiH of the (irnt article of the treaty .if Glieiitj without af- fectinR que^tionH of right on eitlnr side. It 18 most true that the rentoration win in conformity to that article, but tlierc is nothing in the terms of the article which iniplie.-i »ny reservation of right on the part of Great Dritain. And docs not the stipulation itself, in virtue of wliich she was hound to restore it, demoiislrate, that at the date of that treaty she had no pretensions to the mouth of ('olumbia.' If she then had any claim, would she have lontracted to re- store the possession uiicoiulitionally, and without even the formnhty of a reservation of her right.' The course which was adopted in regard to anothiT territorial possession, claimed iiy bo«h parties, wan very diflhrrnt. She had re- duced, by her arms, Moose Island, in tin' Bay of I'assaina- quoddy, as well as the |io-it at t'olumhia. She refused to re- store Moose Island, on the ground of thi^ title which slut set up to it, as being included within the limits of Nova Hcotia ; and the respective titles of both parties w-eie asjrecd to be referred to a board of commissioners. Now, if, with respect to two poasessidtis, taken by her arms during the war, she agreed to restore one unconditionally, and insisted upon re taining the oeriipaney of the other, as belonging to her, is not the inference irresi^titili", that her present claim to that which was so restored did not then exist, but has been sub- sc(|uently gotten up.'" This established our right fully to the whole valley drained by the waters of the Columbia, and that valley extends to about the latitude of 53° north. I would like to hear the grounds upon which the advocates for the line on the 49th pai- ftllel, on the other aide of the chamber, and tlte ir, never; n f a foreign ive this not rotection ti hem to go t he country hem the pi obligation rested on our Government to fix tlie , will extend boundary on 49°. If the President was bound : be imagined in honor, as some allege, t.) have made the offer j Mtizens of t because similar offers had been made by his prede- ' jusly togeth cessors, then the offer made by Mr. Polk w^as dis- 10 different honorable, because 11 did not include the naviga- ^heir respect tionof the Columbia river, as his predecessors had 'Jirbiter, will done; for surely, if he was bound in honor at all, he was bound for the v''-"'"- Besides, one of the offers of the navigation ji .le Columbia, made by his predecessor, was trammelled with the condi- tion that the river should prove to be naviguiilc where the parallel of 49° struck it; in such contin- gency to grant the free navigation to England, and not otherwise. Which offer, then, bound the Pres- ident.' The offer of 49°, in 1818, if without the navigation of the Columbia, was less objectionable, hat may an uljjccts oft rnment is v erously abs ithout dist loodshed. eem a qua ark of An re that oui ble to be i because we then had not acquired the Spanish title; ] era. But, since that, it has never been called for oy any just i nagined tin regards to our rights or the British claims. The * overnment most she ever could have justly asked would have '• ludsonBaj been a division of the residue of that immense re- , lem.' Mos gion north of the head waters of the Columbia, laim, we m west of the Rocky Mountains, and up to the Rus- Jurisdiction, sian line, and east of the Russian possession to tho |nust;" and Frozen Ocean. And although I deny that she has Great Britai shown a shadow of title to one part of the territory J>f arrogant to which our Spanish title extended, a fair division of our claims above 53°, as derived iVom Spain, and her own, whatever tliey were north of 61°, thrown into hotchpot by our convention of 1818 and 1827, would give us all up at least to 54° 40', if not far beyona. cquiesced i Allow m€ lonvention ( ion of 182' nate to re " Akt. 3. It 15 M to the Ameri' ;ive up any por- )ia, thus shown liiim having any ler lillc or claim, luHive to lutituile I thon, Mr, President, advocate the propriety of vinj; the notice recommended bv the President, ^irovided fo» in the convention. It can, of itself, nfford no just cause of war; on the contrary, sir, it is a peace measure, intended to preserve the peace of the country, and, in my judgment, the only measure that can do so. The tide of emigration is setting strongly into that territory now, and will doubtless yearly increase its volume. The hardy soiis of the West, with their wives and children, and flocks and herds, already swurm on the road to Oregon, and are preparing to occupy and settle .,^ ..._ r it; and settling, too, promiscuously with the Eng- I ciuinot agree ilieh subjects already there. The partners, agents, compromise arc fcnd servants of the Hudson Bay Company have ircfore, under the idottcd the whole country with their stockade fort.s lot suti'ered to be ind trading posts. They have military posses- ec any difference %ion, and have the British laws already extended in this respect. Aver the country, not confined to British subjects I WIlUt tmtirkn -dinl«r in •A».«a !.■.« «..-k»n.>«r.»l.. ^iitnndoil t/t. lt\it}ttAa in offer to settle P, " in deference Is predecessors," ^mtnt here that iugh withdrawn; id by his prcde- 'tinly in terms, but apparently intended to include 11 within the country. (^fotwilll»tnlnling the ritish Minister says those laws are intended only 'or their own subjects.) But, Mr. President, what ssuraice do we have that she will not claim all hat have been born within her dominions as her itizcns, under her long asserted principle that no ne of her subjects can throw on bis allegiance, an expatriate himself. Must our citizens carry vidence to show that they were native born ? No, ir, never; and neither will they submit to the laws f a foreign Power. Whether wc do or do not ive this notice, we are bound to furnish adequate rotcction to our citizens. We have encouraged hem to go there, and the honor and good faith of he country are pledged to protect them; we owe hem the protection of the American eiigle, and ill extend its ajgis over them. Then, sir, can it le imagined that the subjects of England, and the itizens of the United States, can live promiscu- usly together, subject to different laws, amenable ;o different magistrates, and owing allegiance to heir respective Governments, without any common irbiter, with no mode of deciding controversies hat may arise between the citizens of one and the ubjects of the other ? Such a double-headed Gnv- rnment is wholly impracticable; and it is jirepos- erously absurd to expect that they ••ould thus live ithout disturbance and violence, and eventually loodshed. If we fail, then, to give the notice, I eem a quarrel inevitable. No one who has a lark of American feeling in his bosom, would de- re that our citiKons should be thus placed, and ble to be involved in such difficulties, if not dan- rs. But, sir, look a little further. Can it be lagined that our people, already organized into a ovcrnment of their own, will long permit the udson Bay Company to exercise authority among em.> Most assuredly they will not. I then aim, we miwt give this notice, and have exclusive risdiction, " peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must;" and at the expiration of twelve months, (feny that she liaa Great Britain will possess no other claim than that art of the territory J)f arrogant pretension, already too long tacitly icquiesccd in by the American ])eople. Allow me, sir, to refer to the third article of the invention of 20th October, 1818, and the conven- ion of 1827, which I beg the indulgence of the nate to read: ^ " Art. 3. It ia agreed that any conntry that may be claim- nation :)ffer of a conces- inst her will and 3on her, accepted eorgia [Mr. Ber- apply to nations, arbiter. 1 deem ' rule, as applica- .ipon such a con- ey, to encourage avoid litigation; ;spect to nations, ons do now have and judgment of 1 arbiters between ^Led Governmentii )ld, then, that no nnient to fix tlie dent was bound ve made the offer lade by his prede- ^Ir. Polk was dis- elude the naviga- predecessors had id in honor at all, esidcs, one of the }lumbia, made by with the condi- to be navigable it; m such coniin- n to England, and n, bound the Pres- 18, if without the CSS objectionable, I the Spanish title; od for uy any iusi tish claims. The asked would have that immense re- of the Columbia, nd up to the Ilus- 1 possession to the lied, a fair division ad from Stiain , and rth of 61°, thrown of 1818 and 1827, 54° 40', if not far nd by oithnr party on (be northwest eoaxt of Americn, west- ward of the fltiiny MounUiins, (now callnJ Rocky MoudI- iiiii!!,) shall, tojRthcr with its Imrliors, liay.<, and cri'.itkn, and the iiiivifpilioiinrall rivcn< within tlirfiamo,lH! free and open, for till! tiTiii nftRn yonm fVnin tlindnt«n,'theKignature of the prissent ronviintion, to the viwM-ls, riliziins, mid Hiibjccts of till! two I'owcn ; it boing will understood tliut Uiia agreement in not to he eonstrur.d to Uic prejudice of any el.tiiii which either of thi! two high oimtraotiiig pirtici may have to imy part of said country, nnr Khali it ho tnkui U: affect the elaimn of any other Power or StaUi to any (Mirt of the !^aid country; the only object of tlie high contriictiiig parties, in that re- spect, being to prevent disputeH and diir'!rence9 among them- selvea." (Mtivcntion helireen the United Stntm:tvi Great Britnin, signed at Lonhn, ,4u;iu(6, 1MJ7. ■' Art. I All tliR prptrisiomi of the third article of the con- vention concluded between the United Htaten of Americn and his Miyesiy the King of the (Tiiitcd Kingdom o,' Great iiritaiii and Ireland, on tin; ailtli of OctobiT, 18IK. shall be, and lliey are hcriihy, further iiidelinitely extcndcil and con- tinued in force. In the lume manner lu if all the proviaiona of the Hiiid article were herein Hpecifically recited. " AnT. a. It shall be competent, however, to either of the coiitra<-ting piirtiea, in ea«e either should think fit, at any time artir tlie 2(Hh Oelolier, IftJH, on giving due iiotiue of twelve months to ttie other contracting party, to annul and abrogate tliis convention ; and it shall, in sueli case, bo ac- conliiialy entirely annull'd and abrogated, after tlic expira- tion of the said tenii of notice. " Art. ;t. Nothing cont;iini'd in thin convention, or in tJic third nrti'* ' I li.lf ,1(1 •jo; ^(jr l,«iei ' , and (he uttim&tf rifyer the peace of jtice ia the only in preserve peace, lough I am ready if that shall be ried in thischam- II fraction of the of all the Whigs) ted in the other the sixth confer- it will be seen to 1 by the British nnter into ilisiciinslon 1 parallel of IntUudei Hovernment to form ' tlie United Htotes, (III the side of (ircat retracted by the rill not negotiate 4D°; and we say boundary on the hilc the two Gov- ays that it is our thy compromise, d to mean? One he Columbia; — u he country some- That will be the I know that the I such thing, yet It upon it by the a legitimate con- r consent to pass ill any gentleman lands of the Brit- ere wish to see a of 49°? Is there ;o to war ? I am on either side of such a residt, or ly hope that the ; licther it shall re- : measure to our- 1 hope it will pass which shall en-| should prefer the ' m the Committee l ban send the sub- ; n, I will vote for expectation and l the peace of the | this reasonable i I the intention of j power, and leave i olds the destinies I hand. mvwst.m'f^tm