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Jiaaif k'- H *.,/ ,/#■ '^ ,..^^ •t" .\-r**>- ••-.<(*«>(-»#«• - *^-'^-.'»HK qr^ - REF\lECTIONS RISE AND PROGRESS AMERICAN REBELLION, ON THE or t H E ,-,^^iiV ir}J'<2 ;'^'f»> >,"•■ ..;>,» v '< »■ THE politic, like the natural body* is liable to diforders, which often fermtnaie in death. To know the caufe of the di(cafe in either fyftem, is neceflary to a radical cure. The American rebellion is an event which has ftruck deep into the health of the Britifh ftate, en- Cpebled its powers, and may bring on convulfions, the confequences of which are not within the reach of human forefight. , Therefore it will be of im- portance, to be truly informed of the origin of that rebellion ; and to be able to trace it from the ori- ginal fpark up to its prefent flame. It is from this knowledge, that a part of the means may be drawn for its immediate fuppreilion ; and from this alone can that fyftem of future polity be formed, which can effeft a permatient union between the two countries. There are men in high ftations, who have induf- trioufly promoted an opinion, that this " portentous event has been produced by the injuftice and op- preiTign of the prefent reign, — by a plan formed for A 2 enflaving *■« » •*■ [43 ouflaving the Colonics." This has been the miir, ■form language of the malcontents on both fides of the Atlantic, The Congrefs has affumed it to juftify their rebellion ; and the oppolition to Go- vcrument in Britain has echoed it, lome of them to conceal their third for emoluments and dignities', the iole giound of their oppofition ; and others, I'cpublican in principle, to cover their as yet im- jnature defign of dcltroying our happy confbtulion* It has been aderted fo often and to confidently, in as well as out of Parliament, that the incautious, who feldom examine the motives of human con- duft, have believed it. To prove that this opinion is not founded in truth— that neither the conduft of this nor of any pad reign has produced this rebellion, but that it has fjprung from different caufes, exiding as early as the beginning of the (ixteenth century, and been nourifhed by thofe two fiends, Superdition and Ambition, the great enemies to religious and civil liberty — is the defign of this Effay. But before I proceed to fupport this opinion, I (hall fhew the abfurdity of that which 1 oppofe. This will dif- pel the mid which has been cad before the eyes of the mifinformed, and enable the candid to per- ceive the truth in its due force. . In almod every fociety, oppofition to legal go- vernment has been a common event. In almod every indance which hidory affords, it has arifen from continued injudice and oppreflion in the rulers. Thefe have been the means, by which am- bitious men, of whom every fociety has its fhare, have been enabled to incite the vulgar to fedition, and finally to throw off their allegiance. But the American rebellion in this refpe£l fiands didin- guiihed from all others. It can appeal neither to antecedent injudice nor opprefiion for an excufe. At the time it broke out, the people in the Colonies were more free, and happy than any others on earth, A fummary view of the conduft of the State towards the Colonies, from the dawn of their fettlements» J . ■ will been the ^nir » both fides of iffumed it to olition to Go- me of them to and dignities*, ; and others, eir as yet im- ' con /htu lion, confidently, 'e incautious, human con- founded in > nor of any but that it ing as early iry, and been erftition and )us and civil But before I all (hew the lis will dif- ore the eyes ndid to per- to legal gd each other, ent focieties^ 5 themfelves, ch they could ircumflances* proportions, lem to aft in the fupreme been waved irate requifi- cre governed ind intereils, the imme- aftually in* It were more olony, gave been in the ved the af, the danger Fhe natural ums granted 2xpeaitions, ritifh troops loufands of ;r for their iillice were^ i the Stale »al taxes on leficicncies America, ring the laft fo long as 1 the CoIq* the mode lat war, a ilities, and when the y the ju"ft tribute.. I J. L 9 ] tribute. This Minifter perceiving the involuntary inability in the Colonics, arifing from their difunitcd ftatc, and the voluntary injuftice arifing from their paflions, prejudices, and fcparate interefts ; and viewing ifl its full force the abfurdity of cxpcfting an equitable proportion of aids towards the national defence from them, when not only the quaulity, but the contribution itfelf, was left at their pleafu re, refolved to drop the inefFe6lual modeof requifition. But he could not ftop here. He held a truft, from which every fubjea; had a right to expc£l an equal didribution of the burthens of fociety. Was he to continue thofe burthens on three-fourths of the fubjefts of the empire, and to permit the other fourth to be exempted? Was he to fufFer the opulence of America to increafe, and her fons to riot in luxury, without contributing a reafonable proportion of thofe aids which were rieceiTary to her own fafety? Was he to commit yet greater in- juftice to his country, by infuring that fafety, in future, by thofe aids which were to be raifed on the people in Great Britain alone, already labouring under an immenfc debt incurred by the American war ? Public juilice, and his public duty, forbad it. What other method then could he purfue, fave that which was founded in a multitude of prece- dents, and which the confiitution of the Britilh goverment direfted?* The exercifc of fupreme authority by the State over the Colonies was that method; he knew, that the injudicious mode of re- quifitions had been adopted through want of infor- mation. That information was now obtained. He knew, that a perfeft fubordination of the Golonifts had been eftablifhed, by the patents and proclamations under which they were originally fettled — that their right to the territory had been granted by the reprefcntative of the Britifli Society, under its great feal, referving rents in lieu of Cer- vices — that the oaths of allegiance had ever been taken by the Colonifts to him — that all their civil and political rights had been derived from, and n:- were [ w 5 tiverc held under him, in that capacity— that the common law of the realm, and the ftatutes made before their fettlement, had been extended — that innumerable la'A's for regulating their trade, rc- ftr^iniiig their manufafturcs, direfting their internal police, and levying taxes both internal and external, were to be found in the volumes of Britifh ftatutes •—and that all documents of the State, relative to America, were fo many demonftrations, and almofl every aft of the Colonies, rcfpefting Great Britain, Were fo many inconteftable recognitions, of their fubordination to the fupreme authority of the Britifh empire, in all cafes whatfoever, • - In this light, the ligbt in which all antecedent Miniilers, all preceding Parliaments, and the Co* lonifts themlelves, had on all occahons confidered America, the Minifler confidered it. The national defence being the firft great objeft of his duty, and an equal diftribution of the burthens necefiary for that purppfe the next in importiince*^<-he propofed the Stamp Act in parliament, in their ielTion 1769^ which pailisd into a refolve. Ofthisreiblution the Colonies had official notice; They wer« told, *• VinJefs they would grant a jufl; proportion of ^id« in their ieverai Aflfemblies, or {hould point out fomc mode by which it might be done more agrecr ably to themfelves, national juftice required, that the aft fliould paCs in the next feflion." The rC" folve of the Houfe of Commons, and the notice from. the Minifler, were confidered by the American Affemblies. A year elapfed, and no aids were- granted, no other mode was hinted to Parliament, and no objeftion was made either to the equity of the tax, or to the mode of raifing it, or to the au- thority by which it was to be levied, except only by the Maflachuflett's and Virginia Alfemblies, who refted in a denial of the conftitutional authority of Parliament, without granting, or offering to grant, their reafonable proportion of aids to the national defence. The aft therefore palled unanimoufly.. Indeed, no law within the compafs of human wift dom ity—that the katutes made tended — that ir trade, re- heir internal md external, itilh ftatutes relative lo s, and almofl real Britain, ns, of their rity of the 1 antecedent and the Co* s coniidered 1 he national lis duty, and leceiTary for he propofed feflion. 1763^ liblution the were told, tion of £^id9 point out nore agrecr uired, that The rc>» otice from American aids were arliament, equity of the au- [Cept only (Femblies, authority to grant, national |nimoufly. an wift dom C «' ] -lOm could be found morejufl; — none betfcr calcu- lated to difcover the juft proportions of the wealth poffcffed by the feveral Colonies; — and to cdablifli ajud diftribution of the tax among them;— nor any which could fo effcftually carry its own powers iato execution. The fate of this ftatute, equally unfortunate to both countries, is univerfally known. Its execu- tion was oppofed by a fmall interefted faflion in America, and thatfaftion was fupported in Britain,! It was repealed on principles void of reafon or juftice, and 'Contrary to the mod evident policy. The perfcverance and firmnefs of the Miniftcr flood oppofed by the groundlefs fears of the C— :.b — t. The latter prevailed; and the Miniftcr forefeeing events mifchievous to the welfare of the. fociety, reluftantlv deferted the fervice of his coun- try, which he had in vain attempted to promote, A forefight of the mifchiefs which would flow from the repeal of this ftatute, was not confined to the MiAifter who propofed it. They -were feen by many in the great councils of the State, and they were even within the fliallow comprehenfion of t-he Minifter who fucceeded him, and by whofc fa£iipus influence the repeal had been eflFefted, Even this Minifter dreaded the confequences of his own conduft. He knew, that the remonftranccg of the Colonies rcfted in a denial of the fupreme authority of the State. He forefaw, that the re- peal of the a£l, on that ground, would naturally lead to a like denial in refpeft to every other matter. He could not fufpeft, that thofe who hadprefumed to deny its power in a matter the moft momentous to the fafety of fociety, and more particularly to their own, would hefitate to oppoie it in others. He knew, that he had been lurrendering up to groundlefs clamours^ the moft important right of the fupreme authority of the State, a right to com- mand the aids neceflary to the national defence ; that he had deftroyed tliat unity of power in the Biitifli, which has ever been found cflential in the conftitution ill [ 12 ] condltutlon of all dates, and without which the members of no fociety can be compelled to aft in concert for the general fafety; and of courfe, that he had laid a broad foundation for the indepen- dence of America. Alarmed at the profpcft of thcfc michiefs, he endeavoured to heal the wound, which the dagger from his own hand had made in the Britifh empire. The remedy applied was the Dcclaatbry Aft. In order to make this palatable to his f;.ftious American friends, he treacheroxijly afTurcd them, without anv authority from Parliainent, " that though the aft was declaratory of the right, yet Government never would attempt to cxercifc it," The Colonics were to be conftdercd in the moil abfurd of all lights; as members of the Britifh fociety, and yet indepen- dent of its fovereign authority ;•— as fo many di{- tinft inferior politic bodies, without any political fu bo rd nation; — as members pofl'efTcd of the moft perfeft juftice and integrity ;— as devoid of human prejudices, attachments or frailties, and left to their own pleafure to do what juftice they fhould think, proper to a people who had faved them from ruin. No man acquainted with thofe niolives which ever yet have produced a revolt in fociety, can be- lieve, that either of the bcforementioncd afts could be the original caufeof the rebellion. The principle of the firft was confeffed to be juft, and the burthen impofed was fo light as not to be made an objeft of complaint; and the fecond neither did or could do them an injury. It neither impofed a burthen, nor deprived the Colonies of a right. It was only declaratory of that authority, to which (hey had fubmitted from their firfl fcttlement, Indeea, the enafting and tepeal of the Stamp Aft, and the paf- fing of the Declaratory Bill, with the mean and contemptible afTurances attending it, difcovered fuch a want of Brmncfs in the Britilli councils, as to aflFord jufl matter for American ridicule,, not rea- •fon for complaint, much Icfs for rebel I'on. That thefetranfackionshad their cfFcftS| mud be confeffed ; for ■I r ' .' ' ' mf which the iUccl to a€t in f courle, that the indepen- michlefs, he ch the dagger Jritifh empire, tbry Aft. In otis American without anv lough the aft ;rnmcnt never Colonics were Df all lights; [yet indepen- fo many di{- any political 1 of the moft :>id of human i left to their fhould think n from ruin, •lives which etv, can be- ecl afts could lie principle the burthen an objeft of or could do a burthen, It was only I fhcy had ndced, the nd the paf- mean and di (cove red ouncils, as le^ not rea- on. That confefTed ; for C «3 ] for ihoiigh they cannot be faid to have been the original caufe of the rebellion, yetfo much timidity and weaknefs in the councils of this country tended to encourage and noiirifh the feeds of American fedition, long before planted, and now growing faft to a dangerous maturity. The numbers of people, the commerce and opu- lence of America, ftill increaling with amazing rapidity; the trifling debt incurred by the laft war being nearly paid off, and Great Britain labouring under an enormous debt, a great part of which was incurred in meafjres for her protcftion; repeated demands having been made, by the Crown, of the Aflemblies, to grant the necelVary fums for the fup^ port of the adminiftration of their own juftice, to nopurpofe; and the deficiency being conftantly fuppHed by monies railed on the people of Great Britain, already overbmdened with debt: were fo many circumftances which flared every Minifter in the face as he came into office. To be altogether * latt entire to thefe con fiderat ions, was more than ai h'oneft mind, intruded with the adminiftration,, could fupport. Bciides, as matters then flood upon the American remonftrances againft the Stamp Aft, the repeal of that Aft, the Declaratory Aft, and the fubfcquent affurances from the Minifler, the autho- rity of the Parliament over the Colonies was in a manner given up. It was therefore necelTary, not only in point of juftice, but policy, to pafs the Aft commonly called the Tea Aft, This aft has alfo been enumerated in the lift of American grievances, and as one of the caufes of the prefent rebellion. I^et us enquire into the faft. So much of this aft as related to the impofition of duties on foreign paper, glafs, and painters* colours, was indeed unjuft. Of this, complaint was made ; and thcjuftice of the Britifh Parliament immediately interpofed, becaufe it fubjcftcd the people of Ame- rica to a double duty, one payable in Britain, another in America, But the duty on tea remained unrepealed, becaufe no fugh obje6lion lay to it. B The Cm] The Parliament had, in framing the a6l, taken off t)ie foreign duty of one fliilling payable in Great Britain, and laid only threepence on the pound payable in America. Now, if the duties on the Other articles were an unjuft burden on America, it was immediately relieved, and the one impofed . on teas was an abundant favour. It enabled them to import that articleninepence in the pound cheaper than they could before. Of the juflice done to the Colonics in the repeal of the duties on paper, glafs, and painters' colours, and of the favour done in enabling them to drink their tea, ninepence in the pound cheaper, the Americans were truly fcnfible. In vain did the Republicans of New-Plngland exert their endea- vours, by their partizans in every Colony, to prevail on the merchant not to import, and tlie people not to buy tea. In vain did they enter into a non-im- portation agreement. ■ The merchdnt. would, and did import, and the people, would, and did buy, notwith (landing all their exertions to pievent it. In order to do a farther favour to the people of America, to the prejudice of the Britifli American merchant, but to the benefit of the Eaft India Com- pany, ail aft was pafled to enable the Company, by their agents, to fell their teas in America by lots, in the fame manner they were fold in Great Britain, By this aft, the fhopkceper or retailer, in the fea- port towns, was enabled to purchafe his tea in lots, incumbered only with the freight from Great Bri- tain to America. Ihe confumer of tea in. America was obliged to pay only one profit to the Company, another to the fhopkeeper. But before the aft, they ufually paid a profit to the Company, to the London merchant who bought it of the Company, and fold it to the American merchant, and alio to the American merchant, befides the profit of the retailer. So that, by tliis aft, the consumer of this common article was enabled to purchafe it at one half of its ufual price; an advantage that did not, nor could Qfcape the moft vulgar comprehenfion. The t*. '^, taken ofF We in Great n the pound uiies on the on America, one impofed nabled them 3und cheaper in the repeal ers' colours, m to drink leaper, the •iin did the heir endea- V', to prevail people not a a non-im- ivould, and ^1 did buy, event it. people of American ndia Com- "ipany, by by lots, in »t Britain, n the fea- ea in lots, reat Bri- America 'Ompany, the aft, y, to the 'ompany, I alfb to it of the •r of this t at one did not, ~^ nfion. . .;i f '5 ] -% The next aft enumerated in the* lift of Amerlcaft grievances, is that prohibiting the trade of Bollon, until the corporation ftiould pay the damages wan- tonly done to th^ F dl India Company. Had the Parliament, deprived the corporation of every pri- vilege on the fame terms, no juft man would have called it fevere; Becaufe, however weighty might have been the burthen, their relief Iiom it was left in their own power, and the condition of lelicf was nothing more than a flrift aft of juflicc. This was the opinion of all America, fave a few men wlib meant to make ufc of it to niiilead the ignorant into rebellion. Even the inhabitantsol the MuUachulieti's province, when called upon to unite in oppolition to this aft, told the Selcft Men of Boflon, That their corporation had done an aft of injuflice, by deflroying the property of their feilow-iubjetls, and that they only ought to make reparation, and by it relieve themfclves. ' ^^^v/f ] The iaft in the lift is, the aft for altering one ar- ticle in the MaffachufTctt's charter, wiiich takes from the General Affembly, the right of confli- tuting the middle branch of the legiflature, and veils it in the King's reprefentative. I fhall not nowenteron a detailofthcmifchiefstothe province, which had arifen from thie want of this regulation. They are notorious to every one acquainted with its hiftory, and are briefly recited in the fubfequent part of thefe remarks. It is enough to fay, they were intolerable, and had been found by long ex- perience to be totally inconfiflent with its fubordi- nation to the Britifh empire. When our prel^ent happy conflitution was fet- tied, it was the intention of our anceflors that it fliould be unalterable. It was wifely formed, •qually to avoid the mifchiefsarifing from abfolutc monarchy and democracy, from tyranny and licefi- tioufnefs. The authority of the Crown, and the fmvileges of the people, were foplacedin oppofite bales, as always, when aftirig on principles which lead to their mutual fafety, to be on an equal ba* lance. But as the monarch and the people were B 2 both t 'e ] both fubjefi to human frailties, and naturally fond f>f unlimited power, an independent ariftocratical authority was fo appointed, as to be able to throw its weight into either fcale, as the other fhould pre- ponderate. By this policy alone the freedom of the Britilh government has been maintained for ages paft, and may be maintained for ages to come, if ilriflly adhered to. How often this ariftocratical power has been thrown into the different fcalcs, and how much oftener into the popular than the monarchical, may be fccn in our hif lory. Now the i-ight of appointing this ariftocratical part of the Britilh government, has been eftablifhed in the Crown from the firft dawn of the prelent govern- ment. The people of England have never pre- tended to claim it ; and no King was ever autho- rifed to give away any of the rights of the Crown, They are trufts, unalienably vefted in him and his fuccefTors for ever, for the benefit of the foeiety. They were conferred on him, to maintain the lights of Government, and not to deftroy then^. But by this grant of the ariftocratical rights of the CCnftitUticn to >*) part of the commonalty of the em- pire, the king afiumed a power by which he might, at his pleafure, deftroy the effence of the Britiih government, fubvert its balance, and throw it into inextricable confufton. For, if he may grant them jto the fubjeCIs emigrating to America, he may cer- tainly grant them to thofe who remain in Britain. The moft artful reafoner cannot contradi£l this ; becaufe no reafon can be afligned why he may grant to the fubje6):s of the State fettling out of the realm, , sights which he cannot grant to thofe within it ; and if, by the fundamental laws of the State, he holds a right to grant thefe powers to the people of Britain, he may, at his pleafure, deftroy the confij^- tution of the Britiih government. Certainly then that no King of England was ever vefted with a right to grant to the people of the MafTachuffett's legiflature, the fole appointment, or a fhare in the appointment, of the ariftocratic part orf i naturally fond it ariftocratical able to throw ber ftiould prc- ficedpm otthe tained for ages ;es to come, if s ariftocratical iffcrent fcales, ular than the ry* Now the al part of tht lifted in the efent govern- e never pre- s ever autho- f the Crown, } him and his the foeiety, maintain the Icftroy then?, rights of the y of the em- ch he might, the Britiih hrow it into grant them he may ccr- i in Briuin. fadift this; e may grant f the realm, within it ; e State, he e people of the confV- was ever >Ie of the itment, or :ratic part »f . C >7 ] of its conftitution; that Parliament poireflfed autho- rity to alter the charter of Bofton in this particular, and in every other where the powers granted were inconfiftent with fundamental laws and the efta- bliflied conftitution of the ftate ; and not only the charter of Maflachuflctt's, but every other charter granted to the Colonies, whofe powers tend to weaken either the monarchical, ariftocratical, or democratical balance of the Britifli Government ; and that it was their duty to make fuch alteration ; and not only to do this, but to proceed in the work till every Colony charter is made conformable to the true fundamental principles of a mixed mo- narchy : becaufe thefe alterations are not only ne- ceflary. to the fafety of the ftate, but alfo to the happinefs of the Colonifts thcmfelvcs. But it has been faid, that this aft gave the uni- verfal alarm throughout America, This is an af- fertion without any foundation. It could alarm none but thofc of democratical principles, in whofe breafts an averfion to the BriiiOi Government was already fixed. All the loyalifts throughout the Co- lonies rather approved of than condemned the meafure. It affefted no Colony but the Maftachuf* fett's immediately, and none in profpeft, fave Con- nefticut and Rhode-Ifland ; and even in thefc, the men whofe intereft and honours did not depend on popular aflem hi ies and popular confufion, thought It juft and neceflary. in Pennfylvania the people had petitioned for a Royal Government, in which this meafure was included, and approved ; and in Maryland, and all the Royal Governments, it had been eftablilhed from their firft fettlement. The Pennfylvanians could not, therefore, be alarmed at a meafure which conferred on their fellow-colonifts the very boon they had prayed for themfeves: nor could the people of Maryland, and the Royal Go- vernments, be fuppofed to be diiguftcd at this aft of the State, inafmuch as this right had been exer- cifed by the governors of their own provinces without the leaft complaint, ever fincc their fettlement. B 3 When ' C •» ] When thefe a£ls, which are the great fubjefls of American complaints, are impartially conUdered, what do we find in them to fupport thofe com- plaints ? What, that has the leau appearance of a defign in Government to enflavc the Colonies ? The reader has now before him the principles upon which thefe (latutes were made. He perceives that the Stamp A&. was paffed to draw a reafonable revenue from Colonies which had been, and mud continue to be, prote3:ed by the State — That the Declaratory A£l was rendered necelTary by the con- dufl of the Colonies, to fupport the fupremacy of Parliament, which they had denied — ^That the Tea A£l was defigneJ to procure a revenue from them, but in a manner fo beneficial, that for every three- pence paid they received one (hilling. The a£l for altering the MaffachufTett's charter only declared that to be void which was void in itfelf, and annulled an unconflitutional power, which was mifchievpus to the people thcmfelves. The Boilon Port Aft was no more than an aft of common juflice. What was it the duty of Adminiftration to have done ? Were they to fuflPcr the burthen of American pro- teftion to lie longer heavy on the people of this country? Were Britons to become hewers of wood, and drawers of water, for an American faftion ? Were they tamely to permit the fupreme authority of the State to be trampled on by its ungrateful fub« jefts ? Were they to hear the calls for juflice from Britifh fubjcfts, againfl the afts of violence of the Boflon fa6lion, and not give them redrefs ? And were flatutes made for thofe purpofes, fupported as they are by the principles of all laws human and divine, to be tortured by any fbphiflry into caufes fufficient to juftify rebellion ? If there is a man living, who will fubfcribe to the affirmative of ihefe queftions, with him I will not contend. Having thus fhewn that the American rebellion hat not arifen from thofe motives to which the re-^ bels in America, and their adherents in Britain, have artfully imputed them, to conceal their own Hagitious % '^ reat fubjefts of ly confidcrcd, trt thofe com- appcarance of the Colonies ? rinciples upon He perceives w a reafonable cen, and muft itc— That the ry by the con- njpremacy of -That the Tea \xe from them, r every three- [. The a£l for )nly declared , and annulled s mifchievpus ton Port Aa u ft ice. What have done? nerican pro- Jople of thi» wers of wood, :an fa£lion ? ne authority grateful Tub* juftice from ence of the Irefs? And , fupported iws human •hiftry into ^ there is a affirmative ontend. , rebellion ich the re<^ |n Britain, their own flagitious t '9 1 ... . , flagitious defigns, we will fearch for Truth where fhc is only to be found ; and endeavour to demon- ftrate by what progrejjtvt means, the original fpark has been produced, and nourilhed up to its prefent flame. To do this, we muft look as far back into the hiftory of this country, as the beginning of the fix- teenth century. At this period^ Chriftianity in Britain was delivered from the fhackles of the church of Rome. Henry VIII. Edw. VI. and Sueen Elizabeth had performed the generous tafk. nder their aufpices the church of England became eftablifhed ; but too ripdly attached to her own do61:rines and modes of worlhip, her rules admitted of little indulgence for different opinions. That rcftraint on confcience, from which Ihe had fo lately been relieved, was, by herfelf, too ftriftly impofed on otheis. The freedom of the human mind, which was increafed by the Reformation, re- mained yet too much limited. The zeal for more liberty in religion, foon multiplied into a variety of fcfts diffenting from the Church. Thefe {he harraffed and diftreffed. Among the perfecuted were the Puritans, or Firji Independents; and none felt the weight of her power with more feverity. At this condufi in the Church we (hall not be furprifed, when we review the principles of thefe fe£^aries; their principles of ecclefiaftical polity were as direftly repugnant to thofe of the efta- bliflied Church, as their ideas of civil government were to thofe of a mixed monarchy ; and of courfe equally inconfiftent with the fafety of both, ' By the 25th of Henry Vlll. the King had been declared the fupremc head of the church. From him flowed all ecclefiaftical promotions ; by him the bifliops were appointed ; under him all the in- ferior clergy held their offices j and the rules of the church were eftablifhed by his authority : but thefe fe£laries held that the power of their church could be (ubjefl to no temporal authority whatfoever ; that it was a feparate independent body, governed ' 'V' by [ 20 3 by the ordinances of their king Jefus, which they expounded according to their own notions ; that the power of elefting and ordaining minifters of the gofpel, was, of right, veiled in the people ; that they who held the right to invert: with, muft hold the right to difpoffefs a minifter of his office; and that all offences again (I the rules of their church, ought to be heard and determined by the people, or congregational communicants, from whofe de- cifion there could be no lawful appeal to any tern- pcral authority whatever. It was not to be expcfted that people poflTeflfed of thefc not'ons, could ever make faithful fubjefts to a flate, where the liccntioufnefs of popular power was checked and retrained by that of monarchy andarift;ocracy. This kindof popular independence in ecclcfiaftical, was fo nearly allied to tnat in ci- vil polity, it is fcarCely pofiTible to conceive that the human mind could hold the one and rejcfl: the other. That kind of reafon which led to the one, as ft:rongly inculcated the other. They therefore maintained, that the right to all civil as well as ecdcfiajlical powers originated in the people, an(k ought to remain vefted in them without any controul. Zealoufly attached to their own notions, a num- ber of thefe feftaries, to avoid perferution in Bri- tain, emigrated to Holland, in hopes of finding a Government more favourable to their defigns. Here they were received with every indulgence they could defife. They erefted churches, lettled congregations, eftabliflied amon? themfelves their own church-government, and lived without mo- leftation. But this did not fatisfy them ; they were not happy. One objeft of their enthufiafm, the pofleffion of a government of their own pvirely republican, was not gratified, nor likely to be fo under the States. An ariftocratic fociety was as different from their ideas of civil polity, as a mixed monarchy. They, therefore, ^efolved to go in fearch of further adventures in another country. The I ius, which they n notions ; that minifters of the »e people; that 'ith, muft hold his office; and )f their church, by the people, rom whofe dc- eal to any tern- •eople poflefled aithful fubjefts popular power of monarchy independence i to that in ci- iceive that the and rejcft the led to the one, 'hey therefore vil as well as 5 people, ancL without any tions, a num- ution in Bri- ef finding a leir defigns. y indulgence ches, fettled nfelves fheir withcjut mo- they were hufiafm, the own purely ely to be fo iety was as as a mixed to go in r country. The •^ [ 2. ] The Hollanders laboured to perfuade tliem to fettle with their people on Hudfon's river : but this did notanfwer their purpofe. They chofe to be alone, unmixed with others, and to have all power in their own poflellion : and neither the dangers of an ocean -rarely explored, nor of a wildernefs filled with favagcs, could divert them from their purpofe. In ihe year 1620 they arrived, and fettled New Plymouth, Here they let up their own modes of worfliip and form of government. And as the two great objefts of their emigration were an indepen- dent church, and a republican fociety, they indi- tuted both; veiling the powers of direflion and punilhment, in all cafes whatfoevcr, in the people at large. All their officers were ele£live ; and when ele£led, they exercifed all the powers of go- vernment, legiflativc, executive, and fccderative; but under forms and ceremonies as different as poflible from thofe of the fiate whofe fubjedls they were ; and all this was done without the leafi au- thority from the Britifh Government, In this manner they lived until they obtained a crant for their territories from the Council of rlymouth| which I fhall foon particularly mention. The beginning of the reign of Charles I. was not more remarkable for toleration, than that of his predeceflbr. A perfecutionof the Nonconfor- mifts continued. The Puritans, among others, filtered. Their principles of religion and polity were in no eifential different from thofe of the In- dependents ; and their fpirits were equally intole- rant of the rules of the eflablifhed church and go- vernment. The path to America being now ex- plored by their brethren, whofe fettlement had confiderably increafed, a nuraber of thcfe alfo re- folved to fettle in New England. To countenance their defign, they purchafed of the Plymouth Com- pany a part of their territory. But it contained no powers to inftitute civil policy. To what reafon this ommiffion was owing, is not known. It could not be occafioned by a relu£i;ance in the grantees to t " ] to accept of them, bccaufe they were necelTary (o their CaFety, and the accompliihmenfs of their views. It is therefore more than piopable, when wc conlider that thcgrantors were Lords ofhisMajefly's Council, and other nohlcmen and gentleman, all of them members of the eftablifhed church, that they would not cntruft men of luch principles, with the powers of govermneiit in a diltant country. However, this oinifTion obliged them fo apply to the Crown for a charter, wiiich they obtained Macrh 4, 1628, - Upon a view of this charier, fundry obfervations occur too important to be omitted. Nine tenths of the grantees were Nonconformifts, compofed of a mixture of Puritans and Prelbytcrians. The powers and privileges alked for and granted were merely republican. Every prerogative of the Crown, and all the rights of the ariflocratic part of the Britifh conftitution, were facrificed. By this charter the grantees were conlHtutcd a body politic, with all the rights necefTary to form a complete independent civil fotiety. 1 hey were vcftcd with a power to receive into and make free of their fociety fuch perfons as "thcyfliould think fit;" to chufe annually their own Governor, De- puty-Governor, and affiftants out of the perfons io denizen'd; and in thefc were vefted as complete a legiflative power, as that of the King, Lords, and Commons, lo far as regarded the territory granted and the inhabitants of it. Or, in the words of the charter, they were impowered ♦' to make laws and ordinances for the good and welfare of the Com- pany, and for the government of the lands and plantations, and the people inhabiting and to in- habit the fame, as to them, from time to time, ihould be thought meet." There was no other controul to this complete legiflative authority, than that the laws fliould not be contrary to the laws and flatutes of the realm. And, in refpeft to this, there was not the lead pro- vifion that thefc legiflators fhould tranfmit their a£ls for the repeal or even infpe6lion of the State, it' , nor 1 t( ti C «3 ] nccelTary to )f their views, inwcconltdcr ifly'sCouncil, , all of them at they would th the powers however, this le Crown for h 4, 162B, r obfervations Nine tenths , com po fed of crians. The granted were ;ative of the ocratic part of id. confHtuted a ^ffary to form Ihey were lid make free fhould think overiior, De- he perfons ib as complete a Lords, and itory granted words of the ce laws and of the Corn- lands and g and to in- time, fliould ■lis complete s fhould not the realm, he Icafl pro- anfmit their f the State, nor le nor any authority rcfcrvcd in the Crown to demand fuch tranfmiifion; nor in cafe of rcfufal, a penalty to enforce it. So that even this controul was . infignificant. , Nor was this charter Icfs liberal in granting away tlic executive rights and prerogatives of the Crcwn, . The grantees lield under it full powers to fettle the *' forms and ceremonies of government and magif- tracy," and to *• name and ft vie all forts of officers, both fuperior and inferior, diftinguifhing and fetting forth t!>c feveral duties, power?, and limitsof every fuch office," and the " forms of the oaths to be re- ■ fpeflivcly miniftered unto ihcm; to difpofe and order the elc6lion of all fuch ofliccrs;" and to im- polc all "fines, impriloi\ments, and other lawful coircftions" on the people. To which was added the right of making war and peace, under no other '< reflriftions than thofc contained in the laws of na- tions. Thus all the powers of the State, legiflativc, executive, and even itEderative were given up by itlicir charier. A government which was intended to be dcf>endcnt and fubordinate, was eftablifticd v.'ith uidcpendent powers. But more; the charter is fo far from confining the elfcntial principles of tlicir polity to thofc of the parent ftatc, that every power, right, and privilege granted, is purely dc- mocratical. All of them originate with, and once in every year revert to popular afTemblies, without a fingle ray of monarchy or ariftocracy mixed with them. A chaiter thus framed exaflly accorded with the * dcniocratical principles of the people who were to ' be governed by it. But by what means the powers I of government, fo totallv inconfiftent with the fu- ' premc legiflative authority of the flate, fo fubverfivo of the rights of the Crown, and in all refpefts re- pugnant to the eftablifhcd form of a mixed mo- narchy, could be obtained from a King, whofo defign was to extend his prerogatives bounds, is difficult to afcertain. The moll probable conjefturo - is, tljat they were obtained by corrupiion. I |Iovvever [ «4 ] However this be, it was not rcafonable to expeft that men, governed by thefc principles, and pof- feircd of the unlimited powers of this charter, would ever adopt the laws of England,or even found their own laws upon the fame principles ; much Icfs that they would retain an attachment to the principles of the £ngli(h Government. This charter was manifeflly calculated to efface all the laws, and opinions which it ought to fupport, to de(troy that fyllem of polity which it ought to have maintained, and to level all the orders, arranj^imients, checks, and balances, wifely graduated and tempered, of a mixed monarchy, to the loweftand moft imperfcft of all political fyftems, a tumultuous, feditious, and inert democracy. I have mentioned before, that the firft fettlers in New England had no Icfs in view than an inde- pendent ertablifhment, both in religion and'govern- ment. For thefe reafons they firft left England, and emigrated to Holland; they left Holland, and ventured to New England ; and they and their friends, united with them in religious and politi- cal opinions, obtained the cliarter riow vmder confidcration. It was certainly the intent of thofc who granted the charter, that the corporation fhould be eftablifhed in England, and that the colonifhs under it fhould be governed by the general laws of the realm, and the particular laws made by the cor- poration thus eftablifhed. But the penetration of thefe enthufiafts foon difcovered, that an inferior corporation, under the immediate eye of the fu- prcme authority, however unlimited their powers from the Crown, would not venture to eftablifh their independence, or would not be fo bold in doing it, as one at three thoufand miles diftance, wliere their laws, and conduft might be concealed from the penetration of the State, It was there- fore agreed by the corporation, within eighteen months after it had been eftablifhed in England, to remove all its powers to America, without the leaft authority from the Crown for that purpofe. , Previous li >nable to expeft ciples, and pof- s charter, would :ven found their ; much Ids that ) the principles tiis charter was the laws, and fo dedroy that ive maintained, laments, checks, tempered, of a moil imperfcft s, feditious, and : fir{l fettlers in V than an indc- on and govern- l left England, "t Holland, and hey and their ous and polifi- ?r now under intent of thofe ►oration (hould : the colonics eneral laws of ide by the cor- penetration of lat an inferior ye of the fu- their powers re to eliablifh be fo bold in niles diftance, be concealed It was there- thin eighteen i in England, without the at purpofe. Previous C *5 ] Previous to the charter they had given evident proofs of their defign. They had eftabliflied a form of government altogether popular, and a church on congregational principle^. TKcy had abolifhcd the uie of the common prayer and fer- vice of the church of England. An attempt to perform it in a particular (ociety, collefted for that purpofe, was adjudged {edition againft the govern- ment, and two of the members of their council were banifticd from the community for that offence. Upon the removal of tlieir corporation, they thought, that t!ic foundation of their independence was laid, i^y what means tliey ereftcd the fuper- flrutture is a curious enquiry ; it is alfo a necelfary one to unlold the genuine fpirit of the people, and 1o lead us to the caufcs of the prcfirnt rebellion. A Government was foon eflablifhed, altogether dc- mocratical. A GovcMnor, Deputy-governor, an Afllddnt, and a Magiilracy were appointed; — and as tlie firit great obj.6l was the cftabiifhment of their own religion, to the exclufion of the Church of England, and all other denominations of Chriftians, the firfl law of any moment ^hat was cnaftcd, declared, '• that none fliould be admitted to tJic freedom of the body politic, but fuch a$ were members of their own church." By this law made, diredly contrary to the defign of the charter, which gave any fubjeft a right to fettle in New England, a majoiity of the people then in that country were deprived of their civil lights and pri- vileges, rendered incapable of holding any place of lionour or profit, and liable to be tried for all ollenccs by perfons adverfe in fcntimcnts to them. 'I'he cruelty of this ad was obvious ; it was as re- pugnant to realbn and humanity, as it was incon- (iltent with the fpirit and delign of the charter. And yet it continued in force until the difTolution of their charter, upwards of fixty years. But it was neceffary to the cxclufive cftablifhment of their church ; and to this meafure whatever appeared neceffary, was in their opinion lawful and iuft. C u t ; [ .6 ] ^ It was not long before thoy found, that this law, although it cflcdually ilepiivcd all pcrfons of f* '*- fcrent pcrfuafions in religion from ])arficinaling in their Government, did not jjrcvont iheir Ictllingin the territory. Many, indeed a majority of the fcttlcrs, dill'cred from them in relij^^ious fcntimcnts and modes of worfliip, and many oiliers were ex- pelled from England, with tkllgn to purchafe and fettle; all which tended to fubvcrt their original defign of refcrving the government and territory of New England to thendolves, " the only chofen people of God." Alarmed at this profpcft, an a6t yet more unjr.ft. and more rcpugjiant to the Ipirit of the charter, was p.illtd. All ['crfons were forbid to entertain in theii- I'.oufi'!; miy rtranger, who came with intent to rffuU! a.v.on >, ihcm, with- out liberty from one of the l!an made into men's ' private »j that this law, pcrlbns of H ^ participating in lljcir Ictilingin najority of Ihe '"IIS Icntiments liicrs were ex- purchafe and tJicir original and fcrrifory of - only cholbn J* profpeft, an >i'/;"ant to the " rcifbns were ''iiy ftranger, '.', 'licm, with- ••; council, or v^ ore as fevere "(Is were im- rcccivc fuch •JV month he 'a pounds on o Jum a lot of fly been pcr- U'ouid he te- milted under 'eminent. It y and wick- '"/;. I fhall f j<*6ls cf the t'ligion, were iiirc-h, fcditi. mous againft ififknt with We cannot nf MafTachufTctfs Charles II. ^ ige arrived, and '. piace, fond of itioned for a ic- hat wife prince, -w one, to brinp ^ent to the Go- This is evident iic did not lay former popular 'a not eftal)lifh the licentious •celfary under a charter, is ap- wer to adjourn, —his aflent is e appointment amendments of their Govern- -; hut the re- he deputy.go- ind the gover- )f the courts of ci'l. Another loufes, while 'ce ; and the 'n in his exe- ed by the ge- 1 of the legi- ind often ne- he executive power t «9 ] ower is bound that it cannot appoint a fingle of- cer of Government without the aflcnf of a popular iffembly. The fecond branch, which ought to be ^rtmbiaflfed and independent, is the creature of the %copIe, and independent on them for their annual xiltence ; while the third or dcmocratical branch, fides all the powers necelfiiy to check (he exccfs f authority in the governor, pofTcfs a confiderable arc in the royal rights and prerogatives of the rown. In this abfurd manner are the principles f the three fimple forms of government jumbled )gether. Inftead of three branches uninfluenced y, and independent of, each other in tiieir deci- ons, the two highefl in order, and mod dignified, ,|ire dependent on the lowed and meaned. f It would extend thefe obfervations to a tedious jlength, {hould I give a circumdantial detail of all jthe attempts made by the allcmblies of this Pro- iKrincc, from time to time, to render the two other 'ffcranches of the legiflaturc yet more dependenr, and i^o alfume all power into their own bauds. I fliall * therefoie only mention fome of them, referring my /reader to the Hidoiy wrote by Governor Hutchin- |fon, who appears to be the bed informed of any of f their hiftorians. It is an eflential part of the Englifh conditution, that the King (hould be independent ; that the civil lid (hould be fixed, and the fupport of the Crown (hould not depend on the annual vote of the other branches of the Icgifl.iture. It is for the fame reafon jud and nccelfarv, that Governors of Pro- vinces fhould have independent falaries for the fupport of their dignity and freedom of judgment; but the nlfcmblies of the Malfachuliett's. in order I to deprive the governor of the free cxercife of his judgment in t]ic adminidnition oF government, have' ever refufed to giant a fi.\'ed falary. Their grants have been only from year to year, or h.df-yearly ; they have been withheld or granted iccording as the governor gratified them in all their meafures ; and in fome indances, by this means, they have C 3 compelled ill nil' )■,< [ 30 ] compelled their governors to violate their inflruc- tions, and lubmit to a£ls equally injurious to the rights of the Crown, and the true interell of the people. The public records of the Province afi'ords a va- riety oi attempts of the affembly to affume all the powers of the Crown, and to render their Gover- nor and Council cyphers. They will prove, that their aflemblies have affumed a right to appoint of- ficers, who by the direftions of the charter can only be appointed by the general court ; that they have of their own authority embodied and arrayed men in arms, and fent them upon expeditions, contrary to the judgment, and againft the will of the governor ; that they have interfered with his right to treat with the natives, and prevented a treaty ; that they have aflumed the fuperintendence of his Majefly's armies, forts and garrifons ; that they have undertaken to iffue proclamations, to appoint illegal committees, and to order the Attor- ney-General to carry on illegal profecutions ; that they have aflumed the right of adjourning their houfe againft the confent of the King's reprefen- tative, in whom alone that right was vefted by the charter ; that they have attempted to appoint the council withouL confent of the governor, and when appointed, to deprive them of their eflential rights; that they have paffed a vote for removing the ge- neral court to a different place from that appointed in the governor's writ ; that they have attempted to deprive him of his right, by the charter, to draw on the treafury for the ordinary exigencies of Go- vernment ; that they have attempted to take upon themfclves the command of the militia ; that they have compelled their governor to give up the right of treating with the natives, to treat in the name of the general court, and to fubmit to their infpeftion the very fpeech he was about to make to them ; that they have attempted to affume the powers of a court-martial, and appointed commit- tees to take the fole condufl of the war with the t, ' ' natives 1 their inftruc- ijurious to the interell of the :e aflords a va- aflume all the r their Gover- ill prove, that to appoint of- e charter can urt ; that they ;d and arrayed 1 expeditions, ift the will of fered with his 1 prevented a perintendence rarrifbns ; that clamations, to dcr the Attor- ccutions ; that iourning their ng's repi'efen- vefted by the :) appoint the lor, and when Icntial rights; >ving the ge- at appointed attempted to Iter, to draw Incies of Go- Ito take upon la ; that they ^e up the 1 treat in the )mit to their it to make to aflume the ited commit- |ar with the natives [ 3t ] ' ' natives out of the governov's hands; that they have threatened to draw oif the forces by their own au- thority from the defence of ihe Province ; that they have taken from the governor his riglit to pay the oflicers of government, and fuffer no draughts on the treafury for payment of the falarics ot of- ficers, until the aifembly have judged of the per- formance of their lerviccs ; that they have refufed to pay a military officer his wages, becaufe he had obeyed the orders of the governor ; and that they have palled a refolve that the governor's public leal, affixed to a meflage delivered to the Indians, be defaced. After thefe fpecimens of the fediiious conduit of the people of this Province, educated under the uri' limited and unconjlitutional powers of t/ieir former and prefent charter, and that too during their feeble and infant Hate, we are naturally led to look forward to meafures more alarming to Government, as foon as they fhall be poircffed of greater numbers and more ftrenglh. But before we proceed to unfold thofe meafures, we mult, for the fake of having all ; the original caufes of the rebellion before us, (jke a view of the other charters granted to promote the fettlcment of America. In thcfe wc (hall find the fame unlimited and unconftitutional powers, and confequently, in the people educated under them, the fame popular averfion and feditious oppofition to the laws and conititufion of the Britilh State, and the fame defign of becoming, as foon as their ftrength and maturity would enable them, an inde- pendent people. The charters I allude to, are thofe of Rhode- Ifland and Connefticut. Thefe charters, upon comparing them with that of MaflachuffctL's, will be found not effentially different. The form of their government was in fubftance the fame. All the legiflative, executive, and even the focderative powers, or the rights of war and peace, were vefted in the freemen of the province. They were fo many pure democracies, without the leafl mix- • . . turc h s'' ■?'" C 3> ] ture of ariftocracy or monarchy. All thofc checks, and that balance of power, which form the excel- lence of the Britifli government, and fecure the freedom of its luhjcfts, were omitted. They were in htl conditutcd by tiieir fevcral charters fo many complete independent focicties. The inferior corporations of the Englifh fociety, and I vn\y add, of all other fociefies whatever, arc formed on the polity oi ihcir principal fyftems. They arc governed by the general laws of the ftate r in Great Briuin by the common and flatute laws ; and their legiflative powers are fo confined, that they have often occafion to apply to the fu- prcmc authority for laws and local regulations ne- cefTary to their own piirticular welfare. It is this, which in part forms the hibordination of all infe- rior politic bodies, l^ut thefe focieties could do every aft which could be neceffary in a fociefy perfcftly independent. There was no one regula- tion for whicn they were obliged to look up to or afk of the Parliament. And what is yet more ex- traordinary, all i'upcrlntendence over their legifla- tive, executive, or foederativc powers, was given up by the fupreme reprefentative of the ftate. They were not obliged to tranfmit any of their tranfa6lions for the infpeftion or controul either of the Crown or Parliament. They made what laws they pleafcd, and executed them in what manner they plcafed, and made peace and war with whom they pleafed. Under thofe charters the people of Rhode Ifland and C'onncftictil received their education. Their political as 'veil as their religious principles became fixed. Both were equally popular, and both tended to crafe every fentiment in favour of mixed monarchy. All the fundamental laws upon which the flrutiure of t; ?. State h:ui been erefted, were at one (Irokc aboliflicd by the inftitution of a de- mocracy ; and not a fingle principle remained which could vt^tminci rliem of the excellence of the government to which they were or ought to he fubordinate. ■: H II thofc checks, form the excel- and fecure the d. They were barters fo many Englifh fociety, J vvliatever, arc ncipal fyftems. I laws of the [ion and flatute ire fo confined, ply to the fu- regulations ne- ire. It is this, an of all infe- :ties could do y in a fociety no one regula- look up to or » yet more ex- r their legifla- rs, was given of the flate. any of their troul either of de what laws what manner ir with whom Rhode Idand ation. Their ciples became and both our of mixed s unon which irefted, were Ion of a de- >le remained Hence of the ought to he fubordinate. C 33 ] [fubordinate. Such was the education of BritifFl [fubjefts in thefc two colonies, which in no eflential [rclpeft, cither in their religion or polity, differed '■from that of the Mairachuffett's Government. In locicties, founded on principles io repugnant jo thole of the Britifh government, it is reafonablc to expeft that a fa6lion would be formed, ever Ju'atchful to feize the lirft opportunity of throwing ]*fl the fmall remains of fubordination to the State. JS'.ich a faftion did exift, from their firft fettlemcnt, %'aiting for the opportunity with much impatience. k'lany difficulties prevented the attempt. For a peat length of time they were in an infant ftate, "'heir frequent wars with the Indians kept them employed, harrafled, and diftreffed. The neigh- ^^ourhood of the Canadians, and the defigns of jFrance, which led to a conqueft of their country, ftind the arrival of people from Great Britain, of different principles, with- regard both to religion and government, were fo many obflacles to their "klclign. ::-':: , trr'^ i: • At the conclufion of the lafl war, the two prin- :;cipal difficulties were removed. The cefTion of "^'anada to Great Britain at once difpelled their ■dread of Indian and Canadian incurfior.s, and their ^numbers were greatly increafed, which left them at leifure to execute their defign of revolting from , the parent flate. Nothing now was wanting, but a plan for collcfting their flrength, and forming an union of thofe in the different^ parts of America, who they imagined might be mofl cafily brought t into the meafure. The Prefbyterians in the fbuthern ^colonies were the people with whom they wifhed to be \mited. The religious and political principles of thcfe, they knew, would eaftly affimila^e with their own ; for, befides other refemblances, they acknowledged no temporal head totheir churches ; and their ideas of government were equally popular. The New England Congregationalifh, under their firll charter, had held their fynods. They again, [ 34 ] agaiTi) in the year 1725, attempted it unler their fdcond, and obtained the Lieutenant Governor's alTent to the mcafme. But this attempt being laid ' before the Lords Juflic t's, they were forbid to pro- ceed in ir. The prohibition was certainly a wife one. Ir could not be prudent to fuH'er men, who had fo often cruelly pcil'ecuted, not only the nicin- bersoftho efhablifbevl church, but of every other fociety differing in opinion from them, and who held principles fo dangerous to the ellablifhcd con- Hitutionof the State, to meet in a public body, and in an authoritative n)anner, without thf content of the King, who in all found policy ougl.f to be the head of every public body. But undifrnayed at this check to their intended union, they never reflcd until they had cllablifhcd it in fuhflance, though under a different name. Inftead of a fynod, they called it a committee. In this committee they were as effcclually united as they could have been in a fynod. They exerciied the fame powers, and were a fynod in every thing but the name. The churches of the Prefbyferians throughout the Colonies had hitherto remained unconnefted with each other. To form thefe into one religious, as well as one political body, was tlierefore the firft meafurc purfued by this congregational faftion, after they found tliemfelves freed from the embar- raffraents and dangers of Indian and French incurfions. This meafure was accelerated by the refolution of the Houfe of Commons to lay pertain duties in America on ft^imped paper, in the year 1763. It was neceffary for them to become able to give ef- feftiial oppoiition to the intention of Parliament, if it fhould pafs into an Aft. DIfperfed over the Colonies, difunited among themfelves, and dif- liked and fufpefted as they were by people of all other perfuafions they defpaired of fuccefs, while it depended on their own ftrength. It was there- foie recommended to all the Prefbyterians in the Colonies fouthward of New England, to form themfelves 91 l\ 1 it unler their lant Governor's :empt being laid re forbid to pro- certainly a wife utt'Cr men, who t only the nicm« of every other thein, and who clLablifhcd con- )ublic body, and at thf eonfent of ougl.f to be the undifmayed at hey never relied hltance, though f a fynod, they nittcc they were have been in a •wers, and were le. s througrhout the connefted with ne religious, as re fore the firft ational faflion, 'om the embar- and French the refolution srtain duties in year 1763. It lie to give ef- Parliament, if rfed over the Ives, and dif- people of all fuccefs, while It was there- terians in the and, to form themfelvcs r 35 j ■ khcmfc'lvcs into one body. A meafurc fo flattering their vanity and love of power was adopted rithout hciitation. In the beginning of the year 17^4, a con\'ention \i the niinifters and elders of the prcfbyterian longregationsin Philadelphia wrote a circular letter all the prclbyteriaa congregations in Pennlyl- l^ania, and with it enclol'ed the propofed articles if union. The rcafons aifigncd in tlicin are fo novel, futile, andabfurd, and the defign of exciting that ^Very re!)e![r6n, of which the congregadonalills of lew England, and the Prclhytcrians in all the other 'clotiies arc at this moment the main iupport, is il-.-aily ileinonftratcd, that I {hall make no apo- ' )gy for giving them to the Reader at full length, ■^itliout any conuncnt, - ' _f |r/'^ Circular Letter and Articles of '•'' Jomt Gentlemen • I of the Prti\yterian Denovnnaiion," in the Province / (/ Peniifylvania. ■■:i 9J ^ Philaciflphia^ March 24, 1764, ( _ nion and harmony among thole if the prefbvterian denomination has been long ; Bbfcrved, and great'y lamented by everv public- riipirited pcrfon of our fociety. Notwiliillanding ;^*ve are fo numeious in the province of Pennfyl- ^ania, we arc eonfidered as nobodv, or a body of .Very little weight and conlequence, fo that any Encroachments upon our cffential and charter privi- v,i;es may be made by evil-minded perfons, wlio Ihink that they have little to fear from any oppoji- Von that can be made to their meafures by us. Nay, fo'.ne denominations openlv infult us as aft- Jng without plan or defign, quarrelling with one i^nother, and leldom uniting tooether, even to Jjromofe the moft falutarv purpoles; And hence ihey take occafion to mifreprefent and afperie the wJiole body of Prefbyterians. on the account of the lindifcreet (ondu6t of individuals belonging to us. [It is greatly to be wifhed that wc could deiife fovie hlan that would cut off even the lealt grounds for fuch i "SIR, " Tlie want of union and harmony amona thole C 36 ] fucli afpciTions, that would enable us to prevent ilie had condii6l ol our members, and that would have a tendency to unite us wore clofely together ; lo that, token there may be a neccfjity to acl as a body, we may be able to tlo it whenever wc may be called to dt' fend our civil or religious liberties and privileges^ which we may enjoy, or to obtain any oj zchich xut may be abridged. " A number of gentlemen in this city, in conjunc- tion uith the clergymen of our dcnomin.ition hero, have thought that the cncIoCcd Plan niisy be lub- fcrvicnt to this dejirable puypi]fe, il it be h.eaitily adopted and profccutcd by our brethren in this province, and three lower counties ; and in (his view we beg leave to lecoinmend ir to vou. It cannot polBbly do any hurt to us, and it will be- yond doubt make us a more rcJpeElabU body. Wt therefore cannot but promife ourfclves your hearty concurrence from your known public fpirit, and defire to affill any thing that in;!y have a tendcncv to promote the union and wealth of fociety, and the general good of the community, to whirh we belono; «• \Ve arc your's, &c." i^f The P L A N or ARTICLES. " Some gentlemen of the piefbyterian denomina- tion, having fcrioufly confidered the necelhty of a more clofe union among our/elves, in order to enable lis to aft as a body zvith unanimity and harmony. &c. have unanimouflv adopted th.e following plan, viz. " I ft, That a few gentlemen in the city of Phi- ladelphia, with the miniftcrs of the prefbyterian denomination there, be chofen to correipond with their friends in different parts, to give and receive advices, and to confidt what things may have a ten- dency to promote our union and welfare, either as a body, or, as wc are connefted together in particular congregations, as far as it will confilt with our duty to the beft of Kings, and our fubje£lion to the laws of Government. « 2d, That : us to prevent tlie [ that would liavc together ; lo that, 2s a body, wt* may y be called to de- cs and privileges, 1 any of zchich at s city, in conjunc- noinin.ition hero, Man !>Kiy be lub- ir it he hcaifily brethren in this ies ; and in this id it to you. It and it will bc- ^la/?k body. Wt :lves your hoarty ublic fpirit, and have a tendency foiiety, and the which W£ belonrdiflri6l where there isnominillcr; aneighbouring liniller meeting with tliem as oft as is convenient ►nd neceflary. " .^th. That a jperfon (hall be appointed in each kominittcc thus formed, who fliall fjgn a letter in le name of the committee, and to whom letters lail be direfted, who fliall call the committee to- gether, and communicate to them Tvhat advice is Fcceived, that they may confult together what is )efl; to be done. " 5th, That one or more members be fentbythe rommittee in each county or diflrift, yearly, or »alf-yearly, to a general meeting of the whole body, to ponfult together what is neccltar) for the advantage )f the body, and to give their advice in any affairs fhat relate to particular congregations; and that one lated meeting of faid delegates be on the lad Tuef- lay of Auguft yearly. '• 6th, That the place of the general meeting be It Philadelphia or Lancafler, on the laft Tuefday ^f Auguft, 1764. 4 " 7th, That each committee tranfmit to the com- Jmittee in Philadelphia, their names and numbers, fwith what alterations may at any time be made in |them. ^ « 8th, That the committee in town confift of |minifters of the prefbyterian denomination in this ?c:ity, and Mr. Treat, together with V ;Mefl'. Samuel Smith Alex. HuOon George Brian John Allen WUliam AUifon H, WiUiamfon Meff. T. Montgomery Andrew Hodge John Redman Jed. Snowden Ifaac Snowden Robert Harris MeiT. , „W,m- [ 38 ] ■> Mcff. Thomas Smith Sam. Purviance vi John Mcafe , H. M'Cullough P. Chevalier, jun. Ifaac Smith Charles Petit William Henry Mcff. Wm. Humphrys John Wallace J. Macpherfon John Bayard *|ohn Wikoff , William Ruft S. Purviance,jun, In confequence of this letter, an union of all the prefbyterian congregations immediately took place in Pennfylvania and the Lower Counties. A like confederacy was eflablilhed in all the fouthern Provinces, in purfuancc of fimilar letters wrote by their refpeftive conventions. Thofe letters were long buried in ftudied fecrecy. Their defign was not fufHciently matured, and therefore not proper for publication. Men of fenfe and forefight were alarmed at fo formidable a confederacy, without knowing the ultimate extent of their views; how- ever, at length, in the year 1761)^ the letters from the conventions of Philadelphia and New-York were obtained and publifhed. An union of preioyterian force being thus efla- blifhed in each Province, thefe projeftors then took *^falutaryjteps" (as they are called in a lettter from one of the committee at Philadelphia to his friend) to got the whole " prefbyterian interefton the Con- tintnt more firmly united." Thefe fteps ended in the eftablifliment of an annual Synod at Philadel- phia. Here all the prefbyterian congregations in the Colonies are rcprefented by their refpeftive miniflers and elders. In this fynod all their ge- .neral affairs, political as well as religious, are de- bated and decided. From hence their orders are iffued throughout America; and to them as implicit obedience is paid as to the authority of any fove- rcign power whatever. But they did not flop here : the principal matter recoinmendcd by the faftion in New England, was ,:;v-..-. . - >vv^ . " an Cli .of ' pc ttit ^m. Humph rys >hn Wallace Macpherfon >hn Bayard hn Wikoff illiam Ruft Purviancejun, inion of all the ely took place nties. A like the fouthern :ters wrote by e letters were eir defign was re not proper fore fight were racy, without ■ views; how- : letters from d New-York ng thus efla- lors then took I a lettter from to his friend) eft on the Con- eys ended in at Philadel- gregations in eir refpe£live all their ge- ious, are de- ir orders are m as implicit of any fove- ncipal matter England, was an I S9 1 an union of the congregational and prefiyUri an inter ejl throughout the Colonies. To cited tiiis, a ncgo- ciation took place which ended in the appointment ...of a ftanding committee of correfpondcnce, with !' powers to communicate and confult, on alloccaiions, » ';' with a like committee appointed by the congrcga- ^tional churches in New England. Thus tl\e Prcl- f byterians in the fouthern Colonics, who, while un- * connefted in their feveral congregations, were of '^^' little fignificance, were raifed into weight and con- fequence ; and a dangerous combination of men, M whofe principles of religion and polity wcrceqaully II averfe to thofe of the eltahliflied Church and Cio- vernmcnt, was formed. United in this manner throughout the Colonics, thele republican feftaries were prepared to oppofe the Stamp Aft, before ihe time of its commencement; and yet fenfible of their own inability without the aid of others, no arts or pains were left unclfaycd to make converts of the relt of the people *, but all I their indufby was attended with little lucccfs. The' members of the Church of England, Methodilts, Quakers, Lutherans, Calvinifts, Moravians, and other diflfenters, were in general averfe to every meafure which tended to violence. Some few of them were, by vat ious arts, prevailed on to unite with them ; and thefe were either lawyers or mer- chants, who thought their profeffional bufinefs would be affefted by the aft, or the bankrupt plan- ters, who were overwhelmed in debt to their Britifh faftors. But the republicans, pre-determined in their meafures, were unanimous. It was thefe men who excited the mobs, and led them to deftroy the ftamped paper; who compelled the colleftors of the duties to refign their offices, and to pledge their faith that they would not execute them ; and it was thefe men who promoted, and for a time enforced, the non-importation agreement ; and by their per- fonal applications, threats, infults, and inflammatory- publications and petitions, led the afTemblies to D 2 deny n [ 40 ] OH! ' 1 •■ /■ deny the authority of Parliament to tax the Colonics in their feveral remoniVranccs. The effeft of thefc raeafurcs was a repeat of flic aft. This repeal had its confequcnccs, but they were the reverfe of thofc expcdied by (iovcinment. It had been better fur both countries that it never had paffed, or never been repealed. The authority of Parliament had been denied, the political incom< pctency of the Colonics to grant their reasonable proportion of aids had been experienced. At the fame time the duty and ability of the Colonies to contribute towards the national defence was ac- knowledged, the Minifler, whofc ambiuon and folly had obtained the repeal, had condefcended to give the moil difgraceful affuianccs, that the right in Parliament to tax the Colonies, affirmed by the Declaratory Aft, would never be excrcifcd. All thefe were fo many circumftances, which could not fail to elate the fcditious republicans, and to convince them if they perfevered, thty would ul- timately fucceed in their defign. Had Government, inftead of repealing the aft, and pairing the Declaratory Bill, fuflcrcd the aft to remain in force until they had digellcd and adopted ihc meafure, which has been fmce propofed for re*" moving the great objeftion upon whicn the oppo- £tion was founded, it would have prevented the |«beIlion, at lead for the prefent. The plaufible pretext of feeking a redrefs from unconilitutional taxation, by which many were deluded into the oppoiition, could not have been made; the people in general would have been fatisfied, and the re- publican faftion rauft have furceafed, or fufpended their oppofition to Government. Encouraged by this repeal, the faftions in America ■were not idle. They daily expetlcd, notwith- ftanding miniflierial aflurances, that fome othci aft "would pafs for compelling the Colonies to fupport the expence of their own Governments, ana to contribute to the national fafety. They cxpcftcd it, T^ ■4 I ';refs, Mr. Adams advil'ed and directed to be done ; andwhen done, it was difpatched by exprefs to Congrefsu By one of thefe cxpretfes came the inflammatory refolves of the county of Suffolk, which contained a complete declaration of war gain ft Great-Britain. By thefe refolves it is de- clared, " that no obedience is due to afts of Parlia-> [ment affefting liofton :" That " the juftices of the fuperior courts of judi- ■cature, court of aifize, &c. arc unconftitutional of- ficeis, and that no regard ought to be paid to them by the people:" 'i'hat " the county will fupport and bear harmlefs all flieriffs and their deputies, conftables, jurors and other officers, who ftiall rejufe to carry into execution the orders ojthefaid counts :" That "the collector* of taxes, conftables and other officers, retain in Jheir hands all public monies, and not make any payment thereof lo the provincial county treafurer:" And that "the perfons who had accepted feats at the council-board, by virtue of a mandamus Jrom the King, fhould be confidered as objiinate and in- corrigible enemies to their country." They advife the people "to eleft the officers of militia, and to ufc their utmoji diligence to acquaint E thcmfdvcs 1 C 5« ] tiiemfclvcs Toith the art of zoar as Toon as ])ofriblc, and lor that purpolc to appear underarms once in evciy week:" And tocariy tliclc anrl other mcafures into exc- cnfion; among many oriiei things equally trealon- ahle, '.hey recommend it to tl»e Icveral towns to *'chuiea Provincial Conu;iels." Upon thelc reiolvcs being read, a motion was made that the Congreis fiiould give them their faiittion. Long and warm debates enfued betvvcea the [)arties. At tliis time the republican fa£lion in Congrcfs had ])ro\'idcd a mob, ready to execute tlicir Iccret orders. The cruel prafticc of tarring and feathcrinij had been lona lince introduced. This leircned tlic firmncls of i'onie of tlie loyalilh; the vote wasjJut and carried. Two dTiKc dilTentin,^ members prefumed to oiler their proteilagainfl it in •writing, which was negatived. They next inhftcd fliat the tender of tlicir p'olc!l and its negative /Iiould be entered on the minutes; this was alio itjcfled. , By this treafonable vote the foundation of mi- litary rcfi fiance throughout America wasell'eftually laid. The example was now fct by the people of S'lDolk. and the meafure was approved of by thofe who called themfelves the reprcfentatives of all Avie- rica. The loval party, although they knew a great majority of the colonifts weie averfe to the meafure, perceived the improbability of llemmingthe torrent, Ihey had no autliority, no means in their own power to relift it ; they faw thofe who held the powers of Government inaftive fpeftators, and either flirinking from their duty, or uniting in the meafurcs of fediiion; they faw the flame of rebellion Ipreading with more rapidity in a province under the eye of his Majcfly's army than in any others and that no effcftual meafures were taking by Go- vernment in Britain to fupprefs it; and 'yet, as a petition to his Majefly had been ordered to be brought in, they refolvcd to continue theirexertions. They hoped to prevail in ftating the rights of Ame^ rica ■tc ii ; a c 51 I I as pofTiblc, and ns once in eveiy ifures into exc. equally trealoru veral towns to a motion was ive them their Lrnlued betwceo lican faftion in idy to execute iticc of tarring ce inrroduccd. r tlic loyalifb; )( liicdiiientinu; icUagainfl it in :y next iniiftcd d its negative this was alio dation of mi- ivasefleftually the people of cd of by thofe ■es of all Avie- knew a great 3 the mealure, ng the torrent, n their own 'ho held the cftators, and initing in the e of rebellion •vince under 1 any others king by Go- id 'yet, as a dered to be eirexertions, jhts of Ame- rica Iriiaon juft and cotJliiuiional p!incii)lcs; in pro- poliniT a plan lor uniting the two ( omit ncs on ilK.ro pnncTples, and in a dccU-, and ilcccnt pr.iycr, to oik for what a majority of liic colonics willnd to ob- tain; and as they had no rcalon todouht the lucccla of tiiis iTuafure in a Hritilh Pmli.nncnt, tli/y hoiu-d.^ it would Hop the cllulion ol blood and ilio rum ot tiicir country. With this view, as well as to probe the uliin-.arc dcfi-rn of the republicans, and to know with cci- t.r.nry whether anv propolal. ihorr ol tiic atjioiuio independence of the Colonies, would fjlibly tlicm, a plan of union was drawn by a int-inb^M- ()1 the I lyalparty, andapprovcd by tlicnd. li was lo l:)rni- cci as to leave no room for any rc.i'onablc obj(.:ctioa on the ]>art of the republicans, if tlu-.v nic;uU to be united to Great Britain on any grounds w hatevcr. It included a relhoration of ail ihcir lights, and a redrcis of all tluir grievances, on conllitutional principles ; and it accordeil with all the inilru6lions given to them as meinlicts (jf Congrels. Introduftory to his motion which led to this f)lan, the author of it made, in lublhincc, llie fol- owing fpeech, which is taken fiom his lliort noUt,; *' He told Congrefs that he came witli inlLru^ticins to propofe feme mode, by which the harmony be- tween Great Britain and the Colonies might be rc- flored on conditutional principles: that this ap- peared to be the genuine fcnfe ofall the in{lru3;ions brought into Congrefs by the Delegates of the fc- veral Colonies. He had long waited under an ex- peftation of hearing fome propohtion which fhould tend to that falutary purpofe; but, to his great mor- tification, a month had been fpent in fruitlcfs de- bates on equivocal propofitions, which tended 'to in- flame rather than reconcile — to produce warinltead of peace between the two countries. In this dif- agreeable fituation of things he thought it his duty to give his fentiments without referve, " There are," fays he, "two propofitions before the Congrefs, for reftoring harmonv : one, that E 2 Pdiiiamcnt E 6-' ] r«rliamcnt {houldberequcftcd to place the Colonies in the (late they were in in tlic year 1 763 ; the other, that a non-exportation and non-importation agree- ment fliould DC adopted. I will venture to rejeft them both; the firft, as indecifive, tending to mif- lead both countries, and to lay a foundation for fur- ther quarrel; the other, as illegal, and ruinous to .*\incrica. *' The firft propolition is indecifive, becaufe it pointsoul no ground of complaint — afks for a re- ftoration of no right, fettles no principle, and pro- pofes no plan for accommodating the difpute. There is no flatute which has been paiTed to tax or bind the Colonies fince the year 1703, which was not foundetl on precedents and flatutes of a fimilar nature before that period ; and therefore the pro- f)ofition, while it exprefsly denies the right of rar- iament, confeffes it by the ftrongeft implication. In fhort, it is nugatoiy, and without meaning; and however it may ferve, when rejefted by Parliament, as it certainly will be, inflame the minds of the people, it cannot poflibly anfwer any other purpofc, *' The fecona propofition is undutiful and ille- gal: it is an infult on the fupreme authority of the State ; it cannot fail to draw on the Colonies the irefentment of the Mother Country. If we will not trade with Great Britain, (he will not fufFer us to Irade at all. Our ports will be blocked up by Bri- tifh men of war, and troops will be fent to reduce us to reafon. A total and fudden ftagnation of com- merce is^vhat no country can bear: it mufl; bring ruin on the Colonies: the produce of labour mull perifh on their hands, and not only the progrefs of indullry be ftopped, but induftry and labour will ceafe, and the country itfelf be thrown into anarchy. I muft therefore rejeft both the propofitions; the firfl as indecifive, and the other a3 inadmifliblc upon any principle of prudence. If we fincerely mean to accommodate the dif- ference between the two countries, and to eftablifii their union on firm and conftitutional principles, we I S3 3 wemun; take Into confideration a number of fads which led the Parliament topalstlie afts complained of, fmce the year 1763, and the real ftatc of the Colonies. A clear knowledge of thcfc matters only can lead us to the ground of fubftantial redrcls and permanent harmony. I will therefore call your recolleftion to the dangerous fitualion of the Colo- nies from the intrigues of France, and flic incurlions of the Canadians and their Indian allies, at the commencement of the la (t war. None of us can be ignorant of the juft fenfe they then entertained of that danger, and of their incapacity to defend themfelves againft it, nor of the fupplications made to the Parent State for its airiflaticc, nor of the cheerfulnefs with which Great Britain Cent over her fleets and armies for their protcdion, of the millions flie expended in that protcftion, and of the happy confequences wliich attended it, ' " In this ftate of the Colonies, is was not unrea- fonable to expeftthat Parliament would have levied a tax on them proportionate to their wealth, and the fums raifed in Great Britain. Her ancient right, fo often exercifed, and never controverted, enabled her, and the occafion invited her, to do it. And yet, not knowing their wealth, a generous tender- nefs arifing from the fear of doing them injuftice, induced Parliament to forbear to levy aids upon them — It left the Colonies to do juftice to them- felves and to the nation. And moreover, in order to allure them to adifchargeof thcirduty, it offered to reimburfe thofe Colonics which fhould gene- roufly grant the aids that were nccelfary to their own fafety. But what was the conduft of the Co- lonies on this occafion, In which their own exidence was immediately concerned? However painful it may be for me to repeat, I mufl remind you of it,, You all know there were Colonies which at fomc, timesgrantedliberalaids, and at others nothing; other Colonies gave nothing during the war;/ none gavcr in proportion to their wealth, and all that did give, were aftuated by felf-intercftcdraotivcs, and gave- - ... .. ; E 3 only C 54,1 i( 'ik I ",! '■ lir.: !•'' i> only in proportion to the approach of the danger. Thefe delintjucncies were occalioned by the want of the exercile of fome fuprcmc power to afccitain their pioportions of aids, and to over-ritlc the par- ticular paifions, prejudices, and intercils, of the ie« veral Colonies. "^ To remedy thefc mifchiefs, Parliament was na- turally led to exercifc the power wiiith had been by its predcccffors, fo often cxerciied over the Co- lonies, and to pafs the Stamp Ath Againft this a6l the Colonies petitioned Parliament, and denied its authority. Inftcad of purpofing fome remedy, by which that authority (houla be rendered more conftkutional over the Colonies, the petitions relied in a declaration that the Colonies could not be re- prefcnted in that body. This juftly alarmed the Britiih Senate. It was thought by the ableft men in Britain, a clear declaration of American Inde- pendence, and compelled the Parliament to pafs the Declaratory Aft, in order to fave its ancient and incontrovertible right of fuprcmacy over all the parts of the empire. Nothing now can be wanting to convince us, that the Aflcmblies have purfued mcafures which have anfwcrcd no purpofe but a bad one. I therefore hope that the wifdom of Congrefs will avoid former miflakc* j that they will thoroughly examine the real merits of our dis- pute with the Mother Country, and take fuch ground as fhall firmly unite us under one fyftem of polity, and make us one people. «' In order to eftablifh thole principles upon which alone American relief ought, in reafontobe founded, I will take a brief view of the arguments on both fides of the great ^ueilion between the two countries — a quellion in its importance ex- ceeded by none that has been ever agitated in the councils of any nation. The advocates for the fu- premacy of Parliament over the Colonies contend, that there mult be one fupreme legiflative head in every civil fociety, whofe authority mud extend to the regulation and final decifvon qF every matter i'ufceptible C 55 ] fufccptiblc of human dircftlon ; and that every member of the Society, whether political, official, or individual, mud be iubordinatc to its fuprcnie will, that this fuprcmacy and lubordination are ef- Icntial in the cotifUtution of all States, whatever may be their forms ; that no fociety ever did, or could exift, without it; and that thcfe truths are folidly ellablifhcd in the pratlice of all Govern- ments, and confir""ed by the concurrent authority of all writers on t]. '"-•bjctt of civil focicly, " Thefe advoca' . rj o affert, that we cannot deny — That the difco.^iy of tiic Colonies was made under a commiflion granted by the fuprcme autho- rity of the Britifh State, that they have been I'ctlled under that authority, and therefore are truly the property of that State. Parliamentary jurildi6licn has been conilantly exercifed over them from their firft fettlement ; its executive authority has ever ran through all their inferior political fyftems; the Colonics have ever fworn allegiance to the Britifh State, and have been confidered, both by the State and by themfelves, as fubjefts of the Britifh Go- vernment. Protc6lion and allegiance arc reciprocal duties ; the one cannot exifl without the other. The Colonies cannot claim the protection of Britain upon any principle of reafon while they deny its fuprepie authority. Upon this ground the authority of Parliament ilands too firm to be fhaken by any arguments; and therefore to deny that authority, znd at the fame time to declare their incapacity to be reprefented, amounts to a full and explicit de* claraiion of independence. " In regard to the political ftatc of the Colonies, you muft know that they are fo many inferior fo- cietics, difunited and unconnefted. That while they deny the authority of Parliament, they are, in rcfpeft to each other, in a perfeft Hate of nature, deftitute ofany fupreme direftion whatever, and incompetent to the grant of national aids, or any other general meafure, even to the fettlement of difterenccs among themfelves. This they have re- peatedly [ 56 J ■) . •: ¥: peatedly acknowledger!, and particularly by their delegates in Congicls in the beginning of the lall war; and the aids giiinted by them lince that period, for their own protc^lion, areji proof of the truth of that acknowledgement. " You alfo know that the feeds oi" difcord are plentifully lowed in the conftitution of the Colo- ^ nies : that they arc already grown to maturity, and have more than once broke out into open hoftilitics. They are at this moment only fupprelTed by the authority of the Parent State ; and flrould that au- thority be weakened or annulled, many fubjefts of unfettlcd difputes, and which, in that cale, can only be fettled by an appeal to the fword, muft in- volve us in all the horrors of civil war. You will now confuler whether you wifli to be deftitute of the proteftion of Great Britain, or to fee a renewal of the claims of France upon America ; or to remain in our prefent difunitcd ftate, the weak expoied to the force of the ftrong. 1 am fure no honed man can entertain wiflies fo ruinous to his country, " Having thus briefly ftated the arguments in favour of parliamentary authority, and confidcred Ihc ftate of the Colonies, I am free to confefs that the exercife of that authority is not perfeftly con- ftitutional in refpeft to the Colonies. We know that the whole landed intereft of Britain is reprc- fented in that body, while neither the land nor the people of America hold the leaft participation in the legiflativeauthority of the State. Reprefentation, or a participation in the fupreme councils of the State, is the great principle upon which the freedom of the Britim Government is eftablifhed. I wifti to fee the right to participate in the fupreme coun- cils of the State extended, in feme form, not only to America, but to all the Britifh dominions ; otherwife I fear that excellent fabrick of civil polity will, ere long, crumble to pieces. " As to the tax, it is neither unjufl: nor op- preflive, it being rather a relief than a burthen; but it is wantof conflitutional principle in the au- > . thority : 57 y thorily that paffcd it, which is the ground for com- plaint. This, and this only, is the lourcc of Ame- rican grievances. Here, and here only, is the dcfeft ; and if this defeft were removed, a founda- tion would be laid for the relief of every American complaint; the obnoxious (latutcs would of courfe be repealed, and others would be made, with the allont of the Colonies, to anfwer the fame and better purpofes; the mifchiefs arifing from the dif- union of the Colonies would be removed; their freedom would be cftabliftied, and their fubordina-- tion fixed on folid conftitutiorval principles. " Defirous as I am to promote the freedom of tlie Colonies, and to prevent the mifchiefs which will attend a military conteft with Great Britain, I muft intreat you to defert the meafures which have been fo ineffeflually purfucd by antecedent Affem- blics. Let us thoroughly invefiigate the matter in difpute, and End from that invedigation the means of perfeft and permanent redrefs. In whatever wc do, let us be particular and explicit, and not wan- der in general allegations. Thcfe will lead us to no point, nor can produce any relief; they are be- fides diOionourable and infidious. I would there- fore acknowledge the neceffity of the fuprcme au- thority of Parliament over the Colonies, pecaufe it is a propofition which we cannot deny, while we -confefs that we arc fubjeftsof the Britilh Govern- ment; and if we do not approve of a reprefentation in Parliament, let us afk for a participation in the freedom and power of the Englifli conftitution in fome other mode of incorporation ; for 1 am con- vinced, that let us try what other expedients we may, we (hall find none that can give to the Colo- nies fubflantial freedom, but fome fuch incorpora- tion. I therefore bcfeech you, by the refpeft you are boundtopay tothe inllruflionsof your conftituents, by the regard you have for the honour and fafety of your country, and as you wifli to avoid a war with Great Britain, which muft terminate, at all events, in the ruin of America, not to rely on a denial of ' the VJ [ 58 ] the authority of Parliament, a rcfufal to be rcpre- fcntcd, and on a non-importation agreement; be- eaule v.luitevcr proteftations, in ihat cafe, may be made to tlis contrary, it will prove to the world, that we intend to throw off our allegiance to the State, and to involve the two countries in all the horrors of a civil war. " With a view to promote themealure I have fo earncftly recommended, I have prepared the drauifht of a plan ior uniting America more Inti- matclv, wiHi Great llrituin. It contains the great outlines onlv, and w'-l require many additions in cafe thofe fliould be approved. I am certain, when difpalfionately confidcred, it will be found to be the moft perfeft union in power and liberty with the Parent State, next to a reprelentation in Parlia- ment, and 1 truft it will be approved of by both countiies. In forming if, I have been particularly attentive to the rights of both; and I am confident that no American, who wiflies to continue a fubjeft of the Britiih State, can offer any reafonable objeftion again ft It. •' I fhall not enter into a further explanation of its principles, but fhall refcrve my fentiments vmtil the f'econd reading, with which I hope it wiU be fevoured," The introduftory motion being feconded, the Plan was prefentcd and read. Warm and long de- bates immediately enfued on the queflion, "Whether it fhould be entered in the proceedings of Congrefs, or be referred to further confideration. All the men of property and moft of the ableft fpeakers, fupported the motion, while the republican party ilrenuoufly oppofed it. The queftion was at length carried by a mijority of one Colony, I fliall not prcfent the reader with the Plan. It has been laid before the Houfe of Commons, and publilhed in Mr. Galloway's Examination. It will fuffice here to obfervc, that it propofed an American branch of the Britiflr legiflature to be eftabliflicd r a mijority [ 59 ] cHabllfiied in America, and iticoiporatcu w iih the Parliament for the purpolis of American taxation, and other general reguhilious. In this brancli every C'olony would have been reprelcntcd more peifcftly than the people of (ircat Biitain are in rarliamcnt; and no law to b'lid America could he made witiiout Iier conlcnt, given by her reprcien'* tatives; and yet the republican faction, havnig ob- tained a majority in Coiigrel's by their arts, and the afiiltance of iheir mobs, rcjc6lcd it without luffcr- ing it to be dilcuffcd, contrary to their own pofitive rule; and ordered it to be exjuuigcd from their minutes, to prcn'enl its public .lion, I have dwelt more particularly on the condu£l of the Congrefs relative to this plan, becaufc their tlcriial of tiic autiioriiy oF Pailiament, their rcfufial to bcrcprcfentcd in it, and their r*.'jc6ling a propo- fition which would have oi\'cn tlic Cfdonills a per- feft reprcfcnfiition in A'ncii(;i; a reprefcntation by far more perfect than that in tiicat Hriiain, arc fo many incontclcahle proofs which mult carry con- viftion to every candid brea'K that th.ey have, from (he beginning, aimed at nothing (lion of abfolute independence. It has been the conflant theme of the i'aflionson both fides of the Atlantic, that ui. the conclufion of the laft war a "plan for enllavin.j the Colonies was concerted, and has ever fmce been pertinacioufly carrying into execution, by the prclcnt adminiftra- trt>n." It has been echoed from one country to another a thoufand times. It has been refuted again and again, and rcfls now as it did at fiif}, having nothing but tiic inlolencc of rebellion to fupport it; for the truth is, that "at the conclufion of the lail war," the New England demagogues, educated under their dcmocratical charter, in prin- ciples inimical to a mixed motuirchy, found them- felves, by the ccllion of Canada to Cireat Britain, relieved from the buithens and embarrafl'ments ariling from their continual wars with the Canadians and Indians, The^ thought that tht; Colonies thus 1:, relieved, 4«?i* [ 6o 3 relieved, and now grown up a diflin£lion between the rights of legiilation and • ■ ■ - . taxation [ 63 J taxation — between the right to impofe internal and external taxes — and taxes laid for the regulation of trade, and thofe for the purpole of revenue; and that Parliament was competent to the fiifl, hut not to the fecond. Thus endeavouring, to pare away, or fplit into pieces, the liipremc autlioriiy of the State, and to rob it of the moft important of its rights, by which only it can command the roafon- able contribution of all its iubjcds when neccifdry to the national defence. Suth are the fafts, upon which I fliall appeal to the reader's decihon, whether there is any evidence of adefign in Government, fince tlie conchifioii of the lad war, to cnllave the Colonics; or whether tliere are not the flrongeft proofs tliat human condn^l can exhibit, that from that peritid there has exiflcd a fettled defign in the republican Colonics to throw off their allegiance to the State, and in their Britifli colleagues to encourage and fupport them in their attempt. Many other fufts might be acMucedin fupport of the fame truths; but I will not dwell upon matters which arc fufficiently proved, and which perhaps fome men may think aaigredion. I will therefore difmifs the Britilh, and pafs to the American fa£lion, which 1 left after their rejeftion of the only propo- fal which was made tending to an accommodation of the difpute between the two countries. They next proceeded to fettle their Bill of Rights. In this bill, were there no other proof of their defign to eftablifii independence, we fhould find, that which is abundantly fufficient. Their fourth re- folve declares, that "as the Englifh Colonifts are nof reprefented and cannot be repiefented in the Bri- tiCh Parliament, they are entitled to a free and ex- clusive power of Ugijlation in their feveral provin- cial legiflatures in all cafes of taxation and internal polity, fubjeftonly to thenegative of their fovereign." Now no words can convey a more explicit declara- tion of colonial independence on parliamentary authority ; for if the Colonies are not, and will nqt F 2 be ' n »v-- I m L 6.1 I ., , be reprcfcnted, and moreover have a free and ex- cluflve power of legiflation in all cafes of taxation and internal polity, tlie authority of the Briiifh Icgi- flature is perfcftly excluded ; becaufe it can make no law which muftnot come within thede{ciiption of this refolve, not even an aft to regulate their trade; for that muR be executed bv officers wifhin the Colonies, and of tourte muil affcft their i)!ier- nal polity. It cannot even repeal a colonial law, however repugnant to the laws of England, or in- jurious to the intered of the other parts of the enipirc. They next proceeded to confider an addrcfs to his Majefty, for they would not condefcend to call it a petition. Perhaps they thought they could nor, with propriety, call it fo, as it did not afk for any one eflential thing. The loyalifls, and friends to an union between the two countries, zealoufly con- tended that it was equivocal and indecifive; that it afked for nothing; that it was moreover calculated to incenfe his Majefty and his Parliament, rather than to obtain a redrefs of grievances ; that the Co- lonifts had always acknowledged themfelves fub- jefts of the Britifh State, and truly were fo ; that it was their duty not only to point out their grievan- ces, but clearly and explicitly to aik for a remedy ; that therefore the addrcfs ought to contain the great principles of the difpute, and to propofe fome mode of relief; and that commiflioners fhould be fent over to Britain to folicit the redrefs propofed. One may fafely affirm that thefe arguments were juft. But reafon or argument had little weight. The re- publican faftion had obtained, by working upon the timidity of fome, and the ignorance of others^ a majority. The addrefswas therefore carried as it was brought in, with fome very trifling amendments. Upon a view of this addrefs, what does it pray for? There is, indeed, an intimation that if the Parliament will repeal the ftatutes fince the year s 763, their complaints will fubjide. The word fub- ^dc was prudently chofcn^ It allud^^d to atoms at the [ 6s ] the bottom of a fluid, ready to rife at the leaflemo* tion; and this would have been the cafe had the Parliament complied with this intimation. For they had prepared other complaints, or, as they flyled them, oppreflions, as grounds of future quar- rel between the two countries, as foon as the ftatutes made fincc the year 1763 fhould be repealed. They had declared their exclufive right of Icgeflation, and had denied the force of all the laws of trade; and of every ftatutc palled before that period, on the principles eftablifhed by their claim of rights. The right of parliament to make them was as exprefsly denied, as it was to pafs thofe fincc 1763; and it was their fixed refolution to make thefe ftatutes the fubjeft of diffention as foon as the Colonifls were prepared for war. To fupport this faft, the unprejudiced Reader cannot look for ftronger proof than their own fo- lemn declarations. Thcfc are the completcfl evidence of dcfigns not carried into execution. On thefe then I rely. In a claufe of their claim of rights, on which their addrefs was founded, they declare, that " in the courfe of their enquiry, they find many infringements and violations of the foregoin^^ rights, which they pafs over for the present, and proceed to ftate fuch a6ls and meafures as have been adopted^nce the lajl war,'^ And in another claufe fpeaking of the ftatutes, they add, "To thefe griev- ous afts and meafures Americans cannot fubmit,'* and therefore "they have, /t^r the prefent onlv, refolved to purfuethe ^oWo-wmgpeaccabU meafures ; ift, To enter into a non-importation, non>confump- tion, and non-exportation agreement ; 2d, To pre- pare an addrefs to the people of Great Britain, and a memorial to the inhabitants of the Britifh Colonies ; and 3d, To prepare a loyal addrefs to his Majefty." How far from peaceable thefe mea- fures, were, let common fenfe judge. The firft was carried into execution by every aft ofviolence that lawlefs committees and defperate mobs could devife. The fecond was calculated to inflame the minds of V /, F 3 the .1; ^/■M I f--iti t h. n the people againft their fovereign, and to ralfe ano* ther rebellion in Britain. The third, to incite the people of America to take up arms againft their mother country, and to prepare their minds (as it is exprefled) " for mournful events, and every Contingency." The addrefs, intimating that their complaints would fubfide upon the repeal of the Hatutes fmce 1763, was fent over and prefented; but their refolves refpefting the preceding objefts of their complaints, and their determination to take them up at a future day, were fecretcd, not only from Britons, but Americans. This conduft was artful, treacherous, and bafe, in refpeft to both countries. It was equally cal« culatcd to amufe and deceive both. But it was ab- folutely neceflary to the fuccefsful purfuit of their defign, which they knew would be rclilhed by the greater part of neither. At this time they were eftitute of every thing neceffary for military re- fiftance. They had not formed their (landing com- mittees, conventions or congreffes in the feveral Colonies. They had not embodied themfelves in arms. They had not difarmed the difafFe£led, nor liad they in the country arms or ammunition necef- fary to their defign. Amufement, falfehood, and fraud, were therefore ^he only means they then had. Thefe were to be improved into weapons of more effeft. Their col- leagues in faftion on this fide of the Atlantic were to be fupported, becaufe they were neceffary to di{lra6): the councils of ftate, and retard its meafurej. The people of America, then more happy than any other on the globe, were to be duped into rebellion. To effeftthefe purpofes, diflimulation was neceffary; and never, not even by the Cromwellian faftion, ■was more of it ufed than on this occafion. In all their public proceedings, whether meant to delude the people of Great Britain or of America, we find the moft folemn declarations of loyalty to the King,' the moft ardent defire of a conneftion on conftitu- tional principles with Great Britain, a folemn difa- .. vowal [ 67 ] vowal of independence, and the ftrongefl: aflevcra- tions that their folc deilgn was to obtain a redrefs of American grievances; and all this at the very time they were making every poflible preparation for the moil vigorous hoflile oppofition. Having taken this plaufiblc ground, they tranf- mitted their proceedings to the faftion in Britain. A vote of congreilional thanks to " thofe truly nobUf honourable, and patriotic advocates, who had fo generoully efpoufed and defended the caufe of America, both in and out of Parliament," attended them. A letter was written to their agents, ordering them to advife and co-operate with all "great men who might incline to aid the caufc of liberty and mankind." Their memorial to thcpeople of Great Britain was ordered to be " communicated parti- cularly to all the trading cities and manura61:uring towns in Great Britain," And their agents were conftituted fo many fpies on the Britiui Govern- ment, with orders to give the "earlieft information of all fuch conduft and defigns of miniftry or par- liament, as might concern America to know.** The fyftem of feditious oppofition in both coun- tries, to the meafures of Government, being thus concerted, the Congrefs broke up. The loyalifts feeing no hope of oppofing the approaching florm, retired to their families. The republicans adjourned to a tavern, in order to concert the plan which was neceffary to be puifued by their party, through- out the Colonies, for raihng a military force. This fettled, they alfo returned to their refpeflive Colonies. And here the two parties afted upon veiy dif- ferent principles. The loyalty of the firft forbad them to join in the fedition, and taught them to look up to Government to take the lead in fup- preffing it. But they foon found that the powers of the colonial governments were infulted with im- punity, and were daily giving way to new ufurpa- tions, without any exertion to prevent it. Howcivcr, they hoped that the time was approaching, when the ih ji i the powers of the State would be exerted ; and they knew, that thofe powers, if condu£led with wiUlom, would be more.than fufficient to crufli the intended rebellion. But the republicans were well apprifed that they muft rife into power by their own induftry. They were therefore indefatigable throughout America. The difcontcnted and faftious were convened in every Colony. Provin- cial congveffes, conventions, and committees of fafety were appointed by a part of the people in every diftrift, which, when compared with the whole, was truly inconfidcrablc, Thefe illegal bodies having elefted men of the moft feditious principles, for members of the next Congrefs, pro- ceeded to other bufinefs. The loyalifls were difarmed, the moft obnoxious of them imprifoned. The loyal prefTes were re- ftrained, fome of them feizcd and ueftroycd. Pub- lications in favour of Government were publicly burnt, while the republican prcifcs teemed with fpeeches of their friends and allies in parliament, and letters wrote from their colleagues in faftion in England, with a thoufand other literary per- formances, all tending to lead the people into a rebellious Gpp< fit ion to Government. Every meafure that art and fraud could fuggcft, as neccflary to delude the people into arms, was induflrioufly purfued. All the Gunfmiths were employed in the manufafturing of mufquets ; warlike ftores of every kind were Tent for to foreign countries ; the militia in New England became em])odied, in pur- fuance of the recommendation of the Sunclk refolve, and magazines of warlike (lores were laid up to be ready for their ufe. To Icizc one of thefe magazines General Ga^e fent out a party, which was attacked by the militia at Lexington. On the loth of Miiy the fecond Congrefs met, and a circular letter from the American agents, calculated to pcrfuade the Colonics that no relief was to be obtained from Government, was laid before them. On the fame day the Bofton dele- gates [ 69 ] were re- gates recieived a letter from the Provincial Congrers of their Colony, informing, that they had rcfolved to raife an army of 13,600 men, and to borrow 100,000 pounds towards their fupport ; and that they had made propofals to the Congrefs of New- Hampfliire,Rhode-Ifland, and Connefticut, for fur- niftiing meq in the fame proportion. On the 16th, advice was received by the PrcUdent, that a de- tachment from the Maflachufletls and Connefticut militia had taken his Majeily's foitatTiconderoga, While thefe matters were before them, the relb- huion of the Houle of Commons of February 20th, 1775, tranfmitted to Governor Franklin,, and by him laid before the aifcmbly of Ncw-Jerfey, was by that aficmbly fubmitted to their confidera- tion. This reiblution was made upon the ground the Americans had taken. They had repeatedly corifefled that a grant of their reaionable proportion of aids was their indifpenfable duty ; their affem- blies had been repeatedly called upon for that pur- pofe ; their grants had been untimely^ partial, and unjuft ; and fome when called on, in times of the greated danger, either neglefted or refufed a com- pliance with the requifition. They had moreover denied the authority of Parliament, and refufed to be reprefcnted in it. Upon this ground. Parliament could offer nothing more liberal towards the Colo- nies than this propofition. The propofition amounts to this : The Colonies have declared that they are zoilling to grant their reafonable proportion of aids for the common dejenccy and to provide for their refpeElive civil eflablijhments s now if the ColoJiies will, propofe to do this by their feve" ral legijlatures, and if fuch propofal Jhall appear to bt jujl^ and be approved of by his Majejly^ and the two Houfes of Parliament^ fo long as fuch propofals fhalt be carried into effect, Parliament jhall forbear, in refpeB to the Colony complying.^ to levy any duty, tax^ or ajejfment, except only the duties necejfary for the regulation of commerce ; and even the nett proceeds of thefe duties Jhall be carried to the account of the Co-: lony •,•*' fn'^JJ t 70 3 ■« V'. ^■^;i| m ^;i^m iony complying with the propojal. In this propofitioHi what was it that Parliament refervcd ? They gave Up the mode of raifing and levying the taxes, to the colonial ademblies : and to remove all poflibi> lity of inducement in Parliament todraw a revenue from them under the pretence of regulating their commerce^ they declare that the revenue thus raifed, fhall be carried to the credit of their national aids. The only power referved is lefs than was ever before refervcd by the fupreme authority of any State whatever; and it is no more, when can- didly examined, nnil dripped of the falfc colours with which the Congrefs has bedaubed it, than a right to compel a Colony to do juftice to the com- munity of which it is a member; and that not before it has given proof of its difobedience and non-compliance with its lirft and moft Important duty. Such a power all men muft acknowledge is clfential to tlicir fubordi nation, to their union, to their prcfeftion and fafcty. It muft therefore be lodged fomcwhere. And where could it be more properly, or more fafely placed, than in the fupreme authority of the State? Now if the Colonies are members of the BriHfli State — if they will not be rcpreicnted in Pa'liamcnt •—if they hdvc. no fupremacy among themlclves to afcerfain their proportion of rads, or to compel them to make their rcalbnable contributions, which are all fafts acknowledged by themfelves; and if they have not propofed. or afked, for the eftablifhment of any means by which the State may have a fecu- rity, that they will, when tlieir own fafety and that of the nation are in danger, perform their rcafonable duty, was Parliament to continue to proteft them with the monies levied on the people of Great- Britain, and to give up all power or compelling them to grant their reafonable proportions? If they intended that the Briti{h Parliament fhould have any authority over them at all, what lefs cou/c^ li retain? If they did not approve of this propofition, and did not mean to be abfolutely independent, why di(| they m C 7' ] they not propofe the mcansby which they might be dependent) agreeable to the conllitutionthey fomuch admired ? IF they had any other union of the two countries, more conftitutional, in view, why did they not petition for it? Their indruftions ordered them to do fo— it was the earned wifh of the gene- rality of their conftituents. Why then did they not comply with thofe inftruftions, if theydifliked the propofition? I call upon the faftions on both fides of the Atlantic ; the voice of reafon and juC- . tice unites w^ith me in the call, to aflign any other reafon why they neither made this propofition, a ground of accommodation, nor propofedto Parlia- ment any other, but that they were determined, through all the horrors attendant on rebellion, to cftablifh tlieir independence. Refolved to avoid every path to a reconciliation with Great Britain, becaufe inconiiftent with their views of independence, they rejcftcd this propofi- tion as " unrcafonable and infidious," and pro- ceeded with the utmoft iiiduftry in their military preparations. They appointed a committee to provide magazines of ammunition and military ilores. They abolifhcd the general poft-office efta- hliihed by aft of Parliament, and instituted another, "^ They declared the officers of Governor and Lieu- "' tenant-Governor of MaiTachuflett's vacant, and re- commended to the people of that province to in-^^' flitute a new Government. They refolved to raile a regular army. They appointed the commander in chief, and other officers, and ordered tlie iffuing ' 2,000,000 dollars to defray the expence. Upon receiving an account that the people of North Carolina were very generally difaffcfted to their mcafures, they dircftcd a thoufandmen to be raifed to fubdue the fpirit of oppofition in that Province ; and they ordered the militia of tlie fevcral Colonies to be embodied. Having thus, brought their fcheme to a confide- rable degree of maturity, all the difaffcfted to their Rjeafures being difarmed, and a conlldcraible mili- tary ^^• t i M ;tt'3j I m f 7« 1 h\U\ tary force under their command in the field, they proceed to make a formal declaration of war againft their Sovereign and his Parliament, and to write another feditious letter to the people of G reat Britain, to delude them into rebellion. Thefe meafures were of too much importance not to be communi. cated immediately to their faithful allies in Britain, A letter vjras therefore fent to the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Livery of London paying them the "juft tribute of gratitude and thanks for the vir- tuous and unfolicited refentment they had (hewn to the violated rights of a free people.'* And to convince the Corporaiion how fenfible the Con- grefs were " of the powerful aid their caufe muft receive from^luch advocates," another letter was wrote to Mr. Penn, formerly Governor of Penn- fylvania, who was then coming to England, and to the Colony agents, inclofing the declaration of war, the feditious letter to the people of Great-Bri- tain, and that to the Lord Mayor. In this letter, the perfons to whom it wasdircfted weredefired to put the declaration of war, and the letter to the people of Great-Britain, " immediately to theprefs and to communicate them as univerfally as poflible." And they were alio ordered to " give fuch intel- ligence as they might judge to be of importance to America in this great conteft.'* ■\ With this letter another petition was alfo fent to his Majelly, which, like thofe that liadpreceded it, was truly an infult and mockery. It was vague in refpeft to the fabjeft matter, falfe in refpeft to a numberoffafls.indcciliveasto American rights, and, though called a petition, aiked for nothing. All thefe truths will appear from a (light examination of the petition itfelf. It begins in thefe words: *' We your Majelly's faithful fubjefts of the Colo- nies," Sec, &c. Now can any man of fenfe and candour be perfuaded that thefe men, notwith- flanding their profcffions, could polftbly be the "faithful fubjefts" of the King, when they denied, their fubordination to the Parliament, of which the King L 73 ^1 ■ ■ • King is head and liipreme reprcfentalivc? Could they, in the nature ol tilings, be faithful to the te- prefentativc, while they withheld their obedience to the principal? Could they be faithful to the King, when they had taken up arms to oppofe the authority of that fuprcmacy in which he participates, and of which he is the fupreuie executive repre- fcntative? It is an abfurdity : a faUity too glaring to impofe on a vulgar undei (landing. In the next paragraph they wildly talk of an "union betvi^cen the Mother Country and the Co- lonies," and in another declare, that they are molt "ardently dehrousthat the former harmony between them may be reftored." But there is not the leaft hint what kind of union they wifhcd for, or by what means that harmony might be reftored. This they had avoided in all their petitions, becaufe they knew that Parliament was ready to meet any rea- fonable propofal of that nature. They could not mean a legiilative union, or a fubmillion to the fame fupreme authority, which is the only meafure ever yet invented to combine the members of the fame fociety together -, becaufe this they had uni- formly denied. It muft tlieicfore be a fccderative union. Thus while they profeffed themlelves fub- je6ls, they^^fpoke in the language of allies, and were openly ailing the part of enemies; and while in their petition they declared their fubordi nation, by their aftionsthey proved their dcfign to be that of independence. In their ufual ftyle of diflimulation they profefs "too tender a regard for the kingdom from which they derive their origin, to requell fuch a reconcili- ation as might be inconfift^ent with her dignity or lier welfare." What this reconciliation was, they have alfo avoided to mention. But fo far as it is poflible to colle£l: it from their words and ailions, we know it to be an exclufive right of legiflation in their colonial affemblies. They had rcfufed to be reprefented in the Britiih Parliament; they had re- je&ed a plan for ellablKhing an American branch G of M [ 74 1 , . of that Icgiflaturc, in which they would have becrf j)c:rrci;Uy reprcfented ; they had i cjefted the propo- litiun made by the Houle of Commons, leaving their colonial legiflatures in the poiredion of the right of granting their contribvitions to the national defence in their own way. What other mode of reconciliation, confident with the "dignity, or welfare of the kingdom," was now left? There was none which the powers of human reafon could devil'c, fliort of independence. Like their former petitions, this was not deficient in abufc of Adminidratlon. Their condu£t was faid to be replete with " delufive pretences, fruitlefs terrors, and unavailing Ic verities r" that they had fincc the lad war adopted " a new fyjUm of flatutes and Togulations" to cnflave the Colonies. But the novelty of this fyilem they had not, in any of their proceedings, attempted to point out. The dif- ference between the principles upon which the colonial adminiftration has been managed fince that period, from thofe on which it had been managed before, remains yet a fecret to all the world but the Congrefs. Indeed no affertion can be more falfe; becaufe every llatute and every colonial regulation iince that time, is foundedon a variety of precedents. Similar flatutes had been paffed in former reigns, and fomc of them fo early as the laft century, and all of them had been cheerfully fubmittcd to by the Colonifts, fo that there was nothing novel in their principles. But this charge was neceffary to de* ceive the people of both countries. It was ne- celfary to raife fome phantom of itijuflice, to pre- vail on Britons to give up rights which were as *incient as the fetilement of America, and which the Americans by their conduft had always ac- knowledged; and it was neceffary to induce the Americans to withdraw themfelves from that alle- giance, from whence they had derived their freedom, tiicir fafety and happincfs. The prayer of the petition was vague, nugatory, and infidious. They defire his Majeily << to point out have becrf the propo- 's, leaving on of the le national r mode of ignity, or t? There afbn could >t deficient nduft was 5s, fmitlefs fhey had of ftatutes But the ly of their The dif- vhich the fince that managed Id but the ore falfb; regulation recedents. 2r reigns, tury, and to by the t in their ry to der was ne- f to pre- were as i which vays ac- luce the lat alle- freedom, ugatory, to point out C r.5 ] out feme modf, by which the united applications of his faithful Colonifts to the Throne may be im- proved into a happy and permanent reconciliation." That men (hould fpeak of a reconciliation, who had never taken one flcp towards it, and who had rejefted the means of anefting it when ollered, is remarkable. But what did thr\' mean by Jl)me mode ? Was it poITible for his Majcfly, without the Icaft explanation, to divine what ideas they had annexed to thefe words? Did they mean the aj)pointmcnt ofperfons to hear their complaints, and to rcdrcfs them if juft? They knew that the Parliament was the conititutional guard i.m of the rights of all the members of the empire, and pofrclVed coni])leLc au- thority to redrefs their injuries, if any fubfillcd; and therefore that it was their duty, as luhjcHs, to de- fine their rights, and to propofe to the Parliament the means by which they dclired tliofc rights might be rellorcd; and this very method had beeil pointed out to tlicm by his Majcfty's Secretary of State. Did they mean that his Majelly fhould penetrate into their defires. wliich they had artfully concealed? This was impolhble. Did they meati that he (hould make fome propofal, by which they might be enabled to grant their own aids, and be relieved from parliamentary taxation ? This h^d been fully complied with, in the refolution of the Hciife of Commons; and moreover, Commiflioners who had efpoufed their caufe, and were friendly to their meafures, were fent over to confer on thefe and all other matters, and to make and receive pro- pofals. But even with thefe they refufed to nego- ciate in the charafter of fubjefts. They would not even confer but in their illegal, independent, and congreflional capacity, infidioufly hoping to draw from the Commiflioners a concelhon of the legality and independence of their conilitutions, the want of which had hitherto prevented the enemies of Britain from entering into an alliance with them. Much clamour, ill-founded and unjufl, has been made by the abettors of the America'n rebellion G 2 against: '1 It' [ 76 ] againft his MajcRy's MInifters, for not attending to this and other petitions equally nugatory, and af- fronting to the fupreme authority of tlie State. I call this clamour ill-founded and unjuft, bccaufc the very fa£lion who made it know, that in confe- quencc of the former petitions, the Houfe of Commons, diveRing itfeu of all refentmcnt at the indignity oflercd to the fuprerrre authority of the State, by a denial of that authority, and a rcfufal to participate in it, the greatefl it could polhbly re- ceive from its fubjefts, condefcended to propofe a plan wliich avoided thcfe objeftions, was realonable and jurt, and would have been adopted as a fuffi- cient ground of negociation at leaft, by men who were not refolved on independence ; and that, in purfuance of the lafl: petition, Commiflioners were fent over with more enlarged powers, to ncgociatc, and to know their as yet untold and latent defires. And they alfo know, that the propofition of the Houfe of Commons, made with the bcfl intentions, and founded in the ftrifteftjuftice. w^as loaded with ihe opprobrious terms, " unrcafonable and infi- •iious ;" and declared that it " was held up to the world to deceive *," and that the fubfequent com- miffion in the hands of their own friends was treated with equal infult and negleft. The authors of this ill-founded abufe upon Government, appear to have loft all fenfe of the duties of fubjefts. If the Ame- rican rights were infringed, it was moft certainly their duty as fubjefts to define thofe rights, and to propofe a remedy by which they might be reftored. Why then has it not been done, if they were fincerc in their profeflions, and defirous of an union with this country? Why has their whole condu£l, from the beginning of the difputc, been dark, indecifive, hypocritical and infidious ? From this view of the fafts it mufl appear evident, that there has been great, and indeed too much, condefcenfion on the part of the State towards its fubjefts ; that it has made advances towards a re- conciliation as far as it pofTibly could, without giving [ 77 ] giving up ilscflcntial rights, the rights of the people of Great-Britain, and difcliarging the Americans from all fubordi nation ; that from a lenity of dif- pofition, and a deiirc to avoid the illuiion of blood, they have overlooked, for a long time, infults greater in their nature than any which they would have received, without refenfment, from any fovereign power whatever ; while the Americans, relin* quHhing the chara61ers of fubjefts, and laying afide all decency of language, have relied their pretenfions on principles which, when rarididly examined, clearly amount to a claim of abfolute independence. The Congrels and their adherents, having dif- patched the petition, proceeded in their military preparations with greater vigour, and more fyflem. The Provincial Congrefres, Conventions, and Com- mittees, became the executive authorities under them. 'I'heie made daily advances in fetting afidc the eftablilhed Governments, and in a fhort time affumed all their powers. Additions were made to their army. The republicans were embodied in arms, the loyalilts were diiarmed, and all the mili- tary ftores and ammunition in America were co!- lefted in their magazines. Having taken his Ma- jefly's fort at Ticonderoga, they invaded Canada, and befieged the Britifh army in Bofton. Such was the general ftate of their affairs, when Congrefs received advice that Britifh Commiflioners were on their paflage to America, empowered to offer to the Colonies terms of accommodation, and attended by a formidable military and naval force. They knew that a very great majority of the Co- lonifts were attached to the Britiflr Government, and, though difarmed would be ready to fupport the Commiflioners as far as it was polhble, in every reafonable propoial they fhould make. They faw the impoflibility of obtaining their ultimate aim without foreign afliftance, and that alhftance they could not obtain even from the common and inve* terate enemy of Britain, whilo they remained under the chaia£ler of its fubjefts. ■ G 3 The mi 1! 5v: :! u C 78 ] The necenity of their affairs now compelled them to throw off the malk. That dehgn which they nad dli'guiied under the moft folemn profelUons of loyalty, and of the moft ardent defirc to be united with Great-Britain on conftitutional principles, was now to be openly, and as folemnly avowed. To cflcfl this in Congrei's, much cabal and intrigue Vas neccffary. Many of the members, rccollefting their inftruftions, knew the fentimentsof the people in general, and behdes faw the ruin and horrors of a meafure fo bold and dangerous. Their cabals continued near a month; the republican faftion met with muchoppofition, and for a lime, defpaired offuccefsj at length, however, having made fome profelytes to their opinion, they refolvcd to rifque the vote of Independence. And yet after all the arts of intrigue had been folongeffayed, the queftion was put, and the Colonies were equally divided. But upon the next day the queftion being again rcfumed, contrary to theirown rules, Mr. Dickinlbn, a gentleman naturally timid and variable in his principles, retrafted his opinion, and gave the cafting vote. Thus did this great event, which was to fupport feditious faftion in the heart of the Mother Country, and to involve it in a war with two powerful nations, depend on the vote of an in- dividual member of its own community! The vote of Independence wasfoon followed by another, to abolifh the old, and to inftitute new forms of Government. This meafure was eagerly adopted by their adherents, who had now all power in their own hands. They were combined m Congreffes, Conventions, and Committees. They were arrayed in arms by voluntary affociations, ani there was moreover a regular armed force under the Congrefs to fupport them; while the loyalifts, and friends to the Britifti conftitution, were without a head, and without weapons. Thefe had been long fince difarmed. The Governors of all the royal Colonies had been driven from their governments, while thofe of Pennfylvania, Rhode-Ifland, and Conne^icuty r 79 2 Conneftlciit, were permitted to remain unmolcded, and in oiHce. The King's Governors liad given oppofition to their mealurcs, while the others (excepting the Governor of Maryland) cither had not difapproved of, or had openly abetted them. The Proprietary Governor of rennfylvania, if he did not abet, did not, from the beginning of the fcdition, dilcover the lead difapprobation of their conduft. His friends, his magillrates, and all the officers of his own appointment, not ten in the whole Colony excepted, were leaders in the oppo- fition. In the two Charter Governments of Rhode- Ifland and Connefticut, the Governors were the creatures of the faftion, and at the head of their meafures. All obftaclcs being thus removed, they were not long in eflablifhing their new States, in which they excluded ever)' trace of the powers of royalty and ariftociacy. TJie time was now come when the independent faftion, having obtained by their arts lufficient power, were not afraid to acknowledge that they had deceived the people from the beginning of their oppofition to Government ; and that notwithftand* ing all their folemn profelTions to the contrary, they ever had independence in their view. Samuel Adams, the great direftor of their counfels, and the moft cautious, artful, and referved man among them, did not hehtate, as foon as the vote of Inde^ pendence had paffed, to declare in all companies, that " he had laboured upwards of twenty years to accomplifh the meafure; that during that time he had carried his art and induftry fo far, as to fearch after every rifing genius in the New England femi- naries, and employed his utmoll abilities to fix in their minds the principles of American Indepen- dence, and that he rejoiced he had now accompliftied the meafure." We have now before us a brief view of the principles of the American rebellion ; and we find that it has rifen from the fame iource, and been conduced by the fame fpirit with that whicheffefted the [ 8o ] the dc(lru8:Ion of the Englifh Government in the lift century. The leaders in both" (et out with a 1)ietence of aflerting the liberties of the people. Vofeflions of the mod zealous loyalty and firmcft attachment to the eftablifhed Government, were the veils under which, for a time, they concealed their fcdition. The fame arts and, hypocritical falfchoods, with the fame kind of illegal and tu- multuous violence, were employed by both, Faftious conventions, committees and mobs, were the inftruments by which they carried their treafonable praftices into execution. I f the pulpits of the fetlaries in England in the year 1641, re- founded with fedition, the pulpits of ihe Congre- gational Independents ana Prefbyterians, from Nova Scotia to Georgia, rung with the fame flagi- tious do6trines. Uj)on a faithful enquiry it was found, that in the four New England Provinces, there were only twelve among live hundred and fifty diUenting minifters, and in all the other Colo- nies a ftilUefs number, who declined the rebellious lafk. If the oppofition to the rebellion in England was compofcd chiefly of the members of the efta- bliflied Church, the fame people, with the Quakers, Methodifts, &c. as foon as their fcheme of Indepen- dence was known, formed the oppofition in America. And if the abolition of the monarchical and ariftocratical parts of the conftitution was the great object of the independents in Britain, all the circun^llances attending the American rebellion added 10 the event, prove incontefliably, that the American republicans had the fame defign from the beginning con ftantly in their view. The parallel between thefe rebellions might be carried yet further; but enough has been faid to place f iie motives and deligns of the American in- furgenfs in their true light. If indeed there was any dlifctence between t^. ■ n, it has con{ift;ed in the difli.ient conduct o^ ♦!'? Princes, in whofe reigns they have lefpcctively happened, towards the in- lurijents. In the reign of Charles the Firft, it mwft be [ 8. ] be acknowledged that there were grievances which afforded a plaufible pretext for oppofition, though tliey could not judify the extent to which it was carried. Among thefe may be reckoned the fre- quent diflfolutions of Parliament, the railing of money without the alTcnt of Parliament, the pro- ceedings againd fome of its members, and a variety of other tranfactions which did not confill with the freedom of the Britifh conftitution. But in the prefent reign there has been no one act which has had the lead tendency, or which has dilcovcied the leaft wifti in the Prince or his Miniflers to injure the conftitution of the Britifli Govern- ment, ortoopprefs the infurgcnts; but on the con- trary, there have been the ftrongeft proofs of a defire to preferve the conftitution pure and invio- late. It has been a reign of the moft ample pro- teftion, without one aft of oppreflion or injuftice. Having thus traced the American rebellion from itsoriginal fource to the declaration of Independence^ I Ihall conclude thefe reflcftions with fome general obfervations, which naturally arife out of the fubjeft. I know it is the opinion of fome men, that Co- lonies cannot be long kept in fubordination to the Parent State. That, like individuals in the dif- ferent ftages of life, they will in their youth be fubordinate ; but as foon as they are arrived at ftrength and maturity, they will naturally throw off their connexion with their Parent State. This opinion I have ever thought ill-foundtfd. It is not fupported by any inftances to be found in ancient or modern hiftory. The revolt of Coloniea have ever been occafioned by other caufes. The Colonies of Rome were oppreffed; they were compelled to pay exceflive tributes. Thefe were levied by their Governors appointed at Rome, They furniflied armies for the proteftion of the city, confifting of double the numbers fupplicd by Rome itfelf ; and yet they did not participate in the rights of Roman citizens. They were neither enrolled '- I I L 8. ] t! enrolled in their legions, nor could vole in their Comitia; they were deprived of any poflibility of fharing in the emoluments, honours, or dignities of office; they were not even treated as members of the State, but as flaves ; and although tiicy had often Iblicited tlie fenate to give them the rights of citizens, the pride, the folly of the Icnate rejected their fupplicaiions, and theicfore they revolted. The great mifUke of Rome in the government of their Colonics and Provinces was founded in the arrogance of power. Rome lent out colonies, be- caufe tlie principal territory was too fiiU of inha- bitants. She fclectcd for this purpolc the lowcft and mcaneft of the Ticoplc. Tiiffe, and thofe whom her arms had lately contjucrcd.her pride confidered as an inferior clafs ol mortals, not entitled to the rights ci humanity." They were therefore indulged with few piivilfcf^es. i no State never confidered that in fime, by cultivating the fame arts, and by their fuperior induftiy, which ihe fituation they were placed in tended lo promote, they would be- come equally impro\'ed in knowledge, and polfeffcd of equal, if not fupcricr power; and that when this fhoidd happen, they would naturally refent tlic odious diftinclions made betwti n them and the other members of the State, To lin:> folly the re- volt of (he Roman Colonics can only be jullly attributed. The revolt of the Tiritifh Colonics has arifevi, as we have fcen from oppofitc caule.i. It is not un- common for contrary extremes to produce the fame effects. If ihe Romans gave lefs freedom to the colonift than the citizen enjoyed at Rome, Britons gave more liberty to the Americans than the fubject enjoyed in Britain, Inftcad of giving them the fame privileges, and fubjccting them to the fame powers to which the fnbjccts in Britain were fubor- dinate, they gave them rights which, if they did not amount to independence itfelf, approached as near as poffiblc to it. Inftcad of cnflaving fliem, they gave them more freedom than was confident with true civil libertv. The r 83' j The caufes of the revolt being now afcertaincfJ, the political phyfician cannot be at a lofs for the proper remedy, nor defpair of a cure. Upon looking into the (late of the patient, he will find every fymptom in his favour. - The poifon has not fpread itfelf through the general ma(s of the people ; tne difaffeftion is confined to two lefts otdilfenters; while the people of the ellablilhed Church, Mc- thodiils, Lutherans, German Calvinifh, Quakers, Menonifts, &c. arc warmly attached to the Britifh Government, and ready to embrace any reafonable terms which fhall remove the conllitutional defeft in the authority of Parliament, the inability of the Colonies, and the caufes of future revolt. In fliort, the Colonics at this moment are in that very difpo- fition in which Charles 11. found the people of Britain at the time of his rciloration. They have feen the arts and frauds of their leaders, and are daily fuffering under their treacliery and tyranny; their country has been drained of its labourers, and remains uncultivated: their commerce is ruined, and every necefl'ary tjf life is extravagantly dear, and but few to be obtained; and to increafe this part of their diftrefs, the little property remaining is daily feized, and nothing retm-ned for it but money of no value, infomuch that they have wafted upwards of 40,000,000/. llerling in forging their own chains. laws the moft unjuft, oppreffive, and fanguinary, have been made for their govern- ment. Children have been pofition, 1 had the li/Tioners received ouldcer- me they alliance arallcied *cuation Ha army of the :rceivcd •y; (hat ding to iri this opinion opinion by letters wrote by the faftion in Britain, afuring them thai if they perfcverdl, they mujt in the end obtain abfolute indepcndtfue. It was not probable that propofitiotis, both do- fcftivc and ill-timed, would meet with tiie concur- rence of the perions to whom they were made. The Americans were now divided in two j)artics. The fird, and by far the grodtcit, conlilhcd of men who had feveiely felt the tyranny and cruelties of their new rulers, and (incerely wilhed lor an uniori with Great-Britain on the fundament.d principles of the Englifh GovcrnmenL. The lc( und were men whom nothing lets than perrc6l independence would latisfy. The loyaliits did not wiih that the authority of Parliament, fliould be abfolutely given up. All that tliey dehred wd^i, that it migiit be modified, and made more conditutional over tliem. An union, and not a feparatiori in polity, was the objeft of their purfuit. But the icimH olfeied did not contain any principles on which the two coun- tries could be united: on the contrary, they, to all appearance, laid a lure foundation of future quarrel and civil wars, and confcqucnlly of American in- dependence; an event equally inconfiftent with their fafety and happincfs as with that of Great Britain, They therefore preferred the temporary ravages and horrors of war to the lalUng iTiiichicfs which thefe propofitions, if accepted, muft have entailed on them and their pollcrity. On the other hand, the independents now grown defperate from their rebellion, and the innumerable cruelties committed on the loyal ifls, equally repro- bated them, becaulc they hoped, by the afli fiance of France, foon to obtain the great objcft of their original deiiTn, and to fupport their own power and dignity, which they knew they mud rciign if a reconciliation with Great Britain fhould take place. Hence it ,' appened, t!v,it?l; re never were any propofals I'i ■iccommo':lutton h,-M out by one people to anoth'-r. ^vore univei Tally difapproved than the term: or he lad commifiion.. H -i Seeing 1 i'- : 1 ■J i W. r M 1 1 J [ 88 ] Secin/^ then that thoCc defe6live expedients have failed in fettling the difFcrcnce between the two countries, Great-Britain will certainly purfue othci meailircs more promiling oF fuccels. A little con- fidcration will tell her, that it is not a commciical alliance, but a firm and folid union which only can fccure tlic Colonies. And in order to know upon what principles this union CHight to be eflablifhed, \ve are not to learch for them in the laws of nature and nations; they are to be found nearer home, Thofe principles upon which all civil focieties are formed, and particularly thofe upon which the Britifh conflitution is eflablifhed, will befl inflruft us. Here we fhall find, That a fupreme kgijlative authority over every member and part of a fociety, in refpcft to every matter fufceptible of human direftion, is effcntial in the confhitution of all States. That it is this au- thority, the fame fundamental principles of polity, and the fame general laws pervading the whole lyltem, whatever may be its form, winch create m the ful)jc6l;s the fame habits, manners, afPcftions and prejudioes, fix the national attachment, from the cement of union, and by an imperceptible impuH'e compel them to aft, on all occaiions, in concert for the common gQ04 aP.4 fafety . And thai. tO give Up Ofte of the rights of this authority, and more efpe- cially the mofl important of all, the right of taxa- tion, will be only the prelude to a fpeedy furrender of the whole. We fhall here alfo perceive, that the Britifh Government is a mixea monarchy, in which the principles of the three fimple forms of Govermnent are lb wifely mixed and tempered, as to gliard, with equal certainty, againft the two great enemies to civil liberty, defpotifm and licentioufnefs. That a reprefentation in its fupreme authority is the ef- fence of its freedom ; and that its power over a dif- trift of territory whofc people are not reprefcnted, is defpotic, and not free. Upon er every to every efTcntial s this au- f polity, »e whole create in :ions and from the impulfe :icert for give up •re efpe- of taxa- irrender Britififi lich the irmnent guard, enemies That the ef- r a dif- fcnted, Upon r 89 ] Upon, confidering the nature and defign of infe- rior and fubordinate focieties, we fliallfind, that they are intended to fupport and ftrengthen the principal fyftem, and not to weaken, oppofc, or to dellroy it; and therefore that they ihoula be formed on the principles and fundamental laws of the State itfelf: That inferior democratical focieties, or thofc whofe powers and rights are not properly mixed and Dalanced, cannot flrengthen, but mull weaken a mixed form of Government : That the fimple prin- ciples of ariftocracy or democracy will not lult under a monarchy, and fo mutatis mutandis: nor will the principles of any of them unmixed, and not duly balanced, agree with a mixed monarchy. Upon looking into the Governments of the Co- lonies before they were annulled by the rebellion, we fhall perceive that they were a chaos of political abfurdities, conlonant to no fyflemsever yet invented; that they neither harmonized with each other, nor with the State itCclf ; and that they have been fettled through the indolence, or ignorance, or corruption of former politicians, on principles totally repug- nant to thole of the Government lo which they were intended to be fubordinate. In the Royal Colonies, the powers of Government are divided between the reprefentative of the Crown and the people, without the Icafh intermediate check to an excefs of conftitutional power in either. In the Proprietary Colonies, the regal power, or the re- prefentative of the Britifh State, has fcarcely re- tained the fliadow of its autliority. All the exe- cutive and foederative rights of the State are granted to the proprietaiHcs and their heirs, and all the powers of complete legiflation are divided between them and the people, without any check or controul. In one of the Charter Colonies, the reprefentative of the Britifh State has very little more w^eight in the legiflative and executive powers, than the Doge has in the councils of Venice; and in the other two the Governments arc, to all intents and purpofes, independent democracies; fo that tliey arc truly fo II 3 njany 1/ ' ''M. U i, I-' v; ', It ; L 90 ] •many infer f or political monjfers, which have, and cvn will coaleji c tc dif^urb the peace and order of the Jo. ciety, and in the i -id to dejtroy it. And we mud further conlider, that men can only be governed cither by fear or art: That fear mufl be fupported by force, and that force will not anfwerour prcient purpofe. For, however it may be ufed with fucccis by defpotic Governments, it cannot be fafely employed in one where freedom conllitutcs its eflcncc, and a great number of people are to be governed by it. Wc mud therefore apply to policy for ihc meuns by which the two countries mud be united, if united for any feries of time. This will leach us to remove, as much as podible, all didintliions in refpcft to the power, rights and privileges, which have too long fubfided between a fubjeft in Britain and one in America, and con- fequently to carry over the Atlantic the fame fun- damental rights and powers, the fame conditutional privileges, the fame general laws and maxims of polity, under and by \' ich tlic habits and manners, the paffions and attachments of the fubjeft in Britain have been formed, direfted and governed ; becaufe it is this policy alone that can eradicate that averfion to a mixed monarchy which has been fuffered to exid already too long in the Colonies, and which can form a folid and permanent union between thp two countries, making them one people of one mind, in refped to their common intereji andfafety. It IS much to be regretted, that neither country feems to approve of an American reprefentation in Parliament, necaufe it is a meafure the mod confident with thofe principles upon which the freedom of the Britidi Government is edabliftied. However, fince this lis defp?.ired of, it will ifdom, I'econdary w ifdom at lead, to adopt th t bed. An American legiflature, incorporate \v ih the Britifh Parliament, for the purpofes of American regulations, in which the Colonids fhall be repre- fented, and in which they fhall be capable of giving validity to no aft but what fhall be approved of by ^ Parliament, have, ayid cvtr -dcr of the fj. men can only : That fear force will not wevcr it may ^'crnments, it icre freedom ber of people ere fore apply two countries ries of time, as poffible, 5 rights and led between :a, and con- e fame fun- onftitutional maxims of nd manners, i6i in Britain led; becaufe that averfion fufFered to and which between thp f one mindy 'ty. ler country entation in ftconfiftent freedom of However, ifdom, t beft. t With the American be repre- e of giving ovedof by arliament. [ 9' ] Parliament, is that meafurc. Indeed there is no other folid, or even rational mode of union in polity, except a rcprefentation in Parliament. It is this joint confoiit which conftituies the unity of tlic Britifh, and of every other mixed form of Govern- ment. By this legiflatiuc, if properly conllituted, the rights which the Americans claim may be rc- florcd, their political inability to grant their rea- fonable proportions of aids towards the national defence may be removed, a lecurity that they will give thofe aids on all occafions may be obtained ; and their fubordination to the Britifh State may be eftablilhed on fuch principles as will unite them with Great-Britain for asjes to come. Sincerely difpofed, as the greater part of the people in America arc, to be more firmly united with Great-Britain on conftitutional principles, is it not much to be lamented, that the Britifti legi- fliture, feeing the defeft in its conftitutional au- thority over the Colonies, and knowing that it is tlic great foundation of their dilicontent, have not taken it into their feiious confideration, and adopted the meafure moft proper for removing it? Had this been done in the beginning of the oppofition to the authority of Parliament, tiic republican fadlion muft have been dellitute of the means by which they have inflamed the minds of the Americans, and led them to a reyolt. But I am not fond of dwelling on paft errors, further than is neceffary to amendment. It is not now too late; and perhaps, all circumftanccs confidered, this is the moft proper time for doing it. The ftrong dcfires of the people, the feverity of their new laws, the fuperlative tyranny of their rulers, the extreme diftrefs they have fuffered, and are likely to fuffer, and the ap- prehenfions theyjuftly entertain of the infidious defigns of the courts of VerfalUes and Madrid, point out this as the fortunate moment. Men tired of their prefent milery, and having yet greater in profpeft, will cheerfully embrace fuch propofals as evidently tend to their future happinefs, Befides, ^^ a meafure 1y i H :> IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) 1.0 I.I LA ■so ■2.5 1 2.2 m i 1.4 I 1.6 ~ 6' r- ^> Hiotographic Scisices Corporation 23 WIST MAIN STRUT WnSTM.N.Y. USSO (716) •72-4503 \ •s^ ^\ ^^ %' O^ f^ C 92 ] I a meafure of this kind will falfify the declaration of Congrcfs conftantly held up to the people, that the Parliament intends to enflavc them. It cannot • fail to remove their fears and fix a confidence in the juftice and upright intentions of th^ State towards them ; and it mufl do more towards breaking the confederacy of the Cobniesy and reftoring their obe- dience to Government, than any other meafure that can be poffibly devifed. The remarkable fucccfs of this policy, when •adopted by Rome on a fimilar occafion, will, I truft, prove a leflbn of indruftion to Britain. The fuprcme authority of that city was abfolute over her Colonies and Provinces. A conflitutional partici- pation in the riglits of that authority, though pof- . feflfed by the citizens, was imprudently v;ithheld from the colonifts. This di(lin£lion, in refpeft to itheir politic rights, gave great difcontcnt to the ^-latter. To obtain the fame rights which were en- joyed by their fellow fubjeftsin Rome, they entered into a confederacy ,^ and took arms. The Social war cnfued. Many battles were fought ; the colonics I often triumphed ; and Rome was reduced to the greatcft extremity. At length her obftinacy and j folly gave way to her fafety. A law was paffed, called the Lex Jtdia^ becaufe propofed and obtained by Lucius Julius Caefar, granting to fuch of the Co- 'ilonies as ftiould lay down their arms, the conjlitu- tional rights of Roman citizens. This law being immediately communicated to the Colonies, what were the confequences ? Thofe Colonies which were tired of the war, thofe which were content with the terms offered, and thofe which wifhed to be united with Rome, although the mode of the grant was not perfectly agreeable to them, laid down their arms, deferted the union, and returned to their former obedience. And Rome, whofe armies had been defeated in almoft every battle, now, and not till now, triumphed in her turn ; and foon after, honourably to herl'elf, ended the war, and recovered her lofl authority over the Colonies. ■fe^. :.:: • ' ., : au ricclaratlon eople, that U cannot ence in the e towards 'Caking the their obe- eafure that cy, when n, will, I tain. The e over her lal partici- lough pof- v;ithheld refpeft to nt to the were en- ey entered Social war e colonifts ed to the inacy and 'as paffed, obtained of the Co- 5 conjlitu' aw being ies, what 2s which content I'ifhed to e of the em, laid returned 5, whofe y battle, urn; and e war. th Colonies. All [ 93 ] All this fhe performed, although, like Britain, civil broils and fa6lions engaged her councils at home, and a dangerous combination of two powerful Princes, the Kings of Pontus and Armenia, employed her arms abroad. This policy, this- aft of public juftice to her fub- jefts, together with a firmncfsof fpirit which " never defpaired of the commonwealth" faved Rome, and in all probability, if purfued, will fave Britain, The fame caufcswill ever produce the fameefFc6ls, Should Great Britain offer to the Americans a civil conlli- tuiion, containing a meafure of power, and a dceree of liberty commenfurate to her own polity, exclud- ing all diflinftions between Britons and Americans, and removing the great caufe of colonial complaints, is there not the ftrongeft of all probabilities, to in- duce us to believe, that it will produce the fame happy effefts which the like meaiure produced in the Roman Colonies? If this meafure, propofed to a people, at a time when their arms were crowned with viftories, and when the State which tbcy were oppofing was reduced to the greateft ciifiicultics^ could recal to their minds former connexions} could remove their fears cxcifcd by frcqusr.l: ilc- nials of their reafonable petitions ; could revive their former attachments and affeftions ; could diffever their uniOh,-anu bring them home to tlieirobedience; furely there is more reafoii to convince us that the Americans, dreading the ambitious defigns of their infidious ally, dcftitute of the great refources of war; without men, and without money ; their com- merce loft, their forces generally defeated, and their country ruined by the ravages and expcnces of the war, will fee their own intereft, and embrace thofe terms when offered which they would have ac- cepted in the time of their profperity. Should it be objcfted, that the moft liberal terms of accommodation have been already offered with- out effeft, my anfwer is, that propofals for accom- modating a difpute of fuch importance to both countries, fliould not only be properly timed, but ^™.. , t • jt,, explicit, J ^1 , I- tSi' 1 r. 3 C 91 ] explicit, an