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 "^^ WOliKS 13Y THE SAME AUTlIOll. 
 
 %.■ 
 
 V: Opinions of the Press. ? 
 
 Selected from the leading British Papers. 
 
 r ■i- 
 
 A PLAN FOR THE APPHCxVTIOjS OF ASSURANCE TO 
 DEBTS AND OTHER MONETARY RISKS. Fourth 
 edition. 
 
 * * * Of the Houndnesa of the idea there can, as we have already observecf, 
 be no doubt, and tlie only difficulty in connexion with it would be that which attends 
 all new objectH, uimely, the arrangement of details." — Times, 
 
 * * * "The principle involved merits the seriotis consideration of the commercial 
 community. * * The several v>ros and cons are ably discussed by Mr. Cansdell witli 
 much candour and perspicuity."— i>(u/^ News. 
 
 * * * Mr. ('ansdell shows by indisputable evidence that while advantage has 
 been taken of a«urance to neutralize many descriptions of oalamitj' the system may 
 with ^'reat pro[)rietv and advantage be extended to the assurance of Commercial capital 
 adventured in credit." — Daily Telcijraph. 
 
 * * * " We have here a fair field for Mr. Cansdell and that gentleman under- 
 takes to do the work — nay he has done it. * * * We heartily recommend Mr. 
 Cansdell's pamphlet to general perusal." — Railway Record. 
 
 * * * "Mr. Cansdell shows that the average of Trade losses are as readily 
 determii.able as other coutingences. * * * The points are ably argued by the 
 Writer." — Economist. 
 
 * * * "We have read Mr. Cansdell's pamphlet with much pleasure, and 
 heartily recommend it to general perusal." — Mininrj Journal. 
 
 * * * "A well written exposition of the principle of assurance. ***** 
 The subject is treated at considerble length and with great aliility. It cannot be too 
 strongly reconunended for perusal iu the abstract furnished iu another column or in the 
 concrete as set forth iu the work itself." — Observer. 
 
 A NEW METHOD OF LIFE ASSURANCE, Seventli edition. 
 
 Daily News. 
 
 "A very clever and taking little treatise on Life Assurance." — 
 
 * * * "A very able and interesting pamphlet. * 
 adaptation of the very facile principle of assurance." — Itciwrter, 
 
 A most ingenious 
 
 * * * " The projection of this plan is traceable to the indefatigable energy and 
 talent of Mr. Ci'.nsdell, who has obtained no inconsiderable pojjularity and eminence 
 from the perspicuous and common sense views he holds on all matters of finance, and 
 Assurance." — London Mercantile Journal. 
 
 profitable 
 
 * " The careful perusal of Mr. ('ansdeirs admirable pamphlet will be found 
 to all iuteie^ted iu the important subject of Life Assuranoe."— C^ity Fress- 
 
 
 m 
 
FEDERATION, 
 
 Si9 
 
 )ers. 
 
 COLONIAL AND BRITISH. 
 
 NCE TO 
 .Fourth 
 
 dy observed, 
 'liich attends 
 
 16 commercial 
 Janbdell with 
 
 Ivantage has 
 system may 
 ercial capital 
 
 % 
 
 (Being an Exposition of fhe Federal Systems of 
 
 Bivitzerland , the United States of America, 
 
 Canada and Germany, 
 
 in aid of fhe formation of suitable Constitutions for 
 
 the effectuation of Australasian and (British 
 
 Federation, with suggestions as to many 
 
 direct and indvreci advantages. 
 
 leman under- 
 jmmend Mr. 
 
 re as readily 
 •yued by the 
 
 leasure, and 
 
 •ft * * •«■ 
 
 janiiot be too 
 mm or iu the 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 By C. STUART-OANSDELL, 
 
 BAEBISTER-AT-LAW, OF THE INNER TEMPLE ANr> SUPREME COURTS 
 
 OF NEW SOUTH WALES, QUEENSLAND AND TASMANIA; AND 
 
 FORMERLY JUDGE OF THE WESTERN DISTRICT COURTS 
 
 OF NEW SOUTH WALES. 
 
 til edition. 
 
 ssurance."— 
 
 st ingenlotia 
 
 e energy and 
 nd eminence 
 finance, and 
 
 will be found 
 Jity Presa. 
 
 EDWARDS, DUNLOP & CO., SYDNEY. 
 
 GEORGE ROBERTSON & CO.. MELBOURNE. 
 
 E. S. WIGG & SON, .IDIILAIDE. 
 
 J. WALCII & SONS, H(^' VRT. 
 
 SIMPKIN, MARSHALL, HAMILTON, Kj vTT & CO., LONDON. 
 
 1891, 
 
j'9Hoa5 
 
 58 
 
 copYRianT : 
 
 ALL EIGHTS RESEEVED. 
 
P K E F A C E. 
 
 The object of this little work is to arouse public interest in a 
 subject of vital importauce to the British peoples ; whether of 
 one hemisphere or the other. In view of what other nations 
 have done, the British must Federate or fall back in the race. 
 "With Federation they will preserve pre-eminence, without it 
 they can never hold their place. Germany with its forty millions 
 of Federated peoples threatens British trade, and America with 
 its sixty millions, who know the value of unity, already outrivals 
 Britain in many productions and industries. 
 
 Two great questions depend upon British Union. Defence and 
 Trade. Federation, and Federation only, can secure the integ- 
 rity of the Ikitish Dominions. Federation, and Federation only, 
 can preserve the trade of the British peoples for themselves. The 
 most favoured nations should be chose of their own possessions. 
 These ends secured, then, trade foUoAvingthe British alliance flag 
 will secure develo])ments, over Dominions exceedi:ig 10,000,000 
 of square miles, which can never be approached by any save the 
 United States, themselves British in race, and rivals only in 
 progress. 
 
 Colonial Federation is a Jai-ge, important and needful part of 
 Union, but British-Colonial Federation can alone secure Colonial 
 safety and a continuity of British supremacy. On the other 
 hand British or Colonial indifference will court destruction of 
 British trade and disintegration of the British possessions. 
 
 And yet the movement has but limited support on either side 
 of the world. The Britisher and the Australian-Britisher are 
 equally too intent upon the profits of their own daily concerns 
 to see how nearly the question affects them. One threat of a 
 common foe would doubtless find them united to a man for defence. 
 But a little enquiry would show them, why and liow, otlier 
 great nations have federated, and with what better effect, even 
 for the purposes of defence, than a mere hasty alliance could 
 give. To assist this enquiry, an epitome is here presented of 
 so much of the histories of those countries which have develoi)ed 
 their own federation as will teach us what to adopt and what 
 to reject. 
 
 Upon a wise determination of these points will depend whether 
 the British peoples maintain their position or degenerate into an 
 inferior power. Every man, aye, and every woman, should 
 stud . the question — the great question of the day — and conven- 
 tions of the peoples should alone decide. 
 
 C. S. C. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 »» 
 
 M 
 
 >l 
 
 >» 
 
 ♦» 
 
 >» 
 
 »» 
 »» 
 
 »» 
 
 11 
 
 
 Of the advant!i},'eH of Colonial and British Federation ... 
 
 The Title " British" to be preferred to '• Imperial" 
 
 Of the various possible forms of Federal Union 
 
 British Federation must emanate from the British Parliament ... 
 
 Colonial Federation must emanate from the Colonial Parliaments 
 
 History of the iSwiaa Federal .system ... 
 
 , Judicial system ... 
 „ Fiscal system 
 , „ ,, Defence system ... 
 
 Of the " Referendum" and other peculiarities of the Swiss system of 
 
 goverimient 
 Of the Cost of the " Swiss Government" 
 History of the American Federal system 
 
 ,, Judicial system 
 „ Fiscal system 
 ,, Defence 
 Of the Cost of „ „ System 
 
 History of the Canadian Federal system 
 
 „ Judicial system 
 ,, Fiscal 
 ,, Defence 
 Of the cost of the,, ,, System 
 
 History of the Germanic Federal system 
 
 ,, Judicial system 
 ,, Fiscal 
 ,, Defence 
 Of the cost of the,, „ System ... ... 
 
 Summary of the foregoing Reviews of the four chief Federal systems 
 Tabulated Statement showing at a glance the Constitution and Legislative 
 and Kxeoutive Powers — 
 
 Of the Swiss Federal system ... 
 ,, American ,, ,, 
 
 „ Canadian ., ,, 
 
 „ German ,, ,, ... ... •■■ ••• 
 
 Results show that the Swiss, the American and the Germanic States have 
 
 relinquished but little of their local legislative powers to Federal rule 
 But not so the (Canadians 
 Dissatisfaction of the Canadians 
 
 Objections to giving extensive powers to a central government ... 
 Should be limited chiefly to macters of defence ..._ 
 Proposed Outline for an " Au.stralian Federal Union" ... 
 
 1. Of Equality in State Areas 
 
 2. Of a Uniform Tariff 
 
 3. Of the Appointment of Governors 
 
 4. Of a Supreme Court of Appeal 
 
 5. Of Cons()lidation of Public Debts 
 
 6. Of a I'^ederal Capital 
 
 7. Of a Uniform Railway Gauge 
 
 8. Of Transit and Irrigation Canals ... 
 
 9. Of Fore-st Planting 
 
 10. Of Fruit Culture 
 
 11. Of National Banks of Issue 
 
 12. Of Briti.sh or Imperial Federation 
 
 Proposed outline for a British Empire Federal Union 
 Conclusion : Federation will secure Trade by securing Peace 
 
 0:o • 
 
 MAPS. 
 
 Australia as now divided facing page 78. 
 Australia with proposed divisions facing page 78. 
 
 Page. 
 
 ... 1 
 
 3 
 
 o 
 
 G 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 11 
 12 
 13 
 
 15 
 18 
 20 
 27 
 29 
 35 
 30 
 37 
 45 
 47 
 50 
 52 
 53 
 66 
 68 
 68 
 70 
 71 
 
 72 
 72 
 73 
 73 
 
 74 
 
 74 
 
 75 
 
 75 
 
 76 
 
 77 
 
 78 
 
 82 
 
 83 
 
 85 
 
 87 
 
 89 
 
 91 
 
 92 
 
 99 
 
 101 
 
 103 
 
 110 
 
 114 
 
 115 
 

 1 
 
 l| ! 
 I i- 
 
 ! 
 
 it 
 
 ■ ! 
 
 ■i t' 
 
FEDERATION, 
 
 OOLOWIAL AJTQ (B(BITISH. 
 
 ;0: 
 
 The federation of the Australasian Colonies having been 
 brought into prominence by proposals for a fitting scheme, 
 the publication of an Exposition of the vnrious methods of 
 Poderal Union now in operation and capable of development, 
 seems tc be the necessitv of the hour. 
 
 And more especially so, because, while no question of greater 
 importance ever engaged the attention of the present generation, 
 there is perhaps no proposal of equal weight uhich is so little 
 understood, even by some who affect to lead upon the question. 
 
 Much misunderstanding of the matter has been induced by 
 the terms, Colonial and Imperial Federation, being commonly 
 treated as identical. Few seem to reali: "ihe truth, that though 
 allied subjects, they are actually distin t. And yet, while, so 
 distinct, that either might exist mthout the other, they are 
 nevertheless the natural complement of each other. Unfortun- 
 ately however, the whole subject has been so much discussed 
 under the title of " Imperial Federation" as to have favoured 
 objections which would otherwise never have been raised. 
 
 Some look upon it therefore as covering a scheme, by which 
 much of the parliamentary rights and privileges of each colony 
 to govern itself, will be taken away and given to an Imperial or at 
 least a Federal Senate, forgetful of the fact, that no such sacrifice 
 can be enforced save with their own assent. 
 
 Some regard it with favour, but with only a vague idea of the 
 advantages it will give, or of the unreasonable price at which, if 
 initiated under bad counsels, it may perhaps be purchased. 
 
1 
 j 
 
 ! 
 
 ( 
 
 I 
 I 
 i 
 
 |r 
 
 h 
 
 
 i ' 
 
 I 
 
 s 
 
 Some look upon it with disfavour but for no more weighty 
 reason, than that they possess an overweening confidence in the 
 power of their own particular colony to bear its own burdens and 
 protect itself against any foes. 
 
 Some regard it as promoted by sister colonies who see in it a 
 means of keeping out British goods, by iniposing heavy duties 
 thereon, and then by a system of intercolonial free trade, to com- 
 pel the pi.rchase of their own manufactures at advanced prices. 
 
 And some fancy they see in the proposal, a scheme on behalf 
 of and in the interests of the Motlier Country, by which her 
 rulers hope to resume a supremacy, which she long since most 
 generously relinquished. 
 
 Of all these objections none are more absurd than this last. 
 The Mother Countr}' has freely given her Colonies full owner- 
 ship of their lands and the privilege of self-government under 
 their own independent parliaments and she is giad to be relieved 
 for ever, of the responsiblities of directing their local affairs. 
 
 The Mother Country has really no interests which are anta- 
 gonistic to those of her Colonies, Imperial interests, about 
 which sometimes, much is vaguely urged, as if they were matter;! 
 exclusively advantageous to Britain, are really chiefly centered 
 in the preservation of its commerce, and that necessarily include.; 
 the commerce of its enormous and widely scattered dominions. 
 In this duty, Imperial and Colonial interests are reciprocal and 
 their joint action, is a htting subject for Federal Union. ; 
 
 The unemployed capital of the Mother Country, in swelling 
 colonial investments by con stantly increas ing millions builds up new 
 industries and develops new resources. 'ler merchants, in im- 
 porting the varied products of her illimitable pcsseasions must 
 enrich Colonial producers. Her countless ships, which are ever 
 passing between her shores and those of the young nations she las 
 founded, bear to and fro, tens of thousands of her peoples day by 
 day, and rich freights, the products of her mills and Wvorks, in 
 profitable exchange, for those of her colonial lands and mines. 
 In that enoruioub trade, larger than was ever realized ut any 
 prior time, within the history of the world, we may see the suliu 
 and enduring interests, not less valuable to her colonies, than to 
 herself, which bind them together in the golden bonds of mutual 
 profit. This trade which now totals beyond a thousand million 
 pounds in each year, is destined to a prodigious enlargement 
 in the future. 
 
 But the riches which compi'ise this trade, afloat and ashore, and 
 in which she and her colonists are mutually interested, would 
 
 lii 
 
no more weighty 
 confidence in the 
 I own burdens and 
 
 es who see in it a 
 dng heavy duties 
 'ree trade, to com- 
 b advanced prices. 
 
 aclieme on behalf 
 
 }ry, by which her 
 
 long since most 
 
 ird than this last. 
 >niea full owner- 
 :overnment under 
 lad to be relieved 
 r local affairs, 
 
 ;s which are anta- 
 interests, about 
 
 ;hey were matter;) 
 chiefly centered 
 
 cessarily include.: 
 
 ttered dominions. 
 
 re reciprocal and 
 . Union. 
 
 mtry, in swelling 
 
 ions builds up new 
 
 merchants, in im- 
 
 pcsseasions must 
 
 s, which are ever 
 
 g nations she 1. as 
 
 er peoples day by 
 
 ills and works, in 
 
 lands and mines. 
 
 • realized at any 
 
 nav see the suliu 
 
 colonies, than to 
 
 bonds of mutual 
 
 Ihousand million 
 
 JUS enlargement 
 
 it and ashore, and 
 ntorested, would 
 
 i 
 
 afford grand prizes to the rapacity of an enemy. They therefore 
 need to be assured of protection, both at sea and on land. Sup- 
 ];ose war to trealc out, and, unless known to be well prepared, 
 break out it will and just perhaps when it is least expected, — 
 what disasters, what stagnation of trade, what losses will then 
 ensue not only to British merchants bur to Colonial producers ? 
 And those losses, great though they will be to England, will be 
 greater still to Colonial enterprise. To the merchant princes of 
 tlie Mother Country, the heaviest losses of even a prolonged war 
 would be but a small part of their great wealth ; to Colonial 
 interests they would be overwhelming. For this reason and for 
 this reason alone, even if all others were deemed insufficient, is 
 both Colonial and Imperial Federation needed ; since nothing 
 short of that, can secure adequate powers of defence. 
 
 But the title of " British Federation" k greatly to be pre- 
 ferred to that of " Imperial", because the prefix Imperial is 
 misleading, as seeming co many, to imply an intention of the 
 Crown to reassume in part, the Grovernment of Colonial affairs. 
 No one who has perused the proposals, of the men of mark, who 
 constitute the '' Imperial Federation League," will believe that 
 the Crown desires to take away one jot of the present indepen- 
 dence of the Colonies. Still, it cannot be too strongly urged 
 that the word '" Imperial," implies a drawing of all together, under 
 one head, which is very different to an union for special purposes 
 only. It savours too much of sovereign power, to sound pleasantly, 
 in the ears of those, who have now the right to govern thcm- 
 eelves and know how to value the privilege. And as association 
 of ideas, has much influence in the formation of public opinion, 
 9, word, which may but only seem to support the suspicion of 
 ill-wishers, and so invites opposition, is best avoided. 
 
 For these reasons it is a matter of regret to many loyal 
 supporters of an United Empire, that ^^^he broader and more 
 truly august title of " British Federation League, for promoting 
 ftn Union of all British r.aces" was not chosen ; and it would be 
 
 well to amend it now. Such amendment would remove the 
 fnf ounded doubts of many and give a great impetus to the cause. 
 
 The British public, by whom the political constitution of the 
 Australian Colonies is still but imperfectly understood, will better 
 appreciate the spirit of this suggestion, if they bear in mind, that 
 those Colonies have each so long enjoyed, the practically un- 
 testricted right to govern themselves, in accordan e with the laws 
 of their own separate parliaments, that it may be accepted as 
 certain, they will never yield to the supremacy of any Federal 
 Council or Senate, or even to the Mother Country, one iota o£ 
 those rights of Self-government, which they have received as 
 her generous gift, beyond what is absolutely necessary to secure 
 an approved system of Federal Union— British and Colonial, 
 
m^ X 
 
 4 
 
 4> 
 
 If federation be accepted, its powers will have to be limited 
 to such matters as are absolutely necessary to federation and 
 which the parliament of ench Colony may be pleased to surrender. 
 These will comprise arrangements to secure combined action in case 
 of war, and but little beyond that. Those who are cautious, 
 stipulating perhaps for the right of withdrawal, save as to 
 matters of defence, whenever any Colony £:hall express such 
 desire by a two-thirds majority of its adult population. 
 
 And " British Federation" is to be preferred because it implies 
 an union, which may it is hoped, be one day the means of 
 drawing together all English speaking races. The old saying 
 " Union is Strength" could find no more perfect verification 
 than in such an union of nations, which, while preserving their 
 separate independence, would give a strength to the whole, no 
 former alliance has ever equalled. Such numbers, such wealth 
 and such powers, would command the peace and prosperity of 
 the whole world. 
 
 The Mother Country, it should be observed, has no special 
 advantage to gain, by the federation of her dominions. Con- 
 sidering her insular position and command of men and money, 
 she is practically unassailable It is scarcely possible that she 
 can be open to conquest or even to contribution at the pleasure 
 of any combination of her enemies. She may lose men and ships 
 and much property by the misfortunes of war, but no possible 
 alliance of other nations is likely to deprive her, of her command 
 of the seas or of the commerce of the world. Her enormous 
 wealth, will enable her to sustain herself in the direst of wars, 
 far longer th'\n the treasuries of any combination of other 
 power's and she will come out of any war as powerful as ever. 
 
 But it would not bo so with lier Colonies, however rich in 
 moneys and lands. These very riches have doubtless already 
 exposed them to the eager cupidity of a possible enemy of the 
 future. It should be borne in mind that riches, especially un- 
 occupied lauds, without large bodies of trained men, and war 
 material of the most perfect kind, and ships to protect our 
 coasts, present temptations to aggression which could not be 
 resisted, save under a well devised system of federation. 
 
 And what is a well devised system of federation ? few subjects 
 admit of greater variance in their circumstances. Commonly 
 spoken of and approved or disapproved, as tho'igh a matter of 
 known and fixed conditions, Federal Union may range from tliat 
 supreme legislative power, under which a central parliament 
 possesses the sole right to legislate wholly or partly, for all the 
 parts, of which, separately or in groups, such Union is composed, 
 to that of a simple alliance, in which as to all matters save defence, 
 each of the allied parts, retains its own powers of Self -govern- 
 mont. 
 
5 
 
 tve to be limited 
 federation and 
 ed to surrender, 
 ed action in case 
 ho are cautious, 
 ■ al, save as to 
 [1 express such 
 ation. 
 
 jcause it implies 
 ^ the means of 
 The old saying 
 Pect verification 
 preserving their 
 ) the whole, no 
 rs, such wealth 
 id prosperity of 
 
 , has no special 
 minions. Con- 
 en and money, 
 ossibJe that she 
 at the pleasure 
 ? men and ships 
 but no possible 
 of her command 
 Her enormous 
 direst of wars, 
 ation of other 
 Dwerful as ever. 
 
 lowever rich in 
 )ubtless already 
 
 enemy of the 
 
 , especially un- 
 
 men, and war 
 
 to protect our 
 
 could not be 
 ration. 
 
 1 ? few subjects 
 38. Commonly 
 igli a matter of 
 ange from that 
 rai parliament 
 rtly, for all the 
 )n is composed, 
 rs save defence, 
 of Self-govern- 
 
 These various possible forms of Federal Union, will perhaps be 
 more readily appreciated, by a perusal of the following summary 
 of them and their examples. 
 
 1. iMPEKiAii Legislative Union of States with representation in 
 the Imperial Parlia'-'ent, which legislates upon all matters for all the 
 States comprising sucn Union. 
 
 Example : Th3 United Kingdom of Great Britain aud Ireland. 
 
 2. Imperial Legislative Union of possessions without representation 
 in the Imperial Parliament, which legislates upon nil matters, save as to 
 any powers they are ^lermitted to exercise by their respective Governors 
 and Executive Councils, nominated by the Orown. 
 
 Examples : Cyprus, Gibraltar, St. Helena, New Guinea aud Western Pacific 
 Islands. 
 
 3. Limited Imperial and Local Legislative Union without repre- 
 sentation in the Imperial Parliament which -legislates onbi as to national 
 matters, the possessions so governed having their own local Councils or 
 Councils and Assemblies nominated by the Crown or partly nominated 
 and partly elected, which legislate as to all local matters. 
 
 Examples : India; Ceylon, the Straits Settlements, Hong-Kong, Labuen, 
 Lagos, Fiji, Mauritius, Natal, West African Settlements, Bahamas, 
 British Honduras, Barbadoes, Bermudas, Windward Islands, Jamaica, 
 Leeward Islands, British Guiana, Trinidad and Tobago, Turk Islands 
 and Malta, 
 
 4. Limited Imperial and Local Legislative Union of Separate 
 selp-Governing States without representation in the Lnperial Parlia- 
 ment which legislates only as to national matters, such states having 
 separate Parliament;s elected by their own peoples, which legislate as to 
 all other matters. 
 
 Examples: New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, Tasmania, South 
 Australia, New Zealand, Cape Colouy, Newfoundland and Western 
 Australia. 
 
 5. Limited Imperial and Local Legislative Union of States or 
 Colonies without representation in the Imperial Parliament, which 
 legislates only as t<» national matters, but with representation in a Federal 
 Parliament which legislates as to nearly all matters^ each State or Colony 
 having a separate local Parliament of but very limited powers. 
 
 Example : The Dominion of Canada. 
 
 6. Limited Imperial or Central and Local Legislative Union of 
 Federated States with representation in the Imperial or Central Parlia- 
 ment, which legislates only as to Defences and a few other purely national 
 matters, the Local Parliaments retaining all other Powers. 
 
 Examples : Switzerland, The United States and the Germanic Empire, 
 
 This power embodies what is usually described as Home Rule. 
 It is sought by many for Ireland, Scotland and Wales and it 
 would also perhaps satisfy a large portion of the peoples of Aus- 
 tralia, as saving the cost of a Central Federal Q-overnment. 
 
 7. Limited Imperial with Local Government of Shparatk States 
 vtith representation of each State, in both Imperial and Local Parlia- 
 ments. The Imperial Parliament legislating only as to defences and other 
 strictly Natit)nal matters and the I^ocal Parliaments as to Local matters; 
 each State retaining independent powers as to all such subjects. 
 
 This plan, which it is the object of this work to support, would 
 give the broadest basis of government and the most complete 
 representation and at the same time take little legislative powers 
 away from each State. 
 
 Such are the many forms of Union which may exist between 
 a Mother of Nations and her various possessions. Another 
 form of Union is that which is generally described under the term 
 
rr 
 
 I 
 
 i' 
 
 \v, 
 
 >l' 
 
 il 
 
 4 
 
 (Sf 
 
 of " Federation" under which any group of such possessions might 
 themselves unite to form what is knoT\Ti as a Federal Union 
 between themselves for certain limited purposes, and quite inde- 
 pendently of the Mother Country. Such an Union may be 
 described as Inter- Colonial. But the indejiendent powers already 
 given to each of the Colonies and which Federation may enlarge, 
 need a more comprehensive word, to express their all but sovereign 
 rights. Inter-Provincial, implying inferioi ty of the parts to 
 some superior power, does not clearly represent these separate 
 rights. Inter-State seems alone capable of describing an Union 
 of independent States. 
 
 Each of these forms of Union may exist separately. But com- 
 plete Federation would require that combination of both, which, 
 as sot forth in the seventh of the foregoing paragraphs, would 
 constitute British Federation of the most liberal type. 
 
 Beyond this there is the yet unknown but possible condition 
 of that Federal Union under which each State by its own legis- 
 lature or each federated group of States by their own federal legis- 
 latures, may unite with that larger government of the Mother 
 Country for some purposes of mutual advantage. There is as 
 yet no example of this government outside of other governments. 
 It remains for the British race to initiate such a system, under 
 which, any number of possessions can be holden together like 
 the separate strands of one vast cable, each powerful in itself 
 yet giving greater power to all. The Mother Country only, can 
 consummate this union and by an enabling statute, which must 
 proceed from her own parliament. 
 
 But the Federal Union of a group of States must emanate 
 from themselves. The best examples are found in the Federal 
 systems of Switzerland, the United States of America and the 
 G-ermanic Empire. It is therefore proposed, by the light of their 
 experience, to see how they in varying ways, meet the difficulties 
 and provide for the necessities of Federal Union. 
 
 
lessions might 
 Bderal Union 
 id quite inde- 
 nion may be 
 owers already 
 may enlarge, 
 but sovereign 
 the parts to 
 hese separate 
 ing an Union 
 
 f. But com- 
 : both, which 
 raphs, would 
 
 30. 
 
 )le condition 
 ts own legis- 
 f ederal legis- 
 ■ the Mother 
 
 There is as 
 governments, 
 ^stem, under 
 together like 
 rful in itself 
 bry only, can 
 
 which must 
 
 ust emanate 
 the Federal 
 rica and the 
 light of their 
 e difficulties 
 
 THE SWISS FEDERATION. 
 
 The history of this Confederation, which is the growth of cen- 
 turies, affords much valuable experience in aid of the formation 
 of a perfect Federal Union. Such Confederation, of which each 
 State was profoundly distrustful, was forced upon them entirely 
 by the fact, that from remote times, they were constantly subject 
 to hostile incursions by the Northern races. Under such cir- 
 cumstances they could only find safety in following the examples 
 of the Etruscan and Achaean Leagues, which had in turn been 
 founded many centuries before, for a like purpose. But while 
 the Swiss submitted to be allied for mutual defence, each Canton 
 always insisted upon retaining its own independent right to 
 make its own laws and administer its own affairs. And some of 
 them even declined to forego their rights, as independent States, 
 of entering at their own pleasure into treaties with foreign 
 nations and of declaring war or making peace. 
 
 Such Co-ifederations were only at first, alliances between par- 
 ticular Cantons ; some, which by their geographical position 
 were not threatened, selfishly holding aloof. Still, though the 
 powers of such alliances were only limited to mutual defence 
 and the securing of internal tranquillity, these objects alone were 
 deemed so valuable, that it continued to exist century after cen- 
 tury, from the founding of " The League of the Three Cantons" 
 in the year 1291. The people were however so unwilling to 
 recognise its authority as a matter of law, that the terms of its 
 constitution were not reduced into writing for over a century. 
 
 But though successful, in many a struggle with powerful 
 enemies, the central authority continued too weak, for the prompt 
 action which is needful in matters of defence. Until amended 
 in comparatively very recent times it was without legislative, 
 executive or administrative powers, which could be enforced 
 against the several Cantons. It had neither army nor treasury 
 and what was of the greatest moment in the case of Federation, 
 it had no coercive powers of procedure. 
 
 The Diet, which was at first, the title of the executive of this 
 Confederation, being thus denied effective powers, assembled 
 for little more than deliberation. As it was a mere council of advice 
 it was necessary to refer its decisions to each Canton for approval, 
 
 It soon became evident that powers so limited, would not 
 enable that prompt action, which the constantly disturbed con- 
 dition of the surrounding countries demanded. And so towards 
 
f 
 
 
 1 
 
 ■'III 
 
 
 8 - . ,*■ 
 
 the close of the seventeenth century, (1688), the authority of 
 this Diet, was enlarged and in the case of urgent danger, it was 
 empowered to call on the several Cantons, to supply troops for 
 the defence of the federated States, in such numbers from each 
 Canton, as such Diet, having regard to their several populations 
 and resources should require. 
 
 This was the first approach, towards the establishment of a 
 Federal army, and though a great step in advance, a central 
 authority of much greater power was found to be necessary, in 
 the troublous times which followed. 
 
 These troubles wore external and internal . The Cantons had 
 not only enemies without, to do battle against, in defence of 
 their existence as a nation, but they had scarcely less difficulties at 
 home. But though, while the liberties of the Cantons were 
 threatened by foreign aggressors, they were ready enough to 
 unite in common defence, local disputes and jealousies, and 
 religious and civil wars of the most terrible kind, were not always 
 sufficient to secure united action. 
 
 Passing then through many phases, the Swiss Confederation, 
 commencing with the " League of the Three Cantons," formed 
 in 1291 ; its federal powers increased by the " Confederation of 
 the Eight Cantons" in 1353, and again further strengthened by 
 the " Confederation of the Thirteen States" in 1513 and by en- 
 larged powers given in 1688, managed to support the cohesion of 
 the Cantons, more or less effectively through internal discords, 
 religious wars, and revolts for over four centuries, but always 
 with many difficultijs, from need of sufficient central power, to 
 enforce the commands of the Diet. 
 
 But so averse were the Swiss to centralization, that even the 
 limited powers, with which the central authority had been en- 
 dowed, had almost ceased to meet with recognition, towards the 
 close of the eighteenth century. In consequence of struggles 
 for pre-eminence or other local dispute, the separate States had 
 become more divided than ever amongst themselves. As the 
 natural result of this state of discord, the government of some 
 of the Cantons had passed into the hands of wealthy patrician 
 families, to the almost entire exclusion of the mass of the people ; 
 and these new rulers, assumed the right to govern their fellow 
 inhabitants at their own pleasure and in Borne cases with con- 
 siderable tyrrany. Other of the Cantons however remained 
 democratic and the central government being practically power- 
 less, they settled all their Cantonal differences by means of the 
 " Landesgemeinden" which was a local general assembly of the 
 peoples, of very ancient origin. 
 
 At this period, the Swiss Confederation seemed, in the 
 absence of war or some other matter of national interest to die 
 cut altogether. But the needful stimulus, to a revival of healthy 
 
lority of 
 or, it was 
 ■oops for 
 rom each 
 ) Illations 
 
 nenfc of a 
 central 
 Basary, iu 
 
 even the 
 been en- 
 'ards the 
 struggles 
 ;ates had 
 As the 
 of some 
 patrician 
 3 people ; 
 ir fellow 
 vith con- 
 remained 
 'f power- 
 s of the 
 y of the 
 
 in the 
 t to die 
 ■ healthy- 
 
 federal action, was not long absent. Tt was found in the breaking 
 out of the Erench Eevolution of 1789. 
 
 There is a tendency amongst Nations, as amongst men, to follow 
 the lead of others and the Swiss, who in general, had always 
 been extremely democratic in their institutions, began to consider 
 the desirability of setting up a new government altogether, 
 which should put an end to patrician or religious or any other 
 party domination. 
 
 France had for a long time exercised considerable influence in 
 the affairs of Switzerland. Louis the XVI had entered into a 
 defensive alliance with the 13 Cantons in 1777, and his envoys 
 possessed considerable powers, in directing the actions of the 
 Swiss Diets. 
 
 These influences were encouraged by Buonaparte and when 
 in 1798 the Canton of the " Pays de Vaud" declared for indepen- 
 dence, he, with selfish and ulterior designs despatched a French 
 army to its aid. Revolution instigated at the same time by 
 French emissaries, broke out in many parts of the country and 
 so rrevented united action. The Bernese however met and 
 defeated the French, but being in turn defeated by p'lperior 
 force and their capital taken and occupied, the ancient Confeder- 
 ation of Switzerland came practically to an end. 
 
 Up to this time there had been only simple alliances between 
 the different Cantons without sufficient Federal power. Now, in 
 imitation of the French Republic, the " Helvetic Republic, one 
 and indivisible." was established in 1798 by a Federation of 
 fourteen Cantons. Fostered as it was by foreign influences and 
 power, it was offensive to those fe:!ings of independence which 
 seem to be inherited by the Swiss. It was also not less object- 
 tionable, as tending to reduce the conditions of the hitherto 
 sovereign States, to that of mere prefectures. And it erred on 
 the other side in giving too much power to the central body. 
 As a natural consequence the entire country was convulsed by 
 hostile factions. A minority who were distinguished as 
 " Centralizers" wished to lodge the whole of the supreme power 
 in one central authority, and the majority called " Federalists," 
 demanded a return to the federal conditions under which each 
 of the Cantons were sovereign States. 
 
 At last, Buonaparte, in 1805, summoned deputies tol'aris and 
 dictated to Switzerland, a new constitution, which was called the 
 " Act of Mediation." Under this Union nineteen Cantons 
 federated with separate constitutions and a central Diet. But 
 the source from whence it sprang was not approved and the 
 limitations of Cantonal powers which it imposed, rendered it very 
 unacceptable. 
 
 The fall of Buonaparte revived the old federal spirit and 
 removing the domination of France, brought about the reunion 
 
^ 
 
 T 
 
 10 
 
 in 1830, of twonty-two Cantons under an entirely new constitu- 
 tion, which, restoring to each Canton a large part of its 
 sovereignty, remained in force subject to some revisions in 1832, 
 until 1848, when a new Federal Constitution was adopted. 
 
 Up to this point the history of Federal Union in Switzerland 
 shows that the central authority has always been too weak. 
 Such restriction was the outcome of the extreme views the Swias 
 had always entertained and still entertain as to the sovereign 
 rights of the people. It was not enough, in their estimation, that 
 the Diet, their own chosen parliament, had determined upon 
 some course of action. The people argued that though elected 
 by the people, such representatives might have been corrupted or 
 their judgment be at fault. They therefore limited their own 
 chosen parliament, to the duties of a mere council of advice, and 
 reserved to themselves the right of final approval or rejection of 
 ail measures. 
 
 But the advantages and necesfdty of a better system, of one 
 which would permit of prompt action, was so apparent as to 
 bring about a modification of these extreme views. This change 
 found expression in the provisions of the Constitution formed as 
 before mentioned, in 1848, on the basis of that of the United 
 States. By this measure the governing powers are entrusted to 
 a " Federal Assembly" (Bundes Versammlung) consisting of a 
 *' Federal Council" (Bundes Rath) of seven members, having sole 
 executive administration and advisory powers, and two chambers, 
 " The Council of the States" (Stande Eath) and " The National 
 Council" (National Rath). The Council of the States consists 
 of forty-four members, two for each of th^ twenty-two Cantons, 
 who are severally nominated for three years by the local govern- 
 ment of his Canton. The " National Council" consists of 145 
 members elected for three years by the people entitled to vote. 
 The number of members of this house are fixed for each Canton 
 and are, at the present, in the proportion of one member for 
 every 20,000 voters. Every man of the age of 20 is entitled to 
 vote and is eligible to be a member of this Council. 
 
 This Executive or ** Federal Council" is elected by the whole 
 Assembly ; that is by the two Legislative Chambers sitting and 
 voting together. It consists of seven members who are elected 
 for three years ; they are eligible for re-election and are often 
 re-elected. Their selection is mada with special reference to 
 their known business qualifications and generally from one of 
 the Legislative Chambers, but not necessarily so, as persons 
 outside parliament may be preferred. Each member takes the 
 management of a department, and one of their mumberis elected to 
 the office of President of their meetings but only for a year; so 
 cautious are the Swiss in providing against the possibility of any 
 abuse of power. And for a like reason such President, unlike 
 the President of the United States, has no personal privilege as 
 
11 
 
 onatitu- 
 ; of its 
 in 1832, 
 
 lod. 
 
 tzerland 
 
 weak, 
 he Swias 
 overeign 
 ion, that 
 cd upon 
 
 1 elected 
 upted or 
 eir own 
 ace, and 
 iction of 
 
 of one 
 nt fls to 
 3 cliango 
 )rmed as 
 
 United 
 usted to 
 ng of a 
 viug sole 
 lambers, 
 Jfational 
 consists 
 Dantons, 
 : govern- 
 
 of 145 
 
 to vote. 
 
 Canton 
 
 iber for 
 
 titled to 
 
 le whole 
 :ing and 
 i elected 
 re often 
 ence to 
 one of 
 persons 
 ikes the 
 ected to 
 '^ear; so 
 I? of any 
 , unlike 
 ilege as 
 
 to a double vote, or power to veto any act done by the Council, of 
 which he is merely the chairman. He may however be re-elected 
 as President, and is generally President also of " The Council of 
 the States." 
 
 The services of the members of this Executive or " Federal 
 Council," who are all engaged in trade, are paid ; the President 
 receiving the very modest salary of .£540, and the other members 
 .£480 each per annum. The members of " The Council of the 
 States" are not paid, except as to such allowances, as may be 
 made by the Canton by which they are respectively elected. 
 The members of *' T'le N- ional Council" are paid, at the rate of 
 sixteen shillings for each aay of attendance during any sitting 
 w^ith an allowance for travelling expenses, at the rate of twopence 
 half -penny per mile. 
 
 It is no part of the business of the members of either chamber 
 to introduce any measure. Every new federal law must be 
 initiated by and be submitted by some member of the " Federal 
 Council," to each of the legislative chambers in turn. For this 
 purpose the members of the "Federal Council" have right of 
 sneech in each chamber but no seat or vote. Every new law 
 to become valid, must have the concurrence of both chambers, 
 which as before mentioned constitute the "Federal Assembly," 
 and when prompt action is needed, sit and vote together. 
 
 Any proposed revision of the constitution must be initiated by 
 a vote of the " Federal Assembly", that is of the two chambers 
 sitting and voting together, or else on the petition of not less 
 than 50,000 people entitled to vote. 
 
 And notwithstanding any revision of the constitution or any 
 new federal law, be passed by majorities in both chambers, it must 
 under the power known as the " Eeferendum," be submitted for 
 the approval of the people, should 50,000 vo";ers so require. 
 
 To the "Federal Assembly", that is, the two Legislative 
 Chambers sitting and voting together, are assigned great powers. 
 It has, by a majority of the members of such two chambers the 
 right of making alliances ; of entering into treaties with foreign 
 nations ; of declaring war and of providing for its cost by levies 
 on each of the separate Cantons ; of proclaiming peace ; of regu- 
 lating the coinage and of cor trolling the postal system. 
 
 The Swiss Federal Judicial System. 
 
 Should any question arise as to Federal matters, it must be 
 submitted to the " Federal Tribunal," the decisions of which are 
 final. This Tribunal, or as we should call it, " The Supreme 
 Court of Appeal," was instituted in all its present powers only 
 in 1848. It had however, grown out of some such institutions, 
 empowered by the former alliances of 1291 and 1315. But in 
 1351 it was agreed that disputes should be settled by arbitration 
 
m 
 
 is 
 
 
 12 
 
 and this plan continued until 1848. The system of arbitration 
 had not however, been found to work in a satisfactory mauner, 
 and the '• Federal Tribunal" was instituted in 1848, upon the 
 lines of " The Supreme Court of Appeal" of the United vStates. 
 
 At first, this Court sat alternately, in different cities of the 
 Cantons, but upon the adoption of the amended constitution of 
 1874 it became necessary, so increased was its functions and 
 business, to give it a permanent abode. 
 
 The Judges are appointed by the Federal Assembly, that is 
 by the two legislative councils. They are nine in number and 
 are elected for six years. They can be and are often re-elected 
 for successive terms of office. The Federal Assembly appoints 
 one to be President and another to be Vice-President of such 
 Tribunal. And so careful are the Swiss to provide against the 
 possibility of wrong, that the rules provide that no Judge can sit 
 in any matter in which he, or any relative, in either a direct or a 
 collateral line, up to and including his first cousin, or the brother 
 or husband of his wife's sister, have to any extent, any direct or 
 indirect interest ; nor in matters when any such relation, or his 
 ward, or even his Canton or commune of origin, is in any way 
 concerned in any matter before him. 
 
 This Court is not only a Federal Tribunal for deciding federal 
 disputes ; it is a court of civil and criminal justice in National 
 matters and of appeal in civil and criminal cases, and it decides 
 all questions of public law. 
 
 The Swiss Fiscal System. 
 
 The condition of Switzerland, presents a most notable example 
 of the perfect triumph of human industry, over natural obstacles 
 of the most difficult kind. Possessed of little cultivateable land 
 she has had to import nearly all her food supplies. Her pastoral 
 pursuits have also been limited by the same cause Her indus- 
 trial pursuits have therefore been restricted mainly to manu- 
 factures, and, as in aid of such employments, she yields naturally, 
 no staple productions, she has had to import nearly all the raw 
 materials required for her factories. Being without coal, 
 she has had to utilize her mountain streams, for the movement 
 of her manufacturing machinery, and without means of tranait 
 by sea or navigable streams, she has had to provide carnage for 
 raw materials inwards and her manufactured goods outwards, by 
 means of roads and railways, constructed at a 'great cost over a 
 most impracticable country. And yet, with so many im.pediments 
 to progress, she shews a rate of exports per head, far in excess of 
 even Britain or Belgium. 
 
 This extraordinary measure of success, is the result of that 
 indomitable industry and determination to succeed, against all 
 odds, which has marked the character of the Swiss peoples for 
 centuries past. 
 
18 
 
 rbitration 
 J manner, 
 upon the 
 d States, 
 
 iea of the 
 itution of 
 itions and 
 
 »ly, that is 
 mber and 
 re-elected 
 T appoints 
 nt of such 
 gainst the 
 dge can sit 
 direct or a 
 he brother 
 T direct or 
 on, or his 
 n any way 
 
 ing federal 
 
 I National 
 
 it decides 
 
 >le example 
 il obstacles 
 ;eable land 
 er pastoral 
 ler indus- 
 
 to manu- 
 9 naturally, 
 ,11 the raw 
 hout coal, 
 
 movement 
 8 of transit 
 iarriage for 
 at wards, by 
 cost over a 
 npediments 
 in excess of 
 
 mlt of that 
 
 , against all 
 
 peoples for 
 
 And though the industries of Switzerland, have suffered greatly 
 from the protective policy of other countries, notably of Germany, 
 France, Italy and Austria, such measures are but sparingly used 
 by the Swiss government and only as a moans of coping with any 
 restrictions imposed by a foreign state. For this purpose the 
 " Federal Council" is authorized by the " Federal Assembly" 
 " under extraordinary circumstances and especially in times of 
 " scarcity, or when the commerce of the country becomes the 
 " object of undue restrictions on the part of any foreign state to 
 *' make any temporary changes in the Tariff, which may seem 
 *' desirable, under reserve of the approval of the Federal Assembly 
 " in the next session." And though little has yet been attempted 
 in this direction, there are many signs of an intention to adopt 
 a strictly protective tariff. 
 
 One very peculiar source of National Eevenue is that arising 
 from the annual tax imposed on those who are exempted from 
 Military service. Even foreigners who are settled in the country 
 are not exempt from this tax, and every Switzer resident out of 
 the country must also pay for his exemption. The tax amounts 
 to a charge of six francs, together with a supplementary charge 
 rising in proportion to the income of the person exempted. But 
 in no case is the charge to exceed 3000 francs which is about 
 £120. The tax produces a revenue of about £100,0(X). 
 
 There is one other very peculiar item of their fiscal system, 
 which demands particular notice. The Swiss were always large 
 manufacturers of spirits and spiritous liquors, of which consider- 
 ably over 1,600,000 gallons are annually distilled. Competition 
 for so large and lucrative a trade, brought about the establishment 
 of over 20,000 distilleries, with the result that in endeavours to 
 secure large profits, great adulturations were practised by many 
 manufacturers. The Swiss Government, with the double motive 
 of protecting the public, against the poverty and crime occasioned 
 by habits of intemperance, but doubtless at the same time, in the 
 hope, of realizing a considerable revenue, stepped in and possessed 
 themselves of a monopoly of the manufacture and sale of spirits 
 and spiritous liquors. This monoply which commenced only 
 under a law passed in 1887, is expected to yield a very large 
 addition to the national income, as soon as the full amount of in- 
 demnification to the original manufacturers has been paid off. 
 
 Beyond this source, the Swiss are depending very much for 
 a public revenue upon a progressive income tax. And this is 
 the form of taxatioir, which we might well expect a people so 
 eminently practical and democratic to favour. 
 
 The Swiss Federal Defence Fobce. 
 
 The Swiss people are by nature a soldierly race. Exposed as 
 they have been for centuries to war, each generation has been 
 nurtured in the exercise of military duties, and so, though also 
 
u 
 
 II! 
 
 J 
 
 eminently commercial in their pursuits they have by constant 
 aervice attained to a high degree of military experience, so high 
 indeed, that competent observers describe their array as not in- 
 ferior to any European nation, i , ->',,- 
 
 Being designed for defence only, and the population limited, 
 service is compulsory, few capable persons oeiug permiHed to 
 claim exemption. 
 
 The whole of their Military forces are divided into three classes. 
 The Elite or Active Army, in which all are liable to serve from 
 the age of 20 to 32 ; the Landwehr or First Reserve, composed 
 of men from 32 to 44 ; and the Landsturm, consisting of men from 
 17 to 50, who are not incorporated in either of the other classes. 
 
 All recruits are passed at once to one of the " Ecoles des 
 Recrues" and are kept there for periods ranging from 45 to 80 
 days ; after which, they are drafted into the different arms of the 
 Service, and with the exception of the Cavalry, who are called 
 out for a course of training every year, the remainder of the Elite 
 or Active Army, is only called out every second year. 
 
 Under this arrangement, every Swiss soldier has five periods of 
 training, to make up his ten years of service in the Elite or Active 
 Army. Of these five periods, he serves in the first year as a 
 recruit 45 days, which, if he is found to be insufficiently educated, 
 may be extended, and in each of the 3rd, 5th, 7th and 9th years 
 he has to serve 16 days, making altogether a period of 109 days 
 training. ^ . ., - 
 
 Every recruit is required to pass an examination in arithmetic, 
 geography and Swiss history. And such is the fair state of edu- 
 cation in the country that in 1S87 not two per centum of the 
 recruits, failed to come up to the standard. Should any do so, 
 they must attend the Recruits School for proper instruction. 
 
 A drill of only 109 days, spread over ten years, may seem too 
 short a period to attain or maintain efficiency. But as from the 
 time every Switzer attends school, he is constantly trained in 
 military and gymnastic exercises, he becomes proficient even while 
 a mere boy, in company and battalion drill. He is therefore 
 capable, of entering upon service as a recruit, at the age of 20, 
 with such a practical knowledge of soldierly duties, that a short 
 service is suf&cient to transform him into a servicable unit of the 
 national army. And, such is the effect of early training, that 
 coupled with the fact, that as every Switzer taking a pride in being 
 an expert rifleman, is ever to be found at the butts of his division, 
 a few days drill, from time to time, keeps him in effective condition, 
 during the ten years, in which he continues a member of the Elite 
 or Active Army, to fall into the Reserve at the end of that term. 
 
 Formed of all classes, from the peasant to the professional man, 
 every possible endeavour is made, to utilize their separate qualifi- 
 
15 
 
 by constant 
 ence, so high 
 y aa not in- 
 
 ition limited, 
 permitted to 
 
 three classes. 
 
 aervo from 
 ve, composed 
 
 1 of men from 
 other classes. 
 
 " Ecoles dea 
 Tom 45 to 80 
 it arras of the 
 10 are called 
 r of the Elite 
 r. 
 
 ive periods of 
 Slite or Active 
 Irst year as a 
 itly educated, 
 and 9th years 
 d of 109 days 
 
 in arithmetic, 
 state of edu- 
 ;entum of the 
 aid any do so, 
 struction. 
 
 may seem too 
 it as from the 
 ;ly trained in 
 ent even while 
 i is therefore 
 the age of 20, 
 i, that a short 
 ble unit of the 
 training, that 
 pride in being 
 of his division, 
 tive condition, 
 Br of the Elite 
 1 of that term. 
 
 fessional man, 
 parate qualifi- 
 
 cations. Bakers and butchers are drafted in to the Commissiriat; 
 tailors to the clothing department ; civil and mechanical 
 engineers, smiths and other like artizans are located with the 
 engineer forces ; veterinary surgeons, farmers and others accus- 
 tomed to horses are enrolled in the cavalry, and doctors and 
 chemists are put to hospital and ambulance work. And though, 
 as the necessities of the country, compel the keeping up of a 
 large standing army, as well as an extensive reserve, the strictest 
 economy has to be observed, the Swiss Army is acknowledged 
 by competent authorities, to be absolutely complete in all its 
 needful details. Its commissariat, medical, ambulance and 
 veterinary departments, are kept in perfect readineas. Every 
 soldier is in constant possession of his rifle, uniform and complete 
 kit, and these he is bound under heavy tines to keep in servicable 
 condition, ready for inspection, which may be made at any moment. 
 Upon any alarm being given, he is required to present himself 
 without delay, at the proper dep6t of his territorial division, in full 
 marching order, ready to proceed at once, by railway or otlier 
 conveyance to the head quarters of the army division to which 
 he belongs, or else to the specially notified place of rendezvous. 
 
 As an intelligent, and in most cases a well educated man, he 
 knows his duties and proceeds to enter upon them with that deter- 
 mination, for which his race have always been distinguished. 
 
 To preserve good fellowship and encourage emulation and those 
 feelings of native pride, which is so much fostered by companion- 
 ship from boyhood, the country is divided into eight territorial 
 divisions, and the recruits are passed, as much as possible, into the 
 Cantonal regiment belonging to the army territory, in which they 
 were brought up. And to encourage these sentiments, the 
 Government of each Cantonal division, appoints all officers under 
 under the rank of a Commandant of a Battalion, from the 
 residents of such Canton. 
 
 All Commandants of Battalions and other officers above that 
 rank, are appointed by the Federal Council, under the advice of 
 its Federal Military department. 
 
 The Federal Council also selects all the officers of the general 
 staff, but in the event of war, to the Federal Assembly is reserved 
 the right of nominating the G-eneral who is to take sole command. 
 
 That the system is economical, is shown by the fact that the 
 annual cost of a Swiss soldier is but £7 as against about £93 in 
 the British ; £43 in the French and Grerman; £45 in the Austrian; 
 £38 in the Italian ; and £32 in the Kussian Service. 
 
 As TO SOME Peculabities of the System. 
 
 In forming a judgment as to the peculiar form of government 
 adopted by the Swiss, it must be borne in mind that there is no 
 such thing known in Switzerland, as government by party, as 
 
'■■rl 
 
 !■■;■; 
 
 19 ^...■■■. 
 
 under the British Constitution. The several coun^^ils wHich 
 constitute the Swiss government are appointed for three years 
 only, during which time the "Federal Council" C'nd the two 
 chambers constituting the assembly are independent of each 
 other. As the " Federal Council" is the sole executive and 
 administrative power, it remai«is in oflSce until after the '' Council 
 of the States has been re-appointed and the " National Council." 
 re-elected, at the conclusion of each term of three years. If the 
 members of such " Federal Council" or executive hare been 
 approved, they are sure of re-election. They not only possess 
 sole administrative powers but they also cause to be prepared, all 
 measures which are to be submitted, to the two legislative 
 chambers. Even if any new law, or any revision of any old law, 
 or any amendment of the constitution be proposed, by a member 
 of either of the two chambers, it must be prepared and 
 submitted by the '* Federal Council," or Executive. For these 
 purposes though they have neither seat nor vote, they can address 
 either of the chambers, on any subject and take part in the 
 debates and should their advice on measures be rejected, they do 
 not resign, being merely advisers, and may proceed to suggest 
 other measures, during the remainder of the three years for which 
 they are elected. 
 
 Subject to the special powers, given as before mentioned to 
 the '• Federal Assembly," which is composed of the two chambers 
 sitting together, the local councils of each Canton have sever- 
 ally sovereign rights, to make their own laws in respect of all 
 other matters, with no restrictions, save, that they are prohibited 
 from making separate treaties or alliances among themselves or 
 with foreign states, and from maintaining a permanent force of 
 more than three hundred men. 
 
 But even these restr:ctions, were not sufficient to satisfy the 
 habitual precaution of the Swiss. Although this extremely 
 democratic Constitution had been passed by b^'fch chambers, it 
 had to be submitted to and receive the approval of a majority of 
 the Cantonal parliaments and also of a majority of the people, 
 before it could become law. And though it needed these 
 m.ajorities to confirm it as binding, provision was also made, that 
 it might be subjected to revision by the " Federal Assembly" 
 upon its own initiation or that of the Federal Executive Council, 
 or on the written demand of eight Cantons or of 50,000 of t''3 
 people entitled to vote. And for stiil greater security against 
 hasty or ill-considered demands for revision, it is required, that 
 every such revision of the constitution, shall before becoming 
 law, be also approved by a majority of the votes of the Cantonal 
 Parliaments and of the people also. 
 
 This right o2 ultimate decision by the people, is peculiar to the 
 Swiss form of government and is known as the " Eeferendum". 
 It would seem to be utterly opposed to Eepresentative govern- 
 
17 
 
 eotintjils which 
 for three years 
 il" cind the two 
 )endent of each 
 e executive and 
 ter the *■ Council 
 itional Council." 
 ee years. If the 
 utive hare been 
 lot only possess 
 ) be prepared, all 
 two legislative 
 I of any old law, 
 ed, by a member 
 e prepared and 
 tive. For these 
 they can address 
 ake part in the 
 ejected, they do 
 cced to suggest 
 ) years for which 
 
 fe mentioned to 
 he two chambers 
 ton have sever- 
 in respect of all 
 sy are prohibited 
 ig themselves or 
 nane»it force of 
 
 it to satisfy the 
 
 this extremely 
 
 fch chambers, it 
 
 of a majority of 
 
 y of the people, 
 
 needed these 
 
 also made, that 
 
 sral Assembly" 
 
 3cutive Council, 
 
 :50,{)00 of f-3 
 
 ecurity against 
 
 s required, that 
 
 3fore becoming 
 
 jf the Cantonal 
 
 Seculiar to the 
 eferendum". 
 ntative govern- 
 
 ment, as it practically takes away all absolute power from the two 
 chambers and reduces the members thereof, to the capacity of 
 I mere delegates. It may however be regarded as a third chamber 
 - or parliament, outside the parliament, to be invoked only when 
 s corrective powers are needed. Being essentially democratic, as 
 giving effect to the directly expressed wishes of the people and yet 
 eminently conservative, in preventing hasty or ill-cjnsidered 
 legislation, it is not allowed to slumber. In 1872 a revised con- 
 stitution was passed by the two chambers, but rejected by a 
 majority of the Cantons and the people, voting by virtue of the 
 ** Referendum". And in 1876, two laws, relating to military 
 taxation and State Banking Laws, were thrown aside by like 
 votes. 
 
 Its powers have not however been abused, for since the pass- 
 ing of the revised constitution in 1872, out of ninety-nine new 
 measures, the " Eeferendum" was only demanded in respect of 
 seventeen, of which it succeeded in reversing thirteen. It affords 
 in its operation, an exemplification of the very singular fact, 
 that the exercise of democratic powers, by the voices of the 
 people, is generally found to support the Conservative view. 
 
 {^ The objections that have been raised to it, is, that as to ques- 
 tions relating to legislation on scientific, technical or other 
 special educational and abstruse subjects, good results can 
 hardly be expected. And as the members of each council know 
 that the results of their deliberations may, and probably will, in 
 matters of moment, be challenged by the people and submitted 
 to their votes bv a " Eeferendum," they feel themselves practic- 
 ally relieved or all responsibility and possess but a diminished 
 
 ^ interest in their political duties. 
 
 ^ It may here be noted, that the " Referendum" is not gener- 
 ally applicable. It can only be enforced within seven, out of the 
 twenty-two Cantons, and it does net extend to the approval 
 or disapproval of Poreign Treaties. Probably for the obvious 
 reason, it would not be possible to submit such matters to the 
 votes of the peoples. Nor would it seem to be applicable, to any 
 but adjacent countries and those too, of limited territory, such as 
 the Swiss Cantons, which have only an areaof 16,000 square miles 
 I and a population of only 3,000,000. The experience of its 
 ^: operation in France in the shape of a Plebiscite, show it to bo 
 unworkable, with any certainty of purity, in its decision of a 
 question, by large populations. It seems also, to bo altogether 
 impracticable of applicaticn to colonies with areas, as is the case 
 with Australia, each far in excess of thooe of Germany or France 
 and separated by long railway and ocean journeys. 
 
 So elaborate a scheme for the passing of federal laws, must 
 also offer some objections on the ground of delay. The submission 
 of measures, approved by the two Federal Chambers, to the local 
 
 M 
 
■^^ 
 
 iW 
 
 IB 
 
 parliament of eacli state, would seem to give sufficient protection. 
 But not so, in the opinion of the Swiss people, who will agree to 
 nothing, until finally approved by themselves. The only con- 
 cession they have yt made, is effected by the revision of the con- 
 stitution in 1874, by which it is now provided, that the "Referen- 
 dum" is not to be insisted upon except upon the demand of the local 
 governments, of eight Cantons or else of 30,000 voters. 
 
 And the exercise of such extreme caution by the Swiss, will 
 hardly surprise, when we reflect that their Union has been 
 accomplished under conditions, which may well have engendered 
 suspicion and fear. Terrible sufferings by War, Civil Commotions 
 and Religious dissensions, together with the many physical 
 difficulties by which they are surrounded, have all assisted to 
 intensify such condition of mind. It is a land occupied by 
 several races, diverse in their origin, speaking several languages 
 and having religions, customs, industries and material interests 
 of varying kinds. In the numerous countries of which it is 
 composed, all kinds of governments, aristocracies, oligarchies and 
 democracies, have been in operation for centuries, side by aide. 
 These peculiar conditions of existence, and inhabiting as the Swiss 
 do, countries, where nature exhibits itself in its grandest and yet 
 wildest forms and divided as they are into separate communities 
 by almost impassable mountains and other formidable barriers, 
 have without doubt induced deeply grounded feelings of disunion, 
 caution and distrust. But besides these, other not less cogent 
 reasons exist, to account for their determination to keep the 
 reins of power, in their own hands. They are not only a well 
 educated people, but almost every adult male, possesses a direct 
 interest in the soil, for out of about 600,000 families, about 
 570,000 are landed proprietors. 
 
 '- And so it happens, that every form of federation which the 
 Swiss have entered into, has always been based upon the idea, 
 that the powers relinquished to a federal cr central government, 
 should bo limited, to but little more than matters of defence ; 
 and Australia will do well to act with a caution, influenced by 
 their example. 
 
 But as to the advantages to be gained, by a federal union of 
 even so limited a kind, Switzerland offers a striking example of 
 its value. Through its ado])tion, instead of being divided and 
 destroyed, as happened under similar circumstances to the 
 Etruscan, the Achroan and the Italian Republics, the Swiss 
 Cantons have secured and are able to maintain, not only their 
 existence as separate Sovereign States, but an unassailable 
 position, as an independent Nation. 
 
 Of the Cost of the Switzerland Government. 
 
 As to the money cost, at which they h:<,"e been able to accom- 
 plish this very satinfactory system of f eder^a union, materials areuot 
 
Bcient protection, 
 who will agree to 
 The only con- 
 vision of the con- 
 lat the " Referen- 
 emand of the local 
 ) voters. 
 
 by the Swiss, will 
 Union has been 
 have engendered 
 Civil Commotions 
 many physical 
 ve all assisted to 
 ind occupied by 
 everal languages 
 naterial interests 
 i of which it is 
 i, oligarchies and 
 •ies, side by aide, 
 ting as the Swiss 
 grandest and yet 
 ate communities 
 nidable barriers, 
 ings of disunion, 
 ' not less cogent 
 on to keep the 
 not only a well 
 ossesses a direct 
 ► families, about 
 
 ration which the 
 upon the idea, 
 ral government, 
 ters of defence ; 
 1, influenced by 
 
 19 
 
 available in detail. But the entire expenses of government, inclu- 
 ding that of the " National Council," the members of the *' Council 
 of the States" receiving no pay, and that of the " Federal" 
 or " Executive Council" and of an army numbering a standing 
 body of 85,030 men with a reserve of 115,000, are fully covered by 
 charges, amounting in all, to an annual cost of 40,000,000, of 
 francs. This small outlay distributed amongst a population of 
 3,000,000 gives a cost of about eleven shillings per head, a rate 
 which affords to Switzerland, the right to boast, of being, 
 perhaps, the most economically governed country in the world. 
 
 Federal union of 
 ;ing example of 
 sing divided and 
 stances to the 
 )lics, the Swiss 
 , not only their 
 m unassailable 
 
 EBNMENT. 
 
 able to accom- 
 naterialsareuot 
 
r^ 
 
 "'^ 
 
 20 
 
 
 THE AMERICAN EEDERATION. 
 
 J 
 
 ■fit ■ 
 
 .it' : 
 
 -I: 
 
 I;, 
 
 The present Union of the States of America, was not the 
 inspired consti!;ution, which it is usually believed to be. In 
 common with other perfected systems oi government, it was 
 founded upon earlier systems and has been much amended as 
 experience demanded. Conceived, like all other Federal Unions, 
 chiefly as a protection against war and especially to maintain the 
 independence, which the States had been forced into declaring, 
 it was, when established in 1776, a mere alliance, or, as it was 
 called " a league of friendship". It had a central authority it is 
 true, but was possessed only of powers which were insufficient to 
 to compel obedience to its commands. There was no Federal 
 Executive, or Judiciary, and so, while the articles provided for a 
 common treasury " to be supplied by the several States in pro- 
 " portion to the value of the land granted or surveyed for any 
 person," there was no means of compelling obedience to the 
 order. 
 
 The natural result was, that if a State did not obey, the tax 
 might be levied and yet no moneys would reach the Federal 
 treasury, and being a mere alliance, each State was not only able to 
 refuse its quota of taxes with impunity, but could impose whatever 
 tariff or excise duties it pleased, and secede altogether from the 
 Union at pleasure. 
 
 Such an Union was obviously too imperfect. It could not be 
 relied upon for defence against a foreign foe or in the suppression 
 of sedition at home. And the great differences in the tariffs of 
 each State, the largest of which had not an area equal to one 
 sixteenth part of the territory of Queensland, offered consider- 
 able hindrances to freedom of trade. 
 
 AVithout power to compel obedience, put down revolts, and 
 regulate internal commerce, confederation was as Washington 
 said, " no better than anarchy." The States had arrived at such 
 a condition of indifference, that they cared nothing for the reso- 
 lutions of congress and congress was itself unable to obtain a 
 quorum for weeks together. Distress abounding and insurrections 
 prevailing, government was practically suspended from 1776 to 
 1779, and a complete dissolution of the Union seemed imminent. 
 
 But the peoples becoming alive to the difficulties and dangers 
 of the position, began to seek a remedy. It was therefore 
 deemed necessary, to remodel the constitution and in so doing to 
 
21 
 
 ON. 
 
 lea, was not the 
 ieved to be. In 
 i^emment, it was 
 inch amended as 
 Federal Unions, 
 ' to maintain the 
 d into declaring, 
 ;e, or, as it was 
 al authority it is 
 ire insufficient to 
 was no Federal 
 38 provided for a 
 ,1 States in pro- 
 mrveyed for any 
 bedience to the 
 
 lot obey, the tax 
 ich the Federal 
 3 not only able to 
 impose whatever 
 gether from the 
 
 It could not be 
 L the suppression 
 in the tariffs of 
 rea equal to one 
 )ft'ered consider- 
 
 iwn revolts, and 
 as Washington 
 arrived at such 
 ing for the reso- 
 lable to obtain a 
 nd insurrections 
 ed from 1776 to 
 lemed imminent. 
 
 bies and dangers 
 t was therefore 
 d in so doing to 
 
 provide, that " all duties whether of imports or excise should be 
 alike throughout the Union," in other words, that there should 
 be an uniform tariff; that each State should have an area of 
 about 40,000 square miles; that the union should be indissoluable; 
 and that the central authority should have administrative and 
 executive power to compel obedience to its lawful orders. 
 
 As these powers were more, than some of tuo- States were 
 willing to concede, congress was evidently incomprtent to frame 
 a new plan of government, because, its members, being dependent 
 on the States they represented, dared not concede any power 
 which would be objected to by their constituents. At this step, 
 the idea was conceived, of submitting the duty to a party al- 
 together independent of both Federal and State parliaments and 
 so congress admitting its own inability, the country may be said 
 to have drifted into an arrangement, under which the States were 
 to send delegates to a convention. Twelve of the States, idl in 
 fact but Ehode Island, sent delegates and the convention met at 
 Philidelphia on the 14th May, 1787. Washington was chosen to 
 preside and the delegates disregarding their instructions and as 
 one of their number afterwards said " because it was easier to 
 make a new one, than to amend the defects of the old," debated 
 the formation and proposed an entirely new federal constitution. 
 
 At this point a new difficulty arose. The delegates divided 
 inco two contending parties. The representatives of the smaller 
 States, were anxious to protect the State they respectively re- ■ 
 presented, from any predominating influences on the part of the 
 larger States, by giving as much power as possible to the Central 
 government. On the other hand the brger States were desirous 
 of retaining as much power as possible, to their provincial legis- 
 latures. Questions, as to whether the basis of the plan should 
 comprise one or two houses and whether to be composed of 
 representatives of an equality in number, for each State or varying 
 with the number of electors were raised. Divisions also arose 
 as to the mode of electing the President and as to many other 
 matters, not the least of which was as to the continuence of 
 slavery. This last question was compromised, by agreeing not 
 to prohibit it for twenty years. This and other compromises 
 being submitted to, the labour of the convention resulted in the 
 drafting of a constitution, in which, while popular sovereignty 
 was to be the basis of the Federal government, the complete 
 independence of each State, in all but National matters, was to 
 be fully presp ^ed, and raorever, as the old constitution provided 
 that no change should be made, except upon the assent of the 
 leglislature of every one of the States, which were then thirteen 
 in number, the new constitution provided, that its plan, should 
 become law upon the ratification of nine of them. 
 
 The convention appointed consisted of 59 delegates, chosen 
 from men of acknowledged ability and who were mostly outside 
 
r?" 
 
 W 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 ■ * 
 
 
 ■■•■■I 
 
 22 
 
 of parliamentary life, whether of congress or any State Legis- 
 lature. The convention sat five months, conducting its deliberat- 
 ions in secrecy, in order to avoid comments and influences, which 
 it was feared might impede the prompt conclusion of a work, which 
 could not be fairly criticised while in process of formation. 
 
 The convention having completed its work adjourned on the 
 17th September, 1787, having first resolved, that the draft of the 
 new constitution should be sent to congress, with the recommenda- 
 tion, as its own articles provided, that it should be submitted to con- 
 ventions of each of the States for consideration and ratification. 
 In other words, to bodies specially chosen by the peoples of each 
 State and not being necessarily members of any State parliament. 
 The articles provided, that when nine of the then thirteen States 
 had approved of it, congress should appoint days for the popular 
 election of electors, for the choice of President and Vice-Presi- 
 dent by the electors and of Senators and representatives to be 
 chosen under the new plan of government ; and that the new 
 Congress and President should " without delay," proceed to 
 execute the constitution. 
 
 Congress complied with these suggestions and this was all the 
 approval which their new constitution ever received from that 
 body. Both congress and the convention were desirous of avoid- 
 ing any further contentions, as to either the merits or the legality 
 of the mode of changing the form of government adopted. And 
 so, all parties were of one mind, to leave its ratification to con- 
 ventions of the peoples of each State. 
 
 The submission of the new constitution to these bodies, pro- 
 duced two hostile parties. One of these was favourable to a 
 Central government with considerable powers, and the other was 
 opposed to such a system, on the ground that it would absorb too 
 much of the separate independent rights of each of the States, 
 endanger the liberties of individual citizens and extinguish all 
 local government. The disputes on this matter ran high in each 
 State and the majorities by which the new constitution was 
 finally approved, were very narrow. So close indeed, that but for 
 the necessity for Federation, in view of war with France, Spain and 
 England, with each of w^hich countries disputes were then im- 
 minent, the new constitution might never have been adopted at 
 all. 
 
 But these fears greatly assisting, Deleware, Pennsylvania and 
 New Jersey accepted it, Georgia, Connecticut and Massa- 
 chusetts soon followed their example, Maryland and South 
 Carolina then joined, and while Virginia and New York were 
 debating. New Hampshire, the required ninth State, ratified, and 
 the new constitution became law. 
 
 Such is the interesting story of the genesis, of the present 
 grand Inderal constitution, of the United States of America. 
 
^^ 
 
 ,ny State Legis- 
 ing its deliberat- 
 nfluences, which 
 .of a work, which 
 formation. 
 
 Ijourned on the 
 1 the draft of the 
 ^he recommenda- 
 jubmitted to con- 
 aud ratification. 
 3 peoples of each 
 Jtate parliament, 
 n thirteen States 
 8 for the popular 
 ; and Vice-Presi- 
 ssentatives to be 
 ad that the new 
 lay," proceed to 
 
 I this was all the 
 jeived from that 
 .esirouB of avoid- 
 ts or the legality 
 b adopted. And 
 ,tification to con- 
 
 hese bodies, pro- 
 favourable to a 
 nd the other was 
 would absorb too 
 h of the States, 
 id extinguish all 
 ran high in each 
 constitution was 
 eed, that but for 
 ^rance, Spain and 
 were then im- 
 been adopted at 
 
 ennsylvania and 
 cut and Massa- 
 and and South 
 New York were 
 ate, ratified, and 
 
 of the present 
 iites of America. 
 
 Based chiefly and avowedly by its authors on the experiences of 
 the British constitution, there is little absolutely new in it, and 
 much indeed that dates from Magna Charta. And if not perfect, 
 it may nevertheless be regar'^ad, as a wonderful example of leg- 
 islative ability, and one indeed, which may be of great service in 
 forming a Federal constitution for the Australasian communities. 
 
 The present Union comprises forty -two States, (four having 
 
 been recently added,) and seven territories, which have not yet 
 
 arrived at the dignity of a State. It has increased since its 
 
 commencement from thirteen States to its present number and 
 
 every decade will probably see an increase for some time to come. 
 
 Each of these forty-two States, has sovereign powers as to local 
 
 matters, within its own borders. Each has its own separate 
 
 constitution ; its own parliament consisting of Senate and House; 
 
 its own President ; its own courts and judges and its own militia. 
 
 All the rights of a separate and independent country belong to 
 
 each State, except such as it has expressly delegated, or rather 
 
 in common with its sister States relinquished and granted to the 
 
 Eederal central authority, the national government sitting at 
 
 Washington. 
 
 These powers eo granted to the Federal government may be thus 
 grouped : — 
 
 1. Provision for defence, including the organization and employment 
 of the army, navy and militia, compriBing power to tax and borrow money 
 for the payment of the debts, incurred in respect thereof, and of all other 
 Federal matters, by the levying of customs and excise duties and other 
 taxes. 
 
 2. The regulation of foreign and internal commercial relations by the 
 imposition of uniform tariff and excise duties, including the ratification 
 of foreign treaties and declarations of war or peace by the President, and 
 regulations as to the granting of letters of marque and military and naval 
 captures. 
 
 3. The cc ntrol and regulation of coinage and weights und measures. 
 
 4. The control of the postal system and post roads. 
 
 5. The granting of patents and copyrights. 
 
 6. The punishment of offences against the law of nations and against 
 Federal laws relating to coin or national securities. 
 
 7. The power of enforcing all Federal laws. * 
 
 The firstly mentioned powers, as numbered from 1 to 5, are. 
 within the powers of Congress : the two lastly mentioned powers 
 are within the powers of the Supreme Court of the United States. 
 
 It will be seen that the Federal legislative functions, are 
 limited to matters in which the whole nation, is not only interested, 
 but, of which the management, can only be satisfactorily carried 
 out, by one accredited body on behalf of such nation. 
 
 But it must be observed, that, as no system or powers could 
 possibly serve all the purposes of a growing nation, unless cap- 
 able of extension, so as to meet the exigencies of such growth, a 
 very much wider interpretation has been put upon the several 
 powers of the Federal government, as enumerated above, than 
 they would at a first glance seem to imply. 
 

 Thus the powers given to tax and borrow money, have been 
 construed as giving power to the Central government, to charter 
 a National Bank, with branches in the several States, with exemp- 
 tion of its notes from State taxation ; to create a Customs House 
 and establish a uniform tariff. 
 
 And the powers granted, as to the regulation of commerce 
 have been deemed to include leglislation, regarding every kind of 
 transportation of goods and passengers whether from abroad or from 
 one State to another ; regarding maritime navigation, pilotage and 
 maritime contracts ; the control of all navigable waters, not 
 wholly within the limits of one State ; the construction of all 
 public works helpful to commerce between States or with foreign 
 countries ; and the control of interstate Eailway and other traffic. 
 
 Under these arrangements, all local and internal affairs, are 
 matters for the States to deal with and all external and national 
 matters, are for the Federal government. As the constitution 
 clearly defines what matters are in charge of this Federal head, 
 and makes provision, that all others are to be dealt with by the 
 States, it is difficult to see how any dispute can arise. Only 
 one serious question has ever been mooted. That was, as to 
 whether a State can secede from the Union. This the Federal 
 Supreme Court of Appeal (the powers of which are more par- 
 ticularly described hereafter) disposed of, by proclaiming the 
 Federation to be an "indestructible Union of indestructible 
 States." 
 
 The Federal leglislative department consists of two chambers. 
 The Senate and the House of Eepresentatives, which both sit at 
 Washington. Each State sends two members, who are elected 
 by the legislatures of the several States. The term of office is 
 six years. 
 
 The Senate has large powers. All laws must be confirmed by 
 it, after having been passed by the House. No treaty with a 
 foreign power is valid without its approval, by a two-thirds ma- 
 
 i'ority. And all appointments by the President must be confirmed 
 >y it. 
 
 The House of Eepresentatives, is composed of three hundred 
 and twenty-five members. Every State sends members in exact 
 proportion to its population, as shown at each decennial census. 
 The number of members is never increased, the number of 
 electors to each vacancy being raised as population increases. 
 At the last census in 1880, each Electoral Eoll contained one 
 hundred and fifty-four thousand electors to each seat. Each 
 member holds office for two years. 
 
 The Federal executive power is lodged in the President, who 
 for four years is the most powerful ruler in the world. He is 
 not only the Chief Magistrate, but also Commander-in-chief of 
 the Army and Navy, and of the Militia of all the States. He 
 
 n 
 
i6 
 
 3y, have been 
 mt, to charter 
 8, with exemp- 
 ustoms House 
 
 I of commerce 
 every kind of 
 abroad or from 
 1, pilotage and 
 ) waters, not 
 ruction of all 
 r with foreign 
 d other traffic. 
 
 ;wo chambers, 
 ich both sit at 
 10 are elected 
 m of office is 
 
 confirmed by 
 
 treaty with a 
 
 vo-thirds ma- 
 
 t be confirmed 
 
 hree hundred 
 ibers in exact 
 3nnial census, 
 le number of 
 ion increases. 
 ;ontained one 
 1 seat. Each 
 
 'resident, who 
 rorld. He is 
 ler-in-chief of 
 States. He 
 
 Belects of his own will and without interference, the members of 
 his cabinet, as the British Prime Minister does, and they are 
 removable at his pleasure. 
 
 One difference between the United States of America and 
 Britain in regard to the cabinet is, that while the British cabinet 
 sits in one or other of the Houses and communicates orally with 
 it, the members of the cabinet of the United States do not, as a 
 rule, appear in person before the legislating House, but report 
 to it in writing. 
 
 The President can, if he so desires, appear in peison and address 
 congress at the commencement of each session, but the plan of 
 putting before it a written message, as often as is deemed necessary, 
 is usually adopted. There is however, nothing but custom, to 
 prevent any member of the cabinet from appearing and making 
 their statements in person, but they cannot take any part in the 
 proceedings of the legislature. A change to the British practice 
 has been proposed, but it is not generally favoured, because the 
 separation of the executive and legislative departments, is held to 
 be of great importance. 
 
 The Senate or the House can call upon the President for 
 information at any time. But, as the call must first have the 
 approval of the chamber requiring such information, the govern- 
 ment is freed from the petty annoyances, which is in the power 
 of any injudicious member, to inflict, under the British and Aus- 
 tralian rules of parlimentary procedure, by a system of constant 
 questioning. 
 
 The President in like manner has access to congress. And 
 indeed, it is his duty to report to it, from time to time, upon 
 such matters, as to which, he thinks, congress should be advised. 
 And he can also recommend measures for its acceptance. 
 
 The President has also a veto power over all the acts of con- 
 gress. But such veto is of no force should the measure be passed 
 again by a two-thirds majority of both Houses. 
 
 In the President resides also the power to pardon ofEences. 
 And he represents the nation in all foreign matters, receives all 
 ambassadors, appoints all representatives at foreign courts and 
 declares war or makes peace. But no minister can be appointed 
 to a foreign power, nor can war be declared or peace made, except 
 with the approval of the Senate. 
 
 In this review of the three branches of the government, judicial, 
 legislative and executive, for which the constitution of the United 
 States of America provides, it has been shown that each is a check 
 upon the other. While the President has more power than the 
 Sovereign of any constitutional monarchy, the Senate has in most 
 cases a right of approval of hi« acts, and while he can veto any 
 act of the legislature and initiate measures in accordance with 
 
il 
 
 ] 'i 
 
 K 
 
 ■I 
 
 I 
 
 i'l 
 
 ll 
 
 2G 
 
 his own views, the Senate may as before mentioned, reverse his 
 veto by a two-thirds majority. 
 
 But besides this system of chock and counter-check, there is 
 the supreme judical poweT of the Federal Supreme Court of 
 Appeal, which more particularly described hereafter, can be 
 readily invoked, in case the executive or legislative bodies should 
 attempt any action, which is deemed contrary to the spirit of the 
 Federal constitution. 
 
 But beyond these duties, which immediately appertain to its man- 
 agement of Federal and Foreign affairs, the Federal government at 
 Washington, has organized a national bank of issue system and 
 several non-political bureaux Avhich render great services. Of 
 these " The Agricultural Department" has in its service about 
 ten thousand persons, disposed all over the States and even in 
 ether prominent parts of the world. From their reports/ is 
 compiled a monthly record, of the area and condition of crops in 
 all parts ; the cost of trt nsit to home and foreign markets ; the 
 prices prevailing ; the stocks on hand ; the requirements of con- 
 sumption ; the sources of supply ; the prices of labour in different 
 localities ; and other like vr Suable information. It also procures 
 analyses of grains and fruits and of soils and fertilizers, so as to 
 determine their quality and value. It also obtains information 
 as to diseases amongst cattle and plants and diffuses such and 
 other like information amongst those interested in such matters. 
 
 " The Signal Service Department," is another of these great 
 organizations which by means of telegraphic communications, 
 obtains from and consigns to all parts, full reports of the direction 
 and velocity of the wind, barometric pressures, dewpoints, rain- 
 fall and other atmospherical and meteorological phenomena, which 
 must be of service to mariners, farmers and others. 
 
 Beyond this, it causes the rise and fall of rivers to be watched 
 and gives timely warning, not only of coming frosts, storms and 
 floods, but of locusts, grass-hoppers and other insect scourges. 
 
 Stations are placed at intervals along the coast line of over eleven 
 thousand miles, and these are connected by wire with each other 
 and with Washington, from whence information is readily given 
 on enquiry by captains of ships, at various ports, round the coast 
 as to coming storms. 
 
 In addition to this valuable service, it has control of nine 
 hundred light-houses and light-ships, a thousand beacon lights, 
 and more than four thousand buoys, fog signals and other aids 
 to safe navigation. 
 
 Beyond these matters, the Federal government is empowered to 
 take upon itself, the passing of all laws relating to patents and 
 the registration of all patented inventions. The policy of the 
 Federal governments is to make the patent laws, a real aid to 
 
27 
 
 I, reverse his 
 
 leck, there is 
 me Court of 
 ftcr, can bo 
 jodiea should 
 I spirit of the 
 
 tin to its man- 
 overnment at 
 e system and 
 services. Of 
 service about 
 8 and even in 
 sir reports/ is 
 5n of crops in 
 markets ; the 
 tnents of con- 
 ir in different 
 also procures 
 izers, so as to 
 s information 
 uses such and 
 such matters. 
 
 f these great 
 nmunications, 
 the direction 
 vpoints, rain- 
 omena, which 
 
 o be watched 
 s, storms and 
 ; scourges. 
 
 of over eleven 
 
 th each other 
 
 readily given 
 
 md the coast 
 
 iitrol of nine 
 jeacon lights, 
 ud other aids 
 
 empowered to 
 o patents and 
 policy of the 
 a real aid to 
 
 inventors and not a means of more revenue. The importance of 
 this department, is shown by the fact, that over three hundred 
 thousand patents have been issued since 1830 and they are 
 increasing at tlie rate of many thousands a year. 
 
 The American Fedebal Judicial System. 
 
 When the States of America first entered into a confederation 
 in 177(5, it was, as before stated, a mere alliance, without power 
 to compel obedience to its orders or requisitions. It especially 
 lacked the authority of a Judicial Court, whose writs would be 
 enforceable by Federal powers, when baaed upon the orders of 
 the Federal executive, appointed by and responsible to the Federal 
 parliament or congress, as it is called. 
 
 The establishment of such a court, which, supreme, in its 
 interpretation of Federal law, should keep the Federal and State 
 governments, each within its own proper limits of action, was there- 
 fore found, to be absolutely necesaavy, to the effective manage- 
 ment of the affairs of the Union. It was in consequence, provided 
 by the new constitution, which was agreed upon in 1789, that not 
 only was such constitution to be paramount over all State consti- 
 tutions and State laws, but that a "S upreme Court of A ppeal" should 
 be estabHshed and empowered to give effect to all lawful orders of 
 the Federal Executive, being careful to see that such Federal 
 powers were not extended beyond the constitutional limits 
 accorded, and that no State law was passed, which would be 
 incompatible with the rights secured to such State under the 
 constitution. Besides these powers, such court, was also em- 
 powered as the High Court of Appeal, to decide all disputes 
 between the Federal Executive and any State, or between any of 
 the States, or between any State and any citizen of the Union. 
 Within the lawful exercise of these powers, it has necessarily an 
 authority higher than either the Senate or House or President, 
 to negative any measure which is inconsistent with the Federal 
 law. It is a mistake however to suppose, as is sometimes stated, 
 that the judges of this Supreme Court of Appeal, have powers 
 which are absolutely supreme. They have no power to make or 
 alter a law. Thoy are in no wise superior to the law. Their 
 duty is limited like all other judges, to declaring and applying 
 the law as they find it. As to all Federal laws, it is their duty to 
 enforce them, when such enforcement is necessary and as to all 
 laws passed by any State Legislature, it is their duty to refuse to 
 act upon them, if they find them to be inconsistent with the con- 
 stitution. 
 
 In providing for the necessity of a Federal Supreme Court of 
 Appeal, the founders of the constitution of the United States, 
 remembering the enormous area of the then United States, — an 
 area which has been since very considerably extended, — and the 
 great difliculties, which would necessarily be encountered by the 
 
States or citizens of remote parts, in seeking its decision, with 
 much fore-thought, met such difficulties, by providing for the 
 establishment of Federal Circuit and District Courts, having co- 
 ordinate powers with the Supreme Court of Appeal, and which 
 being ambulatory, would afford opportunities to all States and 
 citizens, of obtaining decisions upon Federal matters, with great 
 economy of tihie and money, in being saved from a journev, of 
 perhaps many hundreds of miles, to Washington, where the Federal 
 Supreme Court of Appeal is permanently located. 
 
 The jurisdiction of these courts extends to all questions arising 
 under the Federal laws, relating to the constitution, foreign 
 treaties, ambassadorial and consular matters, public questions 
 arising out of admiralty and maritime jurisdictions, disputes 
 between two or more of the States, or between a State and a 
 citizen of such or any other State, to which may be added a 
 criminal jurisdiction, as to all offences against Federal law. 
 
 Under the assumption that the judges of the State Courts 
 might, in respect of matters relating to sister States, become, or 
 what would be almost as bad, might be suspected of being a 
 partial tribunal, the constitution provided, that all the judges of 
 the " Supreme Court of Appeal," should be nominated by the 
 President, subject to confirmation and appointment by the Senate. 
 
 They are also appointed for life, being irremovable save under 
 impeachment. They are therefore independent of congress or 
 party, which is the best warranty against favoritism and the most 
 perfect bar to coercion on the part of any government. 
 
 The Federal '• Supreme Court of Appeal" sits at Washington 
 from October to July in each year. The presence of six out of 
 the nine judges, is required in pronouncing a decision. The 
 sittings are held in the capital and every case is practically con- 
 sidered twice over, before a final decision is pronounced. First, 
 by the whole body, to ascertain the opinion of the majority, and 
 again, whevi the written judgment, which the law requires, should 
 be prepare I, is submitted for the final adoption of the court. 
 
 Each Circuit Court, of which there are nine, is composed of 
 one Supreme Court of Appeal Judge and one Circnit Court Judge, 
 or in some cities one Supreme Court Judge sitting alone or with 
 a District Court Judge, An appeal lies to the Supreme Court 
 of Appeal at Washington. 
 
 Each District Federal Court, of which there are at present 55, 
 is charged only with Federal cases of i* purely local kind or in 
 respect of which the parties concerned, are willing to accept the 
 decision of a District Court. 
 
 By these well considered means, have the United States of 
 America, provided against the difliculties and dangers which were 
 first experienced, by recalcitrant States refusing to obey the orders 
 
29 
 
 of the Federal Executive or by any State government exceeding 
 the limit of its own constitutional powers. 
 
 The American Federal Fiscal System. 
 
 The Federal Revenue is raised by Congress, by indirect tax- 
 ation and chiefly by customs and excise duties. But the powers 
 of Congress are not really so limited. During the civil war 
 stamp duties and other direct taxes were levied. And many 
 other kinds of taxes have been imposed at various times. The 
 excise duties have varied but little year by year. The bulk of 
 the Federal Revenue being chiefly raised, by the imposition of a 
 very high tariff. 
 
 Tlie preparation of bills for the raising of moneys by taxation 
 for Federal purposes, is remitted by Congress to a committee of 
 ways and means, consisting of eleven members, the ciiairman of 
 which occupies a position, similar to that, of the Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer, in the British Parliament. 
 
 It is a very peculiar condition of things, under the legislative 
 system, adopted by the United States, that this committee of 
 ways and means, performs its duties and reports to the House as 
 to the taxes it recommends, without any reference to any estim- 
 ation of the sums, which will be needed to discharge the cost of 
 the Federal government. That is a duty entrusted to another 
 committee. Such an extraordinary and apparently reckless way 
 of dealing with the finances of the country, would probably lead 
 to financial disaster, if h were not well acknowledged that the duty 
 of the committee of ways and means, of the Federal government 
 of the United States, is concerned, not so much with the raising 
 of sufficient revenue; as with the question of aiding the develop- 
 ment of the trade of the Federal Union, by means of a protective 
 tariff. 
 
 The duties placed upon all raw materials are fixed at rates as 
 high, as the possibility of profit upon their utilization will permit 
 and enormously high duties are imposed on all manufactured 
 goods. 
 
 Under such a system of high tariffs, there are always large 
 surpluses accumulating year by year. And yet no reductions 
 of the tariff are made, because such reductions would permit of 
 foreign manufacturers securing the supply of the American 
 home markets, which is at present the main support of its own 
 local manufactures. 
 
 The business of arranging for the expenditure of the revenu3 
 so procured, is given to another committee, who report to the 
 House as to their views, vithout reference to the committee oi 
 ways and means. Such a system has been condemned by many 
 and it is one that would, without doubt, break down except under 
 
•>^ " ":^s»=" 
 
 
 'M 
 
 ■ ■ ajM 
 
 i :i 
 
 ! :3 
 
 80 
 
 a system of extremely high tariffs, which is sure to produce a 
 surplus every year. 
 
 How, it may be asked, and especially by free-traders, was 
 such an exceedingly high tariff adopted and how is it permitted 
 to continue ? Many things couspired to induce the adoption of 
 such system. 
 
 In the first place, the people of the United States, have always 
 been inclined to a protective system. It was acknowledged at a 
 very early day, in the history of its independence, that unless 
 manufactures were protected into a condition, which would enable 
 ,them, to at least, supply their own wants, — which with a then 
 population of about 35,000,000 offered a large and fast increasing 
 market, — they ccald only hope to supply European nations with 
 cereal and other food materials, receiving in exchange the manu- 
 factured goods of such peoples. 
 
 It had been long urged, that tue supply of their own home 
 market and of such part of the European demand for food 
 products, as they might be able to command, would not employ 
 one third of their own labour. Mining, carrying and other 
 occupations might engage another third ; but without manufac- 
 tures, it was estimated, that at least one-third of their number, 
 must be always out of work. And, as it was evident, that 
 manufacturers could rot hope for success, against the low waged 
 productions of Europe, save by the imposition of duties, which 
 would produce a margin sufficient to pay for skilled labour, and 
 the best of machinery, a tariff, which was really intended to be 
 prohibitive was much supported. 
 
 The national mind being thus inclined towards protection, the 
 desire was much strengthened by the depressed state of trade, 
 consequent on a reckless over-issue of notes, by many of the 
 banks in 1859 — 60, on securities, which, good for ultimate 
 realization, such as land mortgages, and railway and other shares 
 were not readily convertible into cash. The contraction of credit 
 which followed, caused the failure of numerous banks and mer- 
 cantile firms, and these troubles, followed by the outbreak of the 
 civil war causing a drain of specie, compelled the suspension of 
 specie payments. 
 
 This suspension of specie payments, together with the necessity 
 which the civil war disclosed, of being compelled to import much 
 material which it was believed could be as well supplied at home, 
 had considerable iniiuence towards the initiation of a high tariff. 
 Such importations intensified the desire to become a manufactur- 
 ing nation, and the wish was favored by the general rise in prices, 
 which naturally followed the drain of specie, caused by a long 
 period of depression and the outbreak of tlie civil war. 
 
 It was hoped by thus stimulating manufactures and the 
 establishment of a National Bank of issue, to make the United 
 
31 
 
 States independent of foreign marlcets, "both as rep^arda p;ooda and 
 money. The price of gold m paper currency ran np from 102"5 
 in 1862, to 170 in 18G8, and 285 in 18G4 As a natural conse- 
 quence prices, rents and wages were raised to prices, which, it 
 '^ras believed, would favour a large scheme of manufactures. Tlie 
 tariff which in 1860 — 61, prior to the civil war, averaged £12 per 
 centum and ran as high as £18 per centum on dutiable goods, 
 was raised higher and higher during the war, until before its close 
 it reached an average of £25 per centum, and ran as high as £50 
 per centum, on dutiable articles. The submission, durino; such 
 war, to such a enormous tariff, was taten advantage of by the 
 national party, which used its influence with Congress, to continue 
 such system, for the double purpose, of finding means, wherewith 
 to pay off the National Debt and also to compel the establish- 
 ment of more National industries. T7hatever may have been 
 the cost paid by the public, in the shape of increased prices, the 
 advantages were so general, that the plan succeeded. Manufac- 
 tures of all kinds were commenced and continued with the 
 greatest possible success, employment was thus found for a large 
 part of a large population, which could never have been so pro- 
 fitably engaged in growing food only. Under no other system 
 could manufacturing industries have flourished, for at least 
 many years. Under the system in question a large number of 
 agriculturists grew food for them^selves and that other large 
 part, who were engaged in manufactures ; while those who had 
 thus secured an employment, whicli, but for a high tariff, would 
 otherwise have been wanting, were engaged m providing manu- 
 factured goods of all kinds for themselves and such agricultur- 
 ists. All classes were benefited and thus, war developed a 
 national prosperity, which, with but one interval of depression, has 
 produced, for more than twenty years such an amount of trade as 
 entitles the United States, to rank as the largest manufacturing 
 country of the world. No tariff system, however high, can be 
 accounted as altogether bad, which, in supplying an enormous 
 amount of employment, has advanced the position of the United 
 States amongst other nations, by at least a century, with the 
 following magnificent results. 
 
 Besides groAN-ing over one-fourth part of the whole world's 
 crop of cereals, the United States produced in 1889 7,603,000 
 tons of pig iron as against 8,245,000 the output of Orent Britain, 
 and the United States is known to be increasing their production 
 of the article so steadily, that there is no doubt, the statistics of 
 the current year (1800), will show them to have already become 
 the leading pig-iron producing country of the world. 
 
 In the prodn3t:on of Bessemer steel, the comparison is even 
 more striking. In the production of Bessemer steel ingots and 
 also of rails, the United States have conpletely distanced the 
 United Kingdon. As to Bessemer rails, the supremacy of the 
 Uuiiod States was achieved in 1879i As to steel ingots, the race 
 
 
 
■■■"T 
 
 ! i 
 
 32 
 
 •wa« only won by the United States in 1884. The present out- 
 put of each was for 1889, of Bessemer steel ingots 2,930,204 
 tons by the United States, as against 2.140,793 by the United 
 Kingdom ; and as to Bessemer steel rails, 1,510,057 tons by the 
 United States, as against only 943,048 by the United Kingdom. 
 
 But, it 18 not only in the production of pig iron and Bessemer 
 steel ingots and rails, that the United States takes the lead ; she 
 is far ahead in the supply of cotton and woollen manufactured 
 goods and in cereals, flour and meat, and she is advancing in the 
 production of all such items, at rates of annual increase, which 
 seem to promise, that the United States are destined to feed and 
 clothe not only themselves but the whole of P'urope. 
 
 In these results is presented, a complete refutation of the 
 statement constantly made, that if manufactures are encour- 
 aged by a protected policy, the result is, that the people are 
 impro]ierly driven away from the development of p-^toral and 
 agricultural produce, which it is assumed are iV." >'■• proper 
 productions of a young country. 
 
 No doubt, pa toral and agricultural pursuits are, naturally, the 
 first employments, which should engage the attention of the 
 peoples of a new country. But the whole question is one de- 
 pendent on numbers and as soon as population is in excess of 
 the number, which is sufficient to grow sufficient food for its 
 consumption, than some other occupation, must be sought, for the 
 employment of such surplus population. 
 
 This was the condition of the United States. She had a 
 sur])lu8 population, for whom it was necessary to find employ- 
 ment, and so, such employment having been induced by the 
 imposition of f. high tariff, statistics show, that while, sh'" :ms 
 now 2() per centum of her greatly increased population em]; ..y"r| 
 in agriculture, as against 14*5 per centum by the United 1. ; • 
 dom, she has also over 23 per centum employed in manufacti;; 3 
 as against 20 per centum in the United Kingdom. 
 
 These results show, that the development of manufactures is 
 not injurious to the development of pastoral and agricultural 
 pursuits. This is clear, because, comparing the foregoing per 
 centages with the relative po])ulations of the United States and 
 the Unilod Kingdom, it will be seen, that while America employs 
 in agriculture nearly three times the number, so employed in the 
 United Kingdom, she also employs nearly twice ae x-. my in 
 manufactures. But while exhibiting this profitable r^ r.'lt, it 
 cannot fail to raise the question in every statesman's mind, as to 
 what w ould have been the fate, of very nearly, one fourth part of 
 the population of the United States if they had not been employed 
 in manufactures. As the United States, with about one-fourth 
 of her population, has for many years always produced more food 
 than she could consume, such other fourth part now well em- 
 
manufactuj $ 
 
 82 
 
 ployed In manufactures, must have swelled the ranks of agricul- 
 tural and other labourers, to the great reduction of wages and 
 of the market price of cereal or other productions, which would 
 have been so unduly stimulated. 
 
 As a matter of fact that country is best off, in which, the 
 numbers employed in agriculture are about equal to those other- 
 wise employed. In such a country wages will be high and the 
 purchasing power being good, both manufactures and food pro- 
 ducers will command fair prices. 
 
 But it is not so, when these conditions being reversed, — there is 
 a large eycess of the population engaged in manufactures or in 
 agriculture. 
 
 Mulhall in his "History of Prices" states that the "Prices of 
 grain and meat are invariably lower in countries, where the bulk 
 of the people are engaged in agriculture, than in those which are 
 given chiefly to manufactures. On the other hand all manu- 
 factured goods are cheaper in countries, where agriculture is of 
 less importance. In the one case, there are not sufficient 
 purchasers o^ the food produced, in the other there arc not 
 sufficient purchasers of the manufactured goods." 
 
 As the United States has a larger ratio of her population 
 engaged in agriculture than in manufactures, — the ratios being 
 as compared with the United Kingdom, in the case of agricul- 
 ture, nearly three to one ; and in the case of manufactures nearly 
 two to one, it follows, that Americans can get more value tor a 
 pound in both food and manufactured goods, than an Englisliman 
 can, as the following statistics quoted from the same authority 
 will show. The average amount of labourers wages in the United 
 Kingdom is put at 31s. ; the cost of food is estimated at 14s. the 
 surplus being 17s. per week to meet other demands. The average 
 amount of wages in the United States is estimated at 48s. ; the 
 cost of food at I6s. and the surplus consequently available for 
 other demands is found to be 32s. or nearly double. 
 
 And though it may be true, that the average wages paid in 
 highly protected trades, taking in those of woman and children 
 who are largely employed in the cotton, silk and clothmg industries, 
 are lower than those in trades which are not so highly protected, 
 the facts remain beyond the possibility of dispute, that the 
 general average wages of adult American men are about r7s. per 
 week higher, than the average paid in the United Kingdcnn ; that 
 while this is the case, the cost of food is less, in protected America; 
 and further that wln'le new employments are induced by such high 
 tariff, for nearly 24 per centum of the adult populalion of America, 
 who, but for such new employments would crowd out and reduce 
 the wages of that other 2(5 per centum, which is etignged iu agri- 
 cultural pursuits, a large surplus revenue is secured year by year. 
 
I 
 
 
 ' ) li 
 
 Ml 
 
 84 
 
 !Por a series of twenty -two years, the tarifE of the United States 
 has produced very large surpluses. Thj smallest in 1874, when, 
 counting the dollar at four shillings, it amounted to £468,888, and 
 the largest surplus was produced in 1882, when it amounted to 
 the enormous sum of £29,910,000. The surplus of 1888 was a 
 little under this sum, but it is expected that the surplus of 
 succeeding years will exceed it. 
 
 And yet, though it might be well to rest, be thankful and not 
 tempt a reaction, this high tariff continues and more, should the 
 Mackinlay Tariff become law will be greatly increased This 
 increased tariff' may do good service, so far as it is intended to 
 foster the production of tinned plates, for which a fast increasing 
 trade in canned fruits is causing an enormous demand, and other 
 T'ew industries which some desire to fistablish. But if having 
 t -■ "^^d in promoting manufactures the tariff be unnecessarily 
 inc. d all round, iu may possibly lead to a great change in the 
 fiscal , jlicy of the United States. The mischief must however 
 be A^ery manifest and very general to bring this about ; since if 
 a high tariff were objectionable to the mass they are powerful 
 enough to compel its reduction. But the fact is, the bulk of the 
 population of the United States are interested in its continuance. 
 The 24 per centum of the adult population engaged in manu- 
 factures of course approve of it. The 20 per centum engaged in 
 agriculture are glad to secure a large number of consumers in 
 receipt of high wages and who would not otherwise exist: the 
 ; traders, wholesale and retail, whose profits depend upon the 
 distribution of the products of such labour, knowing that high 
 • wages, represent increased purchasing power, favour the system ; 
 the great owners of the mines of iron, coal, silver, copper, lead, 
 zinc, &c., the great wool raisers and the great forest owners 
 approve, because they are paid under such system an enormously 
 increased price for their raw materials ; the manufacturers are 
 satisfied, because they know they will receive an exorbitant profit 
 on their goods, to meet the increased cost of a high tariff ; and 
 Government and other official and trade employees are satisfied, 
 because their salaries are necessarily increased to meet the 
 increased cost of rent and wages and manufactured goods. 
 
 But another matter is a great help to the manufacturer and 
 even to the agriculturist. The working men of the United 
 States are so intelligent and industrious, that they are regarded 
 as a class, to be the cheapest workers in the world. They are so, 
 because they render, the greatest possible results, for the higher 
 wages paid. Tf they earn more than the workmen of other 
 countries, they give better service and their higher wages become 
 in effect more economical. They do earn more, but they produce 
 more in quantity or quality or both, otherwise the system would 
 not succeed. 
 
 And if any here ask what have the results of protection to do 
 witli the subject of this work, its application is found in the fact, 
 
35 
 
 that only under Federation, could the United States by such or 
 any other means, have attained the proud position, of being the 
 largest agricultural and manufacturing nation of the world. 
 
 The Ameeican Defence Force. 
 
 It is well known that the United States, avoiding all foreign 
 complications and eschewing all desire of increase of territory 
 by foreign conquests, does not pretend to eminence as a military 
 or naval power. Her standing army consists of about 30,000 
 men, spread over a continent as large as Europe. And yet, 
 though not professing either military or naval power, it must 
 still be in the remembrance of the present generation, that but 
 little more than twenty years ago, she was able to call into the 
 field, a well equipped army of two millions and an extemporised 
 navy of over six hundred war ships. Of the military and naval 
 ability of the men so employed, history affords undoubtable 
 evidence ; terrible and heartrending as was the civil war in which 
 so many heroes fought against kith and kin, in support of the 
 "indissolubility of the union," enough prodigies of valour were 
 performed, both on land and sea, and enough science was dis- 
 played, to warrant the belief, that if the need should unhappily 
 arise, the United States will be able to face any combination of 
 nations which might have the temerity to assad her. 
 
 It is a mistake to suppose, as is commonly asserted, that the 
 United States has an insignificant place as a maritime power. 
 The fact is, that in mere tonnage of shipping, she ranks next to 
 the United Kingdom. Her carrying power is about half that of 
 the Mother Country, and four times that of either France or 
 Germany. And indeed, in tonnage, she has a capacity more 
 than that of France, German}' , Italy, Spain and Norway com- 
 bined. But this maritime power has not manifested itself so 
 much, as has that of other nations, for the simple reason, that 
 while the carrying trade of the United Kingdom, and other 
 European countries is employed in foreign and colonial com- 
 merce, that of the United States is chiefly used in the service of 
 her coastal and internal trade. Her homo traffic is enormous. 
 It exceeds the combined foreign commerce of Great Britiaa and 
 Ireland, France, Germany, liussia, Holland, Austria and Belgium. 
 And though the tonnage of her carrying power by her shipping 
 on her coast, rivers and canals, supplies a total run of about 
 twenty thousand miles, it would be altogether insufficient but for 
 her radroads, which transport more tonnage and receive more in 
 freightage, than all the railways in Great Britian, Franco and 
 Italy combined ; and indeed, more than is carried by all other 
 shipping in the world. 
 
 And though, in tonnage capacity she at present ranks but 
 second, and though her ships are not as a rule of tliat high class 
 ocean-going character, which gives to Britain her superiority as 
 the first of maritime powers, yet, when the United States aftejc 
 
'^': 
 
 
 86 
 
 providing for the wants of her own large population, now over 
 63,000,000 and fast increasing, shall have need to export largely 
 and to bid for the carrying trade of the world, no one can doubt 
 that she will be able to secure a large share of it. 
 
 As to the current state of its defensive powers, it may be 
 noted that the Federal army of the United States consisted in 
 June, 1887, of 2,176 officers and 25,640 men in the regulars, and 
 6,535 officers and 75,175 men in the organised militia. 
 
 The personal of the navy consisted at the same date, of 750 
 officers, 163 surgeons. 111 officials in the pay department, 228 in 
 the engineer department, 64 on the staff, 185 non-commisioned 
 officers and 8,250 men and boys. There is also a marine corps of 
 73 officers and 1,500 men. 
 
 To this it may be added, that proposals are now before con- 
 gress for the construction of a navy, which will enable her to take 
 rank, as a naval power second only to Great Britain herself. 
 
 As TO THE Cost of the Amebican Federal System. 
 The intention of this review, as a means of enabling the public 
 to form a proper estimate, of the working of the various systems 
 of Federation, would be incomplete, without some information, as 
 to the cost of Federal Government under a republican form, 
 which is usually credited with being extremely economical. 
 
 The President is eligible for re-election at the conclusion of 
 each term of four years. Several have been elected for two such 
 terms and there is uo law to limit the number of re-elections. 
 His salary is now £10,000 Vfixih £5,000 for house expenses and 
 an official residence is provided for him at Washington and a 
 country house a few miles from the city 
 
 The election of the President and Vice-President is not by a direct 
 vote of the people but by a vote of the States, in an election, in 
 which each State has as many votes as it has Senators and represent- 
 atives in congress, that is, in proportion to its entire population. 
 
 The Vice-President receives £1,800 and handsome allowances. 
 The Senators, seventy-four in number, and the representatives 
 or members of the lower House of Congress or Federal Parlia- 
 ment, three hundred and twenty-five in number, each receives 
 £1000 a year, and travelling allowances of ten-pence a mile, 
 which nmounts to about £15,000 a year and averages about 
 £421 each ; and stationery and newspaper allowances which 
 amount to about £10,000 and gives a further average of about 
 £25 per annum to each member. The expenses of the Federal 
 Parliament of the United States of America, or as it is called 
 " Congress," cannot therefore, with the salaries of officials and 
 printing, be now less than £450,000 per annum. But it may be 
 observed, that the cost, enormous though it may seem to be, 
 yet counting the population at 63,000,000 only, is less than on© 
 (jhilliug and sixpence per head. 
 
37 
 
 THE CANADIAN FEDERATION. 
 
 Thia Federation, or as it may with greater truth be described, 
 this Legislative Union, so extensive are the powers given to its 
 central government, was effected by an act of the Imperial Parlia- 
 ment in 1867. Prior to the year 1841, Upper and Lower Canada 
 had been self-governed under separate parliaments. This 
 arrangement, which gave full play to the special views of the 
 inhabitants of the two Canadas, Upper Canada being chiefly 
 English, and Lower Canada chiefly of French origin, had however 
 tended to keep alive a spirit of insubordination, through the 
 mutual jealousies of the two races. This unhappy state of things 
 induced the idea of an Union under one parliament, as tending to 
 bring them, into better touch with each other. 
 
 To this end they were in 1841 united by an Imperial Act 
 under one Parliameut, but with results very different from wliat 
 had been expected. Those of French origin, chafed under the 
 taking away of their separate Parliaments, and the English were 
 equally dissatisfied. Rebellion broke out, and though subdued, 
 disagreements continued and petitions were presented, praying for 
 the establishment again, of separate Parliaments. Upper Canada 
 had increased more quickly in population than Lower Canada, 
 and in consequence demanded an increase of members, in the 
 Lower House, at least. This being resisted by Lower Canada, 
 the government came to a dead lock. As a necessary consequence 
 a dissolution, and an appeal to the country, took place. But 
 this only resulted in another dead-lock. Between 1801 and 1804 
 there were no less than five changes of Ministry. The demand 
 for a Federal Union, which had been before mooted, but chiefly 
 by and between the maritime provincuis, became more determined. 
 Upper Canada supported the proposals, in the hope by an Union 
 of adjoining colonies, to overcome the racial difliculues between 
 them and their fellow colonists in Lower Canada. Another 
 reason was even more potent ; the great American War between 
 North and South was then raging. The possible conditions of 
 things between the northern American States and the Canadas, 
 presented a very threatening aspect, in consequence of the de- 
 struction of ships and commerce by the celebrated ''Alabama," 
 wliich had been built and equipped in Enghind, ostensibly for 
 private owners but as it afterwards appeared, by and on behalf 
 of the Southern States. Canada, anticipating that war would 
 break out between America and England, expected to bo attacked 
 
mta 
 
 88 
 
 .» 
 
 by the N"orthern States. And, though war was averted, the 
 Canadians had nevertheless to endure a condition of things, which 
 not only interfered with tlieir commerce, but kept them constant- 
 ly exposed to annoyances but little worse than actual war. In 
 winter, the whole of the trade of Canada with Europe had to pass 
 through the United States, its own rivers and lakes being frozen. 
 The Northern States of America, out of spite for the doings of 
 the " Alabama," put every possible obstacle in the way of the 
 Canadians getting their goods in " bond," by shipments through 
 New York. Now, for some years before, the construction of a 
 railway had been inooted, from Halifax to Quebec, to enable the 
 Canadians to carry on their foreign trade, without passing their 
 imported goods through American territory, and, though such an 
 undertaking was too great at that time for Canada alone, the 
 belief that Union *vith other provinces, would not only enable 
 them to accomplish this great work, but to provide for the 
 defence of the frontier of 8,000 miles, between them and the 
 United States, did much to force on, the question of Federation. 
 These troubles and other serious obstacles to trade, presented by 
 the different tariffs in force in the several Canadian colonies and 
 constantly threatened hostilities, by the United States, at length 
 induced the meeting of a Federal Convention in Quebec. Tins 
 was formed of delegates from Canada sind the maritime provinces, 
 and the result of their deliberations was the drafting of a bill 
 upon terms, which it was believed, would not only provide for 
 defence against aggressors and remove the obstacles to trade 
 jDroduced by hositile tariffs, but by the construction of the pro- 
 posed railway, would afford the means of carrying on their trade 
 with Europe, without trespassing upon the territories of the 
 United States. The hopes engendered by the prospects of 
 securing all these advantages, did much toward forcing an assent 
 to Federal Union. But the proposed withdrawal from each of 
 the provinces of so much of their self-governing powers and the 
 virtual conliscation of so much of their provincial properties was 
 so objectionable to many, that the proposed Union would never 
 have been carried, had not other circumstances happened which 
 secured a reluctant assent. At this time and while the Conven- 
 tion were sitting in Quebec, an invasion was made from the 
 United States of America upon the frontier of Canada. Whether 
 this raid was purely Eenian, as some alleged, — or whether it was 
 fomented and assisted by a section of the people of the United 
 States, who were always hankering after the subjection of Canada, 
 is immaterial lioie to consider, it failed in its object, but natur- 
 ally tended to hasten the cause of Federation, by showing the 
 need of Union to protect national interests. These feelings were 
 also strengthened as regai'ded the maritime provinces. Nova 
 Scotia and New Brunswick, by promises of the advantages of 
 being allowed to levy duties on their exports of wool and coals. 
 Prince Edward Island too, was also promised advances of British 
 moneys to purchase out landowners who had obtained large 
 
 
;ed, the 
 i, which 
 )n8tant- 
 ar. In 
 to pass 
 J frozen, 
 ings of 
 y of the 
 through 
 ion of a 
 able the 
 ing their 
 such an 
 one, the 
 enable 
 "for the 
 and the 
 deration, 
 ented by 
 )nies and 
 Eit length 
 c. Tins 
 )rovinces, 
 of a bill 
 ovide for 
 to trade 
 the pro- 
 leir trade 
 53 of the 
 spects of 
 an assent 
 L each of 
 s and the 
 Brties was 
 uld never 
 led which 
 I Conven- 
 f rom the 
 VV^hether 
 her it was 
 le United 
 )f Canada, 
 butnatur- 
 )vving the 
 lings were 
 ces, Nova 
 ,ntages of 
 and coals. 
 ; of British 
 ined large 
 
 89 
 
 monopolies of lands, which obstructed settlement. The central 
 provinces too, were also influenced by suggestions of the advan- 
 tages which would be secured, by bringing into the Union, the 
 extensive tracts of land known as the Hudson Bay and North- 
 Western territories, and by the profits to be secured, by the 
 large expenditure of British capital, under the guarantee of the 
 Imperial Government, to the extent of £3,000,000, in the con- 
 struction of railways and in the perfecting of a great system of 
 canals, from the Saint Lawrence to the Great Lakes, but it was 
 the abrogation by the United States of the " Reciprocity Treaty," 
 which finally determined the question. The Federation of Canada 
 was greatly feared in America, and it was hoped that the loss of 
 its trade, by the abrogation of reciprocity, would compel an union 
 with the United States. It had however, the effect of driving 
 the Canadians to adopt Federation combined with protection, as 
 the best means of preserving and developing their own home 
 trade. 
 
 Thus was brought about, but with much hesitation, a tardy 
 acceptance of the act of the Imperial Parliament, whereby 
 Canada, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick were united under the 
 name of '* The Dominion of Canada," provision being msde for the 
 admission of Newfoundland, Prince Edward Island, British 
 Colombia, Rupert's Land and that part of the North- Western 
 Territory now known as Manitoba. All the colonies have since 
 joined, with the exception of Newfoundland. 
 
 The Imperial power is restricted to the right of the Queen, to 
 be Commander-in-Chief of the army, navy and militia forces of 
 the Dominion, and to be the head of the executive, acting by her 
 representative, the Governor-General. Besides this, her Majesty 
 may alter the seat of the Federal Government ; may veto such 
 Dominion Acts as are inconsistent with British laws ; and may 
 add at any time six members to the number of senators consti- 
 tuting the senate. 
 
 This command of the forces of the Dominion is the only 
 material addition to the powers which are still retained by the 
 Crown in all the British Colonies, to which responsible govern- 
 ment has been given. But it is a mere nominal command, for 
 it can only be exercised upon the advice of the Governor- General 
 and the approval of the Privy Council of Canada. 
 
 The Executive power is entrusted to a Governor- General 
 acting with a council styled " The Queen's Privy Council for 
 Canada", the members of which are chosen and may be removed 
 by the Governor-General. 
 
 The power to add six members to the Senate is no more than 
 the power assumed and constantly abused by the government 
 for the time being of most of the Colonies, possessing responsible 
 governments. And it is a power less likely of abuse, when 
 
 :-lf 
 
'if»r" 
 
 40 
 
 ML 
 
 
 restricted to user only by the Crown and in cases of moment, 
 which arising between the Senate and the House, may hinder the 
 carrying out of the government. 
 
 It is not likely to be abused. In 1873 the Canadian Privy 
 Council, for the purpose of romonng difficulties then encountered 
 by the ministry of the day, agreed upon a recommendation to 
 the Q-overnor-Greneral, to advise Her Majesty to exercise the 
 privilege. The Colonial Secretary for the Colonies declined to do 
 so, on the ground that Her Majesty could not be advised to take 
 the responsibility of interfering with the constitution of the 
 Senate, except in the case of a matter, so serious and permanent, 
 that it was clear the government could not be carried on without 
 such action. 
 
 And if such course be ever adopted, the Dominion act requires 
 that the addition is only to be temporary ; and that no further 
 appointments be made until the Senate is reduced to its usual 
 number. 
 
 All the powers exercised, before the Union, by the governors 
 of the Federated provinces are now exercisable by the G-overnor- 
 General, and such Privy Council of Canada. 
 
 The Federal legislative power is given to a Parliament consist- 
 ing of the Queen, an Upper House, styled " The Senate", and 
 the House of Commons of Canada. 
 
 The powers given, are such as may be defined, by an act of 
 such Parliament of Canada, but are never to exceed those of the 
 English House of Commons, and a session must be held every 
 year. 
 
 The Senate is a nominee House, consisting of eighty members, 
 styled Senators, who must be not less than thirty years of age, 
 be subjects of the Queen and holders of a freehold of a net value 
 of four thousand dollars, and personal property of the like net 
 value, and be a resident of the province for which they are 
 severally elected. 
 
 The Q-overnor-Greneral has sole power, from time to time, to 
 nominate and summon a sufficient number of persons to be 
 Senators for life. And on his recommendation, Her Majesty 
 may, as before mentioned, appoint six additional members. 
 
 The Federal House of Commons consists of two hundred and 
 fifteen members, all of whom are elected for five years, unless 
 parliament be sooner dissolved; a deceniiial re-adjournment of 
 the members is to be made and the number of members increased, 
 provided the proportional representation of the provinces be not 
 disturbed. 
 
 The Rules as to the imposition of any tax, and as regards 
 money votes and other matters are snnilar to those of the English 
 House of Commons. The Gevernor-Greneral has power in the 
 
41 
 
 moment, 
 inder the 
 
 111 Privy 
 )untered 
 latio.n to 
 pcise the 
 ed to do 
 d to take 
 of the 
 rmanent, 
 1 without 
 
 1 
 
 requires 
 
 furtlier 
 
 its usual 
 
 [overnors 
 overnor- 
 
 t consist- 
 tte", and 
 
 an act of 
 se of the 
 eld every 
 
 iiembers, 
 I of age, 
 net value 
 like net 
 bhey are 
 
 time, to 
 18 to be 
 Majesty 
 rs, 
 
 ired and 
 s, unless 
 ment of 
 lereased, 
 !s be not 
 
 regards 
 
 English 
 
 ir in the 
 
 Queen's name to assent to any Bill, or to withhold his assent, or 
 to reserve the same for signification of the Queen's pleasure. 
 And the Queen in Privy Council within two years of receipt of a 
 copy of any Dominion Act, may disallow any assent so given. 
 In other words may veto any Act, thus practically retaining or 
 rather assuming full control over all Dominion legislation. 
 
 The Federal powers given to the parliament of Canada comprise 
 all matters, not coming within the subjects assigned exclusively, 
 to the Provincial Legislatures. And for greater certainty they 
 are declared to extend to at least the following : — 
 
 1. The public debt and property. 
 
 2. The regulation of trade and commerce. 
 
 3. The raising of revenue by any mode of taxation. 
 
 4. The borrowing of money on the public credit. 
 
 5. The postal service, 
 
 6. The census and statistics. 
 
 7. The militia military and naval service and t'ifence. 
 
 8. The fixing of and providing for the salaries and allowances of civil 
 and other oflBcers of the Government of Canada. 
 
 9. Beacons, buoys and lighthouses. 
 
 10. Navigation and shipping. 
 
 11. _ Quarantine and the establishment and maintainance of marine 
 hospitals. 
 
 12. Sea, coast and inland fisheries. 
 
 13. Ferries between a province and any British or Foreign country or 
 between two provinces. 
 
 14. Currency and coinage. 
 
 15. Banking, incorporation of banks and issue of paper money, 
 
 16. Savings banks, 
 
 17. Weights and measures. 
 
 18. Bills of exchange and promissory notes. 
 
 19. Interest, 
 
 20. Legal tender. 
 
 21. Bankruptcy and insolvency, 
 
 22. Patents of inventions and discovery. 
 
 23. Copyrights. 
 
 24. Indians and lands reserved for Indians. 
 
 25. Naturalization and aliens. 
 
 26. Marriage and divorce. 
 
 27. The criminal law, except the constitution of courts of criminal 
 jurisdiction, bat including the procedure in criminal matters. 
 
 28. The establishment maintainance and management of penitentiaries 
 
 29. Such classes of subjects as are not expressly given to the legislatures 
 of the provinces. 
 
 30. And any other matter coming >vithin any of the foregoing subjects. 
 
 The Federal parliament of Canada is also empowered : — 
 
 81. To make provisions for uniformity in the laws relating to property 
 and civil procedure in the whole Union but without effect in any province 
 until approved by the legislature thereof, 
 
 32. To make laws as to agriculture and immigration to have effect in 
 all or any of the provinces. 
 
42 
 
 1:- 
 
 33. To appoint a general court of appeal for Canada and Bitch other 
 courts as may be needed. But with a right uf tiual appeal to the privy 
 council of England. 
 
 To perform all obligations as part of the British Empire towards foreign 
 countries under treaties therewith. 
 
 The judges of the Supreme, District and County Couits of all 
 the provinces, are all appointed by the Grovernor- General. But 
 their salaries, allowances and pensions are fixed and provided by 
 the Federal parliament. 
 
 The revenue and taxation for Federal purposes, is all raised 
 under the authority of the Federal parliaments. And all the 
 customs duties and revenues which each province was before the 
 Union, empowered to raise, now forms one consolidated revenue 
 fund, except such portions as are reserved to the use of any 
 province. 
 
 Such consolidated Federal revenue is charged with the costs of 
 collection, and the interest of the united public debt of the Union, 
 as first charges. 
 
 The annual interest of the public debts of the several provinces 
 forms the second charge therein. 
 
 The salary of the Governor- General forms t^^e third charge. 
 
 And subject to these charges, the said co; ^ated fund is to 
 be appropriated by the parliament of Canada ^^ ^ue public service. 
 
 The Federal government is liable under the Dominion Act for 
 the debts and liabilities of each province, and undertakes to pay 
 towards the revenue of each province a fixed yearly sum reckoned 
 according to the population, for the support of the separate 
 governments and legislatures of eiich province and further annual 
 grants in aid of the revenue of each province, not exceeding the 
 rate of eighty cents per head. But in return for these obligations 
 the Federal government took over at the time of the Union. 
 
 1. All the stock, cash, bank balances and securities for moneys belong* 
 ing to each province at the time of the Union. 
 
 2. All canals with lands and water powers connected therewith. 
 
 3. All public harbours. 
 
 4. All light houses and piers. 
 
 5. All steam-boats, dredges and public vessels. 
 
 6. All river and lake improvements. 
 
 7. All railways and railway stocks, mortgages and other debts due by 
 railway companies. 
 
 8. All military roads. 
 
 9. All custom houses, post offices and all other public buildings. 
 
 10. All property transferred by the Imperial government and known as 
 ordinance property. 
 
 11. All armouries, drill sheds, military clothing, munitions of war, and 
 
 12. All lands set apart for general public purposes. 
 
 Besides which, each province is made liable to the Federal government 
 for the amounts (if any) by which the respective public debt of each 
 lirovinco exceeds a certain stipulated sum, such sum bearing interest pay- 
 able to the Federal government. 
 
48 
 
 It will be seen that but little powers or property is left to the 
 provinces. The Federal government has the lion's share. 
 
 The executive power of each province consists of a Lieutenant- 
 Governor appointed for each province by the (rovernor-Goncral 
 in council and an Executive Council consisting in number as they 
 existed at the time of the union. 
 
 The Legislative powers of each province consists, in Quebec, of 
 two Houses, styled " The Legislative Council" and " The Legisla- 
 tive Assembly." And for all the other provinces of one House 
 styled " The Legislative Assembly." 
 
 The powers of each provincial parliament are now limited to — 
 
 1. The amendment of the constitution of the legislating province 
 except as regards the office of Lieutenant-Govenor. 
 
 9,. Direct taxation within and only in aid of the revenue of the province. 
 
 3. The borrowing of money on the sole credit of the province. 
 
 4. The appointment, tenure and payment of provincial offices. 
 
 5. The management and sale of the lands and timbers of the province. 
 
 6. The establishment, maintainence and management of public and re- 
 formatory prisons for the province. 
 
 7. The establishment, vi.iintainence and management of hospitals, 
 asylums, charities and el nosynary institutions for the province other 
 than marine hor.pitals. 
 
 8. Municipal institutions in the province. 
 
 9. Shop, saloon, tavern, auctioneer and other licenses in aid of a revenue 
 for provincial, local or municipal purposes. 
 
 10. Local works and uudertakiugs, except such as are of the following 
 classes: — 
 
 a. Lines of steamers or other ships, railways, canals, telegraphs and 
 other works and undertakings connecting the province with any 
 other or others of the provinces or extending beyond the limits of 
 the province. 
 
 h. Lines of steam-ships between the province and any British or 
 Foreign country. 
 
 ' c. Such works as, although wholly situate within the province are, 
 
 before or after their execution declared by the Federal parliament 
 to be for the general advantage of Canada or for the advantage of 
 two or more of the provinces. 
 
 11. The incorporation of companies with provincial objects only. 
 
 12. The law relating to the solemnization of marriages in the province 
 but not the law of marriage or divorce. 
 
 13. The laws of property and civil rights in the province but subject to 
 the laws of the Federal parliament. 
 
 14. The adminstration of justice in the province, including the constitu- 
 tion, maintainance and organization of provincial courts both of civil and 
 criminal jurisdiction including procedure in civil matters in these courts : 
 but subject to the laws of the Federal parliament. 
 
 1.5. The imposition of punishment by fine, jienalty or imprisonment for 
 enforcing any law of the province made in addition to any matter coming 
 withinanyof the classes of subjects enumerated in this section but subject 
 to any law of the Federal parliament, 
 
 IG, Generally to all matters of a merely local or private nature within 
 the province. 
 
 Education. Each province may make laws in relation to educa- 
 tion within such province. But no such law may prejudicially 
 
 %. 
 
 %4 
 
1 
 ■ I 
 
 
 
 il 
 
 
 4A 
 
 effect any right or privilege with respect to any Eoman Catholic 
 or denominational or dissentient school. In the case of any vio- 
 lation of this condition, appeal may be made to the Q-overnor-in- 
 Council, and remedial measures may be taken by the Dominion 
 Parliament. 
 
 The Dominion and Provincial legislatures have concurrent 
 powers of legislating on agriculture, immigration and some other 
 matters ; but the provincial law only has effect so far as it 
 is not repugnant to the Dominion law. 
 
 The property and revenues permitted to be retained by the 
 provinces consists of : — 
 
 1. All lands, mines, minerals and royalties belonging to each province } 
 and all sums due or owing, or payable for such lands, mines, mmerals or 
 royalties — but subject to any trust or claim existing in respect theieof. 
 
 ' 2. All assets connected with such portions of the public debt of each 
 province as are assumed by that province. 
 
 3. All the respective public property of each province not otherwise 
 disposed of by the act of Union. But subject to the right of the Federal 
 government of Canada to assume any lands or public property required 
 for fortifications or other defences. 
 
 4. And such portions of the duties and revenues of each province 
 before the Union as are reserved by the act of Union to each province, and 
 
 5. All duties and rt .enues raised by each province under the special 
 powers conferred upon them by the act of Union. 
 
 Fiscal anangements. All articles, the growth produce or manu- 
 facture of any of the Provinces, are admitted free into each of 
 the other Provinces. 
 
 The customs and excise laws of each Province which were at 
 the time of the union to continue in force until altered by the 
 Federal parliament have been since so altered, and assumed as 
 solely within Federal powers. 
 
 In the case of importations of goods, as between any two 
 Provinces, such goods are exportable on proof of payment of the 
 custom duties leviable thereon in the Province of importation. 
 
 It will be seen that while under the Federal constitutions of 
 Switzerland, America and Germany, all powers not specifically 
 granted to the Federal government, are retained by each State; 
 under the Canadian constitution, the arrangement is reversed 
 and all powers not specifically retained by the Provinces, are 
 to be held as given to the Federal government. 
 
 This reversal of the usual condition, was adopted with the 
 express intention, of strengthening the central power and to pre- 
 vent any question arising as to the rights of the Pronnces and their 
 peoples. To complete this spoilation of Provincial powers, the 
 central government is committed to a G-overnor- General and a 
 nominee Central Executive Privy Council and Parliament, all 
 officials and representatives, including all the Lieutenant- 
 
by the 
 
 45 
 
 G-ovcrnors of the Provinces, and all Judges of the Supreme, 
 District and County Courts being appointed by the Governor- 
 G-eneral, or in some few cases by the Governor- General in 
 Council, save the House of Commons which is elective. 
 
 And besides this, as if wnth the view of malting this divestment 
 of Provincial rights as difficult of alteration as possible, the con- 
 stitution of Canada provides no means of amendment, save by an 
 appeal to the Imperial parliament, which it will be readily 
 believed, will not be easily moved, as against the influence of a 
 Governor-General and such an army of nominee supporters 
 
 Such despoilment of the powers of the several Provinces has 
 already induced considerable dissatisfaction, and there are 
 alarming indications of a strong desire to resume some part of 
 their original rights, of which more particular information is 
 given hereinafter. 
 
 Still, it must be admitted, that notwithstanding the existence 
 of so much dissatisfaction, in consequence of the abporption by 
 the central gevernmcnt of so much of the original ri^^hts of .self- 
 government by each of the Provinces, Canada has greatly pro- 
 gressed since federation, but mainly, as will hereafter be shown, 
 through the national system of protection, towards which t-uvh. 
 federation greatly assisted. 
 
 The Canadian Fedekal Judicial System. 
 
 Profiting by the experience of the United States, and following 
 the example of Switzerland, which has also profited by the like 
 experience, the founders of the Canadian constitution, provided 
 for the establishment of a general Court of Appeal, which will 
 in most cases, prevent th^ necessity of an appeal to the Privy 
 Council of England. 
 
 The I'^ederal parliament of Canada, was for this purpose 
 authorised by the " Dominion Act," to " provide for the consti- 
 tution, maintenance and organization of a General Court of 
 Appeal for Canada, and for the establishment of any additional 
 courts which might bo required for the better administration of 
 the laws of Canada. Under those powers, a Supreme Court of 
 Appeal ; an Exchequer Court for Crown Cases ; a Court for the 
 trial of controverted elections and a Maritime Court have been 
 founded. 
 
 The Supreme Court of Appeal of Canada, was not however, 
 established until 1875. The Judges consist of a Chief Justice 
 and five Puisne Judges. They are ap])ointod by the Governor- 
 General and hold their offices for life, subject to removal only by 
 parliament, u|)on succes.sful impeachment, for improper conduct 
 or for incapacity from ago or otherwise. 
 
 Its apj)ellate jurisdiction, as to I^KJeral matters, comprise;* 
 controversies between the Dominion and any Province, und 
 
 ll 
 
lii 
 
 46 
 
 between any one Province and another, and in all suits, actions 
 or proceedings, in which the parties thereto have raised by the 
 pleadings the question of the validity of any act of the parliament 
 of Canada, or of any legislature of any Province thereof, when 
 in the opinion ot the Judge who presides, the question raised is 
 material. 
 
 Its appellate jurisdiction in questions not relating to Federal 
 matters, extends to all final judgments, special cases,^ motions on 
 points reserved or for new trials, or in respect of decrees in 
 equity, motions to set aside awards, proceedings for writs of 
 Habeas Corpus, motions in all criminal cases and in appeals in 
 respect of maritime cases and controverted elections, in cases 
 decided by the courts appointed for such matters and in all cases 
 decided by the Exchequer Court, which court has a primary 
 jurisdiction in all Crown cases. 
 
 Its jurisdiction and powers extend throughout the Dominion, 
 and the Provincial Sheriffs of Canada, and all other provincial 
 officers, for convenience and economy are appointed ex officio 
 officers of such Supreme Court, and also of the Exchequer Court. 
 But, except as to questions arising in respect of Federal disputes 
 between the Dominion and any province, or between one province 
 and another of them, neither its jurisdiction or powers, nor the 
 jurisdiction of such Exchequer Court, extend to any of the pro- 
 vinces, unless the local legislature thereof, has, by an act of its 
 parliament, agreed to abide by the appeal jurisdiction of such 
 Supreme Court. And the like provision applies also to the 
 jurisdiction of the Exchequer Court. 
 
 But this *' Supreme Court of Appeal" i* not Supreme in the 
 full sense of the term, as is the case with the " Federal Tribunal" 
 of Switzerland ; the " Supreme Court of Appeal" of the United 
 States or the " Eeichsgericht" of Germany. All these courts 
 are necessarily supreme and final in their decisions, because the 
 realm from which they severally derive their powers possefases no 
 other court of superior authority. 
 
 But that is not the case with regard to the Supreme Court of 
 Appeal of Canada. The Dominion, though possessing an inde- 
 pendence little short of supreme, is still but a " realm within a 
 realm" and except as to matters, in respect of which the judgments 
 thereof are declared to be final, the Supreme Court of Appeal of 
 Canada is necessarily subordinate to that higher judicial authority 
 of the Eealm, from which the Dominion owes its existence. 
 
 For this reason, and because no subject of the sovereign can 
 be deprived of his right to appeal to the Privy Council of England 
 unless such right has been limited by some act of a competent 
 parliament, the Canadian act, establishing the " Supremo Court 
 of Appeal of Canada" p^o^'^des, that the judgment of such court 
 shall be final, *' saving any right which Her Majesty may be 
 
47 
 
 '* graciously pleased to exercise, bv virtue of the Boyal Prerof»a- 
 " tive". 
 
 Under this right, an appeal lies to the Judicial Committee of 
 the Privy Council of England, but only by permission of such 
 Judicial Committee. In advising as to whether or not to allow 
 an appeal, the Committee will have regard to the importance of 
 the point, rather than rs to any sum of money involved. 
 
 The judges of this " Supreme Court" act also as a Council of 
 Advice to the government. As the House of Lords has in 
 England, the power of consulting the judges, a like power has 
 been conferred on the Canadian Privy Council. The C-overnor- 
 G-eneral in Council may refer to the Supreme Court of Canada, 
 any matter which it is thought desirable to refer, and the court 
 is required to certify its opinion in writing. And the Senate or 
 the House of Commons of Canada, may also refer to such 
 Supreme Court, or to any two judges thereof, any private Bill, 
 Petition, or other matter, and the court or such judges are to 
 examine info the same, and make their report thereon. 
 
 This " Exchequer Court" has by its constitution as a Federal 
 Court, an exclusive and con-current jurisdiction with the Supremo 
 Court of Canada, in respect of all claims against the Crown ; and 
 a con-current jurisdiction therewith in all cases relating to 
 revenue, patents, leases or other instruments relating to Crown 
 land ; in all cases where relief is sought aqainst the Crown, or 
 any officer thereof, and in all suits in which the Crown is a 
 plaintiff or a petitioner. 
 
 The court is held before r judge, and nn appeal lies to the 
 Supreme Court of Canada ,. 'e .imount lU controversy ('X<'«*ed8 
 £100, but when the amount inrolvf'l d->os no* oxcood t^c^ -um, 
 no appeal lies, except the question i ives i :im act 
 
 of the Federal Parlinment of Canada or of ■ Piovine. .r rela cs to 
 some fee of office, duty, rent, revenue, or sum of money pi vable 
 to the Crown, or to some title to land or tenement, arm' ! -fits 
 or such like matters or things, where rights ir nn^it be 
 
 barred. But in all such cases, leave to appeal, ust be obtained 
 from a Judge of the Supreme Court. 
 
 Another Federal Court has also been established, f" the trial 
 of controverted elections. And in 1877 the Domin- parliament 
 appointed a Court of Maritime Jurisdiction, in n it of matters 
 arising out of navigation, shipping, trade or commerce. 
 
 An appeal lies also from these courts to the Supremo Court of 
 Canada. 
 
 The Canadtax Fiscal System. 
 
 The borrowing of moneys on the public credit and the raising 
 of moneys by any mode or system of taxation, including custom 
 or excise duties, is granted by the Canadian constitution to the 
 
 a 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
' 
 
 ■K 
 
 p : 
 
 i! 1 
 
 I ,.-.■■ 
 
 A ' 
 
 49 
 
 Federal parliament as its sole right. But sucli right is subject 
 to the provision, that " all articles of the growth, produce or 
 manufacture of any one of the Provinces, shall from and after 
 the Union, be admitted free into each of the other Provinces." 
 
 Each of the Provinces is limited to borrowing moneys on its 
 own sole credit and to the raising of a revenue for the local 
 purposes of such Province, by direct taxation or by saloon, shop, 
 tavern, auctioneer, and other business licences. 
 
 As before mentioned, tlie abrogation by the United States of the 
 " Reciprocity" treaty, with the intention of forcing Canada to 
 enter its own Federal Union, induced the adoption by Canada 
 of a system of protection, under the designation of the "National" 
 system. 
 
 This new system became law in 1879, and i^^ will be especially 
 interesting to Australians, to note the effect of such a momentous 
 change, in the fiscal arrangements of Canada. 
 
 The per centage of the duties, calculated on the total value of 
 all imported goods, whether dutiable or free, averaged in 1868, at 
 the date of the Tederation of the Canadian Dominion, £12 per 
 centum, and prior to the commencement of the national system 
 of protection, the average rate had been gradually increased to 
 £18 15s. per centum. These average rates arose, it should be 
 understood, out of the much higher rates which were charged 
 on dutiable articles, so it will be seen that Canada, and especially 
 some of her provinces had always favoured protection. 
 
 It followed that in 1879, protection was established as the 
 fiscal system of the dominion and a general increase of the tariff, 
 was sanctioned by its Pedei'al Parliament. In 1880, the amount 
 of duties paid on the total value of all importations, whether 
 dutiable or iH)t, had risci to the average raic of £16 6s 8d per 
 centum, and in 1887, such average had increased to about £20 
 per centum. As the value of the articles imported free in 1880, 
 the year following provection, formed at least 20 per centum or 
 one-fifth of the total imj)orts, the average rate upon the dutiable 
 goods, would of course be in most cases much higher than 
 £16 6a 8d and as since 1886, the value of the articles imported 
 free, chiefly raw materials, formed about 35 per centum of the total 
 iini)orts, the duties ])aid, spread overall imported goods, averaged 
 £20 per centum and in dutiable goods, was and still is, about £35 
 per centum. 
 
 And what has been the offe« i of these high duties? The 
 results here given are extrncted 'rom oflicial documents. Since 
 1879 the dovelo|)ments of manufacturing interests have been 
 such, as to thorougldy justify the action of Canada in establishing a 
 "National" system of protection. Federal Union enabled the 
 Canadians to secure to themselves, the employment and profit, 
 
' 
 
 49 
 
 which they clearly saw, must arise by undertaking the supply of 
 their own wants. 
 
 Upon this point the following statistics will speak for themselves. 
 
 1871 1881 
 
 Capital invested, £15,538,824 ... £33,000.526 
 
 Wages paid 8,170,013 ... 11.885,886 
 
 Value of manufactures 44,323,554 ... 61,935,220 
 
 Hands employed 187,942 ... 254.935 
 
 And the following figures also taken from ofBcial documents, 
 and showing the diminution in the importation of certain classes 
 of manufactures, and the large increase in the importation of 
 raw materials, afford further evidence of the progress made iu 
 horn? 'Qdustries. 
 
 Imported Manufactures. 
 
 1875 • 
 
 1885 
 
 Iron and steel 
 
 £3,819,143 ... 
 
 £2,331,438 
 
 Other metals 
 
 298,277 ... 
 
 461,9.54 
 
 Silk 
 
 443,832 ... 
 
 4()1,0.*« 
 
 Cottons 
 
 1,966,167 "... 
 
 1,248,257 
 
 Woollens 
 
 2,553,515 ... 
 
 1,810,725 
 
 Other manufactures 
 
 4,223,998 ... 
 
 3,4.51,702 
 
 Food and drink 
 
 5,808,594 ... 
 
 3,617,988 
 
 .€19,113,526 ... £13,383,097 v 
 
 Imported Raw Materials 2,130,574 ... 4,007,153 ' 
 
 The increase shewn by the first of the above tables, in the 
 amount of capital invested in manufactures ; in the amount of 
 wages paid ; in the gross value of the goods manufactured, and 
 in the number of hands employed, exhibit in the plainest manner 
 the great progress which was made in national industries im- 
 mediately after the adoption of protection, even while the tariff 
 had not been greatly increased. 
 
 And the figures in the second table abo offer indubitable 
 evidence of progress. An examination of the official figures 
 there presented show, that notwithstanding a large increase of 
 population and though the average rate of the tariff had only 
 been increased from £12 to £16 6s 8d per cent., the gross value 
 of imported manufactured goods decreased from £19,113,526 in 
 1875, to £13,383,097 in 1885, giving a difference in favour of 
 Canada of £5,730,429. Coupled with this decrease, in the 
 importation of manufactured goods, it is shown, that the import- 
 ation of raw materials was nearly doubled, within the first five 
 years following the adoption of protection. The importation of 
 raw cotton was more than quadrupled in that first period. The 
 importation of pig iron was also more than doubled in the same 
 time, notwithstanding the Inrge quantity which was manufactured 
 in the Dominion, as soon as a paying local demand sprung up. 
 And so also the importation of wool was more than doubled in 
 the same time, and has since been nearly quadrupled, notvvith- 
 Btanding the large and increasing quantity grown at home. 
 
 
1 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 j 
 
 
 wk 
 
 SO 
 
 But these figures, taken from official documents, do not come 
 later than the close of 1880. The tariff has since been gradually 
 increased, until it ranges up to an average of 35 per centum, 
 yielding in 1887 a r(>venue of £4,000,000. The statistics of the 
 Dominion up to the end of the current year, will not of course be 
 available for some time, but enquiries recently made, warrant the 
 statement, that the resnlt of the ten years succeeding the adoption 
 of a protection tarifF, will show an increase in the amount of capital 
 iiivcHtod, of from about £80,000,000 to over £50,000,000 ; of 
 wages paid, from about £10,000,000 to £16,000,000; of the 
 value of manufactured goods, from about £00,000,000 to at least 
 £117,000,000 and of hands employed, from about 240,000 to 
 over 400,000. 
 
 The export trade of the Canadian Dominion has also very 
 largely increased. In 1868, just prior to Federation it amounted 
 to £11,513,577. In 18^>7, notwithstanding along period of 
 depression, and the fact that the Canadians were fully and pro- 
 fitably engaged in providing for their home trade, their exports 
 reached to £17,903,162 of which minerals yielded £761,192; 
 fisheries £1,375,162; timber £4,096,949; animals and their produce 
 £4,849,387 ; agricultural products £3,765,247 ; and manufactures, 
 in excess of the supply of the wants of her own peoples, to the 
 extent of £651,994. 
 
 These favorable results, do not however, embrace the enormous 
 business, which takes place between the several provinces of the 
 Union. As there is free trade between them, there are no custom 
 or excise duties, to supply an index to the amount of this intf^r- 
 provincial busniess and no other statistics are available, by which 
 it may be estimated. It is easy to guage the progress of trade 
 in countries that are not manufr.cturers and which must there- 
 fore import a large part of the goods they require. But it is not 
 so easy to ascertain the progress made, in countries engaged in 
 providing for their own Avants, under a system which permits 
 of the free interchange of commodities, without customs or excise 
 duties to mark its increase. There cannot however be a doubt, 
 that the manufacturing and other industries of the Canadian 
 dominion, having had the advantage of such free interchange, 
 under a system of protection, throughout a vast territory, have 
 been stimulated diu'ing the past ten years to an extent, which, 
 according to the latest available report of the Canadian govern- 
 ment statistician, may in his own words, " be safely estimated, as 
 having already increased the out-put of the Dominions, to at the 
 least thirty times the amount done, in the year prior to the Union." 
 
 The Canaoian Defence Force. 
 
 In accordance with the " Dominion Act" the command of the 
 military and naval "Militia," by which limited title is the Canadian 
 army and navy described, is given to Her Majesty, or to the 
 
61 
 
 lormous 
 
 Governor- Q-eneral, as her representative ; the Crown appointing 
 a Major-General to take command. 
 
 All males between the ages of 18 and 60 are liable to service, 
 save the judges, clergy, professors in colleges and universities, 
 teachers in religious orders, keepers of penitentiaries and asylums, 
 persons disabled, and the only son of a widow, being also her 
 support, and, except in case of war, invasion or insurrection, 
 halt-pay and retired officers, sailors employed in their calling, 
 pilots, and members of public and common schools, actually 
 engaged in teaching, are exempt, though capable of bearing arms, 
 but in case of a levee en masse all capable persons may be required 
 to serve. 
 
 Canada is divided for military purposes into twelve districts ; 
 each district into regimental and brigade divisions, and each 
 regimental division into company divisions. 
 
 The captain of each company division, has by actual enquiry, 
 at each house in his division, to ascertain the persons liable to 
 serve, and must periodically compile a roll accordingly. 
 
 The men are divided into four classes ; those between 18 and 
 30 who are unmarried or widowers, without children ; those 
 between 30 and iS, who are married or widowers, with children ; 
 those between 18 and 45, v/ho are married or widowers, with 
 children ; and those between the ages of 45 and 00. 
 
 When called out, if a sufficient number of men do not volun- 
 teer, the men of the first class settle by ballot, who are to serve. 
 If more are required, the deficiency is made up by ballot from 
 the next class, and so on, supplying any deficiency from the 
 other classes in turn. Substitutes are however permitted. 
 
 The entire force is divided into (1) the active militia, and (2) 
 the reserve. 
 
 The active militia serve three years in time of peace, and one 
 year in time of war. 
 
 The reserve is composed of the whole number who are not 
 serving, for the time being, in the active militia. 
 
 The reserve may be called out in any year by Her Majesty for 
 not less than 8, nor more than 16 days. 
 
 The active militia may be called out 
 
 1. By Her Majesty in cape of war, invasion or insurrection. 
 
 2. By the Lieutenant-Governor, if a disturbance of the peace occurs 
 in the Morth-West Provinces, 
 
 3. By tbo officers commanding any military district or division, in 
 case of ij'Viision, insurrcftion or any sudden emergency. 
 
 4. By the officer of any military district, who may call out the whole 
 of the active militia in aid of the civil power. 
 
 5. By order of the Governor-CJeneral in council but as to the active 
 militia only, to serve as guards of houour, escorts and ueutrieu, 
 
 I 
 
TIT' 
 
 ! '-fi'*^; '.^.^!>%\-1' 7f*^ >f .- ■. rv^i?^ 
 
 62 
 
 As TO THE Cost op the Fedebal Union. 
 
 Particulars of the annual charfres incurred, in the adminstration 
 of the Federal government of the Canadian Dominion are not 
 available in detail. The total cost of the two Houses of Parlia- 
 ment is however, not a sixth of that expended in carrying on the 
 Federal government of the United States of America. 
 
 The present cost would seem to amount to about £75,000 
 annually, which is made up of £10,000 to the Governor-General ; 
 £2,000 to the High Commissioner representing the Dominion in 
 London; £20,000, the allowances to the 14 ministers of the Crown 
 who constitute Her Majesty's Privy Council in Canada ; £1,000 
 to the Speaker of the Canadian House of Commons ; £22,000 
 being the estimated allowances to the 295 representatives at the 
 rate of £2 per day and travelling expenses, and £20,000 for 
 salaries of the necessary officials, and printing and stationery. 
 
 But adding to this cost, all other charges for Legislation and 
 Civil government, the total amounted to £437,830 for 1886-87, 
 which spread over the then population, would make the cost of 
 Federal government, a little less than £1 per head. 
 
 
 / 
 
 .QS) 
 
58 
 
 THE GEKMANIC FEDERATION. 
 
 -o- 
 
 The Federation of the G-ermau Empire, affords another example 
 of the facts, before adverted to, that independent in-incipalities 
 as well as Eepublican States, t'lOugh extremely unwilling to 
 relinquish their rights of self-government, are continually im- 
 pelled to Federal Union, as the best means of protection, not 
 only from aggressive wars on the part of adjoining nations, but 
 also from the evils of internal dissensions. 
 
 Long prior to the Eeformation and during that part of the 
 middle ages w^hich may be >5aid to have come to an end at the 
 time of the death of Maximilian 1. in 1519, the Empire had 
 ceased to be looked upon as an universal monarchy, and though 
 there were still Emperors and Kings of Grermany, such potentates 
 exercised very little real power and had indeed no certain revenue. 
 This condition of things arose from the fact that during these 
 times, the peoples of Germany were divided into a large number 
 of separate States, many of them of very limited area, the ruling 
 princes of which, having acquired independence, owed only a 
 nominal allegiance to the sovereign. And though they were 
 not absolute rulers, since in almost every principality there were 
 " States" or local councils holding the same relation to the prince 
 that the Diet held to the king yet each principality practically 
 governed itself. Each one had its own Houses of Parliament, 
 composed of the nobles, the landed proprietors, the clergy and 
 the representatives of the people. And even the election of 
 Charles V. to the Crown of Germany, did not alter this state of 
 things, for although, being already King of Spain and the Two 
 Sicilies, the Low Countries and Burgundy and Arch-duke of 
 Austria, he by such election became by far the greatest sovereign 
 who had ever reigned in Europe since Charles the Great, his 
 power was little more than nominal, for he had to sign a formal 
 deed before his election, confirming the States in their rights and 
 privileges. 
 
 The troubles of the Reformation, which commenced in 1517 ; 
 the peasant's war, which was entered upon with the object of 
 relieving the people from the oppressions of the princes ; the 
 sufferings which arose out of the Religious Wars, which continu- 
 ing from 1517 to 1655, when a sort of peace was patched up 
 but only to be broken by the fearful civil struggles known in 
 history as "the terrible thirty years war," all tended to the 
 greater enfeeblemcnt of the Imperial power and the advancement 
 
 i, 
 
 i: 
 
 >■'•■ 
 
 i 
 
54 
 
 of that of the principalities which became more independent than 
 ever. The hu'ger half and aomc authorities say, two thirds of the 
 entire population of the Germanic States had perished in these 
 wars. Many of the Grerman cities were in ruins, the country 
 districts had been laid waste and commerce had almost ceased. 
 The Diet too had lost much of its power and the religious feuds 
 of the age were so bitter and the rival churches so equally divided 
 that no proposal could hope for support. The Empire existed 
 only in name, for the Emperor Ferdinand III. had, at the " Peace 
 of Westphalia" which was concluded in lOdS, been compelled 
 not only to recognise the independence of the many small States 
 then existing but to consent to an increase of their powers. 
 
 It was agreed they should have the right of making treaties 
 ■with foreign States, if not directed against the Empire or the 
 Emperor ; the power of making war or of proclaiming peace and 
 of raising troops ; and the power of passing laws which had 
 formerly belonged to the Emperor, was made over to the Diet. 
 
 G ermany was now broken up into a large number of petty 
 States, each possessing sovereign rights. A confederation so 
 loose, that it existed only at the pleasure of those who were 
 pleased for the time being, to act under it, and which gave no 
 controlling power to any central government, resulted as might 
 have been anticipated, not only in the destruction of all Imperial 
 power but in making the princes Df all those numerous petty 
 states, absolute rulers within their own territories. The previous 
 wars which had continued for a century, had so ruined the small 
 nobles and the peoples, that parliamentary government fell into 
 disuse. The princes at the head of each State thereafter assumed 
 the right of ruling with absolute sway. Each had his own courts 
 of justice, raised his own troops, levied what customs, tolls, and 
 other taxes he pleased, made war against whosoever offended him, 
 imposed on his subjects whatever religion and laws he approved 
 and obeyed the behest of his Emperor only as he pleased. Most 
 of these princes w^ere unfortunately very bad rulers. Guilty of 
 great extravagances to sustain a pompous state which was 
 absurdly incongruous to the requirements of such insignificant 
 territories, they nevertheless imposed heavy taxes on their suffer- 
 ing subjects to meet such charges and spent their lives and 
 treasure without stint in profitless contests, in seeking to gratify 
 their own love of power, and to revenge petty jealousies between 
 themselves. 
 
 Space permits only a mere cursory review of the history of 
 this period. But it is sufficient for the purpose of this work, to 
 show, that Ge. .lany affords no exemption from the fact which 
 history teaches, that confederations, under which no power, even 
 as to matters of defence, is given to the control of a central 
 government, cannot be worked with advantage. Without some 
 power of compelling concerted action under an acknowledged 
 
55 
 
 head, Union proves itself at every time of trouble to be a mere 
 delusion. It cannot be too much to assert that if the German 
 States had from the first given suitable powers to their central 
 government, hundreds of thousands of lives would have been 
 saved, an enormous amount of property would have escaped 
 destruction and commerce would have been developed to a degree 
 which would have advanced the position of Grermauy by a couple 
 of centuries. It may perhaps be urged that much of the troubles 
 from which she suffered during this period, were caused by 
 religious dissensions, and that a strict form of Federal Union 
 would at that time of intolerance, have left the country either 
 Catholic or Protestant. The answer to this is found in the history 
 of Switzerland, where as has been shown, the population of a 
 large number of States — half Protestant and half Catholic, with 
 a better appreciation of the necessities and duties of Pederal 
 Union, managed at the same period of time to preserve not only 
 their national independence but their personal religions as well. 
 
 The evils of such petty sovereignties and the cruelly oppressive 
 conduct of these petty princes, led however to a strong desire to 
 control their powers by a central government. From the con- 
 clusion of the " peace of Westphalia" in 1648 the Union of the 
 Q-ermanic States into a new and stronger Empire, was the 
 constant hope of the peoples. 
 
 But two centuries passed before the realization of this hope. 
 Two whole centuries, of a succession of wars of the direst of kind, 
 had to pass, before a multitude of petty States, potent enough for 
 mischief but impotent without Federal Union for protection 
 against foes, were able to understand that an Union without a 
 central power, must ever be powerless for defence. The history 
 of the Grecian and Italian Kepublics might have taught them 
 this, but the mass were uninformed then, and were blind followers 
 of bad leaders. Two whole centuries, witnessing a succession of 
 wars with France, Hungary, Turkey, Russia and Austria, had to 
 pass before this lesson, written in blood and conned in suffering 
 was learned by the people. 
 
 But in the meantime and far within the second of these two 
 centuries, the Germanic races experienced abundant proof of the 
 statement, that a mere confederacy, without a central govern- 
 ment empowered to compel united concert, presents a condition 
 which may fail of cohesion at any moment of trial. They also 
 learned by bitter experience, that States, existing under an 
 imperfect Union, without a central power to direct and enforce 
 united action, have not only an imperfect capacity for collective 
 operations against a common enemy, but may secede altogether 
 in face of that enemy or for other selfish ends. 
 
 Let U8 hope there are few who would do this. But it was 
 done, to their shame, in 1806 by a number of the German princes. 
 In that year Prussia, in the hope of securing favour from the 
 
 
•A 
 
 enomy, determined to remain neutral, and a number of Gc^rman 
 princes under a Leaj^ue known in history as tlie '' Confederation 
 of the Jihine," formally declared themselves to be under the pro- 
 tection of that 8courfj;o of Europe, Buonaparte, and undertook 
 to aid him with an army against their own Fatherland. By this 
 gross act of cowardice and treachery, the ancient empire of the 
 of the Cccsars fell to pieces, and Francis 11 resigning tlie Imperial 
 Crown, Q-ennany continued to be, for another half century, a 
 disunited number of States without at acknowledged central 
 head or power. 
 
 But for this perfidious action, the course of Buonaparte might 
 have been cut short at once. It is worthy of remark, in illustra- 
 tion of the great benciits of Federal Union, to pause here and 
 note, that had the German States enjoyed at that time the 
 perfect Fedoi-al Union under which they now live — Buonaparte 
 would never have entered Berlin, and the Peace of Tilsit, under 
 which Prussia, paying dearly for her selfish desertion of the 
 States m the hope of personal gain from the usurper, lost the 
 better part of her territory, — would iiever have been signed. 
 
 But the bitter experiences, through which G-ermany had passed, 
 brought forth good results. These sufferings and the recollec- 
 tions of tho struggles of the devolution, through which France 
 had passed, in order to relieve that country from the evils of 
 despotism, followed, as it was, by the declaration of " the rights 
 of man," by the Americans and their battles for independence, 
 had influenced the peoples of the several States of Germany, to 
 believe, that they had equal rights and ought to be consulted, 
 on all matters, affecting their government. But their rulers 
 still showed no disposition, to concede any such demand. Moved 
 chiefly, by petty jealousies of each other, they desired nothing 
 but the gratification of their own greed, for annexations of terri- 
 tory. Prussia wanted the whole of Poland, which had been 
 robbed of its nationality, Posen, Pomerania, Saxony, Westphalia, 
 Berg and the Ehine Country, betw^een Mainz and Aachen. 
 Austria hankered after her former Italian and lllyrian possessions 
 and the Tyrol, Saltzburg, Voralberg and the lunviertal. Bavaria, 
 Hanover and other of the States, also hungered for more lands 
 to enslave. These were the demands, sought to be enforced, at 
 the " Congress of Vienna," which met in October, 1814 But 
 none of them gave a thought to the founding of a Federal Union, 
 which would protect the lives and properties of their subjects, 
 from future aggressions and give them the liberal Constitutions, 
 80 long desired. The Emperors of Austria and Kussia and the 
 King of Prussia, who concluded a treaty, known as " The Holy 
 Alliance," deemed it all sufficient to undertake to " advance 
 Beligion, Peace and Kighteousuess," such were the terms used, 
 and these promises, they afterwards construed, as meaning 
 " paternal rule," which in practice found its interpretation, in 
 government of the most despotic kind. 
 
67 
 
 But, while these powers were wasting time, having sat at this 
 Congress for six months and done nothing but squabble, about 
 the divisions of certain territories, to an extent which threatened 
 to lead to another European War ; that scourge and robber of 
 Europe, Buonaparte, who had been informed of their disagree- 
 ments, suddenly escaped from Elba, and gathering round him 
 the military strength of France, prepared for another war, but 
 only to find himself, happily for the peace of Europe, thoroughly 
 and permanently crushed by the great victory achieved at 
 Waterloo. 
 
 It will be evident to those who follow this very condensed 
 history, that had tJ-ermany and Austria previously entered into 
 a Federal Union of the most limited kind, the peace of Europe 
 would never have needed to depend, as it did, on the risk of a 
 single battle, and risk it was, for though bravely contested, 
 Waterloo, at one time practically lost, was only won by the in- 
 domitable determination of the British troops. 
 
 But though the jealousies of Austria and Prussia prevented 
 the unification of the Empire, the terrors of the hour now com- 
 pelled the States of Q-ermany to join in a great confederation. 
 It was made up of thirty-nine States. Each was to remain indepen- 
 dent in matters affecting itself alone. The Confederation was 
 to undertake the regulation of those National affairs which were 
 common to all the States. A permanent Diet of Kepresentatives 
 of each State, was to hold its sittings at Frankfurt, the repre- 
 sentative of Austria presiding. The States agreed never to 
 declare war against each other or to form alliances in any way 
 detrimental to the interests of any other of such States. Ail 
 disputes between any of them, were to be settled by the Diet, 
 and each State was to contribute, according to its population, to 
 the cost of the Confederate Army, of which the Diet was to 
 appoint the Commanders. Besides these agreements, the princes 
 present, promised to grant the most liberal of parliamentary 
 constitutions to their respective States but not one of them re- 
 deemed his promise. Still, in this Confederation, though, chiefly 
 through the mutual jealousies of Austria and Prussia, it was 
 not destined to a very prolonged existence, we may trace the 
 germ of the Federal G^ermanic Union of the present day. 
 
 As instances of the necessity of reforms, it may be stated that 
 at this time, all " Courts of Justice" in Germany, were conducted 
 .with closed doors, and complaints were constant, that their 
 proceedings were administered with much partiality. The 
 peoples, disgusted with such injustice, clamoured, not only for 
 responsible government, but also for open courts and for trials 
 by juries of their own countrymen and many demanded freedom 
 of speech and of the press. Up to this time (1830), no book or 
 newspaper could be published or sold in Germany, until it was 
 
first read and approved by the public offijer, appointed for 
 the purpose. 
 
 At length, the peoples became so resolute, that some of the 
 smaller princes conceded under fear, that which they had before 
 refused ; and granted constitutions to their subjects, but of a 
 very limited kind. . / : 
 
 But Austria and Prussia refused to make any concessions and 
 the peoples of these and some of the other States, to which 
 but little or no conces.sions had been made, continued, it may be 
 said, in a constant state of revolt. And the happening of the 
 Prench devolution of 1830, so alarmed the German potentates, 
 that further concessions were made. But the Emperors of 
 of Austria and the King of Prussia, learning no lesson of pru- 
 dence from the temper of the age, still set at defiance, the 
 resolute determination of their peoples and continued to refuse to 
 grant the constitutions demanded. 
 
 But the King of Hanover not only refused to listen to the 
 joint demands of his aubjoots ; he most unwisely, abolished the 
 very limited constitution, which he had previously granted. This 
 retrograde step aroused the people and caused a very general 
 demand for an appeal to the Diet of the Bund of Frankfurt. 
 This Confederation, liowovcr, determined, that being established, 
 only for other and very limited federal purposes, it had no power 
 to interfere in the internal affairs of any State. This decision, 
 destroying all confidence in that body, the people then united 
 to com]:ol the election of a National Court of Appeal and their 
 detcrmii.od efforts were, after many struggles, rewarded by the 
 establishment of the " Bundesratii," or " Federal Council" of 
 G-ermany. 
 
 And the efforts of the people gained another victory. The 
 commerce of Germany had long suffered great obstruction, 
 through tlie hostile tariffs of the several kingdoms and princi- 
 palities cf wh'f",Ii it was composed. 
 
 In estimating the tolly of such a syst jm, it should bo remem- 
 bered, that the whole area of Germany did not then exceed 
 200,000 B^as-c miles and as this was cut up into 2G independent 
 states, inany of them were not equal in area to a small squatting 
 estate on the Continent of Australia. And yet all good-s manu- 
 factured and all produce grown in any one or these territories, 
 were subject to heavy "duties upon their impurtatio.ninLo another 
 of them. This naturally led to an enormous amount of smug- 
 gling and every s*:ate was put to great cost, to protect its frontiers 
 from illicit trading. Besides this, commerce was also crippled 
 by the most arbitrary rules, coupled with high aiid most unequal 
 duties, and as each Mt o imposed whatever rate of duty it pleased 
 and en ruMirly overytiiing which was inq-'orted or exported, 
 commerce was not only obstructed by high ratoa and many 
 
 ' sH^ti' 
 
59 
 
 » -, 
 
 for 
 
 pru- 
 , the 
 
 variations of thcin, but the transit of pjoofla was also <^catlj 
 impeded by the many custom houses, which Avere necesaary on 
 the borders of eacb petty vState. 
 
 The peoples of several of tbeso States succeeded at last, in 
 compellinf? their rulers to unite with Prussia, in removinc; these 
 local impediments to trade and the " Zollverein," or German 
 Customs' Union was formed. This, commencinc; under a treaty 
 between but two States in 182S, was followed by Prussia and 
 though the arrangement was not compulsory, by many others, 
 one after the other, and so in 1837 nearly all the German States 
 had joined it. From this time the stream of German commerce, 
 released from tariff anomalies and obstructions, began to gather 
 a force, which has since increased in volume, year by year. 
 
 "With reference to the bearing which this Customs Union may 
 have, upon the establishment of a Fofloi'al Tariff for Australia, 
 three matters should be noted. Firstly — All the German States 
 did not join the " Zollverein." Secondly — all have not joined 
 to this present day, and lastly ; — some States which did join it, 
 were not then and still, are not identical with those constituting 
 the Germanic Em.pire. 
 
 The French Eevolution which followed in 1818, sounded notes 
 of warning to the whole of Europe, and the governments of 
 Prussia and the smaller principalities of Germany were greatly 
 alarmed, tor it was known that the whole country was in earnest 
 and ripe, for an organised revolt. Ev^ery State was practically 
 in rebellion, and the peoples demanded with no uncertain voices* 
 freedom of speech : freedom of the press ; the right of the people 
 to bear arms and to as.semble when and where they liked ; trial 
 by jury, in open court ; the abolition of the T^uiid Diet and tiie 
 constitutional re-organization of every State. 
 
 These demands created a reign of terror amongst the petty 
 potentates. But the results were promising. Many of the 
 princes of the smaller States conceded all demands. But the 
 King of Prussia and the Emperor of Austria most unwisely 
 still refused to yield. 
 
 As a natural consequence the whole of the peoples took up 
 arms. The Emperor Ferdinand of Austria abdicated in favour 
 of his nephew Francis Joseph. The Crown Prince of Prussia 
 (the lately deceased Emperor) flew to England and after much 
 fighting and great loss of life, a constitution was granted, on the 
 lines desired, so far as regarded Prussia. 
 
 But the peoples as might be expected were not satisfied with 
 this concession. They continued to demand the abolition of the 
 old " Diet of the Bund" and the institution of a " National 
 Gorman Federal Parliament," which shouhl ahme have the 
 power to declare war ; possess sole command of the armies and 
 militia of each State and bo at the same time a Court of Final 
 

 911' ' 
 
 ! ^ 
 
 ^m^' 
 
 i -( 
 
 flUP,),:"- 
 
 I 
 
 ^P' ' 
 
 i 
 
 Bk ' 
 
 i 
 
 IHP'' 
 
 In 
 
 ■riiiiL-i^ 
 
 60 
 
 Appeal in case of any dispute between the federated principalities 
 and other States, all of which, except as to matters purely 
 national, were to retain their rights of independent government. 
 In aid of this demand for national unity, six hundred represent- 
 atives assembled at Frankfurt in March, 1848, to arrange pre- 
 liminaries and to call together such a National Federal Assembly, 
 each member of which was to represent 50,000 people. 
 
 These representatives constitued themselves a provisional 
 parliament, and having decided that thenceforth the new law 
 code, which had been previously prepared on the basis of the code 
 Napoleon, should be applicable to the whole of Germany ; that 
 the whole of the States forming the G-erman Empire, should 
 unite in forming a Federation under a single House of Eepre- 
 sentatives ; and that Frederick "Willian of Prussia should be the 
 first Emperor, handed over their powers to their president the 
 Arch-duke John of Austria, and dissolved the Assembly. 
 
 The Confederate Diet did not interfere, being satisfied the 
 movement had the approval of the nation, and the Diets of the 
 various States having been communicated with, the elections 
 were quickly made, and on the 18th of May, 1848, the " National 
 Assembly" was opened in Frankfurt. 
 
 Frederick William of Prussia however, refused to accept the 
 title of Emperor of Germany, on the ground, that such a title 
 was a violation of the rights of the other princes of Germany. 
 This refusal led to an insurrection, to determined were the 
 people to secure their liberties by a Federal Union under a new 
 code of laws, which securing them a voice in national and foreign 
 affairs, would free them from the caprices and tyranny of their 
 rulers. 
 
 The insurrection, as this struggle for justice was called, was 
 put down by military force. For some three years all attempts 
 on the part of the people to obtain a satisfactory constitution 
 and a Federal Parliament, were frustrated by those who had 
 command of the armies of separate States. And thus ended an 
 Assembly, the opening of which, had seemed to patriotic 
 Germans, like the coming of a new era for their country. 
 
 The desire for unity was however so strong and the demand 
 of the people so earnest, that the Prussian Parliament consisting 
 of two chambers, was summoned to meet on the 20th of February, 
 1849, No understanding could however be come to with the 
 Government and it was dissolved. A new Parliament met in 
 the following month of August. Concessions were made and on 
 the Gth February, 1850, the King of Prussia pledged himself to 
 maintain the new constitution. 
 
 But this related only to Prussia, and meanwhile the King had 
 been trying to unite Germany under a new Confederation which 
 should exclude Austria. This step was naturally distasteful to 
 

 fSil!' 
 
 61 
 
 Austria, and on tlie very day the representatives of tine States 
 which accepted the leadership of Prussia, mot in Berlin, those 
 which supported Austria met at Frankfurt, and what should 
 have been an United Germany, was split into two hostile factions. 
 
 Civil dissentions to an extent which threatened a civil war 
 ensued. The rival Diets struggled for the mastery ; hut good 
 counsels prevailing and the peoples persevering in their demands 
 for a complete union, the old " Frankfurt" Diet or " Bund" was 
 acknowledged by Prussia and the other States, and re-assembled 
 in 1851. The peoples gained something by this, but not the 
 union they desired on liberal constitutional principles. The time 
 was only ripening for that ])erfect Federation. They had to 
 wait a few years more, as patiently as their determination would 
 permit. 
 
 The '* Frankfurt Diet" continued to sit for a time, but with- 
 out much advantage, as the fi;es of the old feud still smouldered 
 and were ready to break out into flames at any time. This was 
 however averted by the war with Denmark, in which Prussia and 
 Austria made common cause for the moment. 
 
 But when the Danes, though fighting bravely for their 
 Dutchies of Schleswing, Holstein and Lauenburg were compelled 
 to succumb, the victors quarrelled over the spoils of war, 
 Prussia with a selfishness, which she had before so often evinced, 
 claimed to annex the whole of these Dutchies. To this Austria 
 objected and the dispute ultimately led to war, of which the 
 Dutchies were only the nominal cause. It was really, a last 
 struggle for supremacy, between Prussia and Austria. Prussia 
 refused to recognise the " Frankfurt Diet" and announcing a 
 federal scheme, from which Austria was to be excluded, hostilities 
 commenced. ^ , ., ,, - v; 
 
 The Pi'ussian measures had been well planned by Bismarck. 
 The army advancing in three divisions. occu])ied ITanover, Hessen- 
 Cassel and Saxony ; crossed tlio Bohemian frontier and uniting 
 under the command of King William, gained several important 
 engagements, followed by the decisive victory of Sadowa, or as 
 the German call it Kiiniggratz, and marcliing on towards Vienna, 
 the Austrians submitted to terms, settled by " The Peace of 
 Prague." Under tliese terms, Pru^^sia received largo indemnities 
 in moneys and lands, while Austria renounced all claims to form 
 part of the Germanic Confederation. At the same time, some of 
 the Southern States, though rcm;iininginde|)endent, entered into 
 a secret Uliance to give Prussia the command of their troops in 
 case of war. The result of this struggle, commencing on the 
 IGth June, 1860, and ending on the 20th July, and known as 
 " The Seven Week's A7ar," testify to the value of Federal 
 Union. 
 
 I: 
 

 The States north of the Maine, were now formed into a 
 Northern Federation, at the head of which was Prussia. Those 
 South of that river, were formed into a Southern Federation. 
 And so, Austria being excluded, everything was making ready 
 for the long hoped for union of North and South. 
 
 Eut it needed another war before the States, still blinded by 
 jealousies of each other, could be brought to see, that the chief 
 advantages of Federal Union could be secured, without any 
 Bacrifice of their own separate and independent government. 
 
 The Constitution of the North German Confederation was 
 soon settled. The Diet met for the first time on the 24th 
 February, 1867, and on the 1st of July of the same year it was 
 finally agreed upon. Although a great advance on the old state 
 of things, it did not satisfy those who desired the complete union 
 of North and South. Prussia was still feared by the Democratic 
 parties of the South, for its despotic tendencies and by the 
 Ultramontanes for its Protestantism, and so, perfect concord 
 seemed impossible. But suddenly an event happened which 
 helped to bring about the desired result. 
 
 The victory of the G-ermans at Koniggratz, their march to 
 Vienna, and the subsequent submission of Austria, had created 
 great consternation in France. And Louis Napoleon believing 
 that Prussia was exhausted by continued wars, that Austria 
 would be ready to seek vengance for the results of those wars, 
 and that the Southern States were still ready to oppose Prussia, 
 made the false step of sending an ultimatum, demanding the 
 territories on the left bank of the Khine and the fortress of 
 Mainz as a counterpoise to the acquisitions which Prussia had 
 made. Germany assured of the great strength which Federation 
 gave and satisfied that the Southern States would remain true to 
 their pledge, of giving Prussia the command of their troops in 
 case of invasion, determined to accept the ultimatum of war, 
 and Louis Napoleon, deeply disconcerted at finding that the 
 Federal Union of Northern and Southern Germany was a com- 
 bination he could not meet, withdrew his ultimatum with 
 apologies and much consequent loss of prestige, on the ground 
 that it had been preferred in error at a time of his sickness. 
 
 The Federal Union of many small powors into one powerful 
 combinatioi;, had, for this once, saved Europe from the horrors 
 of a great war. But from this time, the relations between 
 Germany and France became strained and fate, tempting Louis 
 Napoleon to his destruction, a Franco-German War was always 
 imminent, and on occasion offering, the explosion vame off hi 
 1870. 
 
 At the request of the Spanish government, and with the assent 
 of King William of Prussia, Leopold of TTohenzollern was pro- 
 posed for the tliroue of Spain, France objected, and making this 
 
lorrors 
 
 Louia 
 
 ahvnvs 
 
 off in 
 
 asaont 
 ,n pro- 
 ig this 
 
 68 
 
 proposal a pretext, declared war, whicli was averted by the 
 refusal of the proposal by the Prince. 
 
 Louis Napoleon, still unable to lealize the effects of the new 
 spirit of federation which had at last welded Germany into a 
 most powerful combination, continued to hope, that if tlie 
 Southern German States did not join France, they would at 
 least remain neutral. To his complete confusion, the Southern 
 States continued true to their pledges and made common cause 
 with the Northern Federation. They had learned by bitter 
 experience, the value of union. A general mobilization of troops 
 took place, and within a few days, more than a million of trained 
 men were in arms. Such is the power of federal union. 
 
 This was a force, far beyond what Louis Napoleon could 
 command. But rashly bent upon a struggle to regain the waning 
 supremacy of France, he counted upon the aid of Austria and 
 the perfect state of hio own army, but only to learn vvhen too 
 late that Austria would remain neutral and that, in the pride of his 
 supposed power; he had declared war before his army was 
 ready for the conflict. After a slight success at Saarbrvick, the 
 the French experienced a series of crushing defeats. Victory 
 after victory was gained by the Germans. Within but a few 
 days from the commencement of the struggle, the French army 
 had surrendered at Sedan, the French Emperor was a prisoner 
 and the German army \vas marching on to Paris. 
 
 It is worthy of note here, that but for the union of the North- 
 ern and Southern States of Germany, the issue might have had 
 a very different result. Franco might have been triumphant, 
 in whole or in part, and in either case, a large part of Europe 
 would have had to suffer again all the horrors of war. 
 
 And if any think that this historical review is beyond the 
 question, let it be remembered, that the object is to show that 
 war has always been the chief incentive to federation, and that 
 federation offers the best exemplification of the fact, that to be 
 well prepared for war is the only way to ensure peace and safety. 
 
 It was war, which drew the Northern and Southern federations 
 of Germany <^ jgether, reconciled mutual dislikes, and disputes and 
 taught them the value of concerted action. Had the German 
 States learned this lesson but a few years earlier, Buonaparte's 
 forced occupation of the country, while passing through to Kussia 
 would have been impossible ; the fearful sufferings caused by 
 demands for labour, lodgings, cattle, horses, vehicles and rations-, 
 to supply the necessities of an army of 400,000 m.en, could never 
 have been imposed ; tens of thousands of valuable lives would 
 have been saved, and the ambition of that cruel despot, cut 
 short in an early stage of his career. And besides tliis, all the 
 losses and sufferings which Germany had sustained through the 
 jealousies and rivalries of sister States would also have been 
 prevented. 
 
 I 
 
 b4 
 
 ill 
 
 '.'i 
 

 64 
 
 But the time came at last. Lessons written in the blood of 
 the people are well conned by those who suffer. That nothing 
 succeeds like success is true of nations as well as of men. The 
 advantages of united action having given the victory to the 
 Germans, the Southern States agreed to sink all local jealousies 
 and federate with the Northern States under one imperial head, 
 "in one eternal union for the protection of the territory of the 
 Union and the care and welfare of the German people." 
 
 Summary of the Germanic System. 
 
 Thus was the great Germanic Federation brought about, It 
 was agreed that each State should retain its right of independent 
 self-government, and that matters only of national interest should 
 be remitted to the authority of a parliament, consisting of the 
 Emperor, advised by tlie Chancellor of the Empire, who is alone 
 responsible to the Emperor without the aid of any ministry, and 
 two chambers, the " Bundesrath" or Federal Council and the 
 " lieichstag" or Federal Parliament. ,, 
 
 The " Bundesrath" consists of 59 members nominated for each 
 annual session by the governments of each of the twenty-six 
 States which are comprised in the Union, each State having a 
 certain agreed number of members fixed by the Constitution, in 
 proportion to the number of its respective population. 
 
 The " Eeichstag" or Federal Parliament consists of 397 mem- 
 bers, elected for three years, by universal suffrage, under the 
 principle of the ballot, each state having an agreed number of 
 members in the proportion presently and approximately of about 
 one member to each 120,000 of those entitled to vote. 
 
 The votes in the two assemblies are settled by the Constitution 
 as follows. Prussia has 17 in the Bundesrath and 236 in the 
 E-eichstag ; Bavaria has respectively 6 and 48 ; "Wiirtemberg 4 
 and 17 ; Saxony 4 and 23 ; Baden 3 and 14 ; Mechlinberg- 
 Schwerin 2 and 6 ; Hesse 3 and 9 ; Oldenburg, Saxe "Weimar and 
 Hamburg each 1 and 3 ; Bruu.swick 2 and 3 ; Saxe-Meningen, 
 Saxe-Coburg-Gotha and Anhalt 1 and 2 and the remainder 1 
 vote in each assembly. Alsace Lorraine has 15 votes in the 
 " Reichstag" but in the *' Bundesrath," it is represented by 4 
 Commissioners without votes appointed by the Stattholter. To 
 the " Bundesrath" is appointed 59 votes and to the " Reichstag" 
 397, and as each vote is exercised by a separate member, the 
 the number of voting members is thus fixed. 
 
 The Chancellor is eje officio ])rcsident of the " Bundesrath;" 
 the " Reichstag" chooses its own. 
 
 The " Bundesrath" or Federal Council is convened and dissol- 
 ved at the will of the Emjjeror. No measure can bo introduced 
 into the " Reichstag" or Federal Parliament without its previous 
 aanctiou, nor can any measure be subsequently passed by the 
 
65 
 
 m 
 
 itutiou 
 
 ill the 
 
 J org 4 
 
 iberg- 
 
 XV and 
 
 sratli;" 
 
 (lissol- 
 oduced 
 fcvious 
 by the 
 
 " Eeichstag" so as to become law without its concurrence. It 
 generally sits if possible at Berlin, when the Prussian provincial 
 parliament is not in session. A simple majority is sufficient to 
 carry a vote in the " Bundesrath," and this council acting under 
 the direction of the Chancellor of the Empire, in addition to its 
 legislative functions, represents also a supreme administrative 
 and consultive board and as such has eleven standing committees 
 viz. : — for the army and fortresses ; naval matters ; tariff, excise 
 and taxes ; trade and commerce ; railways posts and telegraphs ; 
 civil and criminal law ; finances ; foreign affairs ; Alsace-Lorraine, 
 which reckoned as lieichs-land (State land) has not at present 
 any provincial assembly ; matters affecting the constitution ; and 
 the arrangement of business. Each committee consists of 
 representatives of at least four States of the Empire besides the 
 president ; but the foreign affairs committee includes the repre- 
 sentatives of Bavaria Saxony and Wiirtemburg and of two other 
 States annually selected hy the " Bundesrath." 
 
 To the " Bundesrath" or Federal Council is also assigned the 
 the settlement of all disputes between the Federated States, the 
 granting of any decree against any recalcitrant State and the 
 approval of all decisions of the " Eeichstag." 
 
 To the " Eeichstag or Federal Parliament is given the right 
 to decide upon the general defences ; the organization, mobiliz- 
 ation and employment of the army and navy, which are formed 
 of the united forces of the several States ; the imposition of 
 taxes and the employment of the moneys so raised tor defence 
 purposes ; the ratification of foreign treaties or declarations of 
 war or peace ; the reversal of any act of the Emperor ; the 
 control of posts and telegraphs (except in Bavaria and Wiirtem- 
 burg) ; the right of fixing or amending the tariff, (except as to 
 two dissenting Sttites) ; the construction ( but not the manage- 
 ment) of such railways as it considers necessary to the defence 
 of the country ; and the right to decide upon all modifications 
 of the constitution. But all laws, before they can take effect 
 must have been passed b}'" majorities of the two councils. 
 
 The " Eeichstag" must be convened annually, but cannot be 
 assembled unless the " Bundesrath" is also in session. Its pro- 
 ceedings are public and the members are unpaid but enjoy 
 various privileges and immunities. A dissolution of the 
 " Reichstag" before the end of three years requires the consent 
 of tho " Bundesrath" and the new election must take place 
 within sixty days, and the meeting of the new " Eeichstag" within 
 ninety days after the dissolution. The legislative sessional period 
 has very recently been increased from three to five years. The 
 " Eeichstag" elects its own president. The members o£ the 
 " Bundesrath" have the right to sjieak in the " Reichstag" but 
 not to vote. And no one can be a member of both assemblies 
 at the same time. All national laws must receive tho votes of 
 
23 
 
 n 
 
 'i s 
 
 66 
 
 an absolute majority of both assemblies, and to be binding must 
 ill addition have the assent of the Emperor and be countersigned 
 when promulgated by the " Eeichskanzler" or Chancellor of the 
 Empire. 
 
 The Constitution provides that whenever the laws of tha 
 Empire come into collision with those of the parliament of any 
 State, the latter must be held as abrogated and in all disputes 
 between individual States, the imperial jurisdiction, that is the 
 Emperor and the " Bundesrath" in Council is supreme and final. 
 Changes in the Constitution can only be effected by imperial 
 law and they are held to be rejected if fourteen votes are given 
 against them in the " Bundesrath." 
 
 There is no Executive Council. The executive power resides 
 in the Emperor on his order alone, aided by the advice of the 
 Chancellor, who must countersign all orders. 
 
 i But to assist in the management of imperial affairs, a number 
 of officials, but not possessing any ministerial power, have been 
 appointed from time to time, for the management of the different 
 departments of the State. 
 
 According to the Constitution, to the Emperor is given the 
 making of foreign treaties, the declaration of war, the proclama- 
 tion of peace and the appointment and reception of ambassadors, 
 but subject always to ratification or reversal by the " Bundesrath," 
 save as to a declaration of war in case of invasion, in which case 
 the Emperor's declaration alone is paramount ; and by the 
 " Reichstag" as to all other matters or orders. 
 
 To this very complete system of Legislative, Administrative 
 and Executive government has been a.dded, the assistance of the 
 " Keichsgericht," a Supreme Court of Appeal, the powers of 
 which as the crown of a very perfect system of judicial authority, 
 more particularly described hereafter, can be invoked in case 
 : the Emperor or any State should attempt any action, or either of 
 the Legislatures should pass any measure which shall be contrary 
 to the spirit of the Federal Union. 
 
 And besides the foregoing provisions for the proper carrying 
 out of Eederal Government, the Emperor and the Federal Coun- 
 cil and Parliament have organised a National Bank of Issue, 
 and following the example of the Federal G-overnment of the 
 United States, have, since the year 1871 established in Berlin 
 . an Imperial Bureau for Statistics which does excellent work 
 having published many volumes and charts giving much valuable 
 geographical, statistical and typographical information. 
 
 TuE Germanic Federal Judicial System. 
 
 The present Federal Judicial System was adopted upon an 
 uniform basis by the several Statesin 1879, under the Federal 
 
07 
 
 g must 
 •signed 
 of the 
 
 of tha 
 of any 
 isputes 
 
 is the 
 d final, 
 mperial 
 3 given 
 
 resides 
 of the 
 
 Qumber 
 re been 
 ifferent 
 
 ven the 
 oclama- 
 ,ssadors, 
 esrath," 
 ich case 
 by the 
 
 istrative 
 of the 
 
 wors of 
 ;hority, 
 in case 
 ither of 
 ontrary 
 
 arrymg 
 il Coun- 
 : Issue, 
 of the 
 1 Berlin 
 Qt work 
 valuable 
 
 ipon an 
 jb^ederal 
 
 measures known as the "Judicature Acts of 1877 and 187'^.'* 
 Up to this period the " Bundesrath," or Federal Council had 
 decided all Federal disputes, for which reason the constitution 
 then required that every member of such Council should be a 
 lawyer or at least be entlitled to practice as one. Tho pressure 
 of the demands of this nature which were ultimately made upon 
 the "Bundesrath" became so s;reat, that the creati(»n of a new 
 court, to which would be specially assigned the settlement of all 
 national questions, and all disputes between the various States 
 was found to be absolutely necessary. This led to the establish- 
 ment of the ' Eeichsgericht" which is the Federal Supreme Court 
 of Appeal of the whole Germanic Empire. This Court which 
 was established in 1879 and sits at Leipsic, takes the place which 
 the " Federal Tribunal" holds in the Swiss Union and that which 
 the Federal " Supreme Court of Appeal" holds in the Federal 
 Union of the United States of America. It settles on appeal 
 all disputes between the Federal Executive and any State, or 
 between any States as to Federal matters, and has power to decree 
 execution against any State which neglects to fulfil its obligations 
 to the Empire. Such decrees are carried into effect by the order 
 of the Emperor. Appeals lie to this court even from jury trials. 
 It possesses original jurisdiction in the case of treason. It is 
 divided into Civil and Criminal Senates with a General president. 
 Senate presidents and Councillors appointed by the Emperor on 
 the recommendation of the " Bundesrath." Seven members are 
 required to be present in order to give a valid decision in any of 
 the Senates (which is another name for a divisional court.) And 
 in the plenum, or meeting of the full Court, which is necessary 
 in all questions affecting the Federal Constitution a third of the 
 entire number of its members must be present to constitute a 
 egal quorum. 
 
 There are twenty-one judges of the " Eeichsgericht" or Supreme 
 Court of Appeal who are appointed by the "Bundesrath" or 
 Federal Council. 
 
 The Judges of the other Courts are appointed by the several 
 States and under the new Judicature system these courts consist 
 of the " Amstsgericht" which with one Judge tries small civil 
 causes and minor offences. The " Schiffengericht" which with one 
 judge and two assessors tries maritime causes and offences ; the 
 " Landsgericht" which divided into Civil and Criminal Chambers 
 with a President and two Directors tries civil causes to be tried 
 without a jury, or with three judges and twelve jurymen tries 
 more important civil causes and the more serious criminal charges; 
 and the " Oberlandsgericht" which divided into civil and criminal 
 Senates, each composed of a President and four councillors has 
 revising jurisdiction over all the foregoing courts. But in most 
 cases there is a right of direct appeal to the " JXeichsgericht" or 
 Federal Court of Appeal, 
 
ii'mm'm<smff? 
 
 m 
 
 68 
 
 The Penal and Commercial codes are now uniform throughout 
 Germany, but the civil code is still administered in Lorraine and 
 Ehenibli Prussia; the Prussian laws in the greater part of Prussia 
 and the German Common law in Saxouy, Bavaria and part of 
 Prussia. 
 
 The Gp:rmanic Ffscal Ststem. 
 
 Up to 1879, a free trade policy may be said to have prevailed 
 throughout the GerTnan Em])iro. But by a law passed in July 
 1879 the Germanic Union committed itself to an extreme pro- 
 tective system. All import duties were greatly inci'eased and 
 duties were imposed on many articles hitherto free. The 
 Government hoped by such increases not only to stimulate 
 enterprise and gi^'e increased employment but to secure a gross 
 Federal income which would relieve the Federated States from 
 any necessity to contribute to the expenses of the Federal govern- 
 ment. An examination of the results of this scheme as exhibited 
 in the following statistics will show that the hopes of the Federal 
 government have already been well fulfilled and promise a much 
 greater success in the course of another decade. rf 
 
 The average import md exports immediately before the 
 adoption of a policy of ^ itectlon were respectively £187,100,000 
 and £125,200,000. In 1888 they had increased respectively to 
 £257,G90,800 and £217,739,100. These figures show that the 
 trade of the country was nearly doubld! in less than ten years. 
 
 The customs and excise duties yielded in 1877-78 the sum of 
 £5,768,000. In the budget for the current fiscal year ending on 
 June, 1890, they were estimated to produce £26,404,315. 
 
 In 1878 the profits on the note issue of the Imperial Bank 
 yielded £100,000. In 1888 they increased to £852,500. 
 
 In 1878-79 the net profits on the railways, postal and tele- 
 graphic services were only £ 1 ,332,220. In the budget for the 
 year 1890 they were estimated to produce £2,418, 'J25. 
 
 • The Germanic Federal Defence Force. 
 
 The army system as settled by the Military Organization Bill 
 of 1888 compels every German from seventeen to twenty-nine 
 and from thirty-nine to forty-five to serve in the Landsturm, a 
 force which is not to be called out except in case of great necessity. 
 From his twenty-first year to his twenty-eight year he must be 
 a member of the Standing Army. Of this time, seven years, 
 three must be spent in active service and tne remainder in the 
 Army of Reserve. Those who pass certain examinations, only 
 require to serve one year with the colors. After this, from 
 twenty-eight to thirty-two, he spends five years in the first-class 
 of the Landwher and from thirty-two to thirty-seven he belongs 
 to the second class Each State has the right to nominate all 
 the regimental officers subject to the approval of the Emperor. 
 
69 
 
 )UgllOUt 
 
 iiie and 
 Prussia 
 part of 
 
 revailecl 
 ill July 
 ine pro- 
 .aed and 
 le. The 
 timulate 
 ) a gross 
 es from 
 govern- 
 xhibited 
 Federal 
 a much 
 
 'ore the 
 ,100,000 
 tively to 
 that the 
 in years. 
 
 sum of 
 uling on 
 
 il Bank 
 
 nd tele- 
 t for the 
 
 ion Bill 
 
 uty-nine 
 
 sturm, a 
 
 eocssity. 
 
 must be 
 
 1 years, 
 
 V in the 
 
 ins, only 
 
 is, from 
 
 rst-class 
 
 belongs 
 
 inate all 
 
 mperor. 
 
 The whole land forces form one united army bound to obey un- 
 conditionally the orders of the Rmperior. On a war footing the 
 army comprises about 2,207,000 men, exclusive of the Landsturm. 
 The cust for 1889-90 wan about £22,750,000. 
 
 The German navy consisted in 1889 of 77 vessels with a tonnage 
 of 180,106 tons. Of these 12 are sca-goiug ironclads ; 11 armour 
 clad boats ; 18 frigates and corvettes ; 8 gun-boats ; 7 despatch 
 boals ; 1 unarmourcd cruisers ; 10 training ships ; and others. 
 This fleet is numned by 15,210 men and boys, 10 admirals, and 
 688 other officers and 90 surgeons, l^e sea-faring population 
 are liable to serve in the navy instead of the army. They are 
 estimated at 80,000 of whom 48,000 are serving in the Merchant 
 Navy at home and 0,000 in foreign navies. After three years 
 active service, each seaman spends four years in the first-class of 
 the Sec^vher, which corresponds to the Landwher of the army. 
 Seamen who have not served in the navy belong from seventeen 
 to thirty-one to the second class of tlio ^^eewher. The estimated 
 cost of the Gferman navy for 1889-90 was £2,555,395. 
 
 ' " Summary of Results. 
 
 This grand federal union which was the work of Bismarck, was 
 was modelled on that of the Northern German Confederation, 
 with the idea of interfering as little as possible with the sover- 
 eign powers of the several States. And it must be a matter of 
 gratification for us to know, that Ijismarck said of it " Our Con- 
 stitution possesses a self-constructive faculty resembling that 
 to which the British Constitution owes its formation." 
 
 In one respect however it follows somewhat after the lines of 
 the Swiss Federal Union system. There is no responsible 
 ministry under the Germanic Federal plan of government and 
 so, like the Swiss system the government is independent of 
 all changes in the relative strength of the various parties in the 
 Federal Parliament. But while under the Swiss Federal system 
 there is an Executive of seven monibers, the Emperor, with the 
 Chancellor of the Empire as his adviser, form the sole Executive 
 in Germany, and initiate whatever alliances they please on behalf 
 of the government, first, with the one party and then with 
 another, according to the object in view, and if defeated, the 
 government as is also the case under the Swiss system, is not 
 required to accept the result as a defeat or to dissolve parliament, 
 but may submit other measures from time to time until a dis- 
 solution takes place by effluxion of time. 
 
 Upon this plan of Fee" "'"^tion. since completed by the estab- 
 lishment of the " Reichs. ^,ht" or Supreme Court of Appeal, 
 the Imperial Crown was . ..red to the King of Prussia, and on 
 the first day of January, 1871, William of Prussia was elected 
 Emperor of an United Germany by the representatives of 
 twenty-six States, of which it is worthy of note twenty-two are 
 Monarchical, three Republican, and one an Imperial power. 
 
. ) 
 » 
 
 , ,1 
 
 10 
 
 SucK a powerful combination seems to afford a solid guarantee 
 for peace. While it secures the United Empire from being 
 again weakened by internal civil dissensions, to which while dis- 
 united the several States had been exposed for centuries, it has 
 made for itself an unassailable position in Europe, which could 
 never have been obtained by a mere alliance of separate 
 countries. 
 
 And such will be the result of a Federal Union of Australasia. 
 It will give the combined States an acknowledf>od power in the 
 world, and will make Australia as " the Sea Queen's Youngest 
 Daughter," the Vice-liegent of the Southern Seas. 
 
 As TO THE Cost of the Gehmantc Federal Union. 
 
 The Federal revenue of the German Empire is derived chiefly 
 from customs, excise and other dues on tobacco, salt, beet-root, 
 sugar, brandy and malt, stamps, the profits of the railways, posts 
 and telegraphs which are nearly all State properties, the profits 
 made on the note issues and the general business of the Imperial 
 State bank and a contribution from the Federated States. 
 It was estimated for 1890 at £48,402,691, towards which 
 the customs and excise contributed about £2(3,254,fS20 ; the net 
 profits on the railways, postal and telegraphic services yielded 
 about £2,418,325 ; the profit on the business of the Imperial 
 bank £857,550 ; and the Federal States the sum of £11,057,028. 
 The estimated expenditure was £47,267,870, of this £871,200 was 
 absorbed in discharging the cost of Federal government at home 
 and abroad ; £3,000,000 in military and other pensions ; and over 
 £28,000,000 in the cost of the army and navy expenses. 
 
 But the expenses of the Federal government with which the 
 present work is concerned is by no means heavy, considering 
 that there are twenty-six Federated States represented by 456 
 members. In the Federal Parliament the members of the 
 " Bundesrath," or Federal Council, being appointed by the 
 government of the several States, have no claim on the Federal 
 government, and as to the members of the " Eeichstag," or 
 Federal Parliament, the articles of the constitution specially 
 provide that no member shall receive any salary or other com- 
 pensation for his services. The entire cost of officials, and 
 papers, and printing are estimated in the budget for 1890 at 
 £19,176 for the Eeichstag, and of £7,118 for the Chancellery. 
 These sums cover the salaries of the Chancellor of the Empire ; 
 of the twelve departmental Secretaries ; of the President of the 
 " Reichstag ;" of a large staff of officials of both councils, and 
 the travelling expenses of the members of boih houses. Adding 
 expenditure on foreign affairs £425,942, and on home affairs 
 £418,658, the total cost of Federal government alone is but 
 £872,000. Eeckoning the population at 50,000,000 this charge 
 amounts to less than five pence per head, but including all 
 military, naval and other charges it is increased to about eighteen 
 shillings. 
 
n 
 
 SUMMAEY OF THE FOREGOINQ REVIEWS OF THE 
 VARIOUS FEDERAL SYSTEMS. 
 
 The precedinf? reviews of the four chief Federal conatitutioiij 
 clearly shows that the preservation of national existence has 
 been the leading inducement of every such Union. For no other 
 cause would any separate peoples forego any of their own separate 
 rights of local government. 1'he main question, which must present 
 itself to every citizen, when it is proposed that his country should 
 federate is assuredly this : — How many matters of legislation 
 now dealt with in the parliament of my own country, under my 
 own observation will federation presently and ultimately take 
 from such parliament and give in future to the sole determination 
 of a central or Federal parliament, sitting it may be, at some 
 remote distance ? 
 
 This question demands the moat serious consideration of every 
 Austrahan who is now living under the enjoyment of a liberal 
 system of self government. It is a subject fraught with deep 
 importance. It is too momentous, to be allowed to become the 
 battle-dore and shuttle-cock of party politics. It should not be 
 left to the representatives of the people. It is essentially a 
 question for the peoples themselves ; for them to study and for 
 them and them only to decide. 
 
 Some sacrifice of local legislative powers, must of course be 
 suffered, by each federating State, to secure the advantage of 
 Federal Union. But it behoves all of the present generation, to 
 proceed with the greatest caution, and to be sure on behalf of 
 themselves and of those who will succeed them, that no larger 
 powers be conceded than are absolutely essential to Federal 
 Union ; and none which are incompatable with the continued 
 independence of each colony, in all matters of local self-govern- 
 ment. 
 
 To enable the peoples to form a sound conclusion, upon their 
 own unbiassed judgment and not as mere blind followers of some 
 political leader, tabulated statements are submitted, which will 
 show at a glance how much of their legislative powers, the four 
 nations, mostly experienced in Federal Union have relinquished 
 to their respective central governments. 
 
^^i 
 
 12 
 
 The Swiss Federation. 
 
 Pi 
 
 fc. V 
 
 Constitution. A "Federal As- 
 sembly," (Rundes Ver.satninluii"?,) 
 coufiiwting of the " Federal" or Exe- 
 cutive Council (BuMflesratli) of neveu 
 members, and two cbainberH " The 
 Oouncil of tlie States" (Stainles Hath) 
 and the "National Council" (Na- 
 tional Kath). l''very Federal law 
 must be initiated by, or in, and lie 
 Bulimitted by the " Federal Council" 
 to the two chambers, which must 
 concur in the same, sitting and voting 
 together wlu-ii prompt action is 
 necessary. The " Federal Council" 
 lias tha sole command of the army, 
 but its direction in the field is com- 
 mitted to a General api)ointed by the 
 " Federal Assembly," i.e., both 
 chambers, 
 
 Lkoislative Powers to be exer- 
 cised by both chaml)ori?. 
 
 1. General Defences, with power to 
 
 make levies on each Canton, 
 
 2. Foroif^u Treaties. 
 
 3. Duclaratiou of V.ar or Peace, 
 
 4. Repfulation of CoinnKe. 
 
 6. Control of Postal System. 
 
 6. Ani'-T'lment of Vcloral Constitution. 
 
 7, Tanl, Excise r.ud Income Tax, 
 
 1' Appointment of a Sui)ren'a Cc^irt of 
 Appdal. 
 
 Executive Powers, Tlicse are 
 given to \}i\Q "Federal Council" of 
 seven members, elected for three 
 years by tlie two chambers sitting 
 together. The President posseseing 
 110 special pow.r or vote or veto, 
 
 Lkoislative and Executive Re- 
 vision Powers. All revisions of the 
 constitution must be initiated by the 
 " Federal Assembly," that is, tlie 
 two councils sitting together ; or on 
 the ])etition of .50.(1(10 voters. E"ei'y 
 such reviai( a and every acticni of the 
 councils, is liable to be defeated by 
 a majority of the vrtes of the people, 
 taken under the principle of the 
 " lleferendum" — if demanded by 
 no.OOO voterij. 
 
 The " Federal Trilninal ' ( I'-^ades- 
 gericlit), instituted o?i the lines of 
 the " Supreme Court i'! App«ial" of 
 the United States svtti-s all Fed- 
 eral disputes between the CantouH, 
 and actn generally om o, Court «>f 
 Appeal. 
 
 The American Federation, 
 
 Constitution. A Federal Parlia- 
 ment consisting of the President and 
 a Cabinet, consisting of 7 Ministers 
 and two chambers. " The Senate" 
 and a " Lower House." The two 
 houses are together .^tyled " The 
 C(nigress." The President can veto 
 any bill passed by Congress, l)ut such 
 veto can be reversed by majorities 
 of two-thirds of both houses. 
 
 The President is Commander-in- 
 Chief of the navy, army andmil'tia. 
 
 Legislative Powers of "The 
 
 Congress." 
 
 1. 
 
 .3. 
 4. 
 
 5. 
 
 6. 
 7, 
 8. 
 9. 
 
 10. 
 
 11. 
 12. 
 
 13. 
 14. 
 
 15, 
 If). 
 
 General Defences, with powers to 
 
 impose taxes on each State for such 
 
 and all Pederal nurposes. 
 Foreign Treaties. 
 War and Peace, 
 Coinage, National Banks of Issue, 
 
 and WeijfhtR, and Measures. 
 Postal System and Post Roads. 
 Amondnior.t of Constitution, 
 Tariff and Kx<nso. 
 Patent'^ \ vi\ Oopyriuhts, 
 Railwn ^ - Interstate) and Public 
 
 Worl< K'lpful to commerce, 
 NnviiTM n and Shipping (Foreigr. 
 
 and 111 •TState), 
 Legal Tc-nder. 
 Criminal Law, relating to Federal 
 
 and Foreign Niitioual matters. 
 Reversal of action of President, 
 Signal Service (Beacons, Buoys and 
 
 Light Houses). 
 Agricultural Department, 
 Ai)poiiitment of " Supreme Court o* 
 
 Appeal." 
 
 Executive Powers. Theae are 
 given to tlie President on his order 
 alone, but subject to reversal, as 
 above mentioned, by majorities of 
 two-thirds or the "Congress." 
 
 Lk«IHXATIVE ANTi EXECUTIVE Re- 
 
 viHiMjr Powers. TIuj Hnpreme (^ourt 
 of Api)eal, consii-ting of nine Judges 
 noijjinated by tli'; President and 
 a])pointedby the Senate, has powers 
 superior to Senate House and Pres- 
 ident combined, and can negative all 
 measures inconsistent with the con- 
 stitution, at once; and make decrees 
 j^ainst any vecalcitraut State. 
 
 
The 
 
 ;ourt o* 
 
 are 
 
 .rder 
 sal, aa 
 ities of 
 
 VK Re- 
 
 ( 'ourt 
 Judges 
 it and 
 1 lowers 
 i I'l-Q.s- 
 itive all 
 ne con- 
 (U)creea 
 
 ^8 
 
 The Canadian Federation. 
 
 Constitution. A Federal Legis- 
 lature consisting of a Governor- 
 General, a nominee Privy Council, 
 and a Senate consisting of eighty 
 meHibers also nominated by the 
 Governor-General for life ; and a 
 House of (yon^mona of 215 members 
 elected for fiVe years, 
 
 The I'ni'f'rial Government retains 
 full coitrol over all Federal Legis- 
 lation, under a right of disallowance 
 as to acts passed, if exercised within 
 two years. 
 
 The Queen has command of all 
 naval and militarj' forces. 
 
 Legislative Powers op Fj hmul 
 Paiu,i.»ment. 
 
 1. Geueral Oefences, witli ]>owcr to 
 impose taxes on eacli iii-uvince for 
 such aufi all Foder.'il i urposes, 
 
 Foreiffii Treatios :— An Imperial 
 Fowex'. 
 
 War and Peace : An Tmperiiil Power. 
 
 4. Coinage, Cu)r<?ucy, J5uuks, and 
 
 Weii,'lits and Mr.isures. 
 
 5. PostiU Service. 
 
 [Auieuclmcut of Coaetitutiou :— An 
 Imperii Power.] 
 
 7, TariP * Excise;— [some proviuccs, 
 
 excepted, i 
 
 8, Patents and (,'o])yrijirht8 
 
 9, Tnter-proviiicial Railways. 
 
 10. Nnvisjation nudSliippintf: —[Foreign 
 
 ami Intor-proviucial.] 
 
 11. Legal Tender. 
 
 12. CriniiLial Law :— rinter-provineial, 
 
 Federii! aivi Koreis^n. ; 
 14. Beacons, i!f«-' s and f.itrlit-bouses. 
 10. Appoiiitmeii' 'f n Supruine (Jourt of 
 
 Appoftl. 
 i7. Consolidation of Public Debts of 
 
 I'jntire Doitiinions. 
 18, Census and Statistics. 
 lf>. Federal Salaries. 
 
 20. Quarnntino, 
 
 21. Sea Coa.st and Inland Fisbories. 
 
 22. Ferrioti. 
 
 2.^. Saviugs Banks. 
 
 24. Bills of Excbiut„'e and Promissory 
 
 Notes. 
 
 25. Interest. 
 
 2fi. l^ankruptcy and Insolvency. 
 
 27. Natiirtilizittion niid Aliens. 
 
 28. Marriiit^e and Divorce. 
 2P. MaUiin-oment of Prisons. 
 
 30. /t.iiy '^tbor ninl.tor not assigned to 
 l»roviucial legislatures. 
 
 ExECUTiVio PowE't. The Govern- 
 or-General and a nominee Privy 
 Council v)f 14 members. 
 
 LeOISLATTVK and EXECfJTIVE I?e- 
 VIHION Powers. The Governor- 
 General can vet;' any " ]'roviiu;ial" 
 or "Dominion" ."Vet. and the (.Jiieon 
 in (yomu'ii can veto any J)</miidon 
 Act, although the same niay have 
 been assented to by the Governor- 
 Gei.'oral. 
 
 The Geemantc Federation. 
 
 Constitution. A Federal Legis- 
 lature consisting of the Emperor, 
 aided by the Cham rllor, acting 
 without any Lxecutive Council or 
 MlnMn and the " Bunde.srath" or 
 r * 'ouncil, and the " lleich- 
 
 stitp. .1- Fedei^d Parliament. All 
 laws must be origmated in one of 
 su'h chandlers, as inentiiuied below, 
 and niUMi be passed by a majority of 
 both chambers. 
 
 The principle of any new law 
 must be first anjiroved by the 
 " Bundesrath," before submission to 
 the " lieichstag," and on being 
 passed by the last, must be confirmed 
 liy the first mentioned <;ouucil. 
 
 The Emperor is C(mimander-in- 
 Chief of the united forces of all the 
 Federated provinces. 
 
 Legislative Powers of the Two 
 chamber.s. 
 
 1. General Dofeuors, with power to 
 
 tax each Federal State. Legisla- 
 tion to bo originated in the "Heich- 
 stag." 
 
 2. Ratification of Foreign Treaties 
 
 made by the Kmperor. To be orig- 
 inated in the " Reichstag." 
 
 3. Eatitlcatiou of war or peace declared 
 
 by the Kmpcror, To bo origiuated 
 in the '• Bundesrath." 
 
 4. National Buiikof Issne. (Regulation 
 
 of ("oiuaiie loft to each State. ] 
 
 5. Control of Posts and Telegraphs. 
 
 Legishition to be originated in the 
 "Reicbstug." 
 0. Amendments of Constitution. To 
 be origiuated in the •'Bundesrath" 
 7, TaritJ and Excise : except as to dis- 
 sentient States. 
 [Patents inid Copyrights left to 
 each Stutc.l 
 !>, Approval of Railways necessary for 
 Defence. But not th.'> construction 
 or maniigeuiciit of. Letrislatiou to 
 be originated in t'.o " Rei(!h8tag." 
 Hi. Reversal of action by the Emperor. 
 Le^cislafioij to originate in the 
 " [{oichstii^/." 
 1.5. A^'rienUlU•al Department. 
 10. Appoiiitmeiitof tho"Rcichflgericht" 
 or " Supreme Ccurt of Appeal." 
 
 ExEciTiVE POWKRH, The order 
 of the Kmperir countersigned by the 
 Chanctllor; sul)ject to reveruul M 
 al)ove No Executive Council. 
 
 LEOIrtLA'rrVE AND EXECUTIVE Pe- 
 visioN l'u\v:;uH. .Ml amendments 
 iuitiatedin the '• JJundesrath." 
 
 The "Bundesrath" determiues all 
 disDutes V»etween States, 
 
 The '• lleiclts«ericht" is the Su- 
 preme (!cairt of the nation, and 
 enforces all orders and decrees of 
 the Emperor or the Councilu. 
 
■/ft 
 
 dii^iih^i'i' 
 
 ' 'I 
 
 H 
 
 Tlio powers which have been relinquished by Switzerland, 
 America, Canada and Germany to their respective Federal 
 governments have been placed and numbered in the preceding 
 tabulated statemcntf:^, in the same order, so that a glance may 
 show liow far they agree and in what respect they differ. 
 
 It will be seen that while each Canton of Switzerland, each 
 State of America, and each i)rincipality, dukedom and republic 
 of (Germany have only relinquished such matters of national 
 interest, which it is good for all should be committed to a central 
 government, the Canadian provinces have surrendered the bulk 
 of their own legislarive powers. They have submitted to a 
 process of amalgamation, which is very different to Federal UBion. 
 They have, in fact placed themselves in the same position ^\■l:th 
 respect to their federal government, which Ireland holds under 
 the union with respect to the Imperial government : and with 
 this additional disadvanto^ge, that while the moat rero,ote part 
 of Ireland, is but a few hours removed from the British parlia- 
 ment, many of the Canadian provinces, are too far away, to 
 permit of suitable representation, in a federal parliament sitting 
 at Ottawa. 
 
 It cannot therefore be n nuil-ter (^f surprise, that with such a 
 proposed relinquishment of tlie\r self-governing powers, several 
 of the Canadian provinces, notably those of insular position or 
 remote from the centre of the seat of government, stood out for 
 a long time against union, Newfoundland still preferring to 
 remain independent. 
 
 Under these circumstances, the Canadian federation, which 
 dates from 1867, at first inchided only Upper and Lower Canada, 
 ]S"ova Scotia and IS'ow Bru^iswick. The joinder of Manitoba, 
 which originally formed part ol' the IIiidKon Bay Territories, or 
 Rupert's Land was effected in 1870, British Columbia which 
 included Vancouver's and Queen Charlotte's Islands, followed 
 in 1871 ; Prince Edward Island in 187B, and the remaining part 
 of the North Western Territoriej and Ru])ert'8 Land joined 
 under the name of the North Western Territories in 1876. 
 
 It is however probable, that even this tardy assent to such a 
 complete ceiitralixation of govenimont, would not have been 
 secured but for the concjurrenco of several powerful inducements. 
 
 Fears of possible iiggi'ession on the part of the American States 
 and their actual v^-ithdrawal from all reciprocity in trade, com- 
 bined to impel the Canadians to enter upon a national policy of 
 protection. l!y these means they hoped to make up for the loss 
 of American markets, by securing the profits of their own homo 
 trmle. But for such change of tls{!al system, Canada nmst have 
 be(?omo the " slaughter house" for the surplus productions of 
 America, to the certain discourugement; of Caua<iian manufac- 
 tures. And it was the very obvious fact, that such a change, 
 
75 
 
 hicli 
 lada, 
 
 oba, 
 sa. or 
 
 hich 
 owed 
 
 part 
 
 •i lied 
 
 tates 
 com- 
 cy of 
 loss 
 lome 
 have 
 ns of 
 iif!ac- 
 tnge, 
 
 under which it would be necessary, to guard their " home trade" 
 along a very extensive frontier, could not be accomplished without 
 Federation, coupled with promises of a large outlay of British 
 capital in the construction of railways and canals, which mainly 
 brought about the Canadian Federation. ; • j,;, • .: 
 
 But the assumption by a central government of nearly all 
 authority, must always carry with it, an element of disintegration, 
 in the dii^content, w'hich will assuredly follow. It cannot be ex- 
 pected that the nations, which, in a few years will gi'ow up in 
 the far outlaying provinces, will rest satisfied to be governed by 
 a Parliament, sitting perhaps, two thousand miles away. Would 
 Great Britain submit to be ruled by a House sitting for exairple 
 at Cyprus ? 
 
 Under such circumstances it will not surprise that at a confer- 
 ence at Quebec in 1887, a series of very sweeping constitutional 
 changes were proposed, which indicate, that a system of such 
 complete centralization of powers, will not be permitted to 
 continue. Besides thisj Newfoundland still refuses to join, and 
 very recently Nova Scotia has threatened secession, unless her 
 provincial powers of government are restored. 
 
 But the resumption of powers once surrendered, may only be 
 accomplished after much suffering and if bad counsels prevail, 
 not perhaps without the horrors of a civil war. Australians will 
 therefore do well, to take to their hearts, the lessons of prudence, 
 which a comparison of the several systems of Federation afford 
 and refuse to submit to that sacrifice of local legislative powers, 
 which some Icadej's would force upon them, in urging Federation 
 upon the plan of the Canadian Dominion. 
 
 Such an extreme centralization of government should be 
 avoided and especially so by Australia, The separate colonies 
 of which she is composed and those which have yet to be founded 
 within her enormous area, cannot possibly hope for satisfactory 
 rule by a central government, on any but defence and other purely 
 national matters. If Ireland or Scotland has grounds of com- 
 plaint, that a central parliament, sitting but a few hours journey 
 av.'ay, is incapable of proper legislation for its local requirements, 
 how would it bo possible for a central government in Australia, 
 to deal with the local needs of provinces situated many days 
 journey from the seat of Federal government? How could 
 Kimberley or Perth in Western Australia, or Cooktown, or Cairns 
 in Northern Queensland, be properly represented in a Parliament 
 sitting say at Albury ? Excellently well in matters of defence, 
 oceanic and intercolonial postal contracts, and in all matters of 
 national interest but most imperfectly as regards local require- 
 ments. 
 
 But there are other objections to the gimnt of unreasonable 
 powers to a central govorumont in Australia. There are quea- 
 
 ' ?,j1 
 
mi 
 
 tions smamg out of the climate and natural productions of 
 Northern Australia and consequently relating to labour, which 
 no central government could ever hope to deal with, unless the 
 Imperial j»overnment, with a pro])er sense of the necessity of 
 developing th(i great tropical wealth of Northern Australia, be 
 pleased to establish several crown colonies there and to make it 
 a condition of their estabiishment, that notwithstanding Federal 
 Union, some Asiatic race should be employable in such colonies, 
 under proper restriction as to numbers and solely in field work 
 and only as far south as say, the twenty- fifth degree of south 
 latitude. 
 
 TJpoii thip point it may be observed that while the white man 
 cannot labour in the open in the tropics, the employment of 
 every thousand of Asiatics, would necessitate the employ of at 
 least one hundred white men as overseers, clerks, engineers, and 
 store, and draymen and besides this, would bring business to a 
 large number of merchants, storekeepers and others. This was 
 the result of the employment of kanaka labour in the sugar 
 dislrlclii nl' (^iMtMiwhind and provision could be made by law, that 
 such labour should only be employed in the open, in forestry, 
 plantation, canal and irrigation works. 
 
 UiiloHS SMhut HUch arrangement be made, before Federal Union 
 bo uccompliHJiod, a full fourth of the richest part of the great 
 continent of Australia will remain for ever undeveloped. 
 
 But whatever may be ultimately done on this point, the 
 enormous areas of some of the present colonies of Australia and 
 their differences of clinuite and possibilities of development, 
 demand, that prior to Federal Union, a divisi()n be made into 
 manageable areas and with separate and independent powers and 
 parliaments. 
 
 These powers so far as they are intended to be absoluLe and 
 unalterable should bo limited, both as regards Federation between 
 the colonies and between them and the mother country, to nuitters 
 of defence only, with authority to eulorce a ta.v for such purpose, 
 not exceeding some snuiU sum ])er head, leaving all other matters 
 as to which Fetleral action may be necessary, to be entered into 
 from time to time at the pleasure of each colony. In this way 
 a full and complete union as to all needful matters will bo 
 arrived at more quickly and with greater satisfaction, than by 
 forcing any immediate and more compi'ehensive system. If 
 ])ermittod to be thus self-developed, the Federal Union of 
 A.u.stralasia following the lines of the Federal systems of the 
 United States and Germany, with such variations as are more in 
 consonance ^ li.!» British Ctm.stitutional government, will doubt- 
 less ulti' latel} lake the form suggestoil in the following outline 
 o': a Fed< ral constitution, to whirh all or any ])art of Australasia 
 might well Hubscj ibe, without loss of individual power. 
 
THE 
 
 77 
 
 ' PEOPOSED OUTLINE OF 
 AUSTRALIAN FEDERAL UNION. 
 
 Constitution. AFeJfral Tjegislature, cnnpistinpr of a Governor-General 
 and a Privy or Executive Council of an agreed number of members, nominated 
 by the Governor-General, and elected for life by the two Houses of Parliament 
 sitting and voting together. And a Parliament, consisting of a Senate comjjosed 
 of one member for every 2.50,000, or fractional part of such number, of the 
 population of each S*.ate, elected by the holders of some agreed freehold, lease- 
 hold, university or i)rofessional qualification ; and a Hou.«e of Commons, 
 consisting of one memoer for every 100,000, or fractional p.art of such number, 
 of the population of 3ach State, elected for five years by the votes of the 
 adults of each sex. ^l o such fractional parts to count for an increase of the 
 Senate uidess over 100,000, nor for an increase of the House of Commons unless 
 over 50.000. 
 
 The Imperial Government to retain all its present rights as regards each 
 State, and State legislation, and to have like jjowers as regards Federal 
 legislati(m as to vetoing measures if repugnant to British laws in respect of 
 Marriage and Divorce and other agreed subjects. 
 
 The Government of each State to retain all its present riglits save as to the 
 MJbwing :— 
 
 Legislative Poweks ok the Federal Parliament. 
 
 1. General DcfeucoH, with power to impose and enforce taxes requirefl by 
 the 15iitish or Imiierial Oovernineut, (lud authorised by the Federal 
 Parliiuiioiit' for outside Defences aud other ai^reod purposes, or by the 
 Federal i'uriiii iiiniif iilone for local Federal purposes, but not in any 
 case exceeding an iiuuied limit. 
 
 [Foreign Treaties :— An Imperial I i\] 
 
 [War au(i I'muii: -kn Imperial Po\ j 
 
 And as to any State that may please to ooncdr in respect op 
 
 4. 
 5. 
 
 6. 
 
 7. 
 8. 
 
 10. 
 
 11 
 
 12. 
 U. 
 15. 
 16. 
 
 A National Bank of Issue with brauchu-j in each coucnrnng: State. 
 Control of Oci'iniic and luter-stato postal, t«lcj,'rapliio and telephonic 
 
 contracts, but not the manuKemeut of such operations in any State. 
 AraeudiiKMit of Federal Constitution subject to approval of British 
 
 Parliament. 
 Taritt and Excise duties as to such States as ajfi-ee. 
 Final Approval and Issue of Patents and Copyrights, first approved by 
 
 each State. 
 Approval ol' all railways, canals, aad irrigation systems, and other public 
 
 and private works not wholly within one State : the solo I'ontrol of all 
 
 riparian rights and the eonstrnction of all Federal works. 
 Navigation :— Foreign and luter-Stute. 
 Legal Tender 
 
 Criminal Law relating to Federal and Foreign National matters. 
 Signal Service, iucluding Ueacous, Huoys and Light Houses. 
 AgriculturnI Department, as in the United States and Germany. 
 Appoiutmout of S\>preme Court of Appeal. 
 
 « 
 
 Executive Power. The Governor-General and Privy or Executive Council, 
 
 Legislative Powers. The right to veto any action of the Governor- 
 General and Privy (council of Australia which may be inconsistent witli or in 
 excess of Feder.al Power-, by a two-thirds majority of both th'^ Houses, for such 
 inirpoBe sottiuK and voting together. Any measure within Federal Powers may 
 l>e oriifiuateii in either House, but both must concur. 
 
 LEiJihLATiVK Revision Powers. The Supreme Court of Appeal, ci 
 
 •ri-..r- 
 
 with any Federal or Imperial law relating to marriage and divoiuu and »'^'^'or 
 ugrued subjeots aud to enforce all orden auU decrees of the Federal ParliMkuit. 
 
 of a Chief .lustiet^ aim an agreed number of Judges appointed by the (i( v.r 
 Cteneral in (Amncil. Tlie Court to have power to veto all measurcH incoi-r®. 
 
78 
 
 rhere now remain some matters which if not essential to a 
 ])roper system of Federation are yet so necessary to its complete 
 development, that it is proposed to consider them as fully as 
 space will permit. And in the following order : — 
 
 1. Of equality in State areas. 
 
 2. Of an uniform tariff. 
 
 ■ 3. Of the appointment of governors. 
 
 ;^ .^';^^ C 4. Of a Supreme Court of Appeal. 
 
 . > 5. Of consolidation of the public debts. 
 
 - ; ; G. Of a Federal Capital. 
 
 7. Of an uniform railway guage. "' 
 
 8. Of transit and irrigation canals. 
 
 9. Of forest plantations ■' 
 
 10. Of fruit culture. *. 
 
 11. Of National Banks of Issue. 
 
 12. Of British or Imperial Federation. 
 
 1.— OF EQUALITY IN THE AEEA OF EACH STATE. 
 
 Although the area included within a Federal government, 
 cannot well be too extensive provided its powers be limited to 
 defence and other strictly national matters, the separate areas 
 committed to the local governments of the Federated parts, should 
 be limited to boundaries from which a common c intre can be 
 quickly reached. ' 
 
 Not the least difficulty of the many, which America had to en- 
 counter, when, after obtaining independence, she desired to 
 preserve it by Federal Union, was the correction of the great 
 inequalities which then existed in the areas of her several states. 
 
 Without setting up any rule in a matter not always capable of 
 precision, it was agreed that all the States should have an area 
 as nearly equal as circumstances would admit ; and that none 
 should be so large as to tend to unequal representation or power. 
 
 Under this arrangement some states weie divided, others en- 
 larged and the whole so dealt with, as to divide it into States 
 averaging about 50,000 square miles. 
 
 But the errors of those who advised in respect of the early 
 divisions of America, have been greatly exceeded with regard to 
 those of Australia. 
 
 New South Wales iiad at first an area of over 1,000,000 square 
 miles. Out of thi^^ Victoria was formed, with only 80,000 
 o.^aare uuie«. And tkeu Quoensland was detached, with am area 
 
itial to a 
 
 
 complete 
 
 
 fully as 
 
 
 if 
 
 :-ifl'trti':ii 
 
 STATE. 
 
 )rnment. 
 mited to 
 to areas 
 3, should 
 3 can be 
 
 id to en- 
 sired to 
 lie great 
 il states. 
 
 ,pable of 
 
 an area 
 
 lat none 
 
 T power. 
 
 hers en- 
 G States 
 
 lie early 
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 an area 
 
 
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79 
 
 of 678,000 squnro miles leavinf? tha mother colony with a territory 
 of 32^^000 scjuiiro milcM, which id just equal to the combined 
 area of Germany and Italy. 
 
 South Australia, although originally formed with an area of 
 300,000 square miles, was enlarged in ISGl, by the addition of 
 80,000 squa.'o miles, being a Htrip of land lying between that 
 colony and \V^ stern Australia. This combined area, exceeding 
 six times that of England and Wales and more than equal to 
 seven of the States of America, was again enlarged by the addi- 
 tioii of the Northern Territory conipi'ising an area of 523,630 
 square miles. This extensive country having a magnificent 
 harbour, many rivers and a soil capable of growing tea, sugar, 
 apices, coffee, silk and every kind ol: tropical produce and rich in 
 gold, copper, tin, and lead, should have been erected into one or 
 more crown colonies. Instead of this it was most unthriftly put 
 under the management of South Australia ! under the manage- 
 ment of a colony which can only reach it by a voyage of upwards 
 of five thousand miles ! 
 
 Had this magnifleient country been created into a separate 
 colony, its productions, with the aid of Asiatic labour, directed 
 by British capital and intelligence, would have yielded an 
 enormous return. While its area is one third that of China, is 
 most fertile and possesses a more equitable climate, the present 
 result of the undertaking givc.« by the South Australian govern- 
 ment, to form a new colony, sliows only after an occupation of 
 over thirty years a populati m of less than four thousand! and 
 of these nearly nine-tenths are Chinese. 
 
 Another example of tlie folly of apportioning to young colonies, 
 areas of land far l^eyond their powers of development, is exhibited 
 in the case of Western Australia. This colony has been per- 
 mitted for the past sixty years to hold the still larger territory 
 of 1,057,250 square miles. Such an area is best realized by the 
 fact that it is nine and a half times that of the United Kingdom 
 of G-reat Britain and Ireland ; over five times that of Prance, 
 five times that of the Grerman Empire and over ten times that of 
 Italy. 
 
 Through the wonderful progress made by the Australian 
 Colonies affords most commendable evidence of energy and enter- 
 prise it must be obvious, i it the present divisions are mostly too 
 large, to permit of satisfactory development. It is indeed as 
 unfortunate for the Australian Colonies, as it is for the super- 
 abundant population of the mother country, that some one, well 
 acquainted with the enormous capacity of Australia, for the 
 founding of prosperous homes had not a seat in the council of 
 the Empire, when such divisions were made. It cannot be 
 doubted, that great as hi the present development of most of the 
 Australian Colonies, "« division into twenty or better still, thirty 
 States intead of five, would have induced more settlement, led to 
 
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80 
 
 more discoveries of wealth and accomplished mucli greater 
 progress. 
 
 It may be urged that these enormous divisions are only tenta- 
 tive. That as regards New South Wales, it has already suffered 
 two detachments from its original area ; that it was always 
 intended to divide Queensland ; that as regards South Australia, 
 its Northern Territory is only licld in trust, until the Imperial 
 government erects it into one or more separate Colonies ; and 
 that Western Australia recently divided into two will hereafter 
 be divided into three parts. But tentative arrangements are 
 apt to become practically permanent and then vested interests 
 and public debts are pleaded in opposition to any aivision at all. 
 
 Thus it is that Queensland and South Australia resent any 
 proposed division. It would be well indeed both for the old 
 country and the new, should some powerf uj influences at head 
 quarters determine, that the unsettled parts of Australia, shall 
 no longer remain undeveloped. Undeveloped they are protitless. 
 Unsettled tliey invite aggression. Let new Colonies of reasonable 
 areas be erected and those existing be divided. Let this be done 
 promptly and before Federal Union. Then will Australia truly 
 become, as suggested by the writer many years since, to the then 
 Secretary for the Colonies, " the brighest jewel of the British 
 Crown." 
 
 The difficulties to be encountered in governing large areas, was 
 well antifipated by the founders of the American Constitution. 
 Tlicir exi)erience, from which, we should profit, taught them 
 tiiat if the area of a State be too small it will be unable to bear 
 the charges of government ; and if too large, it will develop so as 
 to become beyond management. As the population of a colony 
 extends to remote ])arts, il; is found that suitable representatives 
 cannot be accredited to a parliament bittirg many hundreds of 
 miles away. And if its area comprises much variety of climate 
 and consequent diiferences of soil and productions, it is not 
 possible for a far off government to give that assistance to local 
 requireineiits, which is essential to proper development. 
 
 For these reasons the foundei's of the United States gave but 
 little legislative powers to its central government, limited the 
 area of each State lo an average of about 50,000 square miles, 
 and placed the capital of each State, as nearly as possible in its 
 centre. 
 
 And although in this age of railways and telegi'aphs, the area 
 adopted by the government of the United States may be very 
 considerably enlarged, without disadvantage to effective repre- 
 sentation, eilicient govenunent and prompt development, it 
 cannot be well extended much beyond 250,000 square miles. 
 
 Tlie earnest struggles of the people of Noithern Queensland, 
 during the past eighteen years, in which the writer took on 
 
81 
 
 he area 
 bo very 
 > rcpre- 
 lent, it 
 e miles. 
 
 i3nsland, 
 hnoic ou 
 
 early aud active part, for that separation from the Southern 
 portioQ of that immense Colony, vvliich aecordiiifif to a statement 
 madfl by His Grraeo the late Duke of Newcastle, to the 
 writer in 18o9, and contirmed by a subsequent desi)atcli, was 
 always contemplated, and the efforts made by the residents of 
 Central Queensland, for a further division ; and the more recent 
 attempts of the people of the Chii'ence Kiver District of New 
 South Wales to procure separation, clearly show, that excessively 
 huye Colonies, cannot give satisfaction to the whole of their 
 po[ ulations. Such constant efforts for division bear testimony 
 to the evils of an unmanageable area. ■ 
 
 And though inequalities of population, may, in any Federal 
 Parlijiment, be fairly well met, by limiting the number of repre- 
 sentatives for each colojiy, without regard to poi)ulati()n, yet 
 land being the basis of wealth, any great inequality of area will 
 ultimately lead to predominating inlluences, apart from mere 
 numbers, which may disturb the balance of power, no desirable 
 amongst federated countries. 
 
 Under this view it is desirable that all present inequalities 
 should be amended and of these the limited area of Victoria, 
 80,000 square miles, when contrasted with the enormous areas 
 of all her sister States, demands special attention. It is not 
 possible now, nor desirable, to reduce the areas of the other 
 Colonies to her very limited dimensions, bat it is possible, while 
 increasing iier territory, lo bring all to one very nearly equal 
 measurement Avithout much disturbance of present interests. 
 
 But to el'ect this, large divisions must be ]?crmitted. The 
 present area of New South Wales is about 825^,000 s([uare miles, 
 divide Queensland as was originally intended, for which di^'ision 
 there is, as before mentioned, a very justiHable aud detcrininnd 
 demand, into Northern and Southern Queensland and it would 
 make two provinces each averaging about 3Ji9,000 square miles. 
 Hestrict South Australia to her original dimensions of 300,000 
 scjuare miles ; divide the 1,057,250 square miles hitherto holdou 
 by Western Australia into three Colonies of about ;i.")2,000 
 square miles each ; take from South Australia 300,000 square 
 miles of the Northern Territory which she is (^uite incapable 
 of developing and there will still be left 300,000 square miles 
 in the interior of the continent of Australia formerlv known as 
 "Alexandra Land" and sometimes as " Stuart Land.' 
 
 As an irrigation Colony it is ca])aLle of great development. 
 Erect it into a Central Province and give it to Victoria, which 
 would then with her present territory possess an area of 380,000 
 square miles. It may be named " Central Victoria," or 
 " Centraba," and if needed, access to tlio coast and a harbour 
 may be secured by reducing the area of the two herein proposed 
 new Western Colonies, by taking in a strip of laud betweeu 
 
fff^W" 
 
 82 
 
 their proposed boundaries. The route of such wa^ as also of 
 the main central transit-canal hereinafter proposed is sufficiently 
 indicated by the dotted lines on the annexed maps of Australia, 
 which also show the present and proposed divisions thereof. 
 
 There would, under such re-adjustment, be nine very equally 
 divided Provinces, instead of five most inequitable divisions. Or 
 should Victoria decline to accept this accession of territory, 
 there would be ten Colonies, unless for want of access or other 
 objection, it was found necessary to divide this central land of 
 300,000 square miles, between Northern, Southern and Western 
 Australia, in which case, the number of separate provinces 
 would still be nine. To these may be added New Zealand, 
 Tasmania, the Fijian Islands, New Gruinea and all other posses- 
 sions in Oceana. 
 
 '■''"'■■ . ■ c ■'. 
 
 The small area of Tasmania, 2(J,000 square miles, is a matter 
 of nature and beyond remedy, but her strategic position is so 
 important, that any central power would find it absolutely 
 necessary to aid in her defence, or else in case of war, she would 
 be a source of constant danger to the mainland of Australia. 
 
 Some such re-adjustment of the Continent of Australia is 
 obviously necessary, whether federation be carried out or not, 
 and if it be urged that equal divisions are not absolutely essential 
 to Federal Union, seeing that there are enormous differences in 
 the arjas of the States which form the great Germanic Federation, 
 varying as they do from 137,000 square miles, with a population 
 of 30,000,000, to many having less than 500 square miles, with 
 populations under 50,000, it must be remembered that while 
 such irregularities could not be remedied, in the case of indepen- 
 dent principalities, with whose rights no one was empowered to 
 deal, the example is not one which should be followed. 
 
 2.— OF AN UNIFOEM TARIFF. 
 
 The opinion frequently advanced, that Federation necessitates 
 the adoption of a common tariff, is not supported by facts. 
 Doubtless the tendency of Federal Union is to that end. But 
 the Swiss were federated for centuries without a tariff, and 
 though tiey have recently adopted one, it is not enforceable 
 upon all the Cantons. The United States is often quoted as 
 having federated under an uniform tariff. But on the contrary, 
 all its then thirteen States had each its own tariff, and were per- 
 mitted to, and did retain them for the first twelve years. Un- 
 doubtedly dift'eronces in the tariffs of numerous contiguous 
 States, many of very limited area, were found to bo obstructive 
 
also of 
 &ciently 
 Listralia, 
 
 30f. 
 
 equally 
 ms. Or 
 Brritory, 
 3r other 
 [ land of 
 Western 
 )rovince8 
 Zealand, 
 r posses- 
 
 b matter 
 iion is so 
 3solutely 
 iie would 
 ralia. 
 
 jtralia is 
 ; or not, 
 essential 
 'ences in 
 deration, 
 )pulation 
 lies, with 
 lat while 
 indepen- 
 wered to 
 
 (cessitates 
 by facts. 
 ;nd. But 
 ari:^, and 
 iforceable 
 ]uoted as 
 ) contrary, 
 were per- 
 ars. Un- 
 loutiguous 
 bstructive 
 
 8d 
 
 to trade. And this was one of the causes, but it was by no 
 means the chief cause, of the new Pederal constitution in 1787. 
 
 Nor had a common tariff anything to do with the founding of 
 the great Grermanic Federation. It has been shown that this 
 was the growth of a desire for an United Empire; for the pur- 
 poses of defence, and that the Zollverein or customs union is an 
 arrangement completely outside of Federal Union ; and though 
 in recognition of the value to be attached to a common tariff, 
 the '* Reichstag" or Federal Parliament of Germany had granted 
 to it the right of fixing the tariff of United Gei'many, such right 
 is only binding on such of the States as are pleased to adopt it. 
 Most of them as might e-> expected have done so, but some still 
 refuse, and retain thei: i>,v 11 tariffs. 
 
 And a very similar condition of things existed and still exists 
 among some of the provinces, which constitute the Canadian 
 Dominion. Although the Federal Grovernment was empowered to 
 fix a national tariff, it was provided that the customs and excise 
 laws of each province should continue in force, until altered by 
 the Federal Parliament. And the several provinces having 
 federated with many diverse tariffs, continued to act in union 
 for many years, svithout a common tariff, and after a lapse of 
 over twenty-three years, some still retain their own customs and 
 excise laws, 
 
 It cannot therefore be contended that agreement to a common 
 tariff must precede any scheme of Federal Union. This view u 
 urged both by protectionists and free traders, because the leaders 
 of each school believe the demand now growing for federative 
 action, affords a favourable opportunity for pressing their special 
 theories. But a common tariff is at most a subsidiary item in 
 any plan of Federal Union. And it is of much less consequence 
 in any federation of the Australian Colonies, because unlike 
 Switzerland, the United States of America and Germany, the 
 federated states of which, are mostly of small areas, the Aus- 
 tralian Colonies even under any new adjustment, will present 
 separate territories so extensive that but the minimum of incon- 
 venience may be expected from diverse tariffs. 
 
 And though a common tariff, as a main assistant to the 
 development of national industries, is greatly to be desired the 
 question may well be left to the pleasure of eaiili State, without 
 delaying the advantages of Federal Union for the more important 
 purpose of Federal defence. 
 
 -o- 
 
 3--0F THE APPOINTMENT OF GOVj^RNORS. 
 
 
 
 Under the Canadian Federal Union the Governor- General is 
 appointed by the Imperial Government and as to such matters 
 
I;i: 
 
 Hi 
 
 84 
 
 as are reserved to the local parliaments, (if they may be so digni- 
 fied), Lieutenant-Governors are appointed by the Governor- 
 General in Council. - , • . •, 
 
 Now the appointment of Lieutenant-Governors in place of 
 Governors as before Federation, is indicative of the condition to 
 which the local governments of the provinces, have sunk by 
 accepting such terms of Union. If it were otherwise the 
 Dominion Act might have left to each province, the semblance 
 of separate power, by retention of the title of Governor. 
 
 And beside that, the Governor would have been the proper 
 rank and title of officials intended to rank next to a Governor- 
 General. The fact too, that their appointment rests entirely in 
 the hands of tiio Governor-General is also objectionable on the 
 ground, that to secure independent officials and not mere crea- 
 tures oi the central government, the choice should have remained 
 with the Imperial government. 
 
 The matter is of interest only, as illustrating the tendency of 
 all central governments, to assume as much power as possible. 
 And when the Australians thoroughly grasp the subject of 
 Federal Union, there cannot be a doubt, they will insist upon 
 each Colony retaining as much of its])resent independent powers 
 as is possd)ly consistent with Federal Union, fur matters solely 
 of national interest. 
 
 Any one able to gauge the sentnnents which animates Austra- 
 lian opinion, will anticipate the most perfect accord on this point 
 And it is to be hoped, they will also see, the advantages of the 
 British Government retaining the right of appointing, not only 
 the Governor- General but the Governers of each Colony. 
 
 Their appointment by the Governor-General from among those 
 residents who may possess influence with the Colonial executives, 
 will assuredly not secure the approval of those who know how 
 deeply private interests would probably nifluenco their selection. 
 On the other hand the advantages of the choice remaining with 
 the mother country is sufficiently obvious. We may rest assur- 
 ed that men of position an-' experience will always be appointed 
 to the duties of such an important office, free from all personal' 
 or local party feelings or family interests. It has also the 
 advantage of attra(;ting to each Colony men and capital which 
 would otherwise never reach it. 
 
 T3utit would be well for the Imperial Government to undertake 
 the payment of the salaries of all such officials. The writer 
 many years since, suggested to the then Secretary for tlie Colo- 
 nies and A'ery recently to Lord Carnarvon, that this should be 
 done, or otherwise some diKsatisfaction might be expected on the 
 jiart of Colonists, wlio, while having no right or voice in the 
 selection, are called upon to pay the salaries of their Governors. 
 
85 
 
 And when the amount of trade done bv British merchants 
 with AustTdlia, now coiisiclerably above .£lOU,bOJ,000 p''r aiiniiin, 
 is contrasted with tiie total of the salaries oF the Australian 
 Governors and it is seen that the cost to the British taxpayer, 
 would not reach sixpence |)er centum per amuiui on such trade, 
 coupled with the certainty that extensions will reduce even that 
 small charge, to au inUuites.simal rate, there should be no 
 hesitation on the part of the British Goverinnent, iu undertak- 
 ing the payment of the salaries of its own representatives. : 
 
 4.— OF A SUPREME COURT OF APPEAL. 
 
 The preceding history of the developments of Federal Union, 
 clearly show, that without a power which is supreme in the 
 interpretation and execution of federal law, a central government 
 might assume too much authority or a recalcitrant State might 
 refuse to obey the laws of the Union or the orders of the Federal 
 Executive. 
 
 Such histories also show that assumption of power by the 
 Federal Executive ; refusals to conform to the laws of the 
 Federal Union ; quarrels between two or more Federated States 
 and disputes between the Federal Executive of one State, with 
 the Federal Executive of another State, have hap])ened and 
 would again happen with little hope of adjustment, unless some 
 power supreme in all Federal disput^es, be empowered by mutual 
 agreement to finally decide such matters. 
 
 It has been shown, that the settlement of Federal disputes 
 was at first granted to the Executive Council or else to the 
 Parliament of the Federal Union. But it was soon perceived 
 that no such Executive or Parliament could properly fulfil the 
 duties of an adrainistri.tive or deliberative body, coupled with 
 those of a judicitd court. The Swiss peoples found this to bo 
 the case, M'hen they endeavoured to control the many disputes 
 which in early times, liappened between their several Cantons, 
 or between some of them and the central government. They 
 essayed but generally in vain to settle such disputes by the issue 
 of orders from their *' National Council," which such council 
 had no power to enforce or perhaj)s even to mal<e. And the 
 i\merican Executive during the period of the first confederation 
 of the States, ex])erienced the like difficrtities, in finding they 
 had neither the necessary legal training to dec V ) nice <|uestions 
 of Federal laws, nor power to compel obedience j any judgment 
 when made. 
 
§6 
 
 It was also soon perceived, that no Supreme Court of any one 
 of the Federated group of States, could be eutruated with such 
 powers. However just its decisions might be, the fact of it 
 being but one of several State courts, having equal status would 
 expose it to jealousies and mistrust. And besiilos this, the fact 
 of its being under, or assumed to be under, the immediate con- 
 trol cf the government of its own State, would favour the fear 
 that it might be coerced into an interpretion or judgment in 
 concurrence only, with the interests of such State. 
 
 1 1 
 
 The erection then of an independent and Supreme Court, 
 which altogether removed from the influences of either a central 
 or provincial executive or legislature, should be so constituted 
 as to be the authorised iinal exponent of all Federal disputes 
 was found to be a necessary step by the founders of the new 
 American Union. It was however evolved like most perfect 
 works, by a process of experience. All Federal Alliances had 
 more or less failed from the want of such a power And so out 
 of failures, was created that needful comjilement to Federal 
 Union, a Supreme Court of Appeal ; which supreme only hi its 
 interpretation and execution of Federal law, should give security 
 and permanence to Federal rights. 
 
 If imitation be the sincerest form of flattery, it is no less the 
 evidence of unfeigned approval. The advantage of such a court 
 was acknowledged by the Swiss, who finding the imposition of 
 judicial duties upon their National Council as to Federal matters 
 to be a failure, established in 1848 the " Federal Tribunal" with 
 supreme judicial powers. In 1867 the Imperial Parliament in 
 passing the Dominion Act of Canada empowered the establishment 
 of a Court of Appeal upon the Swiss lines. And in 1879 the 
 Grermanic Federal Parliament which had for some time followed 
 the example of Switzerland, in endeavouring to administer the 
 working of its own Federal Union, by according judicial powers 
 in all Federal matters, to its own National Federal Council, the 
 " Bundesrath," abandoned such arrangement and established 
 the " Reichsgericht" or Federal Supreme Court. Finally if 
 more evidence be needed, of the value of such an institution, we 
 have the testimony of Lord Salisbury, who speaking in 1882 of 
 the Supreme Court of Appeal of the United States, said, " I 
 confess I do not often envy the United States, but there is one 
 feature in their institutions, which appears to me the subject of 
 the greatest envy, —their magnificent institution of a Supreme 
 Court. In the IJi ited States, if Parliament passes any measure 
 inconsistent with he constitution of the country, there exists a 
 court which v.iu negative it at once, and that gives a stability to 
 the institutions of the country, which here we look for in vain." 
 
 An excellent model for the establishment of such a court for 
 Australasia, is then to be found iu the constitution of the 
 
87 
 
 Supreme Court of Appeal of the TTnited States, and the erection 
 at the same time of a co-ordinate court nt" tlio like powers aa 
 those of the Exchcciuer Court of tlie United Statcy, with an 
 appeal to the Supreme Court of Appeal, would enable that 
 court to be permanently located in some central place, otherwise 
 it would perhaps be necessary for it to sit alternately in the 
 principal cities of the Federal Union. 
 
 And such a court is uot leas necessary as a more ready means 
 of appeal from the ordinary decisions of the ISuprenie Court of 
 each Colony, than is now available by the slow and costly course 
 of an ajipeal to the Judicial committee of the Privy Conncil of 
 England. The necessity for such a court hii.s been urpjed by the 
 writer and others on many occasions within the last ([uarter of 
 a century. But it is submitted that it will be well, as under the 
 Canadian Federal Act of Union is provided to preserve to appel- 
 lants, the right of taking their cases direct to the Privy Council of 
 England, and perhaps in cases of great magnitude or where the 
 Judges of the Colonial Court of Appeal are divided in opinion, or 
 see grounds to permit such, course, to resort to the Privy Council 
 of England, as the Court of iinal appeal. 
 
 Disputes relating to Federal matters w^hich the Supreme 
 Court of Appeal for Australia may be unable to decide must of 
 C3urse be remitted to the Privy Council of England. 
 
 As to the cost of a Supreme Court of Appeal for Australia, it 
 is worthy of note that since it will be chiefly employed, in 
 appeals from decisions of the Judges of the Supreme Courts of 
 the Federated Colonies, in civil causes, the ])roportion fairly 
 chargeable, as against Federal matters would bo inconsiderable 
 and should uot weigh against Federation. 
 
 5— OF CONSOLIDATION OF THE PUBLIC DEBTS. 
 
 The consolidation of the Public Debts of the Colonies, advoca- 
 ted by some, as a necessary part of Federal Union, seems to bo 
 neither practicable upon equitable terms, nor desirable, if it could 
 be accomplished. 
 
 Unlike the Public Debts of European Conntrlea which have 
 been mostly 'ucurred in wasteful wars, the Public Debts of t]\o 
 Australian Colonies, are public investments, and sound invest- 
 ments without a doubt. About five-sixths of their amount, have 
 been spent or are now being spent in railways and other works, 
 which, besides being pres^ently worth a great deal more than their 
 cost, liaA'e enormously increased the value of the public estate. 
 
 i 
 
I! 
 
 l'. i •' 
 
 PI! 
 
 
 88 
 
 But though such public estate affords ample security, to the 
 public creditor, the conditions oF such investinciitH vary ho much 
 as to each colony, as to give little possibility of a reconcilement, 
 which would bo satisfactory to all parties concerned. The 
 ])opulati()ns of some of the Colonies are so s{)arse, and vary so 
 much in their number per square mile, that the rate of d(;bt runs 
 from £'U) to over £70 per head. And though the bulk of the 
 moneys, have been spent in reproductive works, the proportions 
 80 spent, vary as to each Colony. Besides this many of such 
 works, notably those in the younger and largest and most indebt- 
 ed Colonies, have been but recently constructed, or are in course 
 of construction and wait development. Ami some as might be 
 expected, have been conceived with better judgment and carried 
 out with greater economy than others. In the case then of a 
 consolidation, the investments of each Qolony would have to be 
 examined into and compared with reference to their nature, 
 workmanship and cost, and compared with reference not only to 
 their present value, but as some would doubtless claim, with 
 reference to their future developments. And supposing all these 
 matters to be settled, the total value of the public works of each 
 k^tate, would have to be considered with reference to the extent 
 and value of its unalienated j)ublic estate and consequent possible 
 c'ovelopments of population and trade. It must be evident that 
 differences amounting to €40 per head, arising out of such 
 diverse circumstances, would not easily admit of that equitable 
 adjustment, which might hope to be satisfactory to all parties. 
 
 And though the public creditor be satisfied with the security 
 of the Colony, in which ho has shown his faith, by an investment 
 of his moneys, it does not follow, that he would be willing, to 
 accept consolidated stock. He could not be forced and is not 
 likely to consent to do so, except upon terms, which would give 
 him some advantage. 
 
 And where is the skill which could be trusted, to produce a 
 scheme for such consolidation, which would satisfy the distinct 
 interests of the public creditor, the Central Federal Government, 
 which would have to take OTcr all such liabilities and the numer- 
 ous Colonies concerned. The difUculties of adjustment, great in 
 themselves, would be increased by the fact, that each Colony 
 would have to be satisfied, not only with the value put upon its 
 own present assets, and all possible developments thereof, but 
 with the value put upon those of all its s'ster Colonies. What 
 hope could there be, of any reconcilement of the many disputes 
 which Avould be certaiu to arise. 
 
 And supposing all the suggested difficulties could be overcome, 
 still, no consolidation could well be carried out, unless the whole 
 of the public estate and railways and other public works in each 
 Colony, were made over to the central government. Would 
 such an arrangement satisfy the public creditors? All of 
 
89 
 
 them ; for all would have to be satisfied. But a far more im- 
 portant (jucstioii would remain i'or solution. AVould it satisfy 
 the peoples of the several Colonics ? Surely no free peoples, 
 would consent to give over their puhli; land and works, to a 
 central goveriunent. 
 
 And for what ^tiin ? It ia thought by some, that moneys may 
 be borrowed on better terms by a Federal government, thaii by 
 the government of each separate Colony. Tlie suggestion is 
 open to much doubt. Well established Colonies, whoso croilit is 
 sound could hardly expect to borrow on better terms, because 
 they have associated themscdves with new members of the group. 
 The only gain would be by young and undevelo])ed Colonies. 
 They might be advantaged, by getting moneys at slightly lower 
 terms, by reason of being members of a Federated community. 
 But the possible gain may lead to a loss. As a separate Colony 
 they may contract for and obtain the use of moneys independent- 
 ly of any superior power, but as a member of a Federal Union, 
 the obtaining of a share in any public loan, will depend very 
 much upon the strength of their influences, with the central 
 government. 
 
 The proposal has moreover, nothing to do, with the main 
 objects of Federation. There was no consolidation of the separate 
 debts of the Cantons of Sv/itzcrland, or of eacli State of America, 
 or of each kingdom, pvincipality and republic of Germany. It 
 was adopted under the Canadian Federal system, but upon 
 terms to which Australia will assuredly never agree, .and even in 
 such case, with a debt of less than .£10 per head, the difficulties 
 experienced in carrying out the arrangement, were so great, 
 that they were only overcome by the making over of all public 
 works and customs and excise duties, to the central government. 
 
 The loss of separate power and prestige, which each colony 
 must suffer, under any system of consolidation of the public 
 debts, is surely too much to pay for the possible saving of a 
 sixteenth or even au eighth per centum per annum. 
 
 "O- 
 
 6.— OF A FEDERAL CAPITAL. 
 
 It has been asserted that among the social changes which 
 federation might be expected to produce, would be the choosing 
 of a federal capital in one of the colonies in which the Governor- 
 General would take up his residence, and the consequent 
 departure to England of some half a-dozcn (jovernors, each with 
 his private secretary, aides-de-camj), and other officials, and the 
 closing of an equal number of Government Houses. And it is 
 alleged that in place of those departed Governors we should have 
 
 tH 
 
90 
 
 ill 
 
 
 I 
 
 an equal number of Lieutenant-Governors, about whom not much 
 expense would be incurred, and from whom no hospitalities would 
 be expected. 
 
 This is, no doubt, a true picture of the social change which 
 would happen under the conditions which it pre-supposes, of a 
 federal Union on the lines of those of Canada. If the people take 
 no heed of a matter so threatening to their interests, the trada 
 now stimulated, the social life now enjoyed, and the cmplf>yment 
 now induced, in the capitals of each of the Australian colonies, by 
 the courteous and libeial way the representatives of the sovereign 
 discharge tiieir social duties, will be utterly lost, and more than 
 this will be lost. Vice-regal hospitalities greatly stimulate the 
 hospitalities of others. Every tradesman and every struggling 
 seamstress knows the difference between a good and a bad 
 season. Even the parsimony, under which the people are some- 
 times deprived of the pleasure of doing honor to the birthday of 
 their beloved Queen, is productive of considerable loss to trades- 
 men. At such and other holiday times, not only town but 
 country residents, are tempted into a liberal expenditure, and the 
 hundreds spent in a Government House entertainment means as 
 many thousands outlaycd amongst tradesmen and their employees. 
 All these advantag-^s must be lost if each colony permits itself to 
 be reduced to the condition of a mere province of a Central 
 Government. 
 
 And much more will be lost. Each capital is now the centre 
 of a political and cultured busy life. But with one central 
 capital all intellectual developments and all trade will aggregate 
 ^j such one capital and impoverish remoter parts. Imagine, if 
 possible, all such influences attracted to one capital in the centre 
 of Europe, what would be its effect on London, Paris, and other 
 cities. And, remembering that Australia is as large as Europe, 
 and that each colony is larger than any European Empire, save 
 Russia, consider what would become of Sydney, Melbourne, 
 Brisbane, Adelaide, and other cities, if excluded from the honour 
 of being the Federal Capital, they are also robbed of the advan- 
 tages of being the centre of vice-regal government. 
 
 A Federal Capital is not absolutely necessary to Federal 
 Union. Neither Switzerland nor the United States, nor Germany 
 possess a Federal Capital. No group of countries, determining as 
 they have done to preserve their own sovereign rights of self- 
 government, would submit to have the status of their own capitals 
 so interlered with. A federal city was imposed upon Canada, 
 and the imposition is another evidence of the arrogance of a 
 central government, which has absorbed the self-governing rights 
 of the Canadian provinces to a degree, to which it is hoped A^.., 
 tralia will never submit. 
 
 There is a great difference between the capital city of a 
 country and the capitol or place in which a Congress or Federal 
 
Parliament hold their sessions. In choosing Washington, then 
 almost in its virgin condition, as the Capitol of their Congress 
 the Americans avoided all offence or cause of jealousies. But in 
 other respects it proved a failure. Chosen for its central position, 
 it is no longer central. After a century it has not a population of 
 100,000. It is the mere home of federal officials and the tem- 
 porary residence of members of Congress. As a city it has never 
 been a success either socially or otherwise Nor is this regarded 
 as a matter for regret, seeing it is the natural outcome of the 
 astuteness of the people of the several States, who, in determining 
 to retain as much of their self-governing powers as possible, 
 sacrificed in no degree the standing of their respective cities, and 
 fixed the position of the federal government as the centre of 
 federal power, but not as the central capital of the nation. 
 
 A central position for the capital of Australia, which would 
 be easy of access to all, is scarcely possible. Central to-day, 
 succeeding decades would bring about changes which would make 
 it no longer central. 
 
 But there is really no need of a Federal Capital, nor even of 
 a Federal Capitol. The Federal Government of Switzerland 
 meets in one or other of the Cantonal Parliament Houses, some- 
 times at Berne and sometimes at Lucerne ; and the Federal 
 Parliament of Germany meets sometimes in l^erlin and sometimes 
 at LeipKic. In these cases the Federal Parliament avails itself of 
 the Parliament House of some state which does not happen to be 
 in session. Why should not Australia do the like for some time 
 at least. , , 
 
 Nor should the place of residence of the Governor-General 
 raise any difficulty between the colonies. But few could support 
 any claim to the advantage. And oi' these the mother-colony has 
 rights which should be readily conceded. Wherever fixed, such 
 residence could only be of doubtful oermanency, since the 
 probable desires of the holder of the > ace, the expectations of 
 the people, and the travelling tacilities m a' available will enable 
 and induce him to give the honour and advantage of his presence 
 to the enlivenment of the season and the stimulation of the trade 
 of each colony in turn. 
 
 
 7. OF AN UNIFORM RAILWAY GAUGE. 
 
 The advantages to be derived by an uniform railway gauge is 
 another matter to which much greater importance is attached by 
 some people ihan it deserves. An increase of the narrow gauge 
 to that of the English, as laid down in New South Wales, or 
 
92 
 
 better, to that of the Irish gauge adopted in Victoria, would give 
 a distinct gain in speed and perhaps in comfort. But it must be 
 remembered, on the other hand, that had a wider gauge been used 
 in Queensland, Tasmania, and New Zealand, the cost in such 
 mountainous countries would havo been raised from an average of 
 £7.000 to at least .£20,000 per mile, and the large mileage now 
 available would have been reduced in proportion. 
 
 An extension of the gauge in all the other colonies to that of 
 Victoria, or a reduction of that of Victoria and an increase of that 
 in use in Queensland and South Australia to that in use in New 
 South Wales, 'vould cost an enormous sum of money, which 
 would be far better spent in extending the railways round the 
 coast line of Australia, and as quickly as possible. 
 
 An alteration ot the gauge could only be of advantage just so 
 far as it would permit of an increase of the speed with which 
 troops and material could be massed. 
 
 The fact is that General Williams, to whom the colonies are 
 much indebted for liis outspoken report upon the state ot the 
 defences of Australia, realising to the full the great advantage of 
 the uniform and wider gauge in operation in Great Britain, made 
 too much of the point, forgetful of the fact that between the 
 capitals of each colony, and between each of such capitals, and 
 many other cities and townships on the mainland of Australia, 
 there are runs of 50c unles and more without a break of gauge. 
 No great loss of time could therefore happen in the transport of 
 troops through a necessary change of carriages after successive 
 runs ()f 500 miles, say from Adelaide to Melbourne, from Mel- 
 bourns to Sydney, from Sydney' to Brisbane, and from Brisbane to 
 Cooktown, or even beyond such limits, when the coastal railways 
 are further extended, as they will be. 
 
 Nor would tie trruisport of war material be much delayed by 
 an) present brci.k of gauge, since at a very small cost, ^on^pared 
 to what would be encountered by a change of all the present 
 gauges to an uniform one, provision could be made for the 
 removal of the bodies of loaded carriages to other frames adapted 
 to the gauge of the next intended journey, or axles capable of 
 extension or retraction to suit any gauge could be used. 
 
 :o:- 
 
 8. OF TRANSIT AND IRRIGATION CANALS. 
 
 It has been shown that the promise of the Im]:)erial Guaran- 
 tee, of the interest on an expenditure of £3,000,000, in the 
 construction of the International railway across (Janada, had much 
 to do with securing the assent of the Canadians to federation. 
 
\'f 
 
 93 
 
 of 
 
 ive 
 el- 
 to 
 .ys 
 
 Canada had need of such an impetus to her development. 
 Australia, has like need of a canal, which, starting from a favorable 
 point on the north-western coast of Australia would be capable of 
 combining irrigation with the quick passage of passengers and 
 mails coming via Suez, to some central point in the continent of 
 Australia, from whence the southern, eastern, and northern 
 provinces could be conveniently and expeditiously reached. Such 
 a work would save a long sea voyage round the western and 
 southern coasts, and would afford a desirable complement to that 
 circle of direct communication with Europe now open via Suez, 
 but which the ship-canal, now under construction in Central 
 America, will, in the course of a few years, complete by way of 
 Nicaragua. 
 
 A ship-canal is neither presently possible nor absolutely 
 necessary. The first and more pressing requirement in furtherance 
 of Australian interests, and one capable of early accomplisiunent, 
 is the construction of a novel undertaking which, serving the 
 combined purposes of a railway and a canal, and starting from, 
 and utilismg so much of the Ashburton River on the north- 
 western coast, as may be found practicable, and trending along a 
 route which may be very nearly indicated by the 24th degree of 
 latitude, and utilising on its way the numerous lakes, creeks, and 
 other natural watercourses and depressions which, abounding on 
 the route, could be adopted, and adapted to such purposes with 
 considerable advantage and economy, will pass southwards to, 
 and, perhaps, through Lakes Eyre and Torrens, to some point 
 from which communication may be promptly made with Adelaide, 
 Melbourne, Sydi'.ey, and Brisbane, Such a work, while it would, 
 as a railway-canal, give very quick despatch to passengers, mails, 
 and light goods, coming or going to Europe via Suez, would also, 
 as a canal only, by union with, and the feeding of a large number 
 of subsidiary canals and other water channels, permit of a most 
 comprehensi\'e system of irrigation. T)ie effect of such a compre- 
 hensive system of irrigation need hardly be enlarged upon. It 
 would very favourably influence the climate and change the entire 
 face of the country. The now generally waterless and desert 
 central lands would be converted into vast pasturages, and 
 ultimately some large parts into semi-tropical farms and planta- 
 tions, in which all the productions of India and China will 
 flourish. 
 
 It is beyond the scope of this work to pursue the suggestion 
 in detail. The scheme has occupied much consideration, and is 
 only a question of time, money, and men. It is a national task, 
 and, however costly it may be, it is capable of accomplishment 
 with a certain and enormous return. 
 
 And the advantages would not be confined to the districts 
 through which such canals and their subsidiary watercourses 
 would traverse. Queensland and New South Wales would be 
 
 i >k 
 
94 
 
 much benefited by the connection, which would be easily made 
 of these irrigation and traffic canals with their main rivers. 
 While conserving the enormous rainfall of these colonies, much of 
 which now runs to waste, it would not onW save them from much 
 loss by the carrying off of flood waters, but by affording a constant 
 supply of water, coupled with the improvement and locking of 
 such rivers, enable the use of the natural highways of the liarcoo, 
 the Diamentina, the Murray, and the Murrurnbidgee, for traffic 
 throughout the year. 
 
 Here is a good work for a Central Goverment. Next to 
 arrangements for defence it is essentially a national work, because 
 while 't must be planned with reference to the natural contour of 
 the entire continent of Australia, it is one in the cost of which 
 each of the colonies must share in proportion to the direct and 
 indirect advantages it will secure. 
 
 Without entering into details it may be fitly pointed out that 
 the reports of all those enterprising explorers, iivingstone, Burke, 
 Wills, Poorest, Giles, Sturt, Favcnc, and others, who have crossed 
 and re-crossed the Australian continent i'-. the prosecution of their 
 arduous travels of discovery, and the statements of those who were 
 employed in erecting the telegraph line from Adelaide to Port 
 Darwin, completely refute the long-entertained oi)inion that 
 central Australia is a mere profitless desert. It is now ascertained 
 that it only needs water to convert its arid plains into rich pas- 
 turages and plantations. 
 
 Put the opinions of competent authorities, offer more evidence 
 than this, in support, of the suggestions here made. The soil is 
 good, and wherever water is in constant supply vegetation flourishes. 
 There is abundant evidence also that the rainfall, if conserved, 
 would be fully sufficient for irrigation purposes. Besides this, 
 there is an illimitable supply beneath the surface, in the shape of 
 swift-running rivers and sunless reservoirs of enormous capacity. 
 And, fortunately, beyond these advantages, there is one other 
 discovery ■\yhicli is of the greatest possible importance in the 
 utiMsation of such rainfall and subterranean reservoirs, in a com- 
 prehensive system of irrigation and traffic canals. It is now 
 known that the configuration and surfiice condition of the whole 
 of Central Australia is excellently well adapted to the carrying 
 out of such works . 
 
 From the mountainous regions running along the norther"^ 
 coast line, out of which the many rivers of that district, which find 
 exit into the ocean, take their rise, there is a gentle slope from the 
 north to the south. Over an extensive area, extending some 1,200 
 miles from east to west, with an average of about 600 miles from 
 north to south, the surface presents an enormous plain, with a 
 gentle slope southward. The country offers no obstacles which 
 cannot be easily dealt with or avoided, and is but little broken, 
 save by lakes, creeks, and smaller dopressions, which, though dry, 
 
Do 
 
 orther'^ 
 ich find 
 rom tlie 
 e 1,200 
 es from 
 with a 
 which 
 broicen, 
 gh dry, 
 
 when the rainfall is carried off, eminently adapt its surface to 
 canalisation for irrigation or traffic purposes. These natural 
 water channels pointing the way through which much of the rainfall 
 finds vent, will also, by their indications, save much engineering 
 difficulties in laying dowi the ground plan of the requisite 
 main and subsidiary- canals, and much manual labour in tlieir 
 construction. ' • '^ 
 
 There is no need to fear a want of sufficient water for all 
 these purposes. The ordinary rainfall properly conserved, and 
 used in irrigation, would, of itself, be sufficient to convert the arid 
 plains of the interior of Australia into one vast pasture. But beyond 
 this conservation of the natural supply, it is well j)roven that 
 great flowing rivers and enormous reservoirs, below the surface, 
 can be drawn upon for supplies by means of artesian wells, which 
 would not only fill all main and subsidiary canals, but convert 
 numerous and extensive lakes, now frequently dry, into permanent 
 inland seas. 
 
 Such is the rough outline of a scheme, which, having regard 
 to the exteiit of the area, over which it must operate, ind the 
 special interests which all the Australian colonies would have in 
 its construction and use, must, of necessity make it a federal 
 work. 
 
 While some of the colonies would, of course, be more 
 interested in such an undertaking than others, all muf;t be 
 benefited iri some degiee, directly or indirectly, by the traffic and 
 trade it must induce. But a federal work it must be, and this, 
 noL 01 1 account of its cost, which the increased value of the lands 
 so irrigated will recoup, but because if carried out under a suffi- 
 ciently comprehensive plan, it must necessarily be so constructed, 
 as to be capable of being put into communication with the river 
 systems of the Australian continent — feeding them in dry seasons 
 and taking off all overflows in times of flood. 
 
 Its value for traffic and irrigation purposes, and as a powerful 
 means of climatic influence, can hardly be over estimated. \Vherc 
 now are lakes and watercourses, dry throughout the greater part 
 of the )ear, and in times of great drought for longer periods, the 
 constant presence of water will permit of the [planting of profitable 
 forests, and the now arid and barren i)laii"is will be changed into 
 fertile pasturages and plantations. The moisture, first abstracted 
 and again evolved by trees and vegetation, will reduce the 
 average temperature by many degrees, increase the average 
 rainfall, and favour growth by refreshing dew falls. Every acre of 
 this extensive, but now profitless territory, will be made as capable 
 of supporting human and animal life as any elsewhere, and, as a 
 natural consequence, will acquire a money value fivefold that of 
 the cost of such improvements. 
 
 Upon these points, it may be here remarked, that science 
 shows that trees and vegetation not only temper climate, but 
 
96 
 
 .:. I 
 
 m 
 
 improve the soil. The normal temperature of all living vegetation 
 is about 45 degrees, a little less than half the average temperature 
 of animals. An increase or decrease of this normal temperature 
 of either plants or animals to the extent of 1 5 degrees, would 
 result in death if nature did not, in the case of cold, conserve .he 
 natural heat of life by closing the pores, or, in the case of exces- 
 sive warmth, by opening the pores, and so promoting the 
 exhalation of moisture. The effect is, that in wint'.r, by the 
 contact of a cold wind, say, at 25 degrees with trees having a tem- 
 perature of 45 degrees, the air by absorbing some portion of this 
 higher temperature, is actually made warmer. On the contrary, 
 suppose the country to be covered by belts of trees, and a hot 
 wind blowing, at a temperature of 100 degrees, cr more, then the 
 contact of such hot winds with a large mass of vegetation, having 
 the low temperature of 45 degrees, would cause such hot air to be 
 considerably cooled — partly by absorption of the lower tempera- 
 ture of such trees, and partly by the fact that when a hot 
 wind, gathering heat as it comes over an unbroken plain, comes 
 in contact with a belt of trees, such wind first forms a "cushion" 
 againsi such trees, and then mounting over such cushion is 
 deflected into an upper stratum of uir, and is cooled in some 
 degree by absorption of the colder temperature of such trees, they 
 being much cooler than the surrounding air. The improvement of 
 the soil by trees is effected ])y the leaves, which, falling on the sur- 
 face, absorb moisture, and continually, though slowly, increasing in 
 depth and decomposing, form what is called " humus," which is 
 taken up by the roots of the trees, to be again evolved in the 
 shape of renewed leaves and moisture. On the contrary, when 
 forest land is denuded of its trees, this " humus " gradually dis- 
 appears. 'J'his being absorbed by the heat of the sun, carbonised, 
 in point of fact, and part being carried away by the rainfall, the 
 soil is left in a very impoverished state, unless improved by 
 pasturage or cultivation. Hence the necessity of foreat conser- 
 vation. ;. •,_, --_' '\:,. ^ ■',•■■;■ ■.':'s,ii/"\',f"v:' ■ 
 
 • Upon these points abundant evidence is forthcoming, and 
 none, perhaps, more satisfactory than are to be found in the paper 
 read by Dr. Schlich, Professor of P'orestry, before the Society of 
 Arts, in London, early in 1890. In this paper, while the physical 
 advantages arising out of the presence of forests in affording 
 shelter to stock, in reducing high temperatures, and in assisting 
 the production of oxygen and ozone, and the natural supply of 
 water are shown, much is also advanced in support of the 
 great profits to be realised by moneys expended in such improve- 
 ments. 
 
 It should be borne in mind, that as regards irrigation alone 
 it would not be necessary to complete the whole scheme before 
 obtaining returns ; because every mile of a main irrigation 
 canal, will feed numerous 'subsidiary streams, and thousands of 
 acres of lands around. Still the total cost of so comprehensive 
 
97 
 
 fetation 
 )erature 
 jerature 
 , would 
 :rve -he 
 r exces- 
 ing the 
 
 by the 
 l a tem- 
 
 of this 
 ontrary, 
 d a hot 
 hen the 
 , having 
 lir to be 
 empera- 
 n a hot 
 1, comes 
 :ushion " 
 shion is 
 in some 
 :es, they 
 ement of 
 
 the sur- 
 fcasing in 
 rt'hich is 
 in the 
 , when 
 lally dis- 
 
 )onised, 
 
 fall, the 
 oved by 
 
 conser- 
 
 ing, and 
 le paper 
 xicty of 
 hysical 
 brding 
 assisting 
 jpply of 
 of the 
 mprove- 
 
 n alone 
 before 
 rrigation 
 ands of 
 :hensive 
 
 ilk 
 
 a system of works would reach a large sum. For this reason it is 
 desirable that provision should be made in any scheme of federa- 
 tion, for the guarantee by the Imperial (lovernment, of the interest 
 upon some part of the needful outlay. And, if reason existed, for 
 such guarantee, upon an expenditure of ;;^3, 000,000 in railways, in 
 Canada, reasons not less powerful, can lw adduced for a like aid, 
 in the carrying out of a system of canals for irrigation purposes on 
 the continent of Australia. While there is no doubt that Aus- 
 tralia can offer ample security for any necessary outlay, it is no 
 less certain that the means of developing the fertility of her 
 enormous central territory by the aid of irrigation, will yield returns 
 far in excess of interest upon the capital required, besides affording 
 also a sinking fund sufficient to recoup it. And while, indeed, 
 the riches presently, and hereafter developed by such works in 
 Australia would make such guarantee a mere formal undertaking, 
 without the slightest risk to the Imperial (Jovernment, the 
 merchants and manufacturers of (Ireat Britain would secure large 
 and constantly increasing profits out of the trade which such a 
 canalisation of Central Australia would necessarily develop. The 
 risk need be nothing, but the gain would be certain. 
 
 And what would be the ultimate cost ? Ultimate cost is sug- 
 gested, because a work so enormously extensive must necessarily 
 be the work of many years — of several generations in fact. But it 
 has this advantaf e, that every completed mile of any irrigation 
 canal will yield immediate profits. . - 
 
 Any route which such main transit-canal would take, from 
 some favourable point on the north-western coast of Australia to 
 Lake Eyre, would give a run of about 1,600 miles. Of this 
 distance about one-sixth is partially provided for by nature in 
 numerous lakes, creeks, and watercourses. 
 
 A ship canal is impracticable and unnecessary. All that is 
 needed is a railway-canal, having a width at top of about 8 feet, 
 with a depth of about 3)^ feet. Such a canal, while offering 
 sufficient capacity as a feeder of subsidiary streams for irrigation 
 purposes, would carry swift vessels of a special construction, of 
 about 50 tons burthen, and capable of doing at least 25 miles per 
 hour. As to the rate of speed, a plan is now maturing l)y which 
 such a railway-canal system could be utilised for transit purposes 
 at the rate of 70 miles per hour, or even at a higher rate, and with 
 greater safety and more economy than by any present method of 
 conveyance. The cost of construction, with the sinking of 
 artesian wells, to give a proper supply of water, may be estimated 
 to amount to £3,500,000. To this sum, if the ':ompletion of the 
 rvhole of the proposed system of irrigation be considered, would 
 have to be added, but from time to time and necessarily spread 
 over a long series of years, the cost of the vast net work of 
 subsidiary canal and other water channels which would be 
 needed. Of this, it is difficult to make any but the very roughest 
 
i i 
 
 estimate, save that, in America, the expense of constructing subsi- - 
 diary irrigation channels has been found to average £2 per acre. 
 Now, the block of land contained in Central Australia, which is • 
 suggested as fit to be ultimately included in such irrigation area, 
 amounts to at least 1,000,000 square miles, which, being equal to 
 640,000,000 acres, would, at a like cost of £2 per acre, recjuire 
 the gradual outlay of £1,280,000,000, 
 
 Such a sum ma)' seem to be beyond all possibilitj'. But : 
 when it is remembered that (Ireat Britain, with an area of scarcely 
 tV e thirtieth part of the continent of Australia, has incurred a 
 pui^lic debt of £800,000,000, for the most part in wasteful wars, 
 and ..' further expenditure of £1,200,000,000 in the construction 
 of railways alone, without counting the cost of nearly 4,000 miles 
 of canals and other public works and all this, mostly within 
 two generations, it is not unreasonable to anticipate that Australia 
 would be alile to accomplish such an outla) within three genera- 
 tions — within, in point of fact, the lifetime of some of her children 
 now living. Her present indebtedness of £46 per head is by no 
 means overwhelming, but by the time the suggested system of 
 traffic and irrigation canals could be completed, her population, 
 rapidly increasing with such proposed improvements, will amoun.t 
 to perhaps 100,000,000, in which case the whole cost of the pro- 
 posed scheme, without taking any credit for profits, which, b) that 
 time, would have recouped the amount, will not exceed the rate 
 of £12 ros. per head. 
 
 But though the comi)letion of such a work must be left to 
 the enterprise of succeeding generations, the construction of the 
 main central railway-canal, at a cost of about £3,500,000, is pre- 
 sently practicable, and would prove eminently profitable. Such 
 an undertaking, while affording a quick and safe passage fo 
 passengers, mails, and light merchandise, would save at least six 
 days to Adelaide, seven to Melbourne, eight to Sydney, and nine 
 to Brisbane, as against the time now occupied in proceeding round 
 the western and southern coasts to Adelaide, and thence per train 
 to the other capitals. And, while securing this advantage, it 
 would, at the same time, afford means of irrigating, at the least, 
 10,000,000 of acres in its course. It is no small point in estimat- 
 ing the practicabilit)" and profits of such undertaking, to consider 
 first, that as the Suez Canal now pays dividends of £18 per 
 centum, upon an expenditure of over £20,000,000, the proposed 
 work constructed at a sixth part of such cost must prove very 
 remunerative. It is not assumed that the whole traffic would be 
 secured ; far from that. Heavy goods would still be conveyed by 
 ocean steamers round the coast. But the bulk of the Anglo-Aus- 
 tralian passenger and mail and light goods traffic would doubtless 
 be attracted by it ; and this business, which, large as it is at 
 present, is yet only commencing its development, would ultimately 
 yield very large dividends. When the necessity arises, fast 
 steamshi[)s will run for passengers and mails, fruit, and light goods 
 
Dl) 
 
 r suhsi- 
 ler acre, 
 vhich is 
 m area, 
 ;qual to 
 reciuire 
 
 ity. But 
 scarcely 
 :urred a 
 ful wars, 
 itruction 
 )o miles 
 y within 
 \ustralia 
 
 genera- 
 children 
 is by no 
 ystem of 
 pulation, 
 I amoun.t 
 
 the pro- 
 i, h)' that 
 
 the rate 
 
 »e left to 
 n of the 
 o, is pre- 
 Such 
 sage fo 
 least six 
 and nine 
 ng round 
 jer train 
 mtage, it 
 the least, 
 estimat- 
 consider 
 •J! 8 per 
 proposed 
 ove very 
 rtould be 
 veyed by 
 nglo-Aus- 
 doubtless 
 i it is at 
 jltimately 
 ises, fast 
 Tht goods 
 
 trafific, between some north-western Australian port and the 
 continent of Europe. By such, and the proposed railway-canal, 
 the passage from Adelaide or Melbourne to London will be 
 reduced to at most a twentv-days' trip. 'I'housands will then be 
 travelling for every hundred now. 
 
 But the profits to be realised by the transit of passengers, 
 mails, and light goods, is not, by far, the entire gain which will 
 come of such a work. The rent to be obtained for the supply of 
 water for irrigation purposes to the proprietors of alienated lands 
 along the route of the canal, and the increased rent which will be 
 secured by the (lovernments of the several colonies for public 
 lands so irrigated and let upon lease will yield further large 
 profits. 
 
 Assuming such canal to be only capable of irrigating 
 5,000,000 acres, the charge for such irrigation, or the rent for 
 land so irrigated, assumed at five shillings per acre, a very low 
 rent for irrigated land, would produce the annual rental of 
 £1,250,000, and this sum, after paying interest at say £10 per 
 centum, on say £3,500,000 would recoup the entire capital out- 
 layed in le,..s than four years. 
 
 But it will be urged, and must be admitted, thai such works 
 must take years to complete, and further that so large a quantity of 
 irrigated land could not be leased for many years, even were the 
 system of irrigation already completed. 'I'he answer to these 
 prudential suggestions, for they could hardly rank as objections, 
 is found in the fact that every mile of irrigated land would be 
 capable of earning profiis as soon as comj ^'ted, and there can be 
 no fear that 5,000,000 of irrigated land rinding occupiers, when 
 we consider that with a present population of under 3,000,000, 
 over 7,000,000 of acres are under cultivation upon the continent 
 of Australia. As the population may be expected to double itself, 
 nay, in view of such imi)rovements, to treble itself within the next 
 twenty years ; there need be no fear of the supply of irrigated land 
 exceeding the demand. 
 
 This will manifest itself if we bear in mind the many sources 
 of profit which the irrigation of Central Australia will open up. 
 It will enable large extensions of pastoral pursuits and enormous 
 developments of timber, bark, and fruit culture. 
 
 -:o:- 
 
 9. OF FOREST PLANTING. 
 
 It is sccrrely necessary to dilate upon the importance of 
 forest conservation, save in reference to the proposed system of 
 irrigation. Many, and the writer amongst the number, have, at 
 various times during the past quarter of a century, enlarged upon 
 the folly of permitting the cutting down of valuable timber with 
 
^'7JJ-A("rt/J-J' • '•M'^' 
 
 ■VPffRPillPI 
 
 iS! 
 
 ^il! 
 
 100 
 
 out establishing a forest conservancy and" planting department 
 under ofificials of experience, whose duties would be, not only to 
 take care that the stores of timber, of which all the lands of the 
 Australasian colonies are being constantly denuded, are as con- 
 stantly replaced by a well-organised system of planting, but to 
 introduce valuable timber and other trees from other countries. 
 Upon this point it is a matter of considerable satisfaction to know 
 that South Australia, New South Wales, and Tasmania have each 
 established a department for these purposes. It is scarcely 
 possible to over-estimate the profits which may be secured by 
 forest planting. 
 
 But it is not so much with the conservancy of the timber 
 forests of Australasia, by replacement of what has been destroyed, 
 as with the planting of new forests where none have yet flourished, 
 that these pages have to do. If it be true that he is a great 
 benefactor who makes two blades of grass to grow where l)ut one 
 grew before, it cannot be less true of those, who shall make it 
 part of their duty, to cause plantations of timber, fruit, and all 
 profit giving trees to grow within the present arid plains of Central 
 Australia by means of irrigation. 
 
 Of the physical and climatic advantages, of the pro- 
 posals here advocated, nothing more need be advanced. But 
 of the commercial side of the scheme, of the profits to be made, 
 which is more likely to interest the capitalist, very much remains 
 to be written. 
 
 ■' Materials are not to hand as to the progress which has been 
 made in (lermany, Austria, France and India in forest conser- 
 vancy up to the present time. But an account of the profitable 
 results of the resources derived from the State forests of those 
 countries up to 1871, an early period in their growth, will afford 
 some index to the greater profits which the more matured growths 
 of present times show. 
 
 In Prussia the State forests, out of an area of 6,200,000 
 acres, obtained a total revenue of £2,100,000 giving, it is stated in 
 Government documents, an annual net profit of over £1,000,000, 
 which, it was anticipated, would be largely increased in future 
 years. In Saxony 395,000 acres gave a net profit of £249,000. 
 In Hanover 900,000 acres secured a net profit of over £160,000. 
 In Bavaria 3,000,000 of acres yielded a net profit of £785,000. 
 In Austria 1,576,600 acres yielded to the State a clear profit of 
 £90,000, beyond a farther profit equal to another £50,000 per 
 annum, which are received by persons who have claims beyond 
 those of the State. And France, out of 2,500,000, secured a 
 net annual profit of £1,250,000. Here, then, we find, that these 
 F.uropean nations have made a net annual profit of £3,534,000 
 out of 10,471,000 acres. 
 
 But, beyond what has been accomplished in Europe, State 
 forestry is carried out in India on a most extensive scale, and in 
 
101 
 
 the most scientific manner l)y the large and trained staff attached 
 to the Indian Forest Department. Many thousands of people are 
 employed, and though the detailed results are not availal)le, 
 Government documents show that a large sum is annually netted 
 by the service, the Inspector of forests having recently stated the 
 timber of the eucalyptus is so valuable that at ten years' growth a 
 tree is worth £20. 
 
 Since these large profits can be secured by the State Forestry 
 in Europe and India, will it be doubted that like results can be 
 secured in Australia? and especially in combination with a system 
 of irrigation. A large home consumption for timber trees may 
 always be counted upon in a ^untry, which, as extensive as 
 Europe, has demands for building purposes, which must grow 
 with its own growth. But, beyond this, the mother country, 
 which is estimated to require a yearly supply of timber to the 
 extent of £170,000,000, cannot fail to be a profitable customer. 
 
 But it is not alone to the growing of trees for timber purposes 
 that Australia should confine her efforts in the planting of State 
 forests. While belts of the eucalyptus for health and shade 
 growing purposes, would line the margins of the proposed transit 
 and irrigation canals, plantations of jarrah for its valuable timber,, 
 of cork and wattle for their valuable bark, of the olive for its fruit 
 and oil, of the castilloa elastica for its profitable yield of India 
 rubber, and the protection its shade affords to the cacoa, coffee, 
 tea £»nd spice-bearing shrubs should also be cultivated. If 
 10,000,000 acres of State forests yield a net annual profit of 
 £3,500,000 in Europe, what may not be expected, in course of 
 time, from the establishment of State forests and plantations, 
 within the almost illimitable area of an irrigated Central Aus- 
 tralia. ....„ , ■', .„.:. ; - ,„;., :,.,.,.„,• •,.,,.:. 
 
 -:o:- 
 
 10. OF FRUIT CUI/rURE. 
 
 As to the profits which may be secured by the cultivation of 
 tropical, semi-tropical, and many other more hardy fruits, it will 
 be well to consider that with the facilities wh'ch the proposed 
 central railway-canal, will give for reaching the continent of 
 Europe within twenty days, as before mentioned, a practically 
 unlimited market will be secured. 
 
 If we desire information as to the value of fruit industries, 
 we may seek it with advantage in California. The climateric 
 conditions of that country are very like the central portion of the 
 continent of Australia. A characteristic of the climate of Cali- 
 fornia, is the extreme variability in the amount of rain which falls 
 from year to year. Some years are so dry that the crops ar» 
 
 I 
 
 11 
 
102 
 
 Mi 
 
 '■;'i 
 
 .MS 
 
 !ii( 
 
 almost an entire failure, except where artificial irrigation is 
 practised ; others are so wet that serious inundations occur. The 
 variability is far beyond any recorded variability in Australia. 
 Much of the soil, too, is indifferent. And, yet in the face of 
 cliniateric difficulties, which would seem to be prohibitory to such 
 cultivation, California has developed an enormous employment in 
 the cultivation of fruit, and the manufacture of wines. The 
 progress of the development made, counts from the commencement 
 of facilities for transportation. Before 187 1, le?s than 1,000,000 
 pounds of fresh fruits were sent away ; in 1888 this had extended 
 to nearly 60,000,000 pounds ; the dried fruit industry, which 
 commenced only in 1880, reached, in 1888, a supply of over 
 20,000,000 pounds ; canned fruit rose from a small output to 
 340,000,000 pounds in 1888, and wine has risen from less than 
 half a million of gallons in 1871 to 17,000,000 of gallons in 1888. 
 And all this has been accomplished, in spite of a most unfavorable 
 climate. But this unfavourable condition has been turned by an 
 intelligent adoption to great advantage. The extreme dryness 
 of the climate, is availed of in the case of dried fruit, to facilitate 
 the drying of the same in the sun without the assistance of artificial 
 means : and the water necessary to the growth of the crops is supplied 
 by means of irrigation, and in a manner, be it borne in mind, more 
 perfect than could be well accomplished by the most regular rain- 
 fall. In some cases the needful water is pumped from rivers, in 
 others it is provided from reservoirs, supplied by artesian wells, 
 and in others it is led long distances in open channels or concrete 
 pipes. An inch or an inch and a half pipe is sufficient for the 
 irrigation of 10 acres. This quantity of land, thus watered, is 
 deemed to be sufficient for the support of a family. Authorities 
 state that nowhere else will the same acreage produce such a 
 variety and quantity, as on the irrigated and otherwise barren lands 
 of Southern California. 
 
 But if California has been able to develope such won 
 derful results, what may not Australia accomplish by the like 
 means, with the advantage she possesses in her seasons, which, 
 being the reverse of those P^urope, permit of the sending of fresh 
 fruit to markets, where it will command the highest prices, and 
 where dried and canned fruits and 5'^oung wines for blending and 
 maturing may command an almo?*t unlimited sale. 
 
 What a boundless prospect of profitable labour is here 
 suggested. Millions of money must in time be used, but many 
 great industries will be established and many millions of men 
 must be employed. 
 
 But if millions of money will be needed for the completion 
 of such works, the objection will, doubtless, be raised by some, 
 that the cost is beyond what the colonies could possibly afford. 
 The answer to such an objection is that for want of a system of 
 irrigation the mother colony of New South Wales has already, 
 
1(»;5 
 
 won 
 
 during the droughts which extended over the six years ending 
 1888, sustained losses comprising 1,294,350 head of cattle, and 
 30,245,000 of sheep ; the value of which could not Ije less than 
 ;;^i 2,000,000 sterling. This enormous loss would probably be 
 doubled if the losses sustained by Queensland, S"uth Australia, 
 and Western Australia were counted in. And, yet, these colonies 
 thrive, and continuing to thrive, their herds and flocks will 
 increase, and so, if a system of irrigation he not undertaken, will 
 assuredly incur still larger losses, by the droughts vvhicii will follow 
 in future years. It is not true that the colonies cannot afford the 
 great cost of the proposed system. On the contrary, they cannot 
 afford to do without it. It is a question of providing for the out- 
 lay of five to ten millions by instalments, spread over several 
 years as against submitting to a dead loss from future droughts 
 averaging about ^3,000,000 per annum in perpetuity. On the other 
 hand, if the proposed works be carried out, not only will losses 
 far beyond the cost of such works he saved, r.ut large profits will 
 be made. Who can doubt this when it is known that the rainfall 
 in a good year is enough to provide for the wants of seven years, 
 if the numerous rivers, ana-branches, creeks, lakes, and other 
 natural watercourses and reservoirs are locked or dammed, or 
 otherwise converted into safe receptacles. Who can doubt the 
 wisdom of the proposal when we consider the marvellous results 
 which have followed the sinking of artesian wells in Algeria, at 
 Kerribee, Dunlop, and Mildura, and in some parts of Queensland. 
 Who can doubt that it would pay, and pay well, to float a special 
 loan of even iJ 10,000,000, for the purpose of carrying the entire 
 scheme, hereinbefore suggested into effect, when, in the rearing of 
 stock alone, it would obviously be capable of recouping its total 
 cost in less than ten years, in such mere savings. Taking only the 
 average of past droughts in ten years, the colonies on the Aus- 
 tralian Continent would save at the least ^30,000,000. But to 
 this great saving must fairly be added the profits to be made on 
 the same outlay, by the transit o"- passenge s, mails, and light 
 goods, and the increased rental for irrigated lands. 
 
 -:o:- 
 
 II. OF AN AUSTRALASIAN N.VIIONAL BANK OF IS.SUE. 
 
 One, and not the least one, of the advantages, which will be 
 capable of development as soon as federal union is accomplished, 
 is the establishment of an Australasian Bank of Issue. 
 
 Such a bank, without in any way interfering with the business 
 of other banks, will enable the government of each state, as well 
 as the federal or central government to carry out railways, irriga- 
 tion, and transit-canals, and other public reproductive works with 
 great economy. While the proposed system will, from the first 
 
Wi 
 
 H 
 
 materially increase and ultiniatel) double the power of every 
 future [)ul)lic loan, it will practically reduce the rate of interest 
 thereon hy at least one-third, and when time has matured the 
 scheme and induced confidence, by as much as one-half. And it will 
 do this without diminishing the security of the public creditor. 
 
 'I'he establishment of a National Bank of Issue has been 
 mooted, on many occasions, by able financiers during many past 
 decades, not only for and in (ireat Britain, but also in, and for 
 the benefit of the Australasian colonies. But the subject is one so 
 unintere.sting and inexplicable to the ordinary public, that but 
 few venture to master the arguments in its favour ; and those 
 who have done so are fully aware that it would need a strong 
 power to contend with the opposition of existing institutions. 
 
 Amongst others who have written upon this subject, the 
 author may claim to have placed before the British public, many 
 years since, a plan for a National Bank based upon (iovernment 
 securities, which then very favourably commented upon by the 
 British press, has since been adopted by the (iovernment of the 
 United States of America. 
 
 Amongst other approvals, an eminent financial authorit)- sug- 
 gested, that the plan was well deserving of adoption by the 
 government of a new colony, wherein no vested interests could 
 oppose its establishment. But vested interests are quick of 
 growth, even in the newest of colonies, and so, though the subject 
 has been suggested at various times, first in one colony and then 
 in another, it has remained undeveloped. 
 
 But, as federation not only favours, but almost demands the 
 formation of a National Bank of issue, a renewal of the proposal 
 is here made and on a plan which will not invite opposition, 
 because its operations will avcid ordinary banking business, and 
 be limited to providing a guaranteed note issue, and the facilitation 
 of public works. 
 
 Happily the basis of the proposed system is so simple that it 
 will be unnecessary to encumber its exposition, with financia 
 technicalities. And particularly so, because, while securing for 
 the use of the colonial treasuries the large profits which can be 
 made upon the issue of bank notes, based upon the guarantee of 
 government, as in the case of (lermany, France, Austria, and the 
 United States, it will be free from all the risks which affect ordi- 
 nary banks through the fluctuations of commerce. 
 
 The utility of a National Bank, which can reduce the 
 interest upon the cost of public works must be admitted. The 
 people will only require to be assured that the system possesses 
 the very needful requisite of safety. As to the main point, safety, 
 it is no straining of the truth to assert, that the basis of the pro- 
 posed bank would be sounder than that of the National Bank of 
 Issue of England, France, or Oermany, and even of that of the 
 United States. 
 
lOf) 
 
 The truth of this statement will ai)i)ear U|)on comj)aring the 
 subjoined exposition of the plans upon which the lastly mentioned 
 banks are founded, with that upon which it is proposed to estal)- 
 lish a National Bank of Issue for Australia. 
 
 Shortly stated, the history of the Bank of England is as 
 follows: — In 1694 the government of William and Mary, being in 
 need of money to carry on a war with France, certain promoters 
 founded the bank and lent such government, in what may truly be 
 described as a perpetual loan, the whole of its then capital, 
 £1,200,000, receiving for such aid a charter conferring very 
 valuable privileges. Other loans were afterwards, from time to 
 time, made to the British (lovernment, until they amounted to 
 £11,015,100, for which sum the bank is permitted to issue 
 negotiable notes, which circulate as a legal tender, without gold 
 or indeed any security being held in reserve. It has since been 
 permitted to issue notes for an additional sum of £5,184,900 
 upon securities other than gold or silver. The amount of notes, 
 therefore, which, under the Bank Charter of 1844, is now allowed 
 to be issued by the Bank of England, without bullion being held 
 in reserve against them, is £16,200,000. For all notes above that 
 sum, bullion in the proportion of not less than three-fourths gold 
 to one-fourth silver, must be deposited in exchange. 
 
 Now the amount of the capital, long since advanced by the 
 Bank of England to the British (rovernment, without security or 
 even a guarantee, but practically as the purchase price of its 
 charter, being £11,015,100, it follows that when the notes issued 
 are equal to £22,030,200, the Bank has not, necessarily, according 
 to law, more gold wherewith to meet its notes, if all were pre- 
 sented, than would be equal to ten shillings in the pound sterling. 
 When its note issue amounts to £25,000,000, which is about the 
 usual average of the amount of its note issue, it has not neces- 
 sarily, more bullion than would be equal to about eight shillings 
 in the pound, and when the notes issued amount tc £33,045, 300^ 
 an issue which the demands of commerce has sometimes com- 
 •pelled, it would not, necessarily, at such a moment, have more 
 bullion in its vaults than would suffice to pay one-third of its 
 current note issue. 
 
 But the Bank of France, which is managed jointly by repre- 
 sentatives of the shareholders and the (Government, which shares 
 in the profits, does not, so far as the convertability of its note 
 issue goes, offer a security which is equal to even this extreme 
 condition of the Bank of England. The latest available accounts 
 (1888) show that the Bank of France has a paid-uf) capital of 
 £7,223,958. It had at this time liabilities to the extent of 
 £145,000,000, of which £112,000,000 was represented by its 
 notes, which circulate as freely as gold. Admitting its convertible 
 assets to be equal to all its i:al)ilities, it had, and it usually has, 
 an over-issue of notes in excess of bullion held in reserve, very 
 nearly twice that of the Bank of England. 
 
 Ml 
 
 ; 
 

 n 
 
 i! 
 111! 
 
 106 
 
 This fact does not, however, militate against the soundness of 
 the Bank. It only affects the immediate convertibility of its notes 
 in case of extreme pressure. This large issue of notes is caused 
 mainly by the fact that it is optional with the Bank of France to 
 pay in gold or silver, (lold being usually at a premium, notes 
 offer a more economical means of [)ayment, and are more conve- 
 nient than silver. For these reasons rhere is always a large note 
 issue. The establishment has, however, the confidence of the 
 public, and is the main instrument oi credit in the country. It 
 keeps 99 branches and 112 subsidiary offices in its service, and 
 has more than once supported the French (iovernment by loans 
 in difficult circumstances. Thti Government, which holds a great 
 number of its shares, is, therefore, interested in its preservation, 
 and, when money is unusually scarce, gi/es to its notes, whatever 
 may be the over issue, the value and privileges of coin, by decree- 
 ing, under what is called the "cours force," that they shall be 
 accepted as a legal tender. 
 
 This measure was resorted to during the late Franco-C ierman 
 war, and throughout that period confidence in the Bank of France 
 remained unshaken. This is shown by the fact that though the 
 result of that war compelled the payment of an enormous sum, as 
 indemnity to (Germany, the shares of this Bank always maintained 
 a price which gave a premium of over two hundred per centum. 
 This confidence during so trying a time, wa;; the outcome of the 
 knowledge that the Bank, l)eing semi-national, had the nation at its 
 back ; and that, as there was no limit to the note issue in the 
 discounting of approved trade bills, there was no unreasonable 
 rush for discounts, and consetjuently no panic. 
 
 And the Imperial Bank of (lermany, established since feder- 
 ation, under the superintendence of the (iovernment, which shares 
 m its profits, does not, so far as the convertibility of its note issue 
 goes, offer a secunty equal even to this last example. The latest 
 available accounts (1888) show that it has a paid-up capital and 
 reserves equal to £7,067,800. Against this it had liabilities to the 
 extent of £55,000,000, of which £35,000,000 were in respect of 
 its note issue. Of this issue £1^,500,000 is permitted without 
 cover by bullion. The excess must be covered by (Government 
 securities, or cash, to the extent of one-third, and the balance by 
 approved bills, not hrving more than three months to run. 
 Admitting its convertible assets to be equal to all its liabilities, it 
 had, and it usually has, an over-issue of notes in excess of bullion 
 in reserve, nearly four times that of the Bank of England. 
 
 But this issue does not represent the entire floating currency 
 of (lermany. Besides the Imperial Bank, there are also 32 other 
 banks, which are permitted an over-issue to the further extent of 
 £6,750,000 without cover by bullion, and additional issues if 
 covered by (iovernment securities or cash, to the extent of one- 
 third, and the balance by approved trade bills. 
 
 .^'^ 
 
lo: 
 
 And beyond these issues, the Government, under a law 
 passed in 1874, has the right to issue notes of small amount, to 
 the further extent of £6,000,000. The entire over-issue per- 
 mitted without cover of bullion is therefore £25,250,000 a limit 
 which is very liberal compared with that permitted to the Bank, 
 of England. And the knowledge that under such a liberal 
 system of issue, the discount of good paper t:an al.vajs he 
 obtained, coupled with the fact that the rate ot interest must 
 never exceed £7 per centum, tends to prevent that presj/jr^, which, 
 under a restricted issue, is always intensified during a crisis in 
 England. 
 
 But the banking system of the United States, after passing 
 through many phases, has settled down to the establishment, not 
 of one, but of as many national banks of issue as commerce may 
 demand, and upon a plan whicli merits special approval. 
 
 Under the " National Bank Act of 1864," provision was 
 made by Congress for one uniform national currency, b)' the 
 issue of only one description of bank notes, issued upon and 
 secured by the deposit of United States !)onds, but to the extent 
 of only ninety per centum of their value, excluding any premium 
 value above par, coupled with conditions to prevent the possi- 
 bility of an over-issue. 
 
 There is not, as the title of the American enabling Act 
 seems to indicate, a National Bank of the United States. Under 
 the provisions of the Act, any number of banks may be estab 
 lished in each of the States, and as such and all other banks have 
 since adopted this national system of note issue, they may all be 
 reganled as National Banks, and they are so in the sense, that 
 they are all founded on one national and uniform system of note 
 issue, under which they are each liuiited to the issue only of bank 
 notes, based on Government bonds. 
 
 Concisely quoted, the act provides, that to prevent an over 
 issue of notes, the entire amount shall not exceed £70,800,000 ; 
 that the notes so issued shall not exceed one-third of the paid-up 
 capital of each bank ; that such notes shall always be covered by a 
 deposit of United State Bonds, reckoned, to provide for any 
 possible fluctuations, at only ninety per centum of their market 
 value, but excluding all premium value above par ; that the re- 
 maining two-thirds of the paid-up capital shall be held in reserve 
 in cash ; that if the deposits made with any bank shall exceed two 
 and-a-half times its united capital in guaranteed notes and ca.sh, it 
 shall at once increase its capital ; that should the amount of cash in 
 reserve, fall, at any time, belovv one-fourth of the total amount of 
 its note issue and deposits, the Comptroller of the Currency may 
 call upon the bank so in default, to make good such reserve, and 
 on failure to do so', within thirty days, he may, with the concurrence 
 of the Secretary of the Tieasury, appoint a receiver to wind-up 
 such Bank. 
 
i^ 
 
 108 
 
 The enabling act also provides in the case of any depreciation 
 n thej market value of the deposited United State Bonds, an 
 additional deposit of such bonds must be made to cover the 
 amount of such depreciation ; lat the amount loaned to any 
 corporation, n;m, or person, by any such bank, shall not exceed 
 one-tenth of its paid-up capital ; that monthly, and, if desired, 
 weekly statements of its re^-ources and liabilities shall be made to 
 the Comptroller of Currency, that no bank shall make any loan or 
 discount on the security of its own capital stock ; nor directly or 
 indirectly pledge or hypothecate any of its notes ; nor withdraw 
 or permit to be withdrawn in the form of dividends or otherwise, 
 any portion of its capital ; and that any malfea^'ance of any 
 director or any violation of the provisions of the Bank Act, shall 
 be ground for a winding up, but leaving any participatory director 
 personally liable. 
 
 On the other hand, the Act provides, that all notes no issued 
 shall circulate as money m the United States ; and that thty shall 
 be received in payment of taxes and excises as purchase moneys 
 of public lands, and in discharge of all other dues to the United 
 States, except for duties or imports, and also for all salaries and 
 other debts and demands, owing by the United States to Individuals, 
 Corporations, and Associations, within the United States, except 
 interest on the public debt, and in redemption of the National 
 Currency. It follows, that as no other kind of notes are permitted 
 to circulate as money and as the total amount of the authorised 
 Note issue is far below the total amount of the taxes, excises, 
 receipts for rents, and purchases of lands and other dues, which 
 have to be paid to the United States in each year, the Note 
 issue of the Covernment National Banks of the United States are 
 n ')t likely to depreciate in value. 
 
 In support of the establishment of an Australian National 
 Bank of Issue it is as well to point out, that the profits netted by 
 the (iovernment out of the business of the Bank of France, 
 averages about jjf 700,000 per annum. The share of the profits 
 obtained by the (iovern-nent out of the business of the Imperial 
 Bank of (iermany, although, but recently established, already 
 amounted to about p^8oo,ooo per annum ; besides which such 
 bank makes very considerabte additional profits by the issue of 
 C.overnment Bank Notes, which they have the power to do without 
 cover, as before mentioned. But the commissions paid in respect 
 of the combined issues of the National Bank of the United States, 
 bring very much larger additions to the Federal funds. The 
 (Government, is entitled to receive from each bank, a duty 
 of one per centum, payable half-yearly, upon the average amount 
 of its notes in circulation ; a duty of one-half per centum, payable 
 half-yearly, upon the average amount of its deposits ; and a duty 
 of one-half per centum, payable half-yearly, upon the average 
 amount of its capital stock, beyond the amount inve.' ^ed in United 
 States Bonds under deposit. For many years such isrues averaged 
 
109 
 
 ;;£['65,ooo,ooo ; the paid up Capital, in excess of such note issues 
 amounted to £130,000,000 ; and the " Cash " Deposits averaged 
 above ^£^400,000,000 ; and the commissions and duties at the rate 
 before mentioned, brought an annual average profit to the Public 
 Treasury of ;^3,3oo,ooo. 
 
 Such were the average results for many years ; but the 
 amount of issue, and consequently the amount of commission, 
 are now under a very singular state of circumstances, much 
 reduced. Since the paying off of the bulk of the National Debt 
 of the United States, the need of a ready investment for trust and 
 other funds, has caused United States Bends to rise to such a 
 price, as to make it unprofitable to deposit them as security for 
 notes. The present note issue is therefore now, only half of what 
 it was, and the commission, while such a state of things exists, 
 will be reduced to about ;^ 1,650,000 per annum. 
 
 But there is practically no loss to the ( iovernment, for this 
 diminuation in the note issue, has been made up by the issue of 
 (iovernment Notes payable on demand and gold and silver certi- 
 ficates, upon which notes may be issued, which being u'-ed as 
 money for Ciovernment purposes, saves interest on loans and the 
 present note issue being equal to ;^" 140,000,000, the amount of 
 gains direct and indirect must be larger than before. 
 
 It will be obvious, that the three points which claim especial 
 attention in the estabhshment of a Bank of Issue, are well 
 provided for under the National Bank System of the United 
 States. These points are : — Protection against the possibility of 
 an over-issue of notes ; provision for their ultimate redemption 
 in full, if the necessity should arise ; and the provision of a 
 sufficient amount of bullion in reserve, to meet any probable 
 demands for immediate payment, and beyond these advantages 
 it is shewn that large profits can be netted in aid of National 
 Revenue. 
 
 It is suggested, that upon Federal Union being accomplished, 
 the Federal (Government shall be empowered to authorise the 
 establishment of a National Bank of Issue for Australia, having 
 liranches in the principal cities or towns of each colony or state. 
 The business of the Bank would be : — Firstly, the management 
 at the Central Office of the banking business, relating to the 
 Federal (Government, and the providing of means for the carrying 
 out of all public works, promoted by or in which the Federal or 
 any Local (Government may be concerned, and the issue in aid of 
 such business and works of a special note issue, based upon the 
 security of such works, the Federal Revenue and the moneys 
 borrowed on the debentures issued under the guarantee of all the 
 Federated Communities ; such issue to be so limited that bulllion 
 shall always be retained to an extent, never less than ten shillings 
 in the pound sterling. 
 
 li 
 
no 
 
 That such issue shall be of a special character and distinguish- 
 able from all others, being initiated to meet [)ayment of wages 
 incurred in the i)rosecution of public works, shall be issued in 
 notes of such amount as ma>' be deemed advisable ; one-half or 
 some agreed part being issued for sums of ten shillings each. 
 
 That no commission be chargeable on the issue of such 
 notes, but shall be payable only on presentation for payment in 
 cash. The affect of this arrangement will be to keep such issue 
 in circulation and to check their unreasonable presentment for 
 redemption, by or through ordinary Banks, in preference to their 
 own issues, upon which they would have alread)' paid a commission 
 at the time of issue. 
 
 The other special business of the proposed National Bank 
 would be the providing of a note issue for the service of all 
 ordinary Banks, upon the terms identical with them adoi)ted by 
 the National Banking System of the United States s, a before set 
 forth. 
 
 Upon this issue — the value of each note, being never less 
 than one pound — a commission will be charged at the time of 
 issue and so on year by year. 
 
 Under these arrangements, following those adopted by the 
 National Banks of the United States, all Notes would only be 
 issued on (Government Securities and cash to the extent of one- 
 half or two-thirds as arranged, and while with ordinary care its 
 securities in the shape of discounted bills or other advances, would 
 be as capable of satisfactory realization, as any held by the Banks 
 of England, France, or German}', the several Colonies or States, 
 as the) would under any federal system be doubtless called, 
 while making large profits on such issues would offer also to the 
 holders of their notes, the additional security of unalienated 
 public lands and railwa3's and other public works, of a value, 
 greatly in excess, by many millions, of any probable issue. 
 
 :o: 
 
 12. OF BRITISH AND IMPERIAL FEDERATION. 
 
 Up to this stage, the present work has been limited to 
 observations upon the method and effects of Federal Union, as in 
 force elsewhere, with the view of ascertaining the best method to 
 be adopted, in effecting Federation between the Colonies them- 
 selves. Another point to be now considered, is the effect of the 
 Federal Union of the Australian Dominions, upon the relations 
 between them and the Mother Country. 
 
 This is a phase of the question, which does not present 
 itself in the Federation of the Swiss, or of the Uuited States of 
 
in 
 
 America, or of the kingdom, principalities, and republics of 
 Germany. Possessing no self-governing colonies, these countries 
 have made no provision in their federal constitutions for a condi- 
 tion of things, which, as yet, has no existence. Of these federated 
 countries Germany is the only one which is making efforts for the 
 establishment of colonies upon a basis much beyond that of 
 military occupation. It is, therefore, idle to specuh ^ upon what 
 course she may adopt between her own federal government and 
 her colonies, when established to a sufficient extent. But looking 
 for evidence in the past, though she has recently taken steps 
 towards affording her colonies some representation in her Imperial 
 Federal Council, we may be pretty sure that no other country, not 
 even Germany herself, nor France, nor Italy, m\\ ever grant to 
 their colonies those tree and independent powers of self rule which 
 Britain has given to her own. We may, therefore, expect that 
 no foreign colonies will ever advance beyond the condition of 
 Crown colonies of the severest type. 
 
 But not so with Britain. The secret of her success in 
 colonisation is, that even to her Crown colonies she has given a 
 measure of self-government, little inferior to that perfect S3'stem of 
 responsible and virtually independent sov^regi ty, which the 
 Australian colonies enjoy. Under these liberal powers conflicts 
 between the mother-country and her colonics have been very 
 unfrequent, and federation will do much to prevent them 
 altogether. And with complete success, if, besides self-rule upon 
 local matters, the colonies are permitted to have also a voice in the 
 Imperial Council and Parliament in the settlement of all national 
 questions. 
 
 Those, therefore, of the British Press, and others, who write 
 sometimes so freely about the necessity of providing for the pro- 
 tection of Imperial interests, do so, because they have not yet 
 grasped the important f;?,ct that the colonies, to which Britain has 
 granted responsible government, are happily as independent of 
 interference by that great Mother of Nations, as she is herself 
 from the interference of her continental neighbours. British or 
 Imperial interests cannot have any separate or antagonistic 
 operation against those of her colonies. They are, in /act, 
 identical, and limited as they are to commercial dealings, and in 
 times of trouble to acts of mutual assistance, no reason can exist 
 for any such provision . Let but the colonies take care in any 
 system of federation, to protect themselves from the evils which 
 might arise, from the grant of too much power to their central 
 governments, ana they will have nothing to fear from Imperial or 
 British rule. The Imperial authority must, however, be retained 
 in the case of any necessity to amend the federal constitution by 
 appeal to the British Parliament, and in the case of any disputes 
 upon federal matters, which *' The Supreme Court of Appeal of 
 Australasia " cannot settle with satisfaction, to the Privy Council 
 of England. 
 
112 
 
 ill 
 •1 
 
 But while Imperial interests will re(iuire no extension of 
 power under federal conditions, it is not so with Australian 
 interests. Shut out, hitherto, from any actual participation in the 
 councils of the Empire, each colony, or, at least, e<ich federal 
 union will reasonably require to be heard in matters relating to 
 war or other national questions affecting their special interests. 
 How this shall be brought about, whether by representation in the 
 Privy Council of the Sovereign, or in the British Parliament, or in 
 both or in a new Imperial Council, or partly in one and partly in the 
 other of such methods, is a matter to be considered and arranged. 
 Nothing is, however, more certain than that the Australians will 
 never be satisfied with that mere amalgamation, miscalled "federa- 
 tion," under which the Canadian colonies are now associated, nor 
 witb that mere shadow of British or Imperial Union which, in such 
 instance, exists only in name. 
 
 But while nothing less than actual represen ation, in the 
 councils ot the nation, will satisfy the aspirations of loyal Aus- 
 traHans— because they feel that any other form of federation will, 
 sooner or later, lead to separation — tliey will not be found pressing 
 for an undue share of representation. They will remember with 
 gratitude that their Queen has sent good and able men as her 
 vice-regents, who, in returning to their seats in the Houses of 
 Lonls or Commons of England, will prove capable and willing 
 representatives of Australian interests. And especially will they 
 remember one who, in the able discharge of his onerous duties, 
 has made the name of Carrington beloved throughout Australia. 
 And confidently do they, with much faith, knowing how com- 
 pletely he is in touch witli the capabilities and necessities of Aus- 
 tralia, hoi)e to find him leading the question of federation in the 
 councils of the nation, and returning at no distant date to receive 
 the hearty welcome of the people as Governor-General of 
 Australasia. 
 
 But it remains to consider how any system of British Feder- 
 ation can be best brought about. The opinion has been broadly 
 circulated that Colonial Federation must precede Imperial. This 
 is one of those statements wiiich, freely made, without full con- 
 sideration, is received and adopted as a positive and unchallenge- 
 able fact. Such idea, though possibly the better plan, is never- 
 theless not absolutely necessary. It might with as much, and, 
 perhaps, more reason, be contended that the separate federation 
 of separate colonies with the mother country would be a better 
 introduction to the federal union of contiguous colonies. British 
 or Imperial union is not, necessarily, connected with colonial 
 federal union, though, doubtless, one condition is the natural 
 outcome of the other. 
 
 There are many colonies so situated that they can never 
 form part of any group. Are they to be precluded from the 
 benefits of federation ? Let us hope not. No one would deny 
 
113 
 
 «ritr'''''i^''^ ''^''" ^"•'''"^^ ^^'' defence or other purposes between 
 Britain and any number of forei^m nation.. Why then should 
 her many colonies too far removed from any others^o beVouped 
 
 are cInSe of ''•'"'■'' fT "^"^^^^^^ '^^'^^ foreign 'nadons 
 are capable of enjoymg ? It may be contended that such an 
 
 union IS unnecessary, because Britain is bound to protect them 
 
 But he union contended for, would go far beyond such meTe 
 
 moral obligation of protection. It would be assLed as a Hght 
 
 Imneri^rrn""' ^r h'?' ?-^°'^^"S representation in a British o 
 Imperial Council and Parliament, in return for submission to an 
 
 or Kntish Federation is impossible upon any terms which would 
 long endure, without representation in the councils of the nallon 
 
 mi^h7nn^^h'i^'''''°" °^'"^ '"°'^'' ''''""^^y ^"d ^^Pa^ate colonies 
 might not be as complete or as workable as one with groups of 
 colonies having central executives to deal with. But it wouM 
 give all that Imperial union can alone give, the means of a prompt 
 and common defence in the case of war. And while it m ght Tn 
 so doing, afford all that is perhaps absolutely needed at the 
 moment without disturbance of present interests, or re-adjust 
 ment of territories, it would quickly lead to complete federal 
 union of those naturally associated together. 
 
 if th/V^.!T? ^^'^" ^'''^'''''^^ ^^'^ ^^^^^' P^'^g'-^^^ ^^o"ld be made 
 It the British Parhament were to move in the matter alone by 
 
 passing an act, enabling any of her colonies to enter into a closer 
 union with the mother country upon the terms suggested, than bv 
 waiting for the prior federation of groups of her colonies! There 
 IS no reason, however, why one should wait for the other. And 
 hrst or last, such an enabling act will be needed ; for no federal 
 union can be regarded as complete which, accepting groups of 
 colonies, leaves isolated possessions without equal rights of repre- 
 sentation and protection. ^ ^ i^yic 
 
 In furtherance of this suggestion that it would be well for the 
 Imperial Parliament to move at once in the matter, an outline of 
 fn .«A T^';^."J.'0" submitted to the Secretary for the Colonies 
 in 1861, and which, it is thought would meet the approval of those 
 concerned, is here inserted on following page :- 
 
 ii 
 
T 
 
 i 
 
 t 
 
 I 
 
 114 
 
 THK PROPOSED OUTLINE OF 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE FEDERAL UNION. 
 
 CONSTLTUTrON.— The Queen in command of all forces Naval, Military 
 and Militiii in time of peace, and by hti- appointed representative in active 
 comman<l in time of war. 
 
 EXECUTIVE.— The Queen-inCouncil (in which each Colony or group of 
 Colonics should he represented) empowered to — 
 
 To enter into l-'oreign Treaties ami Alliances. 
 
 - To Declare War or Proclaim Peace. 
 
 To Make Keiiuisitions on each flolony or (!roup svitliin certain fixed limits agreed 
 to and imposed by the Parliament of any colony or group of federated colonies, 
 to discharge such agreeil proportions of such cost of such Cleneral Defences, 
 as have lieen supplied by the Impi.-rial (lovernment, under agreement with such 
 colonies. 
 
 To hx and niter any seat of a Federal Ciovernment. 
 
 To veto the .Acts of any Federal I'arliament, or of any L'nfederated Colony, j-as.-ed 
 in violation of current Imperial Law, as to Marriage or Divorce, and other 
 agreed subjects. 
 
 To appoint Governors-in-Cicneral and Ciovernors. 
 
 To settle Federal Disputes by final appeal to the Privy Council. ' 
 
 LEGISLATIVE POWfiliS.— The Quren and the Honses of Lords and Commons 
 of i'lnglaiid, in wliicli cacli colony shunld be represented. 
 
 To Regulate C'oinage and Currency. 
 
 lo consider and confirm any proposed amcnilments or modihoations of any Federal. 
 Constitution, which may have been initiated in any Federal Parliarnent. 
 
 To regulate the terms upon which representations may be had by any Colony or 
 droup 'f (;olonies in the British Parliament. 
 
 To leglsla e in respect all other matters- within the ordinary powers of the British 
 Parliament. 
 
 v<;. As the laws of Australia, and, indeed, of most communities 
 of British origin, follow very closely those passed session alter 
 session by the British Parliament, it would be very advanta.ueous 
 to have them considered I'rom colonial points of view Jrom their 
 initiatory stage. This is another strong point in favour of colonial 
 representation in the British Parliament. 
 
 And what would be the needful limit of taxation for British 
 federal purposes? The cost woaid be inconsiderable. It should 
 be regarded as a premium for assuring the trade of the British 
 peoples, the integrity of the British dominions, and the blessings 
 of peace. The required tax would be but a small premium for 
 such grand results. Assuming the peoples of the British Empire 
 to number 250,000,000, the rate of one penny per head would 
 give an annual income of over £1,000,000, But confining the 
 enquiry to Australia, a self-imposed taxation in aid of British 
 Federation of threepence per head would yield over £60,000, 
 more than would be sufficient to protect her trade and her enormous 
 coast line, which, tar in excess of that of Europe, is her present 
 great weakness. And be it remembered, future settlements will 
 quickly reduce even this small rate to an infinitesimal charge. 
 Is iliere no statesman with ability enough to take up this great 
 question and weld together all the British nations ? The task is 
 a noble one and by no means difficult, if handled with due con- 
 sideration for the rights of all jiarties to such an union. 
 

 mpire 
 ould 
 g the 
 Iritish 
 ,000, 
 mous 
 esent 
 will 
 large, 
 great 
 sk is 
 con- 
 
 115 
 
 Under the arrangements outlined in the foregoing skeleton 
 draft of a British Empire Federal ("onstitution, any number of 
 separate colonies, or groups of colonies, or other possessions, may 
 federate as to defence and other matters of purely national interest, 
 while preserving to themselves their several sovereign rights of 
 self-government in respect of local affairs. Under this plan, an 
 union of all English-speaking countries — the United States not 
 even excepted — would lie perfectly practicable, and without 
 abating one jot ot their separate rights. One great good which 
 would come of such an extended federation would be the accom- 
 plishment of a much to be desired purpose, the freeir? of all the 
 countries joining in such an alliance from the horrors and waste 
 of war. A federal union of nations for the enforcement of peace 
 is not impracticable. Vll federations, however limited, must tend 
 towards that purpose ; and the time is fast approaching when the 
 English-speaking races in Europe, Asia, Africa, America, and 
 Australia, will be sufficiently powerful, without foreign allies, to 
 realize the condition of that happy age when " Swords shall be 
 turned into ploughshares," and the peace of the world be no 
 more disturbed. Yet, without such a powerful union, towards 
 which the federation of the Australian dominions is a great 
 advancement, let no one, while the great civilized powers of the 
 world are armed at all points, and spending the prodigious sum 
 of £150,000,000 in each year, upon men and war materials, be 
 deluded into vainly waiting the day when 
 
 " The drum shall beat uo longer 
 And the battle flags be furled." 
 
 Rather let us, with wholesome prudence, expecting that some 
 ill-considered action or some purposely-assumed wrong will give 
 real or pretended cause to some reckless agressor to "Cry Havoc ! 
 and let slip the dogs of war " — take prompt means, as best we 
 may, to protect our country and our lives. Of all the British 
 possessions, none will be more exposed to the onslaught of her 
 enemies than Australia. At once the richest and the most 
 valuable of her possessions, she will excite the cupidity and invite 
 the direct hostility of the foe. All men who study the question 
 are agreed that the time has gone by for a war of long duration. 
 There will be no " seven years war," in which those caught 
 unprepared may find time to recruit and save their fortunes. 
 The war of the future may not be counted by as many weeks, or 
 even by as many days. An unexpected shot may be the first 
 declaration of the next war. It is more likely to be fired at 
 Britain through Australia than otherwise. And should it find 
 Australia unprepared by federation for resistence — mere talkers 
 and not doers - what prizes she will offer to share amongst a 
 combination of foes, and what horrors will be suffered by the 
 vanquished. Doubtless, if the conditions of tht- war of the future 
 would give us note of preparation, as in days gone by, the first 
 
116 
 
 great scare would bring about federation in a hurried and bungled 
 way. It is with nations, as with men, to be well prepared — to 
 be known to be capable of resistance — is the only sure means of 
 avoiding attack. Let us then wisely prepare in no imperfect or 
 unsatisfactory manner and without delay. Let us hope for, and 
 aid, as much as lies in our power, the bringing about of a well 
 considered scheme of Colonial federation, which, not despoiling us 
 of our rights of self-government in local matters, will with an 
 equally well-devised scheme of British Federation, enable us to 
 hold our own against any combination of foes, and to take high 
 rank in the greatest union of nations which the world has ever 
 known. 
 
 Oslder, Bowdto, k Co., Frintere, Hobart and Zeehau. 
 
WORKS BY THE SAME AUTHOR. 
 
 BANKING BASED ON GOVERNMENT SECUlilTIES. 
 
 * *. * ."^" eminently safe syHtem but more particularly adapted to a new 
 commumty, m which no ve.steil intereats exist to oppose its introduction."— TAc 'I'ima. 
 
 * » * u ^ able epitome of the business of banking, with suggestions in favour 
 ot consols as the basis of the note issues and investments of a bank, which is worthy of 
 attention, —i^ai/i/ News. 
 
 * * I A,!^" ^^''^ epitome of the history and practice of banking. ♦ * * « 
 
 Mr. Cansdell is evideutly master of the subject."— Z>(uV// Teliyraph. 
 
 t, *.* u-v."'^" *'''*; panii)hlet. * » * The subject is debated with much 
 tinancial ability. * * should find favour in the constitution of some new and 
 
 independent conntry."— Economist 
 
 * * * " An exceeding well written expoHiti(m of the science of banking', with 
 suggestions as to the issue of notes upon Governinont securities only, and as to dis- 
 counting without recourse to the last holder, which aro well deserving consideration." 
 —Oity Press. " 
 
 *...* * '* 'I'lie primary aim of the writer is co show that by adopting Government 
 Beounties as the basis of the n.)te issues of a Bank not only will un<iue.sti.)nable safety 
 be secured, but a large profit obtained. Mr, (Jansdell supports hia views with most 
 cogent arguments."— Xwi/iort Mercantile Journal. 
 
 A NEW METHOD of PEOVIDINO FOR SUPERANNUATION. 
 
 An Address to the Members of the Imperial, Indian and 
 Colonial !Service.s and otliers. 
 
 * * * "A skilful adoption of Annuity and Endowment Assurances to the 
 practical settlement of the very important question of Superannuation. * * * 
 At should be read with great interest by all members of the Public Service."- Dailii 
 Tdegraph. 
 
 "A very clever, and taking little treatise to which we can with pleasure 
 refer our readers as having considerably enlightened us on the validity of the scheme."— 
 London Mercantile Journal. 
 
 * * ^" This plan we must confess, completely staggered us when we first looked 
 +1 ^'* • u \ * ^^ ^^^' *^'*^'"*'1*'^1 had been a new hand in the business of insurance, 
 there might be some grounds for viewing hia project with suspicion, but regarding his 
 experience we feel that his views upon this subject are entitled to attentive considera* 
 tion." —Chronicle. 
 
 * *' A very able and interesting pamphlet, heralding an entirely new and 
 startling method of endowment assurances combined with deferred annuities. * * * 
 It IS impossible not to pronounce it a most ingenious adaptation of the very facile prin- 
 ciple of assurance."— jReporfe?'. 
 
 [The foregoiwj " Opinions of the Press" cited above, and in the inside of the front paye 
 of the cover, are in all instances mere extracts, from long, and in some cases exhaustive 
 Reviews, hut space loill not permit of longer quotations nor of the insertion of numei'oiM 
 other approvals by some of the British, Indian and Colonial Press.] 
 
(OLONIAL &5f^ITISH 
 
 
 ^ (2' 3t uart- (an sdell 
 
 Bairlsterat Law Sic.ckc. 
 
 1891. 
 
 Price -Two Shillings 
 
SH 
 
 7 
 
 
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