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Whenever possible, these have been omitted from filming/ II se peut que certaines pages blanches ajout \ SPEECH. •^■ji Me. Chairman, Had the Government brought this question here, my Hon. Friend from Londonderry might have charged upon us the selection of an inappro- priate season, or disregard of the pressure and strain of public business already tasking the industry of this Assembly. But, Sir, this resolution has been brought here by the Hon, and learned leader of the Opposition, and we are challenged to discuss it. Perhaps if we had introduced the measure, it might not have been met in the spirit which I trust we shall display. One half of the House might have fancied that some sinister design lurked within the Resolution, and the supposed interests of party might have combined them against it. But I desire to treat the learned leader of the Opposition with more courtesy — the resolution with the con- sideration it deserves ; and I trust that the day is yet far distant in Nova Scotia, when questions of transcendant importance will be entangled in the meshes of party, or fail to challenge, no matter whence they emanate, earnest and thoughtful inves- tigation in this Assembly. Sir, I differ with my Hon. Friend from Londonderry, and with all those 6 i '■ w ho are disposed to treat this subject lightly. Como from whose hand it may, the resolution before the committee opens up for discussion the broadest field, the noblest subject, ever presented to the consideration of this Le^islnture. A day, or even a week, may be well spent upon such a theme. If, Sir, such topics were oftener presented here, our ideas Avould expand beyond the charmed, it may be, but the contracted circle of party dispu- tations ; our debates would assume a hig'hcjf tone, and the hopes and aspirations of our people, clustering* around their firesides, would point to interests more enduring-, than even the result of half our con- troversies, some poorl}^ paid office, or paltry Pro- vincial distinction. Sir, I reg-ret not the time which this question Avill engToss, but my inability to do it justice. — ■ When the Prophets and Orators of old were about to discourse of the destinies of nations, they retired to the mountains, or by the streams, to meditate — they communed, hi the abundance of their leisure, with God above, and caug'ht their inspiration alike from the trnnquillit}^ which enabled them to penetrate the dispensations of His Providence, as from the phenomena of nature all around them, and which ting-ed with benuty the " thoug'hts that breathe, and words thnt burn," which have come streaming* down, like lines of light, even to the present hour. They were often untrammelled by duily duties, and human obligations. Borne down •:l it by official labour and responsibilities of various kinds, I feel that for me, at least, the occasion of this dis- cussion is inauspicious. Believe me. Sir, that my obligations to my Sovereig-n as her sworn Councillor — to the head of the Government, as his constitu- tional adviser, and to the Party with which I act, press heavily upon me. But yet, rising* with the mag-nitude of this great theme, I shall endeavour to catch its inspiration, remembering" only that I am a Nova Scotian — the son of a Loyalist — a North American— a true subject of the Queen, but one whose alleg-iance, to be perfect, must include every attribute of manhood, every privilege of the Empire. Sir, I wish that my leisure had been greater, that I might have brought before you the ripened fruits of meditation, the illustrative stores of history which research only can accumulate. In no vain spirit do I wish also that the sentiments which I am about to utter might be heard and pondered, not only as they will be by those who inhabit half this Continent, but by members of the British Parliament, by Imperial Statesmen — by the Coun- cillors who stand around, and b} the gracious Sovereign who sits upon the throne. Perhaps, this may not be. Yet I believe that the day is not distant, when our sons, standing in our places, trained in the enjoyment of public liberty, by those who have gone before them, and compelled to be Statesmen; by the throbbing of their British blood. 8 uiid by the necessities of their position, "vvill be lieard across the Atlantic, and will utter to each other, and to all the world, sentiments, a\ hicli to day, Mr. Chairman, may fall with an air of novelty upon your ear. I am not sure, Sir, that even out of this discussion may not arise a spirit of union and eleva- tion of thought that may lead North America to cast aside her Colonial habiUments, to put on National aspects, to ussert National claims, and prepare to assume National obligations. Come what ma}', I do not hesitate to express the hope that, from this day, she will aspire to consolidation as an integral portion of the Eealm of England, or assert her claims to a National existence. Sir, the first question which we men of the North must put to ourselves, is— Have we a territory broad enough of which to make a Nation ? At the risk of travelling over some of the ground trodden yesterday by the learned member for Annapolis, I think it can be shewn that we have. Beneath, around and behind us, stretching awa}' from the Atlantic to the Pacific, are 4,000,000 square miles of territor}'. All Europe, with its family of nations, contains but 3,708,000, or 292,000 miles less. The United States include 8,J380,572 square miles, or 709^128 less than British America. Sir, I often smile, when I hear some vain-glorious Republican (jxclaimino- : " No i)cnt-up T'tica contracts our powers, Till' whole uiibouudod Continent is ours," Ibrg'etting* that the lurg-est portion does not helong- to him at all, hut to us, the men of the North, whose descendants 'vvill control its destinies for ever. Sir, the whole g-lobe contains but 37,000,000 square miles. We, North Americans, living' under the British flag*, have one-ninth of the whole, and this oug-ht to g-ive us "ample room and verge enoug-h" for the accommodation and support of a countless population. It is true, that all this territory is not yet politically org-anized, Ijut Canada includes New Brunswick Nova Scotia Prince Edward Island Newfoundland 400,000 square miles, 28,000 19,000 2,000 37,000 Making" in all 480,000 square miles, which have settled land marks, and are controlled by Provincial Leg'islation. Throwing* out of consi- deration the unorganized territory behind, let me shew you by comparison w^hat the rest includes. The g-reat province of Canada is equal in size to Great Britain, France and Prussia. Charmed by her Classic recollections, how apt are we to mag-nify everything' in the old world, and to imagine that Providence has been kind to her alone. Yet the noble St. Lawrence is equal in proportions to the Nile — the g-reat granary of the East, which, from the days of the patriarchs, has fed millions with its produce. Ttiko the Italian's Po, the Frenchman's Rhone, the 10 Englishman's Thames, the German's Rhine, and the Spaniard's Tagus, and roll them all into one channel, and you then only have a stream equal to the St. Lawrence. The great lakes of Canada are larger in volume than the Caspian Sea, and the gulf of St. Lawrence, (with which we are so famihar that we forget what it is) contains a surface of 100,000 square miles, and is as large as the Black Sea, on which the proud fleets of four hostile nations may at this very moment be engaged. Accustomed to think and feel as Colonists, it is diflicult for us to imagine that the Baltic, illustrated by Nelson's achievements and Campbell's verse, is not something diiferent from the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and yet it is not. Its dimen- sions are about the same ; its climate rigorous j '^s coasts originally sterile, and the sea kings and warriors who came out of it, made of no better stuff than are the men who shoot seals on the ice flakes of Newfoundland, till farms en the green hills of Pictou, or fell trees in the forests of New Brunswick. But, Sir, let us confine our attention for a few moments to the maritime provinces alone. Of these yourarely hear iu the mother country. If an English- man thinks of North America at all, he divides it between Canada and the United States. Except in some sets and circles, chiefly mercantile, you 7"arely hear of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, or Newfoundland. The learned member for Annapolis truly described the Colonial condition when ho stated, that in the estimation of 11 0-; 1 I? our fellow subjects at home, a Colonist is nothing-. But, with God's blessing*, we will wipe away the invidious distinction. The maritime provinces alone cover 86,000 square miles of territory. They are half as larg"e ag-ain as England andScotland together. They are as larg-e as Holland, Greece, Belgium, Portugal and Switzerland all put together. New Brunswick alone is as large as the kingdom of Sardinia, and even Nova Scotia is larger than Switzerland. Mr. Chairman, I listened with genuine pleasure to the member for Annapolis, when he spoke, as he did yesterday, of the resources of Nova Scotia. I do not so listen to him when, misguided by passion, he disparages his country that he may have a fling- at its government. I have snid that Nova Scotia is as large as Switzerland, a country which has maintained its freedom for ages, surrounded by European despotisms. If it be answered that Switzerland owes her national existence to her in- accessible mountains, then I say that Nova Scotia is as large as Holland, which, aa ith a level surface, did the same. The Hollanders, who almost won from the sea a country no liirger than ours, defied the whole power of the Spanish monarchy, swept the British channel with their brooms, nnd, for a centur}', monopolized the rich commerce of the Eastern Islands which they had subdued by their enterprise and valour. Our country is as large as theirs, and let us not be told 18 then til at we are getting* on stilts^ when we either point to the resources which past industr}'^ has but imperfectly developed, or foreshadow that future which looms before us, so full of hope and promise. Why, Sir, even little Prince Edward Island is larger than all the Ionian Islands put together, and yet they are moi'e thought of by European Diplomatists than are our Provinces, only because they sometimes indulge themselves in the dignity of insurrection. But, it may be said, what is extent of territory if it be a howling wilderness ? If you have not the population, you can aspire to no national existence. Let us see, Sir, if we have not men enoug'h to assert and to maintain any status to which we may aspire. Canada contains 1,842,264 inhabitants New Brunswick 200,000 Nova Scotia 300,000 Newfoundland 100,000 Prince Edward Island 75,000 *?? i 2,517,204 Yet, after all, it may be retorted, what are two millions and a half of people ? Not man}^, indeed, but every thing must be tested by comparison. What have two millions and a half of people done? That is the question. Take Scotland for example. She has but 2,020,000 now. Yet will any man assert, that if Scotland desired a distinct national existence, if the old Lion which " Punch'' affects to lauo'h at were really angry, that Scotsmen would liesi- i 'I 1* 13 *?:? ^ ■i- tate to unfurl the old flag", and draw the broad claymore ? True it is, that Scotland has not her separate Leg-islature, but she has what we have not, and to this point I shall shortly turn the attention of the Committee, her fifty-three members to represent her interests in the Imperial Parliament. British America, with an equal population, has not one Turn to our own continent, and, by way of examplej take the State of Ohio. She has but a million and a half of people, yet she has not only her State Legislature and government as we have, but sends nineteen members to the National Congress. She is a sovereign State, but she forms a part of a great confederacy, and her nineteen members guard her interests in the discussions which touch the whole, as ours are not guarded in the great Council of the Empire of which we form a part. Will North Americans long be satisfied with less than every State of the Union claims ? Turning again to Europe, we find Saxony, that centuries ago gave conquerors and Kings to England, has but 1,757,000 inhabitants. — Wirtemberg-, with about the same population, is a kingdom, with its European Potentate at its head — its Court, its standing army, its foreign alliances. Denmark, which also gave Kings and ravagers to England, and has maintained her national position from the days of Canute to our own, has but 2,212,074 inhabi- tants. Yet her Court is respected, her alliance ■^ 14 courted ; she maintains a peace establishment of 25,000 men which is raised to 75;000 in time of war. Look at Greece : " The Isles of Greece — the Isles of Greece, Where burning Sappho loved and sung." Greece that broke the power of Xerxes, and for arts, arms, oratory, poetry and civilization, stands pre- eminent among" ancient states. Greece, at this moment, has her King", who reig'ns over but 936,000 subjects. But, Sir, does extent of territory make a nation ? Never. Numbers of people ? No. What then? The spirit which animates — the discipline that renders them invincible. There were but 300 men at the Pass of Thermopylfe ; yet they stopped an army, and their glory streams down the png'e of history, while millions of slaves have lived and died and are forgotten. Glance at Portug-al ; she numbers less than three and a half millions (3,412,000), and yet, when she had a much smaller population, her mariners explored the African coast ; found their way round the stormy Cape, and founded in the East a political and relig'ious ascendancy which lasted for a hundred years. We, North Americans, sit down and read the exploits of Gus- tavus Yasa, or of Charles the Twelfth of Sweden. We wonder at the prowess of those Norman adven- turers who carved out kingdoms with their conquering' swords, and founded d^'nasties in France, Italy, and Eng-land. Yet we are apt to forget that Sweden and Norway together have but 4,300,000 souls, and ^<^ ig 15 •ft i that the ming-led blood of the Scandinavian and the Saxon courses throug-h our veins. The men who are feUing* pine trees upon the Saguenay, or catching* fish in our Baltic, would make g-ood sea-king's to- morrow, if plunder and not commerce were the order of the day. Let us, in heaven's name, then, throw aside our stupid devotion to historic contemplation, and look the realities of our own position fairly in the face. Sir, I have spoken of Switzerland, hut I forg'ot one striking" fact ; that with a population less than that of British America at this moment, she has not only maintained her nationalt}^, but has sent armed warriors to fight the battles of half the States of Europe. Let me now turn your attention to South America. Here we find a cluster of States, certainly not more intellig-ent or more deserving*, but all challenging", and enjoying" a higher status than our own. Let us g"roup them : Venezuela 1,000,000 people New Granada 1,078,000 Equador 000,000 Peru 1,878,000 Bolivia 1,700,000 Chili 1,200,000 Buenos Ayres 075,000 Some of these countries are, in education and political knowledge, beneath contempt, not one of them contains two millions of people, yet all of them 16 not only mniing'e or mismanage their internal affairs, but form alliances, exchange diplomatic representa- tives, and control their foreign relations. Is there a British Statesmen, then, with a head on his shoulders, who, looking at what North America is, and must become, but must feel the necessity for binding her to the empire by some enlightened pro- vision for the protection of her material interests, for the gratification of her legitimate ambition ? Sir, a country must have resources as well as breadth of soil. Are we destitute of these ? I think not. Between the extremes of cold and heat lies a broad region peculiarly adapted for the growth of wheat. About half of this, the peninsula formed by the great lakes, belongs to Canada. The soil of Lower Canada, of New Brunswick, and of Prince Edward's Island, if less fertile, is still productive. Boundless forests supply us with materials for ships, and with an inexhaustible export. Are there no mineral resources ? I believe that the riches of the copper mines of Lake Superior have scarcely yet been dreamed of. We know that, in the Lower Provinces^ we have iron and coal in abundance. I have spoken of the St. Lawrence, but have we no other navigable rivers ? What shall we say of the noble Ottawa, the beautiful Richelieu, the deep Saguenay ? what of the broad Miramichi, of the lovely St. John? Nova Scotia, being nearly an island, has no mighty rivers, but she has what is better than them all — open harbours throughout the I 4 17 year. She has old ocean wrapping' her round with loving' embracenients, drawing* down from every creek, and cove, and harbour, her children to share the treasures of an exhaustless fishery, or to carry commodities across his bosom. Thoug'h not lar^e, how beautiful and diversified are the lakes and streams which everyw here glad the eye, and g'ive to our country water carriage and water pow er in every section of the interior. Already Nova Scotia has shewn what she can draw from a soil of g-enerous fertility, what she can do upon the sea. Sir, I am not a prophet, nor the son of a prophet, and my head will be cold long* before my prediction is verified. But I know that the day must come when Nova Scotia, small as she is, will maintain half a million of men upon the sea. Already' is she becoming* remarked and remarkable for her enterprise. Taking* her tonnage, and a])pl3'ing to all the other Provinces her ratio of increase since 1846, they collec- tively own 6139 vessels, measuring 453,000 tons. We are perpetually told of the progress made by the Great Republic, and the learned member for Anna- polis ascribes all their prosperity to their union. But the North American provinces have not been united, and yet they own as much tonnage as the fifteen of the United S*:ates which I am about to name. I take North and South CaroHna, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Texas, Tennesse, Kentucky, Missouri, Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, Oregon, and B 18 Ciiliforiiia ; and, altog-ether, they own only 453,940 tons of shipping", or but 940 tons more than the five Nortli Amerian provinces which have no union — no national existence — no control over their foreig'u relations -no representation in the national councils of the empire to which they belong*. I may be told thnt some of these States raise more corn, cotton, or tobncco. or have more manufactures than we have. I ("ire not for these. Since the world began, the nation that had the mostships,had the most influence. Maritime countries ever take the lead in freedom, in connnerce, in wealth, and true civilizntion. Sir, let not the member for Annapohs, while he directs our attention to hig-her objects, fail to see in the maritime position which his country h;is achieved, unmistakeable evidence of her energy and enter- prize. And let it ever be borne in mind that the United States wei'e a century in advance of us in point of time, and that they canie into possession of all the property that the loyalists left behind them. But, Sir, take the combined tonnage of North America, and you will find that it equals that of Holland, Belgium, and the two Sicilies, three of the maritime powers of Europe. Who then will say that we have not a mercantile marine wherewith to endow a nation ? Scotland maintains upon the Clyde the g-reatest manufiictory of ships in the world. Vessels g-lide up and down that beautiful stream like swallows round a barn. Scarcely a moment passes, but i 'ft- m 19 richly laden vessels arrive or depart with domestic manufactures or the products of foreig-n climes. Go into the factories where the mig-hty engines for her steamers are wroug-ht and the noise of the fabled Cyclops' cave is reahsed. The roar of the waters behind Niag-ara Falls is scarcely more incessant or more deafening*. And yet, Sir, the tonnage of Scotland is only a trifle more than that of the North American provinces. Her whole commerical marine included but 522,822 tons in 1853. At the risk of being* tedious, let me now turn your attention to two or three curious historical facts illustrative of this arg'ument. Since we were boys we have all read of the Spanish Armada. We all have heard of Queen Elizabeth reviewing* her land and sea forces, and preparing*, with g-rave doubts in her royal mind, to defend her sea-g-irt isle ag-ainst the foreig'n invaders. This was in 1588. We read in the old chronicles that England then owned but 135 merchant ships. But then some were " of great size," some 400 tons, and a few reaching* 500 tons ! If my friend Georg*e McKenzie, of New Glasg*ow, had dashed into the midst of the maiden Queen's navy with his 1444 ton ships, I fear that he would have shaken her nerves and astonished our forefathers, of whose exploits we are so ena- moured, that we never think of our own. Sir, in 1702, the mercantile marine of Eng'land and Wales included only 261,229 tons, and even as late as 1750, not a centur '&"? b2 '20 thnn the toimafre of North America at this moment. And vet for trn centuries prior to that })eriod they had maintained an independent national existence. Let me now inquire, Mr. Chairman, whether or not we have other elements upon which to rest our claims. Is there any reason to fear that our ships may rot in the docks for want of commodities to carrv, or of commercial activitv ? Look to our im- ports for 185.'3. Canada Nova Scotia Nevv Brunswick, 1852 Newfoundland, 1852 Prince Edward Island £8,200,040 1,194,175 1,110,000 795,738 298,543 £11,499,097 The Imports of the whole United States in 1791, sixteen years after they had established their indepen- dence, only amounted to ^52,000,000, but a trifle over what ours are at the present time. Yet with that limited amount of commerce they had g-one throug'h a bloody and expensive war with one of the foremost nations of the world, whose Statesmen unfortunately still go on dreaming that they can keep continents filled with freemen, without making* any provision for their incorporation into the Ilealni, or for securino- to them an\ control over their foreio-n relations. Let me now turn your attention to the ex|)orts of British America. «t -# Cjuiada . . i:5,570,000 Novu Scotia . . 970,780 New Brunswick, 185li . 790,^35 Prince Edward Island (about) 24'2,075 Newfoundland . 905,772 And if we add to this amount another million for the value of new ships annually built and sohl, we ma}^ take the whole at £9,o4i"),oG2. Turn again to the statistics of the United States for 1791 and yon will perceive, that sixteen years after they had de- clared their Independence, their exports amounted to but ^19,000,000, or about half the value of our own. Glance ag-ain at the Parent State, from whom we have learnt so much, and to whose historv we always recur with interest. She occupies a proud position now, but what was she, commercially, a few centuries ago? In 1354, when the Black Prince was carrvino- the conquering- arms of England half over France, her exports were but £'21*2,338, less than one fourth of what the exports of Nova Scotia are now\ Turn to the period of the civil wars, when the people of England felt strong enough to dethrone a King, and cut off his head. When Cromwell's Puritan sea warriors so raised the national character abroad that an Enghshman was secure and respected in every quarter of the globe. How limited was the trade of England then. Even after the Restoration, oo ). nl SO late ns 1009, the exports of Eiiglnnd uiul Wales only amounted to £'J,0().'J,294. I have another remarkahle contrnst for 3'oii, Mr. Chairmnn. In 1088, Eng'lnnd secured, for the first time in her history, that system of aeknowledg'ed executive accountability Avhich we call Responsible Go\ern- ment. Now from 1098 to 1701, the averag-e exports of England and Wales did not exceed £0,449,:J94, less than our own by two millions, not more than ours were when we claimed and established the same politi- cal safeguards. The exports of Eng-land in 1850 had risen to £175,410,000. Expanding- with the prin- ciples of unrestricted commerce, their value must now be above :£200,000,000.— While then we look back at her days of decrepitude, let us borrow hope from her small beg-innings, and cherish the freedom and self-reliance which have ensured her prosperity. But, it may be said, if you are g'oing- to look like a Nation— if you wish to put on the aspect of a great combined people, you must ha^ e some revenues to support your pretensions. AVell, Sir, look at the revenues of these Provinces under Tariffs re- markably low. Canada collects . . £l,0."):j,0:2() Nova Scotia . . 1 '20,000 New Brunswick . . 180,000 Prince Edward Island . .•}5,.*U5 Newfoundhind . . 84,:W:i £1,478,544 2'6 We raise tliisj amount now, without any exti'aor- (liiijirN' effort, with but a verv inefficient force to collect it— without any body feeling* that it is col- lected. The sum is not larg-e, but other people, even in trying* times, have had less, and see what they have done with what they had. Take the United States : at the Declaration of Independence the Revenue of the l;3 States was but .K-A,?? 1,000, or £1,:^00,000, so that when those thirteen Colonies entered upon a mig*hty strug*g'le with the Parent State they had less Revenue, by £300,000, than these five Provinces have now. But, Sir, we are told every now and then, that there is something* in these northern reg'ions adverse to the increase of population — that the Mayflower may flourish under our snow drifts, but that children will not — that, compared with the procreative powers of the " sunny south," here they must be " few and far between." I deny the soft impeachment. In the North mar- riag'e is a necessity of nature. In the Sonth a man may do without a wife, but in the long- cold nig*hts of our winters he cannot sleep alone. Lnrg*e, vig-or- ous, healthy families, spring* from feather beds in which Jack Frost compels people to lie close. The Hon. Member for Annapolis shewed us yesterday that the inhabitants of Canada have increased 08 per cent in 10 j-ears. New Brunswick has advanced in about the same ratio, while Nova Scotia has quintupled her population in fifty years. At the same rate of increase Nova Scotia will count her L>4 population by millions before a new Century bej>'ius, and British America, taking- every means of calcu- lation into account, \vill probably then contain at least 10 millons of people. If, then, Mr. Chairman, the British and Colonial Statesmen of the present day, cordially co-operatino-, do not incorporate this people into the British Empire, or make a nation of them, they will, long* b^'fore their numbers have swelled so much, make a nation of themsehes. Let me not be misunderstood. Sir. I shall say nothin<>' here that I would not utter in the presence of the Queen. If disposed to declare our Indejiendence to-morrow, I do not believe that Her Majesty's (^lovernment would attempt to prevent us by force. If they did, they would fail. But what I want them to understand iS this, that they lost one-half of this Continent from not compre- hending* it, and that just so sure as they expect the sentiment of loyalty to attach the other half to Eng-land, while the people of two small islands divide the distinctions and the influence of Empire among* them, they will by and bye be awakened by the {)eaceful org'anisation of a g-reat country, whose inhabitants must be Britons in every sense of the word, or something' more. This may seem to be vain and {irron-ant lani»'uao'<' and I may be asked to support it by some reference to the ultima ratio of nations — physical force. Taking* our population at two n)illions and a half, every fifth person should be able to draw a tri<»*<»er. ').' g'iviiio* oOO^OOO men capable of bearing* arms. Such a force would be powerless as an invading- arHi}', but in defence of these Provinces, hivincible by any force that could be sent from abroad. Put into these men the spirit which animated the Greek, the Roman, the Dutchman, or the Swiss — let them feel that they are to protect their own hearthstones, and my word for it, the heroic blood which beats in their veins will be true to its characteristics. How often have we heard that our republican neig'hbours " down South" w ere g'oing- to overrun the Provinces. They have attempted it once or twice, but have always been beaten out, and I do not hesitate to sii}', thnt the British Americans over whom the Old Flag- flies, are able to defend evorv inch of their territory, even though Iler Majesty's troops were withdrawn. In- deed, Sir, if these 500,000 men are not able to defend our country, they deserve to be trodden down and made slaves of for the rest of their natural lives. Why, Sir, the standing- army of Great Britain, charged with the defence of an Empire, including- Provinces in ever}' quarter of the g'lobe, numbers but li20,000 men— in war this force is raised to 880,000, so that North America can muster for the defence of her own soil more men than are required to maintain the honour of the Crown or the integ-rity of the Emp'ie, at home and abroad. The whole Ktandino- army of the United States includes but 10,000 men, a number that we could call out in a day from our Eastern or Western Counties. Sir, 26 my Hon. friend iVoni Pictou has only to sound the Pibroch in the County he represents, and 10,000 sons of the heather, or their descendants, would start up with musket and cla3miore, and I am not sure that there would not be Bag'pipes enouo-h found in the county to cheer on the warriors with the wild music of a martial nation. Why, Sir, the old thirteen colonies, sixteen years after their Declaration of In- dependence, deducting' slaves, had but a little over three millions of peo])le, while, at the declaration of independence in 1775 they had onl}' 2,843,000, all told, or a smaller physical force than we have now. My father used to tell me curious old stories of the Colonial Arm}' that went to take Louisburg-h. The whole New Eng'laiid force fitted out for that expedition was but 4,070 strong', just about as many as upon an emerg-ency the honourable and learned Leader of the Opposition could turn out from the Count}-^ of Annapolis. I should not like to see him clothed in more w arlike habiliments than those he usually wears, but if he fancied military command, I am quite sure that he could enroll in his own county 4000, as daring- and g'allant ^\ arriors as went to the capture of Louis])urg-h. I do not think that I am mistaken when I say, that the women of that county are as well worth fig'hting- for as any on this continent, and that they can reg'ale their defenders on the best cheese and apple pies that are to be found on either side of the line. But we have all heard of another armament, 1 I 37 I some of the wrecks of w liich, on a calm day, may still be seen reposing* at the bottom of ]3edford Basin. I mean the g-reat fleet fitted out by France for the conquest of the old colonies^ under the Due d'Anville. That fleet consisted of 70 sail, but it transported across the broad Atlantic but 8150 fig'hting" men, an armament that this province alone should defeat in a single battle. At the battle of Bunker Hill there were but 3000 men on one side, and 2000 on the other ; thoug'h there was a fine stand-up fig'ht, the physical force eng-ag^ed was nothing" compared with the g'reat political principles which have rendered the conflict immortal. I turn to Scotland again, to keep m}" Hon. friend from Pictou from g'oing' to sleep ; he has heard of Ban- nockburn. Well, at that g'reat battle, which secured the independence of his country', there were but 30,000 Scots engaged, about half as many men as Nova Scotia could arm to-morrow, if an emergency demanded an appeal to physical force. In 1745 six thousand Scotchmen marched to Derby, in the very heart of England, ^' frightening the Isle from its propriety," and at the battle of Culloden, Avhere the power of the Stuarts was flnaily stri(!ken down, there were but 4000 Scotchmen en- gaged, with muskets a great deal worse than those which we affect to despise. At the Union of England and Scotland in 1707, the population of the latter country was but 1,050,000— lier sliipping not 50,000 tons, her re- i 28 i.f.). venue only £110,694. These facts are curious, for with such apparently straitened resources Scotland had maintained her national independence for ag-es — often fig-hting- great battles, and passing- throug"h fiery trials. Where, Sir, is my friend the Financial Secretary ? He wants somethino- to lend dig'nity to the dull figures which he pores over day bv day. Let me assure him that he need not fear to contrast his revenue of £125,000, with that of all Scotland at the Union. As late as 17C6 the shipping' of Scotland measured but 32,818 tons, but a trifle over what it was a century before, while ours has increased enormously in the same period of time. Historical events, which g'enius illustrates, daz- zle us, as stag-e plays do, so that we rarely count the streng'th of the company, or measure the propor- tions of the scene. The Royalist army at Marston Moor nnistered but 20,000 men, and yet the crown of England hung- upon the issue. The Scots at Dunbar had but an equal number. Three such ar- mies could be furnished bv Nova Scotia alone. I •am often amused at the flippant manner in which our old arms are spoken of, but at Naseby King- Charles had only " 12 cannons," and they were not much better than those whicli are used for firino- salutes at our mud fortresses in Guysborough and Lunenburg-h. Why, at the battle of Crescy there were but 30,000 Eng-lishmen, aliout one half of the m ilitia of Nova Scotia. At Poictiers ther e Mere m but l-J,O00, i'ewer men tlian our friends from Cap( t39 )r Id 18' le id I I Breton could muster without drawing' a man from the main. Man for man then^ we have, in Nortli Amerien, force enouo-h to fio'ht over as'tiin all the g-reat battles that emblazon our national history — that is, if the blood of the sires has descended to their sons, and if the mercurial atmosphere of the north, w Inch oug-ht to lend it vivacity, does not ren- der it slug-gish and inert. You will be amused to find that Frederick the Great had only two and a half millions of people to develope his schemes of conquest, and to defy a world in arms. So that really nobody oug-ht to be surprised if two and a half millions of British sub- jects, accustomed to che forms and seciu'ities for freedom, physically as enduring-, and intellectually as intellig-ent, should at least ask for the same political status as the cockneys of London or the weavers of Manchester. But, it is sometimes said b}' politicians, for party purposes, that all the world is advancing- faster than we are. Is it so ? Take Halifax for example. It numbers 25,000 inhabitants. Ho\\ many cities in the whole United States are larger ? Only twenty- one. Montreal has 60,000 people —there are only eig-ht cities in the Republic more populous. Let us now, Sir, turn to another aspect of the question. If we have got the resources, the trade, the territory, the men and the cities to beg-in with, have we not g-ot the I'reedom ? Look to your old monarchies or recent republics, and see if any of 1^ '^ ihjj. n 80 them have exhibited more of the love of liberty, or of capacity for securing* its practical enjoyment than we have. The ver}' tone of this debate proclaims Nova Scotia a free country ; and that, whatever we may lack, we have the first best gift of God to man — freedom of thoug-ht, of speech, and of public dis- cussion. The people of this country select every public officer from one end of it to the other, either directly or by their representatives, with one sing'le exception. The Lieut.-Governor alone is appointed b}' the Imperial Government. We have more power over those who manage our affairs than they have in England, where the Peers are permanent— the Crown hereditary. Our people, in their Town meet- ings, do their local business - this Legislature forms the Administration and sustains it. We are as free as any people in Europe, Asia, or Africa; and as for America, I believe the principles of the British constitution secure a sounder state of rational free- dom than the constitution of the Republic. And, Sir, let us bear this in mind — that these ibrin the only cluster of colonies that have devised a system which makes freedom compatible with allegiance, and to whom free constitutions have been conceded. I recollect when in England three years ago meet- ing delegates from Australia and the Cape in search ( constitutions for their Colonies. I told them Uh-.t we had a very good one in Nova Scotia, which they ought to copy. But their heads were filled ^^ith theories. Repudiating, as we have not done, 'j or of t than ver Ave man ic dis- every either sing'le )ointed power y have t-the 1 meet- ! forms as free and as British \\ free- And, rm the system fiance, iceded. • meet- search them which filled done. 81 tlie principles of the ]3ritish constitntion, they saw visions and dreamt dreams. The deleg-ate from the Cape wanted an Elective Council, the members to be elected by the constituency of the whole Colony. I tried to make him understand that canvasshig* a county in Nova Scotia was no joke, and that before a o-entleman got through his canvass of the whole Cape Colony he would either be devoured by lions or shot bv Kaffirs. My friend would not believe me, but before he g'ot home, the Kaffir war broke out, and I fear that he has been either killed or eaten before this, w bile in search of his new consti- tution. If Ave look across the border, Mr. Chairman, we have, in some respects, not much to envy. I have never sought to disparag-e the United States. Fa- miliar with their early history, their trials, their achievements, and their blunders, I g'ive them credit for all they have accomplished, and make liberal allow ance even for their mistakes. They speak the same lang"uag'e, and are descended from the same ancestors, but have they more of rational liberty than we have ? Until recently they might boast of their Universal Suffrage, which we had not, but we have it now, and even the Member for Annapolis tells us that their institutions are more conservative than ours. As reg'ards public burdens, how do matters stand ? The United States, with a popula- tion of 30,000,000, owed in 1840 ^224,000,000 or $1 to each inhalntant of the countrv. Nova Scotia, &2 with a populiitioii of 800,000, owes but £100,000 (hnlf of it ptiying" 4 per cent and the other half paying- nothino-),, or about $1 26c. for each inha- bitant. Even if our raih'oads were completed, and were entirely unproductive, we would have the use of them, at all events, and even then we would not be as deeply in debt as are, at this moment, the pi'os- perous United States. I think then, Mr. Chairman, it is obvious that whether we take — extent of Territory, llivers and Lakes, extent of ^ea Coast, Natural Resources, Shipping-, Imports and Exports, Ilevenue, ratio of Increase, Physical Streng-th, size of Cities, the en- joyment of Freedom, General Education, or ac- tivity of the Press — we are entitled to form a nation, if so disposed, and to control our foreig-n relations as well as our domestic affairs. How can this be done ? In various ways ; and. Sir, I shall discuss the modes with the snme fi'eedom as I have done the means. First, it may be done by annexation to the United States. What would be the advantages of that stop ? All commercial questions now agitated betw een the two countries, would be settled at once— we should have unlimited intercourse with the sea board of that great country, and free trade from Maine to California. Our public men would no longer be depressed with the checked aspirations of which the Hon. and learned Member for Annapolis spoke last night. Every North American, whose pride is now wounded by degrading I 83 10 If a- 1(1 so ot ^ contrasts^ Avould be elig-ible to tlie hig'hest otlices and positions— not in a colony, but in a nation ; and we should enjoy perpetual peace with our Jieig-hbours along- 1500 miles of frontier. Sir, I do not deny that any man who sincerely and honestly advocates annexation to the United States, has powerful arg'u- ments in his favour. I am opposed to it, and would resist such a step by all means within my reach. I believe it would be, unless forced upon us, morally wrong- ; being- a violation of our nlleg'iance, and a breach of fiiitli plighted to our brethren across the water for more than 100 yenrs. Of course, if they expect us to be Colonists for ever, and make no pro- vision for our being anything* else, upon their heads, and not on ours, be the consequences of the separa- tion, which, v\ hen this is apparent, will be inevitable. I prefer full incorporation with them, in one g-reat empire — free partici])ation with them in its g-ood and evil fortunes, its perils and its distinctions. All this I beheve to be practicable, and shall not despair of its fulfilment. But, Sir, ihere are otlier considerations which would deter me from an}' tliought of annexation. At the revolutionary struowle the Loyalists were driven seaward — they lost their homes, rig-ht or wrong-, acting- on their honest convictions ; and I rejoice that, whether rig-ht or wrong-, believing* themselves rig-ht, the}- had the courag-e and enter- prise and enei-g-y, so to act. They sacrificed ever}-- thing- but their principles— their property was con- c 34 fiscated— and they cast tlieir lot into a comparative wilderness. They and their descendants have made it to " blossom as the rose." They have fraternized with the French Canadians and Acadians. English, Irish, Scotch :ind German emio-rants have o-raduall}'^ come over (o !)'» incorporated with them — to fill up the countrv— to form one race ; so that North America presents the outline of a 'ed in the o-eneral property of the Union. The Repidjlicans cannot restore it to us ; and I should be ashamed to g"o back to tell them, "our fathers made a g-reat mistake— they thouo'ht tlieir elorious old flao- tnid time-honoured institutions, worth preserving ; but we, their sons, with a territory larger than yours, and a population larger than vou had when vou framed your Consti- tution — with education that our fathers tau<>'ht us to prize, free of debt, and at peace w ith all the world, are not fit for national existence, are unable to frame a Constitution, but come back, after a separation of seventy years, and ask to take refuge under the Stars and Stripes !" No ! Mi*. Chairman — I for one will never prefer such a craven request. Sir, I believe annexation would be unwise for other reasons, I believe the United States are laro-e enough already. In a few years the population of that country nuist reacli 100 u illions ; they have as much work to do now as thev can do w ell ; and I 1 ':■ * 'X) 1 *¥ ))elieve befure mail) years, if their union is |)re^;pr^e(l, they will Imve more work to do tlian any Leg-islatiire can despatch, after their modes, in 305 days. Con- oTess now sits for half the year. Our legislation occupies about ten ^^eeks- that of New Brunswick about the same time. In Canada the Session often lasts three or four months, so that if annexation were seriously contemplated, there would be no time in the National Conji'ress to cet through with the work that ouo'ht to be ^^■ell and >\isely done. There is another question which must be settled, before you, or I, Sir, or any Nova Scotian, will be a party to annexation. Sir, T l)elieve the rpiestion of Slavery must be settled, sooner or later, by bloodshed. I do not believe it can ever be settled in any other way. That question shadows tlie institutions and poisons the spring's of social and public life amono- onr neio'hijours. It saps all princijdes— overrides all oblio-ations. Why, Sir, I did believe until verv lately that no constable, armed with a law which violated tlie law of God, could capture a slave in any of the Northern States ; but the Fugitive Slave Law has ])een enforced even in Puritan New Eng-- land, where tea could not be sold or stamps collected. British North America, Sir, has not a slave in all her boundless territory, and I, for one, will never cast my lot in with that of a people who buy and sell human beings, and who would profane our soil with their Fugitive Slave Faws, or involve us in aoTai'ian war for the ])res(M'vati<)n of an institution c -J 'M\ that Ave despise. There is nnother reason that would make me reluctant to he drawn into the Tortex of "tli(^ lie])uhlie. There mio-ht arise some eause for oonflict hetweeii that eountrv and Old Eniiliiud, Sir, there is not a man in this Assemhly wlio does not aspire to hold his head as hia'h as the head of any other man on earth ; hut I trust, nav I kuoAv, that there is not one who would raise his hand in hostility ag'ainst that revered country, I'rom uhose loins we have sprung', and whose noble institutions it has been our pride to imitate. If the slaye States could be cut off, and the free States could be combined with us in per- petual peace A\ith Eng'land, we mig'ht see nothing- objectionable in a union such as that. Having- discussed the question of Annexation, let nie inquire how else could we org-anize ourselves into a nation ? Dy forniing* North America into n king'dom or confederation by itself, estaldishing' friendly connexioi -^ with other countries, with the entire concurrence of oiu* Iholhren at home. I aG'ree with the Hon, and learned member for /vnna- polls that there would be great advnntag-es 5 rising from a union of these colonies ; but there must be differences of opinion as to the various modes of accom])lishing- that object. We may have a King-, or a Viceroy, and a leg'islature for the whole of North America ; or we may have a Federal and Democratic Union. The advantages of the first would be a strong* executive^ a united Parliament, 1 ijk\ ■i i 87 the (Town hereditary, distinctions permanent. Ikit there would be disadvantag'es. Such a g'overninent would be expensive ; there would be no peerag-e or feudal bulwarks to sustain a sovereig-n ; and we niig'ht o'et a dynasty of knaves, fools, or tyrants. We should have the monarchical and democratic elements warring* for ascendancy ; and our people would soon feel the loss of their local legislatures. What has been the complaint of Ireland for years ? That there was no Parliament hi Colleg"e Green. Of Scotland, at this moment ? That there is no Par- liament at Holyrood. A hig'her description of talent, ii more elevated order of men in a united Legisla- ture, would not compensate the people for the loss of local legislation which they ha^■e enjoyed for a century. By a Federal Union of the colonies, we should have something- like the neig-hbouring- Repub- lic ; and if I saw nothing' better I should say at once, let us keep our local Legislatures, and have a Presi- dent and central Cong-ress, for all the higher and external relations of the United Provinces. We should then have nationality with purely llepublican Institutions. But if we so far change our organi- zation, we must substitute American precedents and practice for British. We now refer to Hastell as our guide in Parliament perplexities, we should then have to take the practice of the neighbouring Bepublic. There might be one disadvantage in hav- ing a King or a Viceroy. The (Jueen across the water, because the Atlantic rolls bet^^ een us, offers 38 nothing' obnoxious to the prejudices of our Ameri- can neig'libours ; but once establish a monarch or viceroy here, and I am not quite sure that we would not have a fig-ht to maintain him on his throne^ with those who apjirehended danger from our example. Under a Federal Union^ we should form a larg'e and prosperous nation, lying- between the other two branches of the British familv, and our dutv would evidently be to keep them both at })3ace. But, Sir, I will say to the Hon. and learned member for Annapohs that before we can have thiy org'anization, or any other, we must have railroads. The Company which has made a line of railway- from Hamilton to Windsor, Canada West, deserve great credit for their enterprize and energy. I admit that tlie Grand Trunk Company of Canada is preparing- to connect a great part of that country with these indispensable lines of communication ; but, Sir, it Avill take years to complete what Canada has begun; and then we have New Hrimswick between us. It is clear we cannot have a United Parliament with- out railroads, for if ttuy of us u ere sunnnoned to Quebec to-morrow, we should have to travel from the end of our own country to its metropolis throug-h a foreign state. We must have railroads first, and then, take my w ord for it, the question we are now discussing- will assume a ibrm and shape that will soon lead to a tang-ible solution. Once put my Hon. friend from Clare (Mr. Comeau,^) on ii railway, and send him up among the habitants of Lower Canada i:3 * A Fii'iirli Acad lan. 3d iiiiilhe would feel no long-er as a poor colonist, but as one of a million of men, speakino- the same languag-e, aninuited by the same hopes, partici[)ating' in kin- dred aspirations. Let him see the noble St. Law- rence and the Ltikes that lie beyond —let him survey the whole of this magnificent country that God has given to his race, and to mine, on this side of the Atlantic, and he would come back to meet, without a blush for her capacity, or a fear for her fortunes, an Eng'lishman, an Irishman, a Scotchman, a Ger- man, a Frenchman, or even a brag'g'art from across the border. Overspread the Colonies with Rail- waj's, and I care not wlmt you have- a united Congress or nothing*. The people of British America will then be united, and will soon assert the position they w ill feel their capacity to maintain. l^onderiug on these themes. Sir, my mind ever turns to an old statesman who has gone I trust to Heaven, but w hose name u ill be dug up, and whose writings will be read with interest in years to come^ on both sides of the Atlantic — I mean old Governor PownaU. Looking through the strife and passion which preceded the American Kevolution— through the fire and smoke of it, at the stupid prejudices and blunders which it engendered and has entailed, it is curious to see how a calm mind and sag"acious intellect penetrated into the philosophy of a great coi»troversv, and would have laid the foundations of the Empire in mutual confidence and respect. What w as his advice when the rebels of the colonies were 40 preparing" their muskets and the statesmen of Eng'- land were deaf and blind ? He said — " You are one family— the ocean divides you— you must have difterent forms of g-overnment, hut that is no reason why you should not be a united family — arbitrate on disputed points — keep the peace, have distinct forms of g'overnment if you please — but establish a zolverein, and let there be perpetual amity and Free Trade between the British races on both sides of the Atlantic," Had his advice been taken, the Revolution would never have occurred— we should have been spared the second war, and the i)altry jealousies which any sneering' scribbler or unprin- cipled politician may now blow into a flame would never have existed. Let us as far as we can lend ourselves to the realization of this g-rand idea. I feel now as 1 felt yesterday, every word that dropped from the Hon. and learned member for Annapolis, was pregnant with meaning*, and full of interest. Let us sup- pose. Sir, that our railroads were finished, and that we had the rapidity of intercourse necessary for union. Are there no difficulties in tlie way i First, the French Canadians may not favour a union. I should Hke to be assured that they did, but certain facts have g-iven me a contrary impression. Upper Canada favours a union, because tlie people there think it would tend to keep the French Canadian influence down. That view of tlie matter has been propagated in Lower Canada, and it has raised '. ■ 1 . 1 . 41 prejudices which cannot, perhaps, be easily overcome. The Lower Provinces would never sanction ine- quality or injustice of any kind, but yet the French Canadians may have their fears. My Honorable friend from Clare might indeed be sent up as a missionary to convince his brethren that we would not be less just to them than we are to him 5 — that Nova Scotians treat those of French descent as brethren, \\ ho are never permitted to feel any politi- cal, religious or social distinctions. The prejudice may be overcome, but it exists in Canada, and may be foui' 1 a difficulty in the way of a union of the Colonies. There are other difficulties. If a project of union is to be discussed, let the proposition come from the other Provinces. For various reasons I have but little desire to re-open Inter-colonial neg'ociations about anything' just now. The seat of Government v\ould be a knotty question— the larg-e debts that Canada has contracted, another. The New Brunswick papers invite tlie Lower Provinces to forin a union with Amhei r 01 Sackville for a capital. The former would be mo^ji ctivenient for me, for I should live in the midst of m\ constituents. If we have a con- federation of all the Provinces, the capital should be at Quebec — the natural fortress — the Gibraltar of British America. Montreal is indefensible, and I put Halifax out of the question, as it is not central. Iii ■! 4-J But suppose, Sir, we were united to-morrow. Mio-ht we not have some diversities of interest .^ It is just probable that the farmers of Western Canada, in their anxiety to g'et their wheat into the United StateS; mio'ht throw our fisheries overboard ? The Plon. and learned member for Annapolis hopes such would not be the case — so do I. But he will ao'ree with me that the hiterests of all the Colonies are not the same in every respect ; and "hat we have to fear is that the smaller Provinces iii ^^'^ swamped, and their hiterests sacrificed, for the btiieht of their more populous neif»'hbour. Past experience leads me to g'uard against such a conting-ency, for I know that in neg-ociations which deeply stirred the hopes of our people, Canada has been satisfied to sacrifice National and Provincial interests, for not very weighty or very worthy considerations. There is yet another position, Mr. Chairman, which North America may aspire to, and to my mind it presents a solution of all the difficulties which attach to this fpiestion in other directions. I think the time is rapidly approaching*, w hen there must be infused into the British Empire an element of strenii'th wliich has scarcely vet l)een reo-arded. North America must ere long" claim consolidation into the realm of Eng-land, as an integ'ral portion of the Empire, or she w ill lioi.st her own Flag-. Let us look at this proposition in its broadest lig'ht, and in its local bearing's. We are and ever will be a If 43 commercial people. It is our interest to have free trade, and close alliance with the larg'est number of human beings who produce and consume, who have commodities to carry, and who will give the g'reatesl activity to our Commercial Marine, provided always that our security and honour can be as well main- tained. Suppose Nova Scotia were to form a union with New Brunswick and Canada, to-morrow, and that they were all to withdraw from the Empire, as they will, if not elevated to equality with their British brethren. Sir, I do not undervalue the claims or standing" of the Colonies, but we would withdraw from an Empire peopled by hundreds of millions and unite our fortunes with but two and a half millions of people, with an exposed frontier of loOO miles and ^\ith no Heets and armies to s})are, to protect our sea coast. Suppose we should prefer annexation to an ii;d(>])en(lent national existence; we should become allied to but 30 millions, and thougii the proportion- ate advantag'es would be g'reater, the loss by with- drawing- from the mother country would be immense. We should be part of 30 millions of people, it is true, but they have neither troops nor ships of war to si)are, to aid us in any g*reat emerg-ency — they would ha\e enough to do to defend themselves. Now, Sir, let me claim your attention for a moment while I develope another view of this question. What is the British Empire ? Look at the outlaying portions of it, which contain : 44 West Indies, Australia, Africa, Cevlon, Mauritius, New Zealand, India, 900,000 inhabitants. 307,045 218,908 1,500,320 159,243 204,000 94,210,218 97,497,331 This includes the colonial portion of the empire, strictly speaking*, but to these ninety-seven millions, three times the population of the United States, we must add 133,110,000 being- the population of states which are our allies or tributaries in the East. Add ag-ain 30,000,000 the population of the British Islands, and we have in round numbers 200,000,000 of people within the boundaries or subject to the influence of the Empire to which we at present belong". All the States of Europe include but 233,000,000 of people. Then, Sir, I ask will any Nova Scotian, who pretends to be a Statesman, will any North American with his heart in the rig'ht place, lig'htly entertain the idea of withdra\\ ing" from the enjoyment of free commercial intercourse with 200,000,000 of human being's, from participation in the securities, the sources of pride, which such an Empire affords, to form, without cause, an isolated community of two millions and a half, or even ten millions, or to seek a dishonourable share of the advantag-es enjoyed by 30,000,000 ? ! »a< i . 45 I f t . While, however, we value our coniieAion with the Empire hig'hly, let not British Statesmen, too intent upon the intrii>'ues and squabbles of Europe, under- value our resources, our claims, our pride in that connexion, or our jdiysical force to atehieve another whenever this becomes irksome. All that I seek for is entirely compatible with ovu* present relations — bv elevatino- North Americans to a connnon level "v\ ith their brethren at home, I would but draw the bonds which bind us closer to<>'ether. There is no necessity to endang'er the connexion, commercial, ph3'sical, or international, Avhich we enjoy in common with so many human being-s. " Ships, Colonies, and Commerce" have long- formed the boast of old Eng-land. Ships we have in abundance. Her Colonies are ours. The Em})ire includes every climate which the sun diversifies — every soil — every race of men, every variety of production. It is g-uarded by the larg'est fleet and by the best disci- plined army in the world. It has for its metropolis, the most populous city ofmodern times —the nursery of g'enius and the arts — the emporium of commerce — the fountain head of capital — the nursing- mother of skilled labour in every branch of manufactures. Let us then, not cast about for new modes of political org-anization, until we have tested the expansive powers and intellectual capabilities of what we have. Let us, then, demand with all respect, the full rights of citizenship in this great empire. It is clearly our interest to do this, r 40 surely it is I'oiio-eninl to our t'efliiio-s. .Sir, T would not cling* to Eno'ljuid one sing'le hour jifter I wns convinced that the friendship of North America wns undervalued, and that the status to which we may reasonably aspire had been deliberately refused. But I will endeavour, while assertino* the ri^'hts of my native land with boldness, to perpetuate our con- nexion with the British Isles, the home of our Fathers— the cradle of our race. The union of the colonies is the object of the resolution, but in my judgment such a proposition covers but a limited portion of ground which the agitation of that subject opens up. What questions of importance have we to settle with Canada, New Brunswick or any of the other colonies. AVe have Free Trade and friendly relations w ith them all. What have we to ask or to fear ? What questions are at issue with the United States ! None but that of a reciprocal Trade, which would have been settled lono- ao-o, if North America had a voice in the making- of treaties and in the discussions of the Iniperial Parliament. But have we not questions of some interest to adjust with the motlier country ? There is one, of more im- portance than any other except the Railroads, the question of our mines and minerals. Does any man believe that any company would have monopolized for thirty years the mines and minei-als of an entire province had British America been re})resented in the Im])erial Parliament. That mono])oly would go down before a searching invesrigation for a single Mi mn • * 4? iiig'ht in tlie IJoiise of Coniinoiis. No iMinistry conid justify or maintain it. Here tliere is no difterence of opinion ; but what avails our unanimity, the battle is to be foug-ht in Eno-hnd, but here it never is foug-ht, and never will be until we have a represen- tation in Parliament, or until the leg-islature \otes £5000 for a luminous ag'itation of the question. I yield to the Association all that I have ever said in its favour. I would do it justice to-morrow had I power to do injury, but I do believe that one Nova Scotian within the walls of Parliament would do more to reclaim our natural rio-hts in a sino-le D O year, than this leo-islature could do bv remonstrances in seven. Take the question of the Fisheries. Your fisheries, including' all the w ealth that is within three marine miles of a coast fronting" upon the ocean for 5000 miles, are at at this mom ^nt subject of neg'ociation. What have you "'ot to do with it ? What influence have you ? Who represents you in London or in Washino'ton, or discusses the nnitterin your behalf? The British Minister, pressed upon by the United States on the one hand, and by the prospect of a war with Russia on the other, may at this moment be g-iving- away your birthright. Tell me not of yoiu' protest ag'ainst such an act of spoliation — It would amount to nothing*. Once committed, the act would be irrevocable, and your most valuable property would be bartered away for ever. Sir, I know what g'ives influence in Eng-land — what confers power here — the i'i<»'lit and tho opportunity of publio dis- cussion. Your fisheries, it' g-iven away to-morrow, ^^•ould scarcely provoke a discussion in the House of Commons, but })hice ten North Americans there and no Minister would dare to bring' down a treaty bv which thev were sacrificed. How often have questions in which we took a deep and abiding" in- terest been decided without our knowledg'e, consul- tation or consent ? I am a free trader, and I am g'lad that unrestricted commerce is the settled policy of the Mother Country, as it is of this. Rut can I foro'et how often the Minister of the day has brouo'ht down and carried out commercial chang*es, which have prostrated our interests, but in the adoption or moditication of which we have had no voice. Sir, with our free Legislatures, and the emulation and ambitious spirit of our people, such a state of thing's cannot last for ever. Is there a man who hears me that believes that the question of the fisheries can be settled well, or oug-ht to be settled at all, without those who are most interested, being* represented in the neg'ociation. What is takhig- place at this moment in the old 'vorld invests this arg-ument with painful significance. Notes and Diplomatic messages are flying' from St. Petersburgh to Vienna, and from Vienna to London. A despot is about to break the peace of the world under ])retence of protecting' the Greek Relig-ion. — A fleet of Turkish ships has been sunk in the Black Sea. — The Cunard steamers have been taken ofFthe r m 49 mail routes to carry troops to tlie Mediterranean ; to-morrow may come a declaration of war, and when it comes our 0000 vessels, scattered over the ocean, are at the mercy of Eng'land's enemies. Ihwe we been consulted ? Have we had a voice in the Cabinet, in Parliament or in any public Department, by whose action our fleet is jeopardized ? TSo, Sir, we hnve exercised no more influence upon neg'ociations, the issue of which must peril our whole mercantile marine, than if we had had in dang'er but a single bark canoe. I do not complain of the Statesmen of Eng-land. I believe that Lord John Russell and the other Members of the Cabinet are doing* their best for the honour of old Eng-land, and for the welfare of the Empire. But I will not admit that they have the rig'ht, at the j^resent day, to deal with subjects which so larg-ely aflfect the interests and touch the feehng'S of 2,500,000 of people scattered over mil- lions of square miles of land, whose canvass whitens every sea, without our being* consulted. [Mr. Howe next turned to the United Services, and shewed how slig'ht was the chance of British Americans to rise in the army and navy. Their brethren at home had more money to purchase, thoy had all the Parliamentary interest to ensure promo- tion. What inducements had our young* men to enter either service? He had five bovs, but he would as soon throw one of them overboard, as send him to compete where the chances were all against 50 liini to brt'jik his lienrt in a stnioolo wlipre money iiud frifntls, not merit, wonld render emulntion vain.*] The Statesmen of Eno-land, Sir, may he assured, that if they would hold this ol< 53 iHiiid of the member for Annapolis yesterday. Let me aid in its illustration. Some years ag-o I had the honour to dine with the late John Quincy Adams at Washing-ton. Around his hospitable board were xissembled fifteen or eig'hteen g-entlemen of the hig'hest distinction in the political circles of that capital. There were^ perhaps, two or three who, like Mr. Adams himself, had been trained from early youth in diplomacy^ in literature, and in the highest walks of social and public life. These men were superior to any that we have in the colonies, not because their natural endowments were g-reater, but because their advantag'es had been out of all propor- tion to ours. But the rest were just such men as we see every day. Their equals are to be found in the leg-islatures and public departments of Canada, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia — men superior to most of them I have seen on this tloor every session for twent}" years. Their equals are here now. But hov different are the fields of emulation — how dispropor- tioned the incitements to excellence — the distinctions — the rewards. Almost every man who sat round me on that night either then enjoyed, or has since won, some national distinction. Thev were or are now senators in the national council, foreign ambas- sadors, g-overnors, secretaries of state, connnunders of squadrons or leaders of armies. Sir, my heart rose when I compared these men M ith those I had left at home, their equals in mind and manners. \\\d it sunk, aye, and it .-jiidis now, when turning' to the poor rewards ^^hich British M 54 America offers to those who run with these men the race of emulation. What national distinction ever lights upon British America ? Has she ever sup- plied a Governor to the Queen's widely extended dominions, a Secretary or an Under Secretary of State ? Have we ever had a man to represent us in either House of Parliament, or in any imperial de- partment ? How long- is this state of pupilage to last? Not long. If British statesmen do not take this matter in hand^ we soon shall. I yield to no man in respect for the flag of my fathers, but I will li\ e under no flag with a brand of inferiority to the other British races stamped upon my brow. [Mr. Howe here contrasted Mr. Johnston, Mr. Huntington, Mr. Wilkins, the Speaker, with those who had governed the Colonies within his own ob- servation. He thought the learned leader of the opposition would make quite as good a Governor as some that had been sent across the Atlantic. He convulsed the House with laughter, in describing the attentions paid at Liverpool to a whiskered Yankee, who was the bearer of despatches from Washington, and who, with a huge bag under his arm that might have contained his wardrobe, was instantly })ermitted to land, unquestioned and unsearched. " I," said Mr. H., " was also the bearer of despatches, from a British Governor to Her Majesty's Secretary of State. I represented the Province of which I am a native, and the Government of which I was a member. I explahied my position, *. 55 and showed my despatches, more iu jest than in earnest, for I knew what the result would be. The Yankee was in London lono- before I could g'et my j)orti)uinteau through the Custom House, beino- com- pelled to pay duty on half a dozen books and plans necessary to the success of the mission with which 1 was charo'ed. Imao'ine what five and twentv Jiritish Americans on board the steamer would feel at this practical commentary on the respect com- manded in Enjj'land by successful rebellion, but de- nied to devoted loyalty." Equally animated was Mr. Howe's description of Massachusetts cotton spinners and backwoodsmen from the West, snug'ly ensconced in the diplonmtic box in the body of the House of Lords, when Parliament was opened by the Queen, while Colonists looked down upon them from the galleries, to which, not as a rig-ht but as a favour, they had been admitted.] Mr. Chairman, the time will come, nay. Sir, has come, when these deg'rading* distinctions must no longer peril our allegiance. AVill any man say that North America does not produce men as fit to govern States and Provinces as those a\ ho rule over Maine or Massachusetts at this hour ? As most of those who are sent to govern the fort}' Provinces of this empire - as many that we have seen sent to darken counsel and perplex us in the West. How lonjr will North Americans be content to see their sons systematically excluded from the gubernatorial chairs, not only of the Provinces that they occupy 50 '^ but of every other in the empire? Not loiig'~if monarchical institutions are to be preserved^ and the power of the Crown maintained, the leading* spirits of the empire must be chosen to g'overn Pro- vinces, and the selection must not be confined to the circle of two small islands— to old officers or broken down Members of Parliament. Look at the organization of the Colonial Office — that department which is especially charg'ed with the Government of forty Colonies, and jet has not one Colonist in it. How long* are we to have this play of Hamlet with Hamlet himsell' omitted ? Sir, I do not share in the vulg-ar prejudices about the ignorance and incapacity of Downing* Street. No man can now be elevated to the office of Secretary of State for the Colonies who is not a man of busi- ness habits holding* high rank in either House of Parliament. There is, perhaps, not a man in the department who is not able or adroit, in the per- formance of duties which are admirably subdivided. The Under Secretaries are men of genial manners, liigli attaiinnent, and varied information. They are something* more — they are thoroughly well di^^posed to serve, and to stand well with the Provinces com- mitted to their charge. But what then? They liave no personal knowledge of Colonial public or social life— no hold upon the confidence or the aflec- tions of the outlyhig portions of the empire. Com- ])ared >\ilh th(> men ^^ho might, and ought, and must be llicre, if this empire is to be kept together, 57 they are what the clever Secretaries of the old Board of Trade were in 1750, compared with such men as Franklin, Washing-ton and Adams. What these last were then, the Baldwins, Lafontaines, Chandlers and Wilmots of North America are now. I speak not of Nova Scotia, althoug-h I know that her sister Provinces accord to her the intellectual rank to which she is entitled. I know the men who sit around me here — already I can hear the heart beat of the generation which is spring'ing' up to take our places, and I do not hesitate to say that room must be made upon the floors of Parliament and within the Departmental offices of Eng-land, for the aspir- ing* and energetic spirits of this Continent, or they will by and bye assert their superiority in the intel- lectual conflict which those who attempt systemati- cally to exclude them must provoke. Talk of an- nexation. Sir, what we want is annexation to our mother country. Talk of a union of the Provinces, which, if unaccompanied with other provisions, would lead to separation ; what we require is union with the Empire— an investiture with the rig'hts and dignity of British Citizenship. In the United States, every 40,000 people send a Member to Congress. North America has sixt}- two times that number, and yet sends not one Mem- ber to the National Council which regulates her trade, controls her foreign relations, and ma}^ in- volve her at anv moment in war. Mark the eftects of the American system. The discovery of gold 58 threw into Caliibniin, in two or three years, a. larg'e heterog-eneous and comparatively lawless population. California was many thousands of miles away from Washino'ton and from the old States of the Confe- deration. It was essentially a Colony, and under our system would have been so treated for a century. Our neig'hbours are wiser in their g'eneration. Hardly were the rude communities of California formed, while women were sleeping' under tents and men under wag'g'ons ; while Judg*e Lynch presided over the Judicatory, and the better classes hung* thieves in the market square ; the citizens met to- g'ether, formed their Constitution, provided for edu- cation, and elected three or four men to represent California in the National Cong'ress of the United States. Nova Scotia has been a loyal Province of this empire, with all the securities of law, and the refinements of civilization, for an hundred vears. ' 'J and to this hour has no such privileg'e. What binds that rude Californian communit}' to the Parent States ? The presence of her four or five Repre- sentatives in the National Council. They may be neg-lig'ent, incapable, corrupt, but they are ilicre. Australia, not much further oft— with riclier trea- sures—with wider space, has no such privileg'e, and the wit of British Statesmen, \\\\\\ the example of I{e}>ublican America before them, seems inadequate to a task which elsewhere is fovuid so easy. Sir, this cannot last. England herself has a deep in- terest in this question, and the sooner tliat her m > ( statesmen begin to ponder tlie matter gravely the better it will be for us all. The »0,000,000 who inhabit the British Islands must make some provision for the 230,000,000 who live beyond the narrow seas. They may rule the barbarous tribes who do not speak their language, or share their civilisation, by the sword, but they can only rule or retain such Provinces as are to be found in North America,by drawing their sympathies around a common centre — by giving them an interest in the Army, the Navy, the Diplomacy, the Ad- ministration, and the Legislation of the Empire. While a foreign War is impending, this may appear an inappropriate time to discuss these ques- tions, but the time will come, and is near at hand, when they will command the earnest attention of every true British subject. We hear much, Sir, every day about the balance of power in Europe, and we all remember Canning's boast that he was ji'oino' to call a new world into existence to redress the balance of power in the old. At this moment we are plunging into a foreign war— the fiercest and most bloody it will be that we have ever seen. What is the pretext on one side- some question about the Greek religion. What is supposed to warrant our expensive armaments on the other ? The balance of power in Earo[)e. But is the balance of ))owerin America nothing, and have these Provinces no weight in the scale? (rod forbid, Sir, that at this moment a word ot" menace should escape my 00 lips. I am incapable of such a meanness. Eng-land's hour of extremity should never be our opportunity, for any thing* but words of cheer and the helping* hand. But, Sir, come peace or war, it is the interest of Eng'land that the truth be told her. Is the balance of power in America an unimportant con- sideration, and how is it to be preserved except by preserving* that half of the continent which still belong*s to her, and that can only be done by eleva- ting* the inhabitants of these Provinces in their own opinion, and in that of the world at larg-e. I know that it is fashionable in Eng'land to count upon the sympathies and cordial co-operation of the RepubHc. A year ag'o, Cobden and other apostles of his school, were preaching and relying* upon universal peace. Now all Europe is armhig-. The}^ preach, day by day, that colonies are a burthen to the mother country. The reig'n of peace, of universal brother- hood, may come. Should it not, and should Repub- lican America throw herself into the contest ag*ainst Eng'land, when eng-ag'ed with other Powers, as she did in 1813, what then would be England's position, should the noble Provinces of North America have been fluno- awav, for want of a little foresij>"ht and common sense ? The power of the Republic would be broken if our half of the continent maintained its alleg'iance. But if that were thrown into the other scale, what then ? Fancy the Stars and Stripes floating* over our GOOO vessels— fancy 500,000 hardy North Americans 61 with arms in their hands in a defiant attitude— fancy half a continent, with its noble harbours and 5000 miles of sea-coast, with all its fishei'ies, coal-mines, and timber ^one. Fancy the dockyards and depots and arsenals of the enemy advanced 1000 miles nearer to England. Oh ! Sir, I have turned with diso'ust from the eternal g-abble nbout the balance of power in Europe, when I have thought how lightly British Statesmen seem to value the power that can alone balance their only commercial rival. One subsidy to some petty European potentate has often cost more than all our railroads would have cost, and yet they would have developed our resources in peace, and formed our best security in time of war. A sino'le war with half this continent add'^d £120,000,000 to the National Debt of England. What would a war with the whole of it cost ? And yet these Provinces are so lig'htly valued, that a loan for public improvements cannot be guaranteed, . r « single seat in the National Councils yielded, to pre- serve them. Sir, whatever others may think, I pause in the presence of the great peril which I foresee. I pray to God that it may be averted. Here, Sir, is work for the highest intellects— for the purest patriots on both sides of the Atlantic. Here is a subject worthy of the consideration of the largest minded British Statesmen now figuring* on the stage of public life. In presence of this great theme, how our little squabbles sink into insignifi- cnnce, as the witches' cauldron vanishes from the h j; &2 presence of Mnebeth How insig'iiiticaut are many of the topics which the}' debate in the Imperial Parliament compared with this. I have seen night after nio-ht wnsted while both Houses discussed the g'rave question of whether or not a Jew should sit in the House of Commons, a question that it would not take five minutes to decide in any leg'islature from Canada to California. How often have I said to myself, I wonder if it ever enters into the heads of those noble Lords and erudite Commoners, who are so busy with this Jew, that there are two millions and a half of Christians in British America who have no representative in either House. A little consideration given to that subject I have thoug-ht M ould not be a waste of time. When I have seen them quibbling' with the g'reat questions of a surplus population — mendicit}' and crime, I have asked myself, do these men know that there is, a\ itliin the boundaries of the empire, within ten days' sail of Eng'land, employment for all — freehold estates for all, with scarcely a provocative to crime. I have often thoug'ht. Sir, how powerful this Empire might be made. How prosperous in peace, how invincible in war, if the Statesmen of England would set about its org-anization, and draw to a common cen- tre the hig-h intellects which it contains. With our maritime positions in all parts of the g'lobe — with every variety of soil and climate - with the industrial capacity and physical resources of 260,000,000 of people to reh' on, what mig-ht not 0.3 this Empire heroine, if its intellectual resources were combined for its government and preservation. If the M'hole population were united by common interests, no Power on earth ever wielded means so vast; or influence so irresi^ tible. But, Sir, let the statesmen of Eng-land slumber and sleep over the field of enterprise which lies around them— let them he deluded by economists who despise colonists, or by fjinatics who preach i)eace at any price with foreig-n despots, while no ])rovision is made to draw around the Throne the henrts of miUions predisposed to loyalty and affection, and the results we may surely calculate. Should the other half of this Continent be lost for the want of forethoug-ht and sound knowledg-e, there will be trouble in the old homestead. " Shadows, clouds, and darkness," will rest upon the abode of our Fathers; the free soil of Eng-land will not be long- unprofaned, and the o-ratitude of Turks, and the friendship of Aiistrians or Republican Americans, will form but a poor sub- stitute for the hearts and hands that have been flung- away. THE END.