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The following diegrams illustrate the method: Les cartes,, plenches. tableaux, etc., peuvent Atre filmte A des taux de reduction diffArents. Lorsqus le document est trop grsnd pour Atre reproduit en un seul ciichi. II est filmi A partir de I'engle supArieur geuche. de gsuche A droite, et de Itaut en bas, en prenant la nombra d'imeges nAcesseire. lies diagrammas suivsnts illustrant la mAthode. 1 2 3t> V ] 6 f'tf^A-* 5A'fH': ^^? Ml •*( ^ i?"r\ Vh'' « ■0 C^. V€-iA^V?><^ '*i| d y '*'I J"> ' ■ ' ' ff ' i> -rf" i --.-v^ ^ \; / x .V >'u > 1 '4 t^ \ • t ^ ^^ 4 t ^-' . 4a il *,». « mm \ !• - « /: m ;^.^>; .*r7,'i"?--""'' 1' 1 ':. if a ^'z-" ,^. ........... ■''■ ■'. fv-v; ■'^ ""■f? ■; *^'*t* ■^.:5e:' ■'■^K?r-';*l7f^^^^t;:^?f^Ji'r^i^'# '/v^>-'>i^'t^^Hpfef ■'■'". '■' w ^^ W"-^^^p^- \ \ / ■^ /i^ ■ -" 1 ■ ^^M W^^^M ^^Mll ■■■■ ■ ■■■ itBr" MR. GLADSTONE IN 1893. Fuggetted by Mr. Utnry Gladstone as the best recent pf W Vakndne ft Son, Fiatihi OondM, Soodand. . t. » - ■ V -» i' \ -^^ • -■( "" — -y- • \ h ■ "%^' i^sL £i'^:&tM- Af^^iC ^ i4 i^&f-Tjl^ m ^ ^i&*^«Lij irsfciiS^isLSi r-^. « ^^^jA^^^ /-ffM^^ ^ Aji*>,>„ ^ ^ ##fr'- T^^j^ Tif^'t^i F^cJlrySSiB ^^ 44? '3 1st ii^^m ^^ S. ."■j'vi^ *ffiL"l i* f f?^^ •^' VLi£4lt-f5ate*JE^ ^\»^;sImSHS kMs Si ^sBIE)-^ , K'.-fl'V LIFE ANii WORK \ MR. GLADSTONE T: ' ?JTr Career-Early OPPORxlNmES and Surroundings. Conskivativ. Views. AMD CONVERSION^TO LlBERALISM-Ix>VE FOR (tHRISTIANITY-HlS ShARE IN THE FrEE TraDB Movement-Proiiotion of Liberty and Sblf-Government in Italy, Greece, Turkey. ) AND THE United KingdOm-A Splendid iiNANcira-LoYALTY to the Queen, and / , Remarkable Coixjnial Policy-His A.i> in the Reform of the Franchise- ' Disestabushment of the Irish Church-Ecclesiastical Controversies * ^''o J^="Gious Views— Great Rivals and Contemporaries-Stirring Scenes in Political Struggles and Jf ational Statecraft— The ^"^ Drama and the Peers— A Great Orator, Brilwant L»*»ER. Statesman, Theologian, and Scholar. BY J.CASTELL liSPKINS ■*iaS.< il^aa E^^(tj 'aibgTite-''j*-'feia:'.gi>fc»»-^- 4j'K"sfe-i*5i * -^ ■ .,'Wvl 0- - 1 with a preface by 1 4ss ^ XtHE HON. G. W. ROSS, LL.D., M.P^P. ■*T-^SKi *»* MINISTER OF EDUCATION IN ONTARIO. •J » -1 C. R. PARISH & CO. 59 QUEEN STREET EAST, TORONTO, ONT. rt ■ \ . 1895 '' "f ^b"?- "ho by their achieve-^ inencs m science and mvention ■ x AV# >®~ "»• 1 ,i.^--'.v «^,v %^Jri.?hr^(i^Tpf$^^^^^fy''^$^^^^ JHf^ UFE AND WORK OF MR GLADSTONE. it was the duty of the State to provide for the reh'gious, rather than the secular, education of the people. Even on the questiQn of African slavery his opinions were by no means advanced. His address to the electors of Newark, dated October gth, 1831, in his first Parliamentary contest, shows the conservative character of his mind. He said : " We must watch and resist that unenquiring and indiscriminating desire for change among us which thrreatens to produce, along with partial good, a melancholy preponderance, of mischief." Out of a man so nurtured, educated, and predisposed, one could hardly look for the evolution of the greatest ' Liberal statesman of the century. In analyzing the career of a great statesman, of a great leader in any department of life, we have to consider not only what he has accomplished, but the motives by which his course has been directed. Even a great career is sometimes marred by an inordinate desire for power, or for the dignity and emoluments of office. Happily, English statesmen have been remarkably free from 9, vicious ambition to serve their country for personal ends. This was particularly the case with such men as Peel, ^x^ John Russell, Derby, Palmerston, and Gladstone, all of whom gave signal proof that neither the love of office, nor even the good-will of their colleagues, would stand between them and what they believed to be their duty to the nation. Mr. Gladstone's public career was almost exceptional in its unselfishness and independence. Had it been otherwise, he would not have abandoned the party alliances under which he entered Parliament, and thus disappoint the expectations of those "stem, unbending Tories" who looked to him as a possible leader. To seek public favour by forsaking his party, and opposing the political forces which then were dominant, was not the course which an ambitious man was likely to pursue. If not anxious for personal distinction, what, then, was the motive power m Mr. Gladstone's many variations of political life ? For it must be remembered that he opposed, in the early days of his career, almost eVeiy measure which he advocated in after life. For instance, he opposed a Ministerial scheme for dealmg with Church rates in deference to the views of Dissenters, and yet thirty years later, he carried through Parliament a bill which relieved Dissenters in Ireland from all Church 4!atps whatsoever. He opposed a scheme of national education, and yet his Government, in 1870, gave a system of national educatidn which revolutionized the schools of Great Britain. He opposed a bill to relieve the Jews of civil disability, and, later, was 4he advocate of a measure whereby all restncUons of a religious character should be removed from aspirants- for Parhaftentary honours. He early opposed the course pursued by the advocates of Home Rule, and, as a last closing effort of his life, he made the question of Home Rule the ^domina ting ques tion in British j nlifirs. Wl "JS^"' "fiont on so many questions ? Why this almost reckless challenge of the. public >i^WSR&' .•> -i"!^ Is.' '» > .1 lit. 'r'^f PREFACE. imp^ssed the p«,p,. of E„gU„d ^rrunllL" ss.'' f r^.e*^ " suffiaent to resist undaunted both friends and foes when he7d he l^s ™ ,h. r«ht; but .t was neither his eloquence nor his character alone that^cu^. leadership which all envied, and which few ever attains! Tl,. '"""^ * conviction that whether right or wrong, whe^heMn ^dv n« ofl s t meTre.",' aggressive than some of his followers Mr rio^cf^ V , ^ °^ '*^** extend the liberties^the people ^4^^^^^ only purpose was to success as a legislatSfcever'would h^^: X hiL" °"^ ''*^ "^^"^ "'^^^ The words, " Greater freedom for the peonle " were in tl,. -„ ki , every bill which he introduSn of theTI^nT''' tV!!' •^"''°" °' '''' workingtaan undergoes a revolution-The aboltfion of the Corn Laws-England passes frpm a position of mere military power into that of wc.ld-w.de empire-War is superseded by commerce-Cobdenism Uk^pl^J of the miJ^ •p nt engendered by the Napoleonic era-Government by the Crow^^es Ko^,nent bv aI p^rvr;- Lr aTdXr t"""'"^""' "''^" "^'>^*" - ^"-^ "-^^ -^^ ^ -..At™''"" '^''f *" °' * '^'"'y' ^'- Gladstone takes a conAually inci«,sing part, and wields a ^d,1ygrow.ng influence. During his political career, the Victorian era begins and ^i^ol^ J P«h.I». the most marveUous and beneficent period in the world's histo^ t»k« «. place «. # CHAPTER II. Early Years in a Great Life. '^ SSsrbvtrtrwrn'f ^Z^^ " ** ''"'="*~' '^"''"y-^^- ''^^^--' scotch by de««n. ^^s^c^^TrllVT^'"'''-:^''''' '"'' Parenuge-Surroundings of wealth and^- aTao,^^^ J» ^'•*!' ^''^-A »t«>ng Tory and follower of Canning-A slave^wner- S^adminitionfor^S-Lrr^tn rr^^ T" ''* "^""^ "^^ tioni in Livernool rf..ri„„ »k- . ^ old-Boyhood partly spent in Wales-Elec- S^nlM-jnTi.^;""* '^. ""''^ y*" °f »»>« century_$ir John GUdstone. Brougham, and ^^anni ng — Mr. Gl a dstone' s^ re mmmr A nc frflfthgtimfr-^TTtri ft^i t k^ - - 1 1- e^* ^r ™, ."L* .t5i-r >fr-i'!'iy- LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. II CHAPTER III. At Eton and Oxford. William Gladstone inters Eton— Traditions and surroundinirs i„ th. . : , remarluble men-His early friends and pursuits ^cmT ,. *'"' schooI-A nunery of paper-The Eton Afi^^^aly and hiriej^WurX"^^^ '^'^ P"^"^' ""^ ^^ • to Oxford with a high tepuUtion for chaltefand TbU^ Tf^ T^-^"^' '""» ~^''«" of a university education and training up«n Britlsh^^L"; S'^p*^^ Intimacy with Manning-Memories of Art^Tu" Sm-Of^Td k. ^"^^f « «'"'=8e «end.- The future Liberal leader and Sir F. H. Doy e-ThrOxfo,i'^T?«^ n'u** '^^ ^'^ °^ ^'"^^ c value and influence-Gladstone becomes h?nr«.-H». T" ^*''"''''« Society-Its great Cambridge-Speech agTtTe fiSt Tfo™ E Stlri^' iV"' ^'^^^ ^-o- debate"^ the uni.ers^ty-A peculiar reUgiousenWrrm«t^^^ *"^ others-Condition ol Hi. relations as pu^and friend w th tr^e B.^^w T u^'"'^ '" * '''■«'°'" dirtctioo- Ulity-Takes a dUle first-lass. lid l^v<^Sir^^^^^^ brilliant prospecu before him-^s atriS v,5uoTt^y '^''''" "P"^'"" *"*^ ''»'' ^^-^ CHAPTER- IV. The Hope of the Tory Party. English Toryism in 1830— Many reasons for its existenr^ T^,^» j appeamnce and q„aliries-Mr. GladstonreS P^Wnt "f T"""" °' *•»« d«y-Thel, Newcastle-Hi. dection address at rewarSubleTTh?« A'' ""'P''^*'' °^ '''« ^,"'^« °' and take, high Con^rvative ground-His ao^^rLt. f ^~OPP°^" »«8ro emanciVation. opposition-Speeches Si electioa!^Sni„inr,o?v ""^ "ews-Vigorous. though useki -His father's'Tuteme:: : "Sy. b'i^^^r. a Jlh^^ this time-His first speech-InteL in CdZa 1™!^? t-^^^ ~"""'y '"^*'' *^''' ""'"o •» national politics made^by'the yoTng Que^„T -nany friends-Great change in Improves the moral atmosDhere-RemoviT ''^'**"°" *° "»« throne-It promotes loyalty- Liberal party-Mr. GlTZ^Ti^XTo m"!;: SnelCfir^^^'-'TK^ ^^^^ '^^^ : of the event upon hi. whole future career. ^'y""*""" A"* »eetmg ^h her-Impoit«nc« ■I -r *m" re in (he Liver- CHAPTER V. First Years in Parliahent. Giadual growth in posirion and influence— His early soeeches in th« u t^ , Church-I. elected a member of the Carlton cS^h' f """-defend, the Irish State Disraeli-Greville'. opinion of him at thte tim^t;?! ^""''^^l!" i83S-First meeting with Govemment-A Bttle later i, appll TJndrt^^ r "'"''O'di'"'* member of PeePafir* -Opinion of hi. futtJSc^L aTfl^H n ^ ^^.1°' "*' Co»onie.-Meet. Lord Abenieen ^ghly pn««d brUi!r?",y%'r^!^^r^*^^^^^ House oT^^ -Qtt ee nV«x m i««, Init fa n^ ta^ ^^^^ "r"<=°^P i^ H rrtio D ^^Aic^ folto^ ^^ Chartiraahdtheii«iiti.t.-TheMW»v!f w : ^!. '^*'='"^ <='""*''»n of the counhy- Mr. 01adrtone-]py>b|ect in Parliamentii^TflT'T • "" "^"f" ' ""«"«e~Prince Albert and height to which ,^?SfiiSrilT^ "^^ • '^«'^' "">'* ■»« P«"''»» <»>«-•* Th«e i. «_ -.■-.■■/ ^Sa .isfi!ii«w31u * . v'#H>^ A,-« "^"*^ ■f^i^^^'-^^^^d^^vi IS LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE CHAPTER VL A Champion of thk Established Chttrcr. ; The condition and surroundings of the National Church -Unsatisfactory stat« of affairs— The Tracterian :. moveraeht and its far-reaching effects— Mr. Gladstone's ecclesiastical bias and development— His mtimate relationship with Newman and Manning— With Samuel Wilberforce and Sekwyn— With James R. Hope-Interestinjf correspondence— His work on "Church and State "—His vigorous cUim for a State recognition of Christianity-His belief that the State possesses a conscience- Reception of the book— Criticisms by the 71VwJla."JSi 4i^ S ' UFE AND WORK OP MR. GLADSTONE. J3 tion. still strong-Antagon&m to Disntdi-Refuses to accept office under Lord Derby- PalmerstoD s view pf fo«.gn policy also unpleasant to Mr. Gladstone-The Don Padfico,dXtL Ihe Queen d.,n,.ss« Palmerston-Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, and Lord John RusseUrOuritm^ r'TlT/' J""""" B"«l8et-Gladstone's powerful speech, and the dS ofSSovemmem -Lord Aberd«.n forms a Ministry, and Mr. Gladstone becomes Chancellor of the Sct^enr"He introduces h.s first Budget, and makes a great impression-Ah eloquent speech-H^e at oni1«M ^o hght as a g^at financial exponent-The War Budget of i854-Trade'matters and comme^S -..^bcygradurlly supersede m^hisfaind the questions of Church and State, which wereTm^l^ supreme-The way thus paved fot the ultimate adoption of Liberalism. « were lormeriy CHAPTER X The Aberdeen Ministry and the Crimean War. The Cabinet of All the T^ente-A coalition Ministry-Some of its peace-loving members-Origin of the Crimean struggl^The RusscvTurkish negotiattons-The rise of Napoleon III -The «>lun^ n,ovement-Influenc^ at work-War sentiment in the country-The Chancellor of the E^ chequer makes financial preparations-Frertch co-operation-Anxious for peace, the Ministry drifi into war-The Cnniean ca^paign--It8 achievements, its disasters, and the(final passing of the Jtorm-Mr. Roebuck's ration ,n the Hou«^ollapse of the Aberdeen .idminSTnition-Th; formation of a Government by Lord Palmerston-M?: GFadstone accepts office but retire shonly afterwards-War debates in the Housc^The Sebastopol CommiLe/^ro^'irr Gladstone defends bis conduct during the Crimean s.trurele-«' The only trustworthy statesma^ of the time "-Letter of congratulation t o Palmers ton-Mr. Gladstone reviews the .huatSa CHAPTER XL - POUTICAL AND INTERNATIONAL QUESTIONS. ^ The position Of the Peelites-" Gladstone intends to be Prime Minister "-The drift more dedd«fl. towards Liberalism-The gospel of development-No disgrace in an honest changTo^ibfor! Numerous insUnces in British h.story-The second war with China-Lord Palmemon'sTStn the country-The Indian M.tiny-Final transfer of the Indian government f?J::uhe ComS ^ the Crown-Mr. Gladstone^ views upon the question-John Brighfs remarkable propo^-I^.^TheS shaU be no Indian Empire "-Lord Derby becomes Premier in 1858. and again approaches iT Gladstone-Disraeli offers to give way for him-A general electiot-Lord ple'rsT 'Snl^ power-GkdMone, Chancellor of the Exchequer_A treaty of commerce with Franc^The Pa 'r CHAPTER XIL Homeric Studies and Literaturb. The great Greek poet-Mr. Gladstone's intense admiration for Homer-His belief in tha lr,«rf.rtiKi- mfluence of Homeric teaching, -Devotion to th6 study of Grecian mytho los^and h deJ^mem c^iS'iiJSlS n!:i**''°"T'^"'* '" "^"^ '*'™"«'' -nyagesanTdiverses^trmrHU chMrf mteUectud pleuuie «,d most conspicuous litemry achievement-Homer,' Dante, ud Shakespjue to him . mtrvellou. trinity of genius-In Ancient Greece Mr. GlSst^e JoTJ ^'"!'5,«^^'^.«^ fa't'^t M great a. ever Mr, Disraeli fdl in the te«iiti«»3^,S^ Ihe Jewish race-Vanous works by Mr. Gladstone upon Homer and the Heroic A^e-A ZhfaS '/*. i^A M^sd&^m ..A ■,_«J^.-;p.,^/ 5.i»T»*}-^i^-'^j^!.-"— ' ■H^^iiU*}' M UFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTQN^ CHAPTE* Xqj, The Iokum Islands^ and th« American Cokflict. Forty-three yearn of British Connection-Mr. Gladstone-. Lndly relations with Lord TVrhv'i a . tion to Gre^The British GovTrn^l no pSlS^^^I-i^^^^^^ makes it advi^ble-A ^ry unexpected document-i^se^at vi fea« aUhfu^^^^ '"""' .rX'^'^'Jlf -"^PO"<*-<-The islands ultimately rn<^^ro;e 'to GrL^I^M^'STd" he C.?^ w" Mr^G^^^^^^^ -Utions. with ^^l^t^'^ me i^mi War— Mr. Gladstone favours the South, and is suDoorteH h« fh- k iu r • ^ . opinion-Disraeli and Bright stand by the North^ble rT?. ^r ^ r °^ anstocratic operatives-The Trent aflafrand its c:L^:.ZT:^^^.ZTJ t1 ^^'T ""°" Sn^t si'-h;. t:ric :?irv^ --^^ eirri^-sre^ Te and freedom. «""-<=hange of opm.on and apprecmtion of the great struggle for unity / CHAPTER XIV. , Mr. Gladstone's Great Budgets Napoleon m.-Dea.h of tod^todTn ^ H , rT"""' ""• ^""'^-I'ricnd.hip o( thte do«st political Jocfatt, *lir«'n , . °"^ """ Si' J»"« GnU,am_.. M, CHAPTER XV. Progkessive Opinions and Legislation. Development of opinion in a great mind— Thi» *.«.,.» r.e ^ t • ecdesiasticisra-The liberalizST poZof ct„f , h 7^ «"v,ronment-The influence of upon the principle* of the'oungstTtrLnJtZa^ '""'^ P*«y-'*» ^^-t -The early rivalry of Gladstone a„rDLe^rThI t T "^ ''•''*'' "°' '"''°"' "«•«''' "^^^ , policy checks for a time his drift io^^d^^U^tuZlrZ^^^^^^^ to Palmer^ton's Foreign the growing differences between GladstoL an^he ^I JtohT^^^ T" P««1 'accentuate Lord Aberdeen, and other Peelites-^^e final 'u^^^^^^^ K.^sm-ugis.tioninthedr::'rtr=;:^^ .ior^ ■:>S^ "*" CHAPTER XVL The Reform of the Franchise. UFE AND WQRK OF MR. GLADSTONE. IS '"', ^f?\ '"^^"* *^* ''•'^**' ■"•* .peechc-The Cave of Adullam-Eloquent on.Uu.ght by Lowe and D^raeli-Defeat of the Bill and resignation of th, Government- Acc«s,on or Lord Derbr-Govemment by minority-The Tories uke up refoln-Mr Sulw CHAPTER XVII. Disestablishment of the Irish Church. 1- Mr. Gladstone s first M'n.stry-H.s personal power, and strong foUowing-A distinct mandate from the people-The Insh Church ,n h.tory_" A badge of conquest," in Liberal opinion-DiZld^ of the propo«^ reform-DeU.ls of the poUcy!-Bitter opposition from some Churchmen- K f'Kr. r'?'?~K '^S 7: °^ '''' situation-Mr. Gladstone's correspondeno^with the Archbishop of Canterbury-The debates in the Commons-The Bill goes ud to the L^h? and is described by the Earl of Derby as invol,{hg "political folly aSd mon.1 turp^itud^-- Interposition of the Queen^F.nal passage of the measurfe-" A chapter of autobiography --Mr Gladstones defence of his consistency-The resuU of the policy upon the Chur^ of England generally, the people of Ireland, and the. future of the Uberal party. ^ngund CHAPTER XVI n. The Liberal Party and Foreign Affairs. Liberal traditions-Some weak Foreign Secretaries-Mr. Gladstone and Lord Palmerston-D-fferent schools of though -Home not Foreign policy the dominant idea in the Premier's mind-cS but steady reverjjl of Liberal policy towards Fmnce-Growth of German power-The Fi^S Prussian War^Mr. Gladstone's wise and- generous interference in Belgium-The war S^ England in Europ^Russia tears op the Black Sea Treaty-A curious Lprom's^ of a d ffi S matter-Troubleswuh the United Slate^Aggressive action and policy of that coun J-Se Alabama Claims-Ouuda presses for compensation in the Fenian raid's matter-The Waging on Treaty negotiated-Disputed points submitted to arbitration-The Geneva Award acceptJS England a. preferable to possible war-Mr. Gladstone's generous W of American blu,t« ^ CHAPTER XIX. A Reform Administration. [The ^Wen age of Liberalism-Reform and domestic policy Mr. Gladstone's strongest poirtt-Parchuo 1 o'f J;rr "^""'°" °^ ' "r"'* '" 'tsabolition-Rejection by the LornkemartS ^. •^^'"1'iTTT ^^ '^' P«»ier-Grant to the Princess Louise upon her m^rS^^ The Insh Und 9. 11-Mr. Miall proposes English Church disesUblishment-AJai« Tlr^r Si^'^^r C°Di^^afir'^'f ^^^^ Sit ^!rf"£.?"^^'.rg.."r the Q"5»-Re.narkable ^nein the House^Mr. Glad- — -^ *M .sauot isiu->irorstei's Eduefttion BiH^Tfie rash Universitv edimtinn r^^*** "' the Gove™meot-Di«acli refuses to fon» . Ministry, and oSne r^^« ^Decadence of Liberd influence «k1 popularity-The election, of 1874, and ^.S^ Codwrwuvewctoij-AccesuontopowerofMr. Disra^ 74, ana a .weeping ^^^M^U'it^, ^f^^U. ^^: ;■*-■• - i 4* •'1^ * ' '« ,>'- *" 'i' LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONfi. ^ CHAPTER XX. Vivian Grky becomes Pkeuier. ' The great Conservative leader takes the helm-" Oh, Politics I thou splendid juggle I "-Mr OI.^^ contmues or a short t.me in a position of informal Liberal leade™hip-TSub, ~^;,S^tr* Sue resolutions introduced by Mr. GL,dstone-The position of th^E«.ablfshed^^ u ^ ?""~ . w.th Sir VVillian, Harcourt-Defence of the RitualistLvariou. hll^rca co^fl.?^^^ ~ upon Education-Retirement from the leadership-letter to Lord G'ranvSL^Q *'*^"*'*' Hartington-Difficulties of his position and hirTbi: cllt^ of ^t^^JLT O^^^ occasional appearances in the House-Turkey ngain to the front ' »°«"»-Mr. GWstone'i CHAPTER XXL * Ecclesiastical Discussions and Reuoious Views. " ^ Mr. Gladstone an ardent controversialist-His especial love for religious or eccl«ri-.ri«.i a- A Hi^ Churchman yet opposed to RituruTm-A severe Sc of E^2^^, *'P'"«»«>°- admiriof Wesleyand his adherents-A vigorous suppTrtTofThr^L^rhS ^l "L^* ' "'"=*« yet a ^rong a^ outspoken critic of it. affalrs-An adm^r* of W^S tKl-^r'''''^'' ^ England. aspects, but aferce opponent of Pap.1 InfalUbility and JfThe extnTn J he rT k" "t'^ °' '^ . essay upon the Vatican Decree^-DVnounces all^iance to the Po^? Chujch-His famous the State-Relations with Manning and Ne^maL-^el V.^^'S^^^^^^^^ movement upon hit mind and principles.. U'vorce-Effect of the Tiactarian V CHAPTER XXn. The Eastern STORM-CLoin). Constantinople, the key to the East-A time-honoured and worldwide nr«hi ,, «. consistent course-Lord Beaconsfield's keen regarf frSn^t imeLts Th". °?l!'°°'^''' statesmen regarding Turkey absolutely anuXistic^The W^ » ^7^^ V)' *'° massacres-M^. GUdstone's famous pamphlet-He aeain tW«. K5.! ir *^*r^« Bulgarian in defence of Christianity and ^^-lT^i^S^JZZZ^^^^^ :^^ the poHticd arena Undermines the Government's posirion in Z^t^^^lZ.^T'^''' '''* Common.- -Tr^ty of San Stefano-Appa^lTnt trium hTS-Lt,^,^^^ ^^^^^^^^ war— Calling out the reserves— The British flp*f iii«~» r .i. « . ""®y— "" we vei]ge of , ».M b. Lord »..<»„.».„ „ S; SS '^^ ^. »d Z^ 7'»-^"'«" "^OP. CHAPTER XXIIL Mr. Gladstone's Second MmimtT. The Midlothian campaign of iSjj^-Mr. Gladstone's great receotion-HI. .„n- pe«onal influenc<^U,rd Ro«=beiy-Be.<^n.field'. i^Cd^f ^J^?^^ °'''7' "^ Libend Victoiy-Mr. Gladstone Premier by the v^^L^Zl^ "^'^^^Vm Austrian episode-Th«j Bradlaugh case-Irish .ffli« i^ Ik! ^^^^^ "ew Mmi«iy--the fourth party-Urd Rando^SurS^S R^n td S^S^.t P*rnell-The rise of the political jubilee-The T^nsvaal troUl^ThrCi^^^Q^^^^f ^^^^ retirement-Household suffrage in the counties-S^i^S. ° ^J Tf "-**'• ^'^^^^ \ iSsi-Hi, second campaign S MidloSiiS^A^^^tS^^'"*" l^r^'' ^^"^ « Mr. Gladsto^^at misUke-pSof "e ^^IZ:SZ^t^'^'' t«rible d«a«- ^ mntfcsto to the people-He review, hi. prTnc^lT^" S^ ""'*'' "^ •*^'''« "^"^ /''i^j t..,c;fei*»l!#JiV*jU^^'»S&.!irfJ»«v 'Sl- I- LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. 17 ^ CHAPTER X^IV. , M». Glai»tonk in Literatukk. . ^ [Wonderfiil versttility as « writer_An eloquent l^n and a forcible style-Hls liteiary irork not ■. Zr.'„°H kI"! °^ r? " •?'• °""°"*="' ^*''"''' "^"''^ indicate-The varied character of Z Snt^lf^^T '^''T'^" P°»"<=*'' ""gio"'. constitutional, and international-" The Gleanmgs of Past Yean, "-His view of the character and career of the Prince Consort-Hh ftmous essay. « Kin Beyond Sea --Forcible criticism of Macaulay-Admiration for Trn^;;f- Foreign pohcy-The po«t.on of Greece^Vigorou. handling of the Eastern Question-Mr Glad- So«ll'S''*r *='»^'='t,"'"'"' " ' writer-His tributes to the Bible-lHi, transUtibn^ ke:™::;;:„"^sf " ""'"^'''' '°"'"^"* "^•"°'^' """"^''^^ ~"-"«» ^ ^^.e.^ CHAPTER XXV. Death or Lord Beaconsf«ld— The Great Rivals [The death of the moulder and master of modern Conservatism-Mr. Gladstone survives him durin.! many y«.rs of active work and struggle-His eloquent eulogy of a great rival-Memories of a long contm^edcont«.t over pnnciples. and struggles for political power-Characteristics of the t^ Thf !L^-^ dnjst,cop,nion-Disraeli's youthful egotism, brilliancy, failures, and successes!! GUd^lr.K""T^^ **'®'"''''' "'•'^'' ^' ^''^ '° overcome-JIis keen ambition-For ^ GUdstone the early path to success less encumbered by obstacles^The development of a sort o «.ppre«ed pe«onal antagonism-Mr. Gladstone could not endure hi, rivaT, supposed in.ii centy.hB sometimes sensational Fgreign policy, and his biting sarcasm-Mr. Disraeliunable I!?*!!!'!!^! "T'"'""'"^"^ ^'' opponent, his intense religious enthusiasm, and M [l^:nd5t:iXr'"°'''' twostatesmen-m the Primrose League BeaconsfieSj CHAPTER XXVL , . I The Irish Drama. ' Mr. GUdstone and Ireland-Curious combination in his mind of regard for jusHce and for tiL popular wiU-The development of his views upon the general qSon of rLh gomnll^! Rule^oToaJ of'h'"* '''"'"' "f .""^ ^"'^ ^""^°° ' '^<-' preparation^ HoS «olt^!? .t I «»™«»tness and sincerity in handling this complex problem-Mr. Gla^! W Hai .T'^'^^T "r'"'t^P"' ■" ''* ^*^"' party-Secession of Bright and ChamW JlIS r^ f » S n •^*'«°"'' » enthusiasm and energy-A great debate-The lS yn^fete defeat ^ Government-Appeal to the country, and defeat of Mr. Gladstoni-Se airtam (alls apon the first act m the drama. -uawn*— i oe CHAPTER XXVIL /. Thk Salisbvry^ Government. / . w ^^^ ^ iirwr^ta of a irorw-wldeHmpire— Mr. Gladstone's noble tribute tnH- Ma^ty". influence and ^j^nt reign-Fifty jgp» of progre«-The ^nenl^TtM^ SS" ,^rK"*~**''^"*' enunciates aC .nd'^Z^policy^ ttl^ ll"^ D-fficultie. in^the way-Continue, the Home Rule campaig„-lT.e'^i.t;,ne Lb^^'^^ w- "^-'1 jttfiS -jr<" i8 UFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. ^^/^S'S^tr-riMir;^^^ PanWH|.«^» o«.,o„ ^ P„w„t upon CHAPTER XXVIII. ^ Mr. Gladstone's Fourth Premiershw ine new Government— New men to the (rant rj.- „/ t ^ « measure introduced by Mr. O^^s^:,'!^^^^^ :L^:^ ^'^'l''--'''''^^ ^"'« 'g-'-A House-Passage of the .Bill-Great debate in the L!rT^r'°"*' »cen«~««-Or.toricaI downs in an oratorVexperience-i^rrSl • '^ del.very-Harvellous fluency^Ups ^d theiound of battle-r^:rdeU~ power not always cLbined with ih^l^lT^Z^J^^ '""•"" ""^ attack-The oratorical Chaniberlain and Jalfour-Cobdrn', opintn of ^^ ^^^^ '" '^ '^"P^" °' "^^^ "«•«» epigram. " l^prolng Ufe-lor^f, ^J-,^^ Giadstone-Loweir. aspects cf dive«e Eloquence ^ "'°"' -I"fl"5^e of earnestness in speaking-The different^ y CriAPTER XXXIII. Thr Contemporaries of a Great Life. , of Europe and the world S ta th." tte TeeT^^T °"V'"'' ^'''"' """^-T^ "^P Lyndhurst and Brougham, have di^S ^"" ^^P «*'y„?«"ged-WelIington and PeeJ lone like the shadoi of Nichol«TTSl ?k^^^^ '"• *"-^ »''"°"<=k ^"ve^ome and . contemporarie^-Their opinton of hi. v^i^r^^r^ Gieat-Mr. Gladstone's influence over hi. From Wordsworth to T^Z^IfZ^^^'T^^'T"'^'^^^'''^^^^^^ °f '•'^™'"'«- learning-Mr. Gladstone's inCceredSU" un^n ^^^'''^ ^"^--^^ development of Ir-ining-His patronage of literarTm^m!?'/^ *"*? ''^^^' "P°" ""iversity life and l^ds-His place in t'c ^,1^73^^^:^''''' "^" •»»* ^"^ -«» ''t-ture of other \- Mr. CHAPTER XXXIV. ' . The Church of Englaiid. ^ "till sypipithe^ic mterert in -.^ ZTZ. -f ^^""""^ "" ""^^^ '"■«-«[« critical, but connection betweTsuteiSJ Ch^J^Jt. Jn.^ ft!' ^"^''^ P<«ition^The theory of the and Ertglid. ^Krfety-ThTgeno^tiiJ^aSrf ^1"* "*~° English life. English poUtic^' . • V ine general aigumcnt for pre«srving and improving « great cSirlstiS \ CHAPTER XXXL Mr. Gi^stonr and Canaiu. -'""pie^frc^Vn^:?^^^^^^^^^^^ His lette« to Eari Grey-The HudlT. S.fr '^'^ w^'^" "" °'** schoolmate and friend- .ndConfeder.tion-Se^keof^;<:.t^L^°r^^^ "P°" C""*- ^^e^-c* The United States and the seulemenrr LJISLh ^'J'^'/'-The Grand Trunk Railway- out Lorf Dufferin.»Lo.d LansdTwne .^J't;;^^^^^^ , Grand Cross of the Bath upon Sir lohn M 1 Aberdeen-Advises the Queen to confer the Council-Canada and the SouTn«ta^;!Sar^^ -d.to caH him to the Imperial Privy pre«,n.s the Grand Old Man J^ T^^^^lZT^^'i "°"* w"'^^'- ^'"^ in the great Dominion. ^--"aawn portrait— Mr. Gladstone', name a household word ''rm >/ ^t.^ l'-^ It., r I ^Vi4'Vj'?-^ r^.j Hw. (." ■'K - ^ ^:-w;.vi.;^r^^^iis#,^^P^^^ MFE AND WORK OF lilL GLADSTONE. F„1k r,"^" Nonconformist i^„ef torWcontmry-Mr. GI«l«onft .uppdhs the NaUonaJ Engl ,h Church, yet receive, the political ,upp^ of the Di,«5„ter.S*n.e f-^Chwh S . d.«.tabl«hment. and Engh-h ecclesi«tiad reforms-^ GUdstonr/etationrwhh X ,eS^ of Bruuh religiou, thought^^HU many con.rover,ie.-The future of the GhuTh ^ EngL^ : CHAPTER XXXV. Mr. Gladstonb and the House 6r Lords. Hi. e«Iy environment an aristooratic one-He starts in public life under the «u,pice, of. griRtl -His Tory learnmgs for twenty years maintain these affiliations-He shows in lateriSs^ dismchnation to engage in practical warfare with the Lords^His social reUtifps^ilSSriitoc^H. c,lau generally very RjKKl-Exceptions to this nile-The influente of tSiSWrSTuv jomewhat underrated-Their real achievement, in many directionl-^^ J of SRL'h^u^^ It, service, tothe State-lArchbishop Trench on the ari,tocracy_Mr GUdsleWn^H^!^^ contain a large proportion of Peers^His addi^ipns to the ranki of the pLt^Zr^n tl^ mde by his Conservative opponents^CarlW's opinion-Mr. oLsTone a^sS tt hoo^ - wnfer^ed upon Tennyson:- His own refusal of an Earldom - Hi, final rS^ to ii^dTn thp-cimpaign against the Lords-Present position of the Peers. ° % CHAPTER XXXVL - ■ U o Km^ TERISTICS AND HOME LlFE. • * Mr. Gladstone at Hawarden-A ch^^ming home^The ancient seat of the Stanlevs H.'. I happy married life-Mrs. Gladstone's characteristics-Her wonder uT .^rlfT^ r*/"** incident of hom^life which has become the public po^^.^: rhetrld-M^ and m"^' "." —Mr. Gladstone's family-Life within the wall, nfHll, "^ ine world— Mr. and Mrs. Disraeli A 3HAPTER XXXV Later Days in a Mei^ora ,■<* fcS,£. i ^ Stead-,Mr^Glad,tone retires to Hawarden, and is succeeded by Lord Ro«^ ^ehte itv-:?T •" "T"°" ''^""^'•^ °' '■"• P*'^'-' PndurancJ. and u„2 ehBtfattiv ty-^ontmue, to take an interest in politic^in literature, in relig bus contrl ^^nT^Z''''^t''''^''°'' °' '" "^'^■''f"^ birthly-Th'e ArS continued «PpBtfiy with the oppressed— Deelinina davs snent «miH -.^i-i "T =JkdB3£-^List or Illustrations— AWTHOR^Woilp g06^^/lkl^j'^|^Ii^V!L^.^Jt9i ^* J'J 2^ J\ ^ J^ «-W^t»!&^^ ■Mh i^.) s ' ■SiSa.A«4Wt'* wKi, i.- ' v*^/)- ^ /'^'^^ *M3. CHAPTER I. THE CHANGES OF A CENTURY. 'HE opening years of the Nineteenth Cehtdty weje marked by events of stormy and sombr^ mag- iitude. Napoleon had developed a genius for conque|t rnd a mad amtJi^jon for power which had laid the % lations of Europe at his feet, and had swept over the Continent at an enor aous sacnfice of life, liberty, and individual happineL En^S s tooS abn" >t.H r'1'^" of European freedom, and the hJpe of European peoples >itt had made a stupendous stmggle. Grand coalitions had been created only. liL ^itrthe^B ^h "n^ "'^'^ f ^'^ ^°"^"^^°^ ^-^y had been 'spet like water The British Isles were thrown into thej scale, and all the doLd determination of its people had been utilized in this cjonflict of the ages S te ;l:^' vi '^^"' ^^ ^'^ ^^^^ -^^^ '^¥ by British S^ ^ .^i^lf^M^ , . ?'^^'^ ^' ^"*"'>^ ^" ^^°^' *^^ °^y obstacles to the onward .arch of Na^leon's legiofis seemed to be the snows of Russia and the naTrow aters of the Bntish Chaniipl. But Ulm and Austerlite constituted t'e hT.W ^ of French ascendehcy, and made the darkest moment be o4 the S T; T^;;j^P °f,.E"~Pe was not destined to be rolled uf, just yet The mbmon of the bnii t conqueror led to his own downfall. aTd IhSrap d whtl .f events earned the Duke of Wellington into the recesses of the Im7erfarpower t t^^ir ^^^^^ W aterloo end ed the first historic pe r^l^^ >rthe Freiich Revolution., Jhe t^iirst for excitement and glojthe lontfng for M .n^&Ki^t.ess'j' I' '. > -^ ' \ ■^■, s>si^- ■iywjirf m> . fi >- fa tiyfc AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONK it is true, was more or leL I^tlrbl^hVr T* rT° ""'^'^ "^'^°°«- Europe, years; and England Jf.K T ^^* ^^^^'^ *»^ Vienna for the ensuing twentv pursuHs of feat CtTfe'S^^^^ ^''^«^^' ^^<* retaUHe • people were for a bn^?time con 'nf Th^ 1°^^"?' achievements the Briti|h . its stupendous cost !t horv« oueltf "t ^''u^ u^ '""^ '^^' ^"^ ^^-^^ V were fully anticipated by the l^eXurc f.f ^^^^^^ ''' ^'"""'^^^^ ^^^^'^« debt equal at onetime to reiraTh Id tf ail /h ^^ '^^'^'^ '^^ "^''«° ^^'^ I . It had left the Governmrt^th an exh.^ . ^' ^"?'' Property in the realm. population. "It made the rel^f of ^ vf.^ "^"^/^""^ ""^ ^ ^-^''taxed poverty necessary. . It for^d tfe Tor^M bisr ^f^Lll'^^^^ ^"^ and establish the Cora Laws with „. """'="^y « Lord Liverpool to introdnce temporary collap.e of comS and tht ^Jt P^f^^' °" ■°' '°°'^- " ^^" "-e after a prolonged struggle :SrL„t;Mirars "'''"^"°" "'='«'==" '^''"'^ tHepeop,:t''rhi;L:e7carretrn,Bli"'^;':.°'*"'™"^^ era which, beginning with Wellington andTr^;-. ■■>a"g"ration of an cabbined. and conlned," clSttdln GMstr'^r°" T ''"/' '=*'''<'■ government. Here appeared the seconil„ • o - ■'^ complete freedom of , It hampered the devd^pmelt rfr^X^f^Sorh ° '\' ''""'='' «=^°'"«°"- the possible dangers and disasters oT^l', "^^ fnghtemng people as. to oChe French population iX earl e^d" T'""™"" The insane exce&es • Pitt from a friend into an enemy of Lt™ 1"'"" ^^^ ~""«'*«' William influence and example had pmZed , JT' « " " ""' ="P"^'"g "■>« his always weakens a party, and the foolf.hT™^ °^"' '" "" """""y- Disloyalty tain periods of the struggk ti h^ttt„„T?« "'f "3' Charles Fox at cer! the Liberals. CombiniJ thT^ ^0'^^* tt , */'■ .'''^'"'<' "■« P""" of « is not surprising that the t^ry par y l^de,? '^ ^T^ '^"^ ">e great war, ton. held the reins of power liSIlll Z L t'^^' ^'-"'"S- »"<» Welling! Waterloo. ^ *"* '' "S*" ''»'«' for the fifteen years which followed not andTurblt tT^^^ "Snt" T^ "'" •^"''^ "^ "''"P-''. though they hardly knew whaUt L, I " P*°P'' ™"'«' something ful amongst the m^ p^,i" ™: J^^"!^'^ ^«« Pl^-'ift" and powe?! :«rong in c„„,ests with IhT^^ ^ tT^ T"^ '^^^'^^^ "'"^'^ '''"' ttampioning the domestic, mc^Zi Jt(^^f V '° ''""' "«'' «™»g '" K-ra^r^irSo"^"-^^^^^ w ^^ i. .wer ^•'^^s^zr^^^z^-:^^ 'M, M!£- .iiu^ttd '0^*0*1*^1 E •V ' - W^-'f*'-'*. ? *' ' rV^ H' CHANGES OF A CENTURY. '3 tion in the principles of reform or of chanir*. p.„«, ,. ' """"" English motto and the English pLtS^^anH f.^^'"'^^' °*»' revolution, is the require strong treatment. ^ ' *°*^ ''"^^^ °^ transition occasionally the VictrU^ypT'tliTrinf SelY ^'^""^^^^^^ ^ constitutional ruler of without notice. George III. had refuSS f «'".,?;. ^^"^ dissolved Parliament and George IV. had fought a^^Ltc^^^^^ ^'" "'^ ^^ ^" ^'^'^°d in defiance of popular opinion^ WilL^Iv^ ^."'""^ ^'^''' ^"^ verge of revolution was reached, aTthen^sVr '^' ^'^°"" ^^" *^"» ^^e the latter period that the full measur! nnT ^ ^""^ ^^^^ ^' ^^ "^^ till after was recognized by the monarcrandacctr^^^^^^ The position of affairs during these vearsn^ffi^ understood by the people. Habeas Corpus AcUf legislat^nagfn'^^^^^^^ °f suspension of the sacres and numerous riotsfmav bfe sfmm T""' ™^^*^"g«'°f Peterloo mas- side were honest fears of ^X govrnmer '" ".^ !fT"°^'^- «" ^^^ one the name of liberty, andVS n't un "! ""^l^^^.^^^. ''^ French crimes in were unprepared fo^ full and ffLVal^^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^ Pe^ple day reform-naturally ^eant revolution ^ndZ ° *^' ^°""^ °^ ^^at larger the public meetings, the more' vfln^rT """^'^^^ the riots, the Henxy Hunt, tW stronger |iw thirfm;^:^" '' ''"^''^^^ °' ^^'^^'^^ «^« On the other side there was i «., J J ciples of Parhamentalygoveram^t tS^T "/*= P«>P'« '» 'he prin- from their many disibiUties ; The wilX""^ •""''' °' *° ^''''°''<=' somewhat incendiary writings- X 1^1' '™'f ' ^ "'"^""ation of Cobbetfs Army and Navy; L^ord^S tutrr..W ''r"''" ^"f ''■■-"'- '» *« with the year 1820; Bro4hamW™lr. ??^ '" '^'""" "' ^fora, beginnine of Radicalism ; Hn^Jontco^rci:. ^ef^^m "^^^^ ^'"^ ''"'"^"' "'^P'-^ tions upon the personal freedom of worki^leT' n' '"^^ °' ^"""^ '™i'^- of the people in the duties and respZiwS 7? contnbuted to the training one who understands the ge«ralTndi "n r .1"" ^^'f-government. And no thinks, for instance, of the L"eTess ™t ™ t .L"°"'''r ^' """ '""'■ ^^ nationalt::!;rt:iet:r^:htgfr^ Si- to had been inBuenced by the French RevfhlZf J ! ^ "'"'^ P«"°d """'th was the turning-point on a roaTof prog^ stwch*!^ • " ''T'"'"^ '«^- I' whole course by the influence of MfG adstonl tiV"''^'^"^ ^""^ -^^''^ "» totter portions by the predominatto^'imn.^ 1 J' '■°A'l.^!°"°g""!'^ ■■- « " if ^t P « "^ and that d evagpmentt 'Zt^r .^J^' l'' ' ." " f *' '"«a^^- ^Htperiodand'thaS igp^:^ -^P';^",his|unyt^^ -M. U has given the wat^hworo^^^nV'r^^J^rc^t^l:-^^^^^^ TfftS/r ,J(V:sJitoSr<.P'™ '" America wa. A„«Knd Sotth Ifricr rber"'" "'rj"" "°" '=""''='"<> - Canada, principle in the m^ds orBrit^^h': ret^n't^ Tr""", "-'-6«'"«. the United States should never tTpited thatTh T'^l'^'''"^^^ should be given the Colonies in every Son • th t ,.' .■»°" »•>»'"'« «b««y proclaimed as beine entirelv ■„ .k!^ <"«"ion that their destmies should be ought not to be 2e^ upo.?^a",fataZaUnd'J ""■ *"""^' V'"' ''^'"''''>' natural and beneficiaTprobabmty ^ ^^""'^ P°^>bi"^- """t a. a ateti'.isAiiteifiV&A^njAv^tH*^!'!^ k«'','»^ >. '^' 1 ■. ~Aip f ^» ■f^i-ffiiylf CHANGES OF A CENTURY. first flush of success a„d.wealth follotw „^ "w ' f '' ".' t.^"^"" "^ "■" machinery; the discovery of AustralZ JSh ^ M ^"^ ""^ solution of railroads and ships. l7 those d^s^f^K ^f "" ""''^^'ion of steam in Colonies fitter? ^B^t.^s ti^s cttg^' l^h:? ^^^f -"« *d the possessions showed great national anH °"''"''. ,'='"'' *« despised Colonial' veered round, and the Ma'cS: schoo uTr™ T """"'=' "P'"'"" ^'" ' the more patriotic principle and asptat^n „f , '^'"^ ''^"°" ™= ''P'»«d by In both these develppmenteMr °"rI JT'"^' T'^ ^^ ''"''"■"y- public life as a believer in theTo^^al^ obaWhtToTe 1 ■?"■ "' ""'«^ " an opponent of any action which miSt nr„m^, r™'"''' ^^P"-^""". >>« as certain extent, under the inflSen™ o ?hT° '^V'"^'- He came, to a . . Colonies in middle life, and Meved h»f -h ".""'''"^ indifference to the . mainly in England hersif. ^ivla,rvl s hi r"^' '"'!f"t''/ E"S'-»d centred . , ^ development, the fullest oppXX for self !r°"'' "" '''''' P'^^ '" Colonial ' at the same time hoped sirLe'v fi a mainfl! '"J I"'' ^"'-"PP"". bw then so clearly becoming beneficfal to all "oncerSed ' """" *""> ™ came th"rnt "^l^ ^fre™menf T '" "■' """-^^ "■^"-'"P own person embodied this swel&nTw'^^^^^ Mr. Glads,»,e in his " Whigs or aristocratic Ub.t^/^!r^*'^^^^^^^^l TV^ P""-""" "''> *« wave of reform which, at the same time^ried fhTr """" '" "P"" *' and dunng many subsequent years they ^^1 offit ZT 1."'° '»"«">«"' : past reputation. parUy as a result of the free ^1h """"^ P^^'^ because of their disruption of partyaffliations. DunW ?Im p f '"°™'""" *'"' ">« consequent «ere practically supreme, but with his de^T I'^T'"'^' ^°^ °^ P°^" *ey and the dominance of the mid^e classes '*^^' "' '""''" ^«form. par.iiuLrctir:??he"L^Jrstr:rr' '" p'^^ --^ ■•»«-«• Thi. " commerce ; is always ambltbt fo rnXnaulr''^ ""'""'«' '" '"<" -" ^ and betterment of personal conditions "^LTT""'" °' '"^"''"al change, ;■ of oratoo- and the possible benefits' of S^^ '"'"'P"''" '° *« g'amou; j. convulsions, and therefore is noT Radical T^ f" L " "PP""" '" P'-'i'ical * «.terprising foreign policy, and is fhetfo e nat^V i°',*^*'\*" ^-^^^ °' i' polmcs. It was this great class which put Mr S'"*^ '° ^ ^"'^'a' '" elections of i868 ; which dethroned Lord R ^''^' °"' '" P""" during the too much brilliance and imagrnS ftr heir ol^ ^i" •" " ^''^ ~"«=^"i»8 turn, defeate d Irish Home Rule sn^^^t.?.!"""?'.' ?».'•» i "hich. if . ifter pass .ow pn«=ti«S;,;SS trrr^^ -as :^^..„ - .. _ ,: ® ^^'^ ^. "^^^ electorate has been /. fl6 LIFE AND, WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. slowly broadened down until the workingman— the artisan and the labourer— has been admitted within its once sacred precincts. The legislation of Mr. Gladstone's last Ministry settled this fact. But, long before that occurred, the development of the platform had proclaimed the coming of the masses.. When, in 1866, Mr. Gladstone went down to Liverpool with other Cabinet Ministers, and harangued a great audience in favour of Reform, it was looked upon as the commencement of a new democratic era, and, in fact, did inaugurate the period which found a climax in the Bulgarian and Midlothian campaigns. In these later days debate in Parliament has, therefore, been superseded by platform oratory, and members of the House of Commons have in too many cases degenerated from being the supporters of political parties with certain defined views, into. the delegates of constituencies which regard some particular leader as worthy of support in almost any and every political contingency. It has become a duel between Mr. Gladstone or Mr. Disraeli, between Lord Rosebery or Lord Salisbury, rather than a battle of measures or of political pnnfciples. Walpole once governed the country through Parliament without the cordial support of the people; Chatham had the people with him, but could not control Parliament; Pitt might have the King and the country in hi& favour but would still find difiiculty with the Commons. But in 1874 the countr^J wanted Disraeli, and it gave him a majority, with which he did almost as he liked. In 1880, the country wanted Gladstone, and his majority was good for pretty nearly all purposes. Yet as the power of the masses has grown the authority of Parliament and the influence of independent judgment have I diminished. When Mr. Gladstone entered the House of Commons, that body was, in the main, paramount. The debater who could control its discussions the orator who could modify its opinions, the leader whose character or career could influence its legislation, was all-powerful. The people were in the distance, and, except when an election was imminent, did not usually appear as a vitally important factor in Parliamentary aff-airs. So long as the majoritv was quiescent, or the members indifi-erent. Lord Grey or Lord Melbourne could hold office without doing anything. This, in fact, was the case for years. n uj '^^ ^^^^ ^^^'^^ movement effected a great change. Bright and Cobden made the middle classes, which were now coming into a knowledge of what popular government meant, use the power they really possessed. Many of these persons had no votes„and did not have them until 1867, but they had influence andrnoney and these two things, combined with oratory and real necessity, forced Parliament to act from outside pressure, rather than from individual convietion. Once that had happened, change to complete popular administra- . tion was only a question of time. The fate of aristocratic government as such ^J^ se aled, though the influence of the-aristoeracy ^poir the p eople^ wair probably increased rather than diminished. But where it had once administered s,a*6A-^^-.»-' ■il-w.* ' ^t. ^"^.OTi.'^'i-i ~" *nf *¥*^ =A k-rl. fl-irii" v^ rj^' CHANGES OF A CENTURY. *7 affairs by favour of a more or less aristocratic legislature, it had now to do it through popular favour and the will of the people. While these general developments were taking place, parties and leaders had gone through all kinds of changes. Earl Grey presided over the co^ntrv through and immediately after the passage of the Reform Bill. His GovernmeM lived upon th^ ij^emory of that one achievement, as did the succeeding Wh^ Mmistiy of Lord Melbourne. With the exception of a brief Tory inteilal thf latter Prune Minister smiled and sauntered through the affairs of State Tntil the TX x^'^r'^u" '^^'' ^"^ '^' second administration of Sir Robert Peel But F^ee Trade then came to the front; shattered the Tory party; developed Disrad. ; and afforded a basis for the new Conservatism, wh^ch. af^er ihldeath of Peel m 1850. graduaUy grew from the ranks of the Protectioiist Tories who would not follow Free Trade, and who did ultimately follow the Earl o DeTby and Mr. D.sraeh. For s.x years, from 1846. Lord John Russell and the Whigs once more held sway. 'and did nothing in particular. Mr. Gladstone and the Peehtes consmuted dunng these years the Free Trade wing of the Conservatte party, while the Protectionist element was under the nominll leadersh^pof Lo^d George Bent.nck. and the brilliant "coaching" of Mr. Disraeli. In 1^852 this t fTJ^SlS" P^''^ ^"^. ^ brief experience of office under Lord Derby' fnd rtien followed three years of Coalition government, when the Peelites jo nei tSe Whigs under Lord Abe^df en as Premier. jomea ine Lord Palmerston, who was nominally a Whiff but reallv q r««»^ ^• in thought, and speech, and policy, alternated in pol;r durin. fhe next Zr years with the Earl of Derby, who was a Tory in Lry fibre and nstne^^^^^^^^^ being. There was a brief exception when, upon Palmerston's death Lord Russell held sway for a few fleeting months, and was with Mr r .Ac. defeated upon the Franchise question^in 1806. Then camrDisrtii for a hori season, and finally, m 1868. the merging of parties into the-modern des 'na^bn of Liberal and Conservative. The one now became plastic materiaUn h« l:^".^^ Mr: D^::f^"^^ ''- -''-' ^^' '-^ ^^-^^y ->^«^ ^^^ ^"^ During all these political fluctuations and chanees the Penp^l rr.,.^:- t the British flag fldated a condition of bondage became impossible Th! 7 graceful Criminal Code was reformed in the direction of ml? jj *'" between great crimes and small offences Th.ab»er^^^^^^ ^^.^ "d^"^ r^~ ^° ^^^ •^rr^^ J- ^i^k&jt^iKk.^,^^ it-iil^«/i<£lW^j.;>nl ySk » ^iii-V_+.iijt;M>''''«'W^»»*'»ijV ■» *^*kf*\W i-L tj^^ §A^ ^^ "v iv'^Wi^rv'jiW^ i 18 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. the management of mines and factories, the hours and surroundings of the work people, the condition of women and children.. Wholesale smuggline was done away w.th by the modifications in the fiscal system ; the injustice suffered from the old-fashioned Game Laws was ameliorated; the postal system was revolu- tionized ; and education was simplified, and made the great national fdctor in the improvement of the people. Through the- school and the press intelligence has been promoted information spread broadcast throughout the land, and every subject of the State, no matter how humble his position^ has become the equal of the Peer in his possibilities of .self-improvement and his opportunities for acquiring knowl- edge. When the century was half through its memorable course, science came to the aid of legislation, and helped to provide safety and light for the miner cheapness m production for the manufacturer, facility in reaping the riches of ^ nature for the farmer, new avenues of work for the artisan, marvellous mean o ^euT^ "''' ^'"'^ ^'"'^'!^^ """'^^^^ °^ transportation for ' Partly because of this general development, and partly because of the absence of similar .progress m other countries, English commerce took enormous stndes in advance ofi what it ever had been, or of what mightat one timeTave ' been thought fit subject even for dreams and visions. TfadeTnc ^sed b' leaps and bounds, and th. manufa^rers coined wealth, until at last the mevitable change came, and foreign nations took steps t; check thfs com! mercia supremacy through fiscal legislation of their own. Meantime relidous inequalities had" been steadily removed or remedied. The Church wa^stmT StateEstablishment but gradually the unequal treatment of Chu^e' and Dissenters, under^a law which should have recognized all as equal was done away with; the l^ws of marriage were reformed; the restriction's u^on burials rettLTbrreT"^"^' ^"' ''' '^'f^' '''^^^^ ''^ °^ ^^^ P-P^e wet The powers of the landlord havi also been limited ; the right' of the " ' farmer in his holdings and mvestments As been recognized ; the eSrava 'nt ' expenses of Parliamentary contests have blen controlled ; the rights of women in certain public duties And property priv^eges admitted. With fhe CornTaws had gone the stringent Navigation Laws,^and free imports went hand „ ta^d with free ships and free commerce, so far as one-sidS legislation could make therp free. The change of shipbuilding, from wood to iron, multiplied o^or tunities for improvement in navigation and the general condition o the navy Abuses m the public service were reformed out of sieht and tho.mh fi,l ^l ever be entirely abolished in any countiy. they have £ ^^l^t^^^^^^^^^ influence. Officers no longer purchase their promotion in the armv. any more Jh^n Ptfra can now control It tLu Jni^ T- ^j""'" "°" ^" ^n e arm^, any mor^ jflriB r«era «aa aow€oatfotattheirwi|J seats m the natTohaTHouge of Commonsr >^^^ v^iinA»»-) ^ *HS^^^ffiHgPEpS^^if ^-4 V ft^ ^fhigit^} c --~W- ^ '' ^ ^l ,* iaho.^ -^Sm^ ^ >, ^Mo >^ * »«(^M>i ^> ¥Tr.*^s^i^f, ■ ^ml^mmm&m' ■ ^^KSif.ViGy^^^'^i. 'A •I ^l^i^^'^l^'H'j ?s of the work- Sfling was done suffered from ■m was revolu- ional factor in en pronjoted, subject of the 'f the Peer in luiring knowl- science came 3r the miner, ; the riches of lous means, of sportation for ' icause of the )ok enormous ne time have ' increased by at last the :k this con]^- me, religious was still the irchmen and al, was done upon burials people were right of the .' extravagant s of women Corn Laws nd in. hand could make 'lied oppor- f the navy, they cannot 1 extent and ', any^more,^ Commons. -£. CHANGES OF A CENTURY. "«./ J^ T »9 .*;r; /Meanwhile the morals of the whole community have improved. The Sovereign has set an example which society has not been slow to follow. The splendid character and admirable career of the Prince Consort did a service to has vied, with the Church m setting an example of high aims and strenuous exertion before the public of the United Kingdom. Sports of a Werinr^^^^^^ degrading nature, which in the early days of the century'held high X" in the catalogue of amusements, have been reduced from a national level to one of coijcealmen and more or less shame. Drunkenness, from a fashionable necessity and a popular desire, has decreased into a question of the workingman's gla s ll'"\°' T. '"^ '"'° '^' ''""^^ °^ '^' great citie^. Roughness and brutalky dl:^;^::l:^^ ^°'"'"°^' '- ^^^-^ ^^ea^Hy .nvl^oned 4 law and po^u^ In religious- matters, the rivalry of Church ^nd Dissent has resulted in promo ing the enthusiasm and gopdwork of each. Since the Tractarian wave of the '.Forties." thesentiment„and work of the Established Church hi bee^ revolutionized, and its labours multiplied almost beyond the recognition of thote who brought about that great Catholic revival. The parishes of England have changed as though swept by some powerful unseen influence, and wfth thit gauge has come strength for the Church, development in the foreign missLn field, expansion of religious influence, growth of Christian liberality A.i ,!u^^^''^ ^ ^[^^^ ^"^ ""'^^^ ^''^"^^ ^^« c^'^e- Not so much in the condition of the people, though there it has been considerable, as in the influence which they wield In the beginning of the century the little isle was hardly a national factor^of importance. At its close, Ireland is the mistress of BritL fhi T''. .W ;=.^^^^,'"fl'^^»<^« ^- the destiny of English Liberalism. During the penod that lies between, whether for good or ill. its institutions have beef 3?^ i^l'?.^'"*^ ^^^' revolutionized, its Established Church abol- , t'nil U ?', "^ T retirement or exile, its representation increased. Its people alternately coerced and coriciliated. ^ ' Through all these eypnts in the United Kiif^om, Mr. Gladstone has passed in varied political action. Some of the reforms he has hindered"som^ he has opposed others he has birought about. Some of these marvellous changes he has had nothin«<:to do with, others have come to him as a heritage t^lnfX V^\T'' "I ^° " ''^' "^^^^ ^^^ ^^"^fit i« questionable Some of the political changes have brought him the utmost intensity of bitter dishke ; the strongest marks of enthusiastic support. But to a man who has seen so much of change ; who has felt the shadows and sunshine of over sixty years of public Ufe ; who has noted a dozen Prime Ministers come and go and pass into Juste^^i^iias himselfviewed politicsirom so many and va ried st andp^^^ change must appear to be the absolutely natural order of national existence. 1 tm"''': iil J A Ai^iuui' p^ ■ N'W'^ ' \ '"''^■'"^ffP^^ c. m ii- so" LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. And whatever place may be assigned to Mr. Gladstone in the panth.^on of the ages there can be- no doubt as to his influence upon the century rn which he has lived, or concerning the greatness and beneficence of thatf period to which Queen Victoria has given the stamp of her character and her name. " Not in vain the distance beacons. Forward, forward let us range Let the great world spin for ever, down the ringing grooves of change. 1 hro the shadows of the globe we sweep into the younger day ; Better fifty years of Europe than a cycle of Cathay." -■ /.I "/■ ' ■■ \ n the pantht*on the century rq icence of thatf character and ige. :hange. -TSi«uh«ibyp«u,i„ofMr.Gi«te«. MR. GLADSTONE IN 1833 (31) 7 ■•Ai-yC. ■•^' V ^^ ^ •id «' ■■'■T, ■ > " ),»'rf»^'- «■.•"> -p 'V 'fc 'v-^'^ft**- ''V RIGHT kON. GEORGE CANNING, M.P, Prime Minister of Gieat Britain, 1827. -«• • IPT ..•^' CHAPTER II. ■ . ) , EARLY YEARS IN A GREAT LIFE. ^ to Th? 1?"^" ^'''°^ ^''"' ^" '^"^ '^^ ^^™« y«»r giving birth to the leading scientist, the greatest poet, and the most Uarwin, Alfred Tennyson, and William Ewart Gladstone were born into a world which the one wis to confuse the oTher charm, and the third change Ofthethr*.p Mr /-?^ . 7 exerted the widest influence and won the g^!^atest name An^ ,' Enghsh history^has the environment of early HfrtLTeachfni T "° •°"' '" parents, the ass^istance and admiration or^oifhfuffri'^^^^^^^^^^^^ hi ciVr^ctTrndr^^^^^ a vay old orfe, tKough in the imsmm of .h. . . • *^"f 7-. The famiV was from a ppsitio.^ oflafde^genS to oL o^. ' "^"^ gradually changed. Scandinavian history, under the fonn of cTLrn '*' ^'^'^'"S ^^^ ^' P^^^e m , "That they should take who have the power. And they should keep who can." ' * , oTci^te? '"^T^ 'f °" '"' ^'"^ of "« Covenanters in the perilons day. ' :!^mtnot °i;f4"l. V r°^^^ livelihoo d, 6rst as ^ li^mSnthsferertTe birth oHh.^^nV'T"*' "* died Tn i«o9, ohly . "■e ine oirtn o! the grandson who was to make the name so UFB Ain> Work op mr. gladstonb. .^j. \. 34 femous. His 8on, John Gladstone, was the most remarkable of sixteen children. Horn m 1764, he lived to become one of the wealthiest citizen8:of Liverpool a member of Parliament, a friend of Canning, and a barontft of the uSt'ed Kingdom. . «•"*«« He could fairly claim to be a self-made man; His education does not seem to have been very good, Ind the taunts of political enemies in later years would mdicate that he never entir^y overcame the obstacle thus raised. His V stay at school being very short, he entered his father's business at an early aee " ,v f"v ." J*^"' twenty-one was sent to Liverpool to sell a cargoof grain which '.\ hadamVedat^hatpbrt. He had already made sundiy voyagfs to^l Bi^tic . and to America with large trade commissions. But upon Ihis occasion he ^ec;ded to set^ in Liverpool, and took advantage of an opening to join the firm of Come. Bradshaw & Co An incident is related of the p JbdHmmediatety fol owing, which not only illustrate.s the keen business ability of th^ young m^ but indicates the difficulties of trade in those stormy days. The utter failure of the European corn crops in one of the closing years of the century was regarded by Mr. Corrie as an opportunity for doing a capital ■ ^ T^ ^'T'- ^''^^^^ enterprise characteristic of British merchant he sent Mr Gladstone to the United States to buy com, and followed tWs up by despatching twenty.four vessels, at an enormous cost, to convey the precious eil"d thL?' H r^ f'° ^"'"^^ "^' ^^"^^^ ^'^^«'°°« ^o""d that a^sc^ci?; existed there, and that no corn was to be had. This apparently »meant ruin to the firni of Corrie & Co., and Liverpool was stirred with ^cltrn "I^^^^^^^ ^s shattered fortunes. John Gladstone, however, was equal to the e^eS The ships must not return empty. He made a thorough examinatbn of the American markets, and, by force of sleepless energy, slicked his vessels Uth ' goods which seemed likely to command a sale in 0^00! The'stt w^ satisfactory, the firm was saved, and the name of Gladstone became f^medll English business circles for push ^nd ability. cuame lamea m Naturally, too, the young merchant became a partnerin the concern and • for sixteen years Corne, Gladstone & Bradshaw carried on a large S;s In Liverpool. At the^ end of this' period the arrangement te^^Zd^^^Z^l ^ Gladstone was joined in a new'^rm by his brother Robert ^ other urviving members of the family also gradually drifted from Lei^h to Li^rnool In 1800, Mr G adstone married for the second tim^. His v^fe ^ Ann Robertson, of Dingwall, and a member df a-Scotch familv mnrh Lrl^-T: ^,.^,n I .^ ' '° ?'?^. "• °^ ^"g'^"^' ^"d to King Robert the Brace' RoLrt W 'f r "^"'^ ° • '^" °^^'*''"^ «^^^^" h-d disappeared, and Sfai Robertson s father was qmte proud and satisfied \o be Provosfof Din^^ffoJ a number of years at the end of the eighteenth century ^^ ' ^5^i%%>.,;-4<«"g *e cVntinuLnce of that vital Iconflict made him dnft ,hto the arms of the Tories, ifs friendship and ■admiration for George Canning finally settled the question. Ichange, this was often afterwards thrown in his teeth, one ■reading: ^ "Jobn Gladstone was as fine a man Ap ever graced commercial story, Till all at once he changed his plan. And from a Whig became a Tory. And no*^^ meets his friends with pride, ^Yet tells theiVbut a wretched story; -« He says not wh^ he changed his side. He aw a \Vhig— he's now a Toiy?* Like every party well-known verse N .?■-»;' t<5. -is* -M. .^isi'^^a. ^ " '5IS.4': ^ o '^^ t Ofo ff^^'f^^'Sy 36 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. 'i I During the elections of 1812, the two former members for Liverpool, General Gascoyne and (general Tarleton, were quite willing to stand again, but John Gladstone, and ot|ier seceding Whigs, wanted a statesman worthy of so important a constituency, and they accordingly turned to Canning. Mr. Gladstone was so eager in the matter that he oflFered to become persooally responsible for the amount of the election expenses, whatever they might be. At an open-air meeting he delivered an Address which, after dealing with the commercial condition of the country, and the unfortunate troubles with the aggressive element in the United States, described the^xawididate's character and career in the most glowing terms. For a time it had been Mr. (Gladstone's intention to also support Henry Brougham— afterwards the famous Chancellor —but that erratic though brilliant individual decided to throw in his lot with Thomas Creevey, the advanced Radical candidate, and thus made it necessary for the merchant and his friends to support General Gascoyne, a Tory of the Tories. In the memorable contest which followed, Canning remained the guest of Mr. Gladstone, and thus laid the foundation of an important friendship, and of a remarkable influence over the mind of the child who was destined to be his successor, after many long years, in the Premiership of a great Empire. This Liverpool contest was probably the most exciting in a fiercely-fought general election. » & Eccentric eloquence in the person of Brougham, and pronounced Radicalism in the person of Creevey, were pitted against the great reputation of Canning, and the vigorous Toryism of Gascoyne. In the end the two latter candidates won and Lord Brougham, in his Memoirs, significantly remarks that ; two or three men were killed, but the town was ^uiet." After the hot and bitter fight was over, the victors were chaired, placed at the head of a long and enthusiastic procession, and carried to Mr. Gladstone's house, from the balcony of which Mr. Canning delivered an address to the crowd f w ?'°'". '^'^ *'?^ ^''^^''^ J°^" Gladstone was a devoted follower and admirer of Mr. Canning, and m August, 1822, presided at a dinner given to (h^t stabsman by the Liverpoo Canning Club, upon the occasion of his appointfpent as Governor-General of India. A sudden change in the com^sitioLf the Ministry, however, prevented his departure, and the brilliant orator remained at home, and became in 1827, Prime Minister fqT the brief period which inded in h„ premature death. That he should have died in the same house, in the same room, and at the sam« early age as Charies FoX, Was a sorrowful coincidence in tilTT 1- Tit'" °^ '^"^^ abilities, and somewhat similar misfortunes. though of entar ely different per sonal char act^risticji a'- T nrA ^""^"g\*^feign policy was very different from that of his predecessor. Lord Castlereagh. Both were Conservative ministers, but the one believed in EARLY YEARS IN ^/gREAT LIFE. ■f 37 [«• the Holy Alliance " and the divine right <^f great powers ; the other loved liberty, land, preferred that England should try tb guard the independence of the small powers of Europe. The former, at the ^Congress of Vienna, had allowed Geneva I to be given to Sardinia ; Venice to b^ handed over to Austria ; Saxony to be partitioned in favobr of Prussia ; Polarid to be allotted to Russia, Prussia, and Austria. Pitt had struggled for the d(feliverance of Europe ; Castlereagh helped Ito surrender the liberties of some of/ its minor states. Canning, on the other hand, tried to save Spain ; repudiated " the Holy Alliance" of the three great European powers; recognized and helped the independence of the South American states; aided Greece against Turkey ; defended the independence of Portugal. It was this policy, in ^dition to the charming personality of the man, which won aver John Gladstone and fascinated the mind of his youthful I son. So much for one of the influences which affected and surrounded the I future statesman. Another was that of slavery. The shadow of this dreadful custom darkened the career of the father, and might have ruined that of the son. I In 1819, Mr. John Gladstone h^d been elected to Parliament for Lancaster, a < t borough noted for its ccyruption— even down to the time of its disfranchisement I by Disraeli in 1867. Upon this occasion, the Liverpool Tories had contributed ! $30,000 towards his election expenses— certainly an ample sum for a small I constituency. Two years later he was elected for Woodstock, which he represented until 1826, and in the succeeding year sat for Berwick. It was in 1823 that Mr. Gladstone's slave estates in Demerara caused a commotion in England, which became historic in its results, but has always been somewhat [ shrouded in mystery as to its origin. In that year a distinct movement began to make headway in Pariiament I against slavery in general. It was felt that the mere abolition of the trade in I slaves was hot sufficient, and that more active and practical steps should be taken. Accordingly, Thomas Powell Buxton, father of the present Governor of Victoria, Australia, moved in the House that the state of slavery was repugnant to Christianity and the British Constitution, and should be gradually abolished. I Mr. Canning proposed a compromise, looking to a preparation for freedom by l-jgradual amelioration of the slaves' condition. This was accepted by the House. "But shortly afterwards came the news of a terrible occurrence in Demerara. An I abortive negro uprising had taken place, commencing on Mr. Gladstone's planta- tion, " Success." Nothing much had resulted, and it was quickly suppressed ' The planters, however, seemed to have gone mad with fear, and Govemoi Murray issued a p roqlamation imposing martialJaffi,_^hi.s.actually remained in- orce for over five moiiths, during which some fifty negroes were hanged, othert were shot, in the bush where they had tried to conceal themselves, whili many more were-torn to pieces by the lash. 'iv m r 38 UFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONK But what stirred up public opinion in England more especially was the fate of a missionary named Smith. He had unfortunately kept a diary in which he^recorded his sympathy with the slaves under their hard labour and frequent endurance of the whip. One extract is interesting in this connection: " Jhe negroes of ' Success' have complained to me lately of excessive labour and very severe treatment. I told one of their overseers that I diought they would work thdf people to death." No one, of course, can blame Mr. John Gladstone for th/s. It was the natural result of a miserable systefti, which placed supreme power over large estates in a distant island in the hands of men who might be all that was good, or might, on the other hand, be everything that was bad When, therefore, the troubles came, Mr. Smith was at once arrested. He was promptly tried by a court-martial, which appears to have shown neither law nor justice, nor fair play, and was condemned to death upon perjured evidence' While the sentence was formally sent to England for confirmation, the young missionary was flung into a loathsome dungeon, in which he soon died The result of the whole affair was an agitation which ended, ten years later! in the total abolition of slavery. Mr. Gladstone at once wrote to the Liverpool papers defending the man- agement of his estates, the right of slave-owners to their property, and the general condition of the West Indian slave. He denounced the missiorwrv societies and urged that the negroes should receive religious instruction frorn pure sources," which he defined as being "clergymen of the Established Churches. Strange to say, the prolonged debates which took place in Parliament upon these troubles do not touch the name or fame of John Gladstone With wonderful scrupulousness, his political foes and friends alike avoided mention of hi8 Demeranan estates, and Hansard may be searched in vain for allusion to the fact that the insurrection began upon his property. In later years his course and the administration of his estates were defended by his son, but at this time Mr Gladstone remained discreetly silent, so far^ the House was concerned. None the less. Smith's " martyrdom " in Demerara deserves to rank with that of John Brown in 'Virginia. j • These events, however, had apparently little eflfect upon Mr. Gladstone's posiuon in Liverpool. Though he never contested a seat for Parliament in the city of his aOpption, there could be no doubt of his great popularity there. And this in spite of more than one serious political blunder. The large amount subscribed for him m 1818 indicated his strong popular position, and a hand- some testimonial presented him in 1824 farther proved it. His advice was constantly asked in connection with commercial matters by the powers of the day arid although he left Parliamen t i n 1827 his influence conh-nne d t o b e fc lt. -trarfineryear, jt was geneiMIy believed that Canning intended to raise him to the peerage, and 8iere is little doubt that this would have been the case had " ' ^^^i^^y 'S iTvW- ■_^-f^ •JfiS^fi-i'^ EARLY YEARS IN A GREAT LIFE. $9 that statesman lived As it was. Sir Robert feel recommended him for a baronetcy m -1845. Six years afterwards he died at the patriarchal age of 87. It will be seen from this sketch that Sir John Gladstone wasT in many respects, a remarkable man. His commercial ability was very great ; his Toryism in middle and later life was equally pronounced ; his chkracter iade him strongly felt in Liverpool and in his home. He had a penetrating glance! strongly marked features, and a firm, resolute mouth. He has been described by his son in the followmg words : covnucu " His eye was not dim, nor his n^tirral force abated ; he was full of bodily and mental vigour ; he could^not understand- or tolerate those who, perceiving an obTecUo^e good did not a once and actively pursue it ; and with all this energy h! joined a corre! spending warmth and. so to speak, eagerness of affection, a keen app^ciatiL of humoTr m which he found a rest, and an indescribable frankness and simplicity of character wJch crowning his other qualities, made him, I think (and I strive to think impartially) nS or quite the most interesting old man I have ever known." ^ of WillL'Jri'i" ?^''? ^' "f'^'j understood that not the least important feature of Wilham Gladstone's early days was the influence upon his intelligent and receptive nature of the experienced perception of such a father. Sir John Ghdstone s masterful will combined with his wife's sweetness and goodness to guard their children from the dangers of surrounding wealth ; to instmct thei^ n Its advantages ; and ttain them in a knowledge of the value of money, the fol^of extravagance and excess, the importance of work, of concentration, and of ambiuon The family environment from the children's earliest years was one of mtelhgence and wealth. In the immediate vicinity of their large, comfortaWe home m Rodney Street, a number of more o^ less eminent perfois had^en k,rn. melting Roscoe, the author and philanthropist, Bishop Bickersteth. Mrs Hemans, and Dr. James Martineau. c»««n, mrs. William Gladstone's Earliest remembrance is that of standing beside his nurse whilst Canning addressed the cheering crowds from the window of hb home. The next reco lection wa^ that of being taken to see Hannah More by his mother, and he still remembers the brilliant illumination of his father's house in 1813 ovfthe defeat of Napoleon at Leipsic. A year later he visited S burgh, and heard the guns roar in honour of what was thought to be the end of ^tir«L?rw1 rnilitary struggle And about this period he spent some thne with fnends n Wales. Meantime, his father had moved from the heart of the city to a sort of country place, at the mouth of the Mersey. Here he built a handsome house, whu:h was called after Lord Seaforth, the head of T -^!l'°';!/r'^y' to which Mrs. Gladstone belonged. Here also he ere cted ! -£ \ S-. >v .■ if^J ^J!,.l ,1.*-,/. ¥ l\ IVI^f^^i^^^^ m. 40 LIFE AND WORK O fImr. G1 GLADSTONE. It must have been a delightful place for a boy. " Speaking to his fellow- citizens at Liverpool, when he was himself over eighty years of age, Mr. Gladstone declared that : " From my father's windows at Seaforth,. I -used, as a small boy, to look southward along the shore to this town, even then becoming a large town in the country. I remember well that it was crowned by not so much cloud as a film of silver grey smoke, such as you may now see surmounting the faWics of some town of ten or twenty thousand where the steam-engine has as yet scarcely found a place. . . . Four miles of the most beautiful sand that I ever knew offered to the aspirations of tlie youthful rider the most delightful method of finding access to Liverpool." Whether a fondness for this mild dissipation had any effect upon the boy's early progress at school is not known, but there is little doubt that it was not altogether promising. . His tutor was the Rev. William Rawson, incumbent of the Seaforth Church, and other pupilg^ of that time, or in close succession, were Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, the famous Dean of Westminster in later days, and Richard Assheton Cross, three times Secretary of State, and now Viscount Cross. Neither Stanley nor Gladstone were any good at arithmetic. Mr. Rawson seems to have done his best, but many years afterwards "he declared, with still vivid memories of that time of trouble, that Arthur Stanley was the stupidest boy at figures that ever came under his care save only one — William Gladstone — who was yet more hdpeless, and was unable to grasp even shnple addition and .multiplication. It is therefore interesting to think, and well to remember by those having to deal with children, that this boy, so dull at figures, afterwards became the most brilliant financier in English history — able to handle vast problems of national arithmetic in a manner, little less than marvellous to the ordinary observer. But he seems to have done fairly well in classics, and the home influence with which the lad was environed would have benefited one whose faculties were very dull instead of b^ing only d^mant. There were constaflt discijssiofts going on in the family upon every conceivable subject. It seems as if the Scotch characteristic of love for disquisition and intricate distinction iiad been abnor- mally developed amongst them. Aside from those necessary matters in which obedience was required, few things were allowed to pass between father and sons as a matter of course. They must be carefully argued out and discussed, even to a degree verifying the old distich : " Who could distinguish and divide , -» A hair 'twixt south and southwest side." succession of^hesecontroversies^Q^I good humour and determined logic — formed a sort of conversational staple. Some one has said that the family would debate as to whether th^ treat should M i-». ^a;. ft b^''i »JRyvjai^4»sj, i%w->^^ ■^ il EARLY YEARS IN A GREAT UFK 4« t^^. Z^ui^ \ I ^" ^ "^"^^^ ^'^S*^' to b^opened or not ; whether the next day^ hkely to be fine or wet. It must have been very curious to a stranger, b^ause of the evident care which all the disputants took to advance no proposition^ven as to the prospect of rain, without thought and considem!- jon If theobserver could have foreseen the day when one of the boys as Prime Mimster of En^and would be able to exercise, in.a moment of narna, danger and pohtica^ difficulty, his marvellous ingenuity in proving that to be hei^m^d ruriour '^^ *' ^'°^ surrounded, he would have Thought it stillTore None the less, this sort of intellectual equality between the father and «,ns must have been invaluable to the latter. Indeed, William Gladstone's whole career proves the assistance which this early experience in debate Sis! cussion, and thoughtfulness really was to him. Although Sir John 4s not* man of culture, m the ordinary sense of the word, he h'ad mixed ^th men of r^i IT!"; H ' ^\°^ f^"'*'^^"' ^"""S ^ ^°«g ^ f™itful life. HiH^c tical knowledge was, there ore, very great, and it is not difficult to see4iow eaX the impressionable mmd of a child would benefit by Much of what he he^H^ received the fullest explanation of. in their numeLs discussts No lubf too. It was fron, the overflowing enthusiasm of his father's .dmh-ation t; ^^^.^.Zt^t^Z.^ '•" ""-^^ ^^^— ^-^^ .house, and partly because the preacher was noted for his eloqueTe aS p etT When her husband changed from the PresbvtPrian,o«, ««• , .'i ,^^ f»^ P>ety. a church in the vicinity of RodL StreeraS Z T^^^^^^^ '^'^^ ^^^'' ^""* High Churchman. Mrs^GladsCe was abb ^ "° enthusiastic good works. An 'incident is told by Mr AulLt^^ r^^ MP """"T'' ^"^ of Sir James Picton. of Liverpool, kstradtrofth^^^^^^^ appears to have been brought up. ^ ^ ^'^'''^ ^^ ^*"»»^y Upon one occasion it seems that Mr. Henry Pooley (Sir T Pictnn'. fariier-in,law) went to do some work at the hotise of Mr Tohn ri.^T "One of the children. Master William bv nam^ w, • : J °*'" Gladstone, watching him. After k ^hile trihW iLker^p at h^:'"*^''^' '"^ ^*°°^ said : • Mr. Pooley, do you love Tesus ? ' Th. A f- uT r ? ^^^' ^^^^^ ^"*> ipr nu reUMoos convictions, anrt »« K. .. c T :TV. •""•«' ue-mmous"^ , -J reUgioos convictiSi and tobeZ kZnf .l ^J-C' ' ^ .'^" 4«g..nd as ™, his father during ai, the^t^a™ oU^'life '" ^"^ "' ^„^ But the time ™ now coming for William Gladstonf to inter upon hi» SK/-! •*"'. .«";; I'- 1:1 \ ■ I li 4a LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. career, *to show what might be the rtal capabilities of the boyish mind, and to prepare for the future which lay before him. In September, 1821, at the age of twelve, he was sent to Eton. Liverpool had, through his father, given the boy every advantage of commercial environment and business ability* Eton was now to give him a- classical education, and Oxford to develop, the political aiid moral lessons of home life into strong, and, in some cases ,^lasting convictions. • ^y^J- CHAPTER III. AT ETOI^ AND OXFORD. 'HE great schools of Eng- land are famous for the men they have produced. Amongst them, Eton is, per- haps, the most renowned, and in this place the affectionate » ^ feminiscences of many leaders Vin the British world have helped to'keep it. The storms of four hundred years have passed over its lofty towers, and the sunshine of centuries has permeated the beautiful glades and woodland which lend such charms to the boyish memories of the past. Within and without its- gray stone walls many of the premiers and statesmen of England have studied tfieir tasks and played their games, and then passed into the history of their ' country. Here, Sir Robert Walpole re- ceived his early edu- cation; h^re, the Earl ofChathahi^ayhave practisedsome of that eloquence which still rings down through ^fragefrr here, Ghar- — les James Fox com- menced his career of erratic brilliance; „-^^ ^Mti^ \^lfi-'^ U*^ t u 4-11. '-.^-^a*' ^' ■" * "• ■"■' iJ^M '■f:j^:;.~-. 4".;^ew >- i ^ 44 LIFE AND WORK dF MR, GLADSTONE. here studied Lord North, the alienator of America, and the Earl of Durham, whose advice saved Canada from a possibly similar course ; here George Canning and Earl Grey, Viscount Melbourne and the fourteenth Earl of Derby, caifie to begin careers of national importance ; here the Duke of Wellington received his. early training ; here Shelley spent the boyhood days in a life of sorrowful splendour. To it Mr. Gladstone and the Earl of Rosebery have looked back with affection and respect. Yet, in the days when William Ewart Gladstone entered Eton, there was much in its system of education that now appewtJjeplorable, much in the management of the school which now seems^/15lameworthy, much in the general discipline which is worthy of tlie very stft)ngest censure. There was but little time devoted to regular study/ and the ibeans adopted for teaching classics were narrow and unsatisfactory. /Perhaps eleven hours a week would cover the whole period given to school in^ruction. The subjects taught comprised a little ancient and modern geograpjiy, part of a work on the Thirty- nine Articles, a little Divinity through construing the Greek Testament, together with a certain quantity of Latin and Greek* Mathematics, physics, or moral science were not considered necessary. But the great difficulty was the lack of proper supervision" over the boys — the apparent inability to limit their power when united, or check customs far from good, which may have become traditional. Hence the" fagging " system. This right, or power, or privilege — it was a combination of the three — gave to the boys of the siith and fifth forms the right of command, and all below w|re compelled to obey the orders given. Amongst five or six hundred boys it produced considerable cruelty, and the powe^r was at times, and as a matter .of course, greatly abused. Without the code of honour that largely prevailed, and the loyalty to certain good traditions and boyish principles which marked 'the system, it would have quickly become intolerable,^and resulted in the establish- ment of a species of slavery in the lower forms, and despotism in the upper, with all the inevitably evil consequences upon individual character. As it was, th6 most superficial observer would find more fagging and flogging, more injustice and tyranny, than was at all desirable. The love of sport and the practice of every kind of outdoor amusement was the side of Etonian life which produced some of the better results. It made the boys strong, and able to endure the hardships of fagging and the effects of many and severe 'floggings. It built up their systems, and, in cases of real ability or genuine ambition, prepared them physically for the serious studies of Oxford or Cambridge. Lord Morley, when examined at one time before a hools Commission, was ask^ whethc upon a schoolma^lli^r being industrious in his studies. His reply was : " Not if he could do something else well." This, of course, meant that if he were .fi ^.(. ■ f N, \ T»«— ^p,'5j'^[>*i,>""~ >c ^ it' •«', ■If. ^ ETON COLLEGE. t if he were <» • f 1 / . / -s ^ 1 s **^* ■'■ - - - • - • -, ' di ^Vki£ fe' ^ p^|^Hl&ii(.si3i.«,<> I > W4 ^■.M- -1 * ■. . . . .'■" ' \ -. - i . «. "if'i-J* '.I ) "nr /«^-i J . i'^^^* / ^ ,%^tr^^<^^Tf' \f ^ -^-^ ■*f ;^^^«iT* * y "ift, v.^t ' t-A.^^jt/t ,t^•". « ' U ' , ' iu CHRISTOHURCH COLLEGE, OXEORD, (46) ^. J J T * *" " ^ ■^^ Ti. «■* * __ «■* 1. 'f^^'^*-"^!^ AT ETON AND OXFORR 47 *.".«. rfj^'iiSaSal^;*! « good at Cricke^t, or rowing, or boxing, or running, he would be pardoned for being good at work. And in this connection there can be as little doubt of the ^any" fine fellows with a manly tone " whom Eton has produced as. o7 the fro^h^ ff^ous^^^^^^^^ °^ ''' '-' '"^ °^ '^^^ -^ -^- -"-^- »^- -: William Gladstone, however, was not the boy to succumb to the disad- ^tages of the school, and h, was certainly fitted by nature to make use o fal that vvas good and honpurable and true in its system, or amongst the youths who qmckly gathered around him. He was fortunate also in/ha^ng his two erder brothers Thomas and Robertson, already there, and in becoming the formers fag. This no doubt, saved him much unpleasantness, and gfve him more time for the studies and literao' work to which he was soon^deVoteS^ Tnd through all his school life he was greatly helped by a happy deposition and by generous impulses, which prevented him from becoming a prirorTpre ccrtious and unpleasant critic. F"S. or a pre- ^Starting in the fourth form, as he was enable'd tp do. was in itself advai^ge. and he speedily made friends with many of the boys who we^nTre. most in the school, and who afterwards became foremost in the anLs of thdr time The list of his schoolfellows is a most notable one. In the sixth forS according to the records of 1823, were Spencer Walpole. afterwards Home Secretary, and John Mitford, known to history as the Lord Redes^e whoTor 80 many years, was Chairman of Committees in the House of Lords In'the upper division of the fifth were Sir Stephen Glynne, Baronet, of Hawarden thfihl 'h . f \'r°^r""^ Gladstone's future wife; George Cornewall LewL" the able but short-lived statesman, who afterwards succeeded his schoolmate as Chancellor of the Exchequer; and the Duke of Buccleugh. who was destined be 80 bitterly opposed to Mr. Gladstone in his great electoral triumphTn S 1 !?• M^rJ J'^'^^'r ^^''^''''' °^ *^^ ^^*^' ^^^ William Gladstone, were placed Walter Kerr Hamilton, afterwards Bisiiop of Salisbury ; Ge^'e Augustus Selwyn who was destined .to be. in succession. Bishbp of nTw Zealand and Lichfield ; Arthur Henry Hallam. son of the historian, ani immortalized by "In MemoriW; Frederic Rogers, first Lord BlachforS John Young, afterwards Lord Lisgar and Governor-General of xCanada ; Alei^I ^^^"^""^ '^'''-^ and-CharlesJasperSelwyn. afterwards - . . 0**^"s who became associated with the school and witH voung Gladstone at this time were James Bruce, afterwards Earl of Elgin^ Charles Cannin- afterwards Earl Canmng and Governor-Qfeneral of India; Gerald Wellesley mot he r d a ys De aii^f ^iad s or ; ^Vi^liam^-CaveniiKsh^^ the late l&are of t)ev6fi^- shire; James Milnes-Gaskell, M.P.; Lord l^oln, afterwards Duke of New- castle; AJgemon Percy, sixth Duke of Northumberland; and Lord Arthur t ■ • >fM.^.\'^ ^ ^^S^i^ff^^:»^^fd^^'i'i^'->^ lu-i- ■ , ^■(|^f^f1Slf,Mi^'|ijqf^>'^^^£f5*Js^^"?'J* -a.' .'*||t' '""f "''' - y "J '^' •vJ«'.;*r7V"'if f i^.^.f-^^^ii^'^.-r* « s^-^ Li¥£ And work of mr. Gladstone. "I I Hervey, whom Mr. Gladstone was destined to many years later nominate to the See of Bath and Wells, and who was the sole survivor in public life of that brilliant band of Eton boys when the Prime Minister of England laid down the mantle of power some seventy years after this time. The tastes of William Gladstone and his pursuits in Eton may be easily guessed. He took little part in cricket, was seldom seen as an oarsman, and contributed^little to the annals of school sportsmanship. He loved long, quiet walks in country lanes, and in the beautiful district surrounding Eton. His companions were usually Hallam, the Selwyns, or Sir Francis Hastings Doyle, the latter of whom has left us many charming glimpses of his friend's conduct and character. With companions like these he would wander (oc lioure. discussing problems, new and old. His political bent was shown in many ways. As in after years, his views were often conflicting. Upon one occasion he declared that all his prejudices and predilections had long been ^ enlisted on the Tory side, and a little later he appeared at a college fete in Greek costume, in order to prove his sympathy with a people struggling to be free. Even then he was trying to harmonize the old with the new, the Toryism of WeUingtoii with that of Canning. It may be iioubted whether this mental struggle has ever entirely ceased. But it was thep only beginning,, and certainly the mere intellectual • exertbfi^ thinking and discussing political principles, apart from the corre- sponding growth of knowledge, was useful to tlie boy in a school where study was somewhat at a discount, and the teaching, such as it was, came under the tyrannical supervision of Dr. Keate. Of this man innumerable stories are told, all illustrative of his bad temper and love for the strap. The lack of respect felt for him, with all his severity and pomposity, is shown in the records of his classes, where cock-crowing, whistling, upsetting of forms, and other practical jokes, constituted a sociable method of passing the time. There was no religious teaching in the school to speak of. Sunday services were a farce, at which the boys gathered like a mob, with little order, and no more attention to what was going on than they gave to the head-master's efforts to obtain quietness. The noblemen, or '• nobs," together with the sixth form, occupied stalls in the church, and it was a custom to eat large supplies of raisins and almonds during the service. There Was no mathematical master in the school, and consequently young Gladstone did not have much opportunity to prove or disprove the "stupidity" in that connection which had been alleged against him. But the future Chancellor of the Exch^uer could well aflFord to wait, and in after days might have remembered the statement of a master in the Military School of Brienne, that " Napoleon Buonaparte would never make a passable offiper Hbeeause^e^ -ma di eui Aiic s." Hig tutoiT-the^^ Kev^THeSiy" Hartopp Knapp,was anekcellent schojar, though by no means an exemplary cletic. — 3R— - i-.,-«Si> ^r.f • *>. ' '<.— , f^'-.'-' .< '''!>, 1/ At ETON AND OXFORD. •jtr-^Sw 49 ' »il He was equally fond of claret and of prize-fighting, and upon one octasion ^sit»d how a boy could get seasoned into a man if temptations w^re kept from him I \ The boarding-house occupied by William Gladstone and many others— in later days by Lord Robert Cecil, now Marquess of Salisbury— was also extremely unsatisfactory from a moral point of view. A tavern opposite called "The Christopher" was a constant source of temptation to the youths, and not infrequently the one became a sort of annex to the other. All this was certainly not conducive to study, to self-improvement, or to moral elevation.- That young Gladstone' and his friends, and so many others, were able td^me through the ordeal of this badly managed school, not only uninjured, l^t preserving a feeling of something like veneration for it, is an evidence<.of some pervading power and influence in Eton, altogether apart from curriculum, or precept, or example. As already hinted, there appears to have been a force in the traditions of the school and in the code of honour amongst the boys which was a strong power for good. Added to it was the utter contempt for money as such. This had the effecting of preventing the corruption and indulgences which come amongst boys, or men, or women, wherever the display and distinctions and rivalries of wealth are introduced or promoted. In referring to this many years afterwards— July 6, 1878— Mr. Gladstone spoke of Eton as " the queen of all schools." He then referred to some of the difficulties which he had to face in his boyhood there, and adde4 : " I wish to My one thing more. No boy was ever estimated, either mbre or less, because he had much money to spend. It added nothing to him if he had much ; it took nothing from him if he had little. I am afraid it 13 not quite so now, and that this wish fdr wealth with which parents most corruptibly, not only indulge, but stimulate their children, exercises a heavy pressure on the intellectual movement of that great foundation." It is, therefore, clear that an environment which could teach boys to value each other apart from any money they might have as individuals contained much that was noble. And, if we are to estimate a tree by its fruits, there can be no doubt as to the good influence of the school. William Gladstone's companionB were the very flower of English boyhood, and, with all deficiencies freely admitted, we can still understand the value of this life amid scenes haunted by illustrious memories ; and where, in the very shadow of Windsor, Lord Hatherley tells us, the boys in his day used to sing : '.-''/- <0) ' " Come three to one, right sure am I, If we can't beat them, we will try To make old England's colours fly." There are many stories told of youn g Gladstone in those days. Most of Indicate nnusual devotion tcniudy. He workedliard at classics, and spetir part of liis holidays.in mastering mathematics. His Latin and Greek composition z^tr .iHt.^^iL ^t^ .- ' , -.^K .^/, W^'.^W^^fWW^^^l^ ^ * so LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. ; -\-: was at first rather stiflF in style, but he seems to liave become imbued with the substance of his authors, and it is said that, when any striking passages in Homer or Virgil oy other text-books required Jtranslation, he or Lord Arthur Hervey would be called up to edify the class. He seems to have exercised a good moi^l influence upon^pthers, and to have preserved intact his orderly, con- scientious, Christian character. The late Bishop Hamilton of Salisbury once stated that, ".At Eton, I was a thoroughly idle boy, but was saved from some worse things by getting to kn ow Gladstone. " Memories are still vivid of his action during an election dinner at " The Christopher," in refusing to. drink a coarse toast which had become a sort of annual custom. He quietly turned his glass upside down, and declined to join the others. Upon another occasion he appears as the champion of some miserable pigs, which the boys proposed to* torture in a thoroughly boyish fashion, and against which he protested by offering to write his ^spinion " in good round hand upon their faces." ThijS^ Jittle incident proves that there was nothing «' namby-pamby" in his goodness of conduct, and that he could enjoy himself as well as any other boy, and in much the same way. We find this also shown by an extract from a letter by Claries Canning in 1827, in which he says : ! ' ,.^ Ilalt "Han41ey, Gladstone, Mr. Bruce, Lord Bruce, Hodgson, and myself set up a Hill Club at the end of the Half.' We met every whole holiday, or half, as was £!«onvenient, after twelve, and went^iqJ to Salt Hill to bully the fat waiter, eat toasted J eese, and drink egg- wine." lie same distinguished authority oflFers the startling piece of information that , "in all our meetings Gladstone went by the name of Mr. Tipple." As, however, ^jBchool-boys are noted for giving nicknames the reverse. of applicable, it would not be well to found any serious surmises upon this fact. In addition to the ordinary boyish pleasures and studies, there were two factors in Etonian life of which William Gladstone made full use. The ^^ebating Society'he joined and used ; the Eton Miscellany he founded, and I* /l'^:^!^^y ed^'ed- The one aided his budding oratorical powers, the other broadened '!;)^' Hil intellectual and literary faculties, and showed what was in him far beyond anything else which occurred during the seven years spent in the famous school. At "The Literati," or "Pop," as it was irreverently called by outsiders, the clever boys from all the diflferent forms met and debated many and varied questions. Current politics were forbidden, but it was not difficult to show tendencies and express opinions under the pretence of discussing the execution of Charies I. or of Strafford; the characters of Oliver Cromwell or of John Milton. Young Gladstone was elected a member on October 15th, 1825, and two weeks la ter delivered ilia first speech ttpon the questionr**lislHreducation of the poor/ on the whole, beneficial ? " He spoke in favour of the affirmative, and the first ^%k--^{^Kir^^l'^ > 'i&i<^ AT ETON AND OXFORD. ' SI words of this first recorded effort of the great orator were : " Sir, in this ag^'of increased and increasing civilization." Tmagination almost refuses to compre- hend the vast sea of eloquence which has flowed over England since those initial words were uttered. In the debates which followed, his views were pretty well defined. He took a leading part in discussion as well as in the general business of the society. He championed aristocracy agaiftst ? democracy, denounced the French veiy freely, and protested against the4isar|nament of the Highlanders as having been «• in the name of policy inexpedient, in the name of God unjust." He defended Strafford, but denounced the Tory Ministers of Queen Anne, "whose measures I firmly believe to have been hostile to British interests, destructive ^f British glory, and subversive of the splendid atid, I trust, lasting fabric of the British Constitution." Many of his sentences in' these speeches sound like th'p better known phrases of Disraeli, when about the same time he commenced to illustrate Conservatism by his powers of description, and adorn it by his beauty dF style. Doyle, in his Reminiscences, tells an incident which indicates still more strongly the Tory bent of the lad's mind during these years. " One day," he says, " I was computing the odds for the Derby as they stood in a morning newspaper. He (Mr. Gladstone) leant over my shoulder to look at the horses named. Now, it hapi^ened that the Duke of Grafton owned a colt called Hampden, who figured in the aforesaid list. ' Well,' cried Mr. Gladstone, reading off the odds, ' Hamp- den, at any rate, is in his proper place, between Zeal and Lunacy,' for such, in truth, was the position occupied by the namesake of the illustrious rebel." In the society Mr. Gladstone soon took the lead, aided by Hallam, Milnes- Gaskell, i^d others. The last named was a curious specimen of a boy, andone who had fed upon Hansard until he had become a sort of walking encyclo- paedia. But he was too rich and too indolent to ever become great, although, when he afterwards entered !lie Commons, he knew its history with an absolute knowledge, and could recite most of the great speeches of ancient and modern times with marvellous exactness. In 1827 the Eton Miscellany was born, as a ■uccessor to the Microcosm, which had enabled George Canning, in years immedi- ately following 1786, to practise his brilliant pen and powerful wit; and to the Etonian, which Mackworth Praed had, about 1820, made so striking a literary soccers. ^ In th^se papers the real spirit of Eton found vent, and they are indeed extraordinary productions to come from boyish minds and pens. The Miscel. lany commenced on June 4th, 1827, and was continued for ten months under the editorship chiefly of William Gladstone. For a time he had George I wyn assoc iated w it h him, but gr a duaMy the^ulk^of^faew>rin asit generally does, upon the one possessed of the greatest enthusiasm and willing- ness. Among the other contributors were J. W. Colville, afterwards Sir James, ¥^-» iJfii , ..^Ai %J fe. LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. fif ' and Chief Justice at Calcutta ; Sir F. H. Doyle, whose clever poetry in those early days is still remembered ; Milnes-Gaskell, Arthur Halla^, John (afterwards Lord) Hanmer, and the future Bishop Selwyn. The young editor, who was only eighteen years of age, turned his hand to every kind of literary work. Prologues, epilogues,, leaders, historical articles, satirical sketches, classical «£forts, and humorous poetry — all seemed equally easy to his facile pen. All these early writings betray a strong imagination and ei^uberance in language. One of the first was a tribute to Canning, penned shortly after his mournful death, and illustrates, not only the youthful hero-worship of the writer, but his natural eloquence of style : " It is for those who revered him in the plenitude of his meridian glory to mourn over hira in the darkness of his premature extinction ; to mourn over the hopes that we buried in his grave, and the evils that arise from bis withdrawing from the scene of life. Surely if eloquence, rarely excelled and seldom equalled — if an expanded mind and judg> ment, whose vigour was paralleled only by its soundness — if brilliant wit — if a glowing imagination — if a warm heart and g.n unbending firmness — could have strengthened the firail tenure, and prolonged the momentary duration of human existence, that man had. been immortal 1 But nature could endure no longer. Lest, we should give to man the honour due to God — lest we should exalt the object of our admiration into a divinity for our worship — He who calls the weary and the mourner tO' eternal rest hath been pleased to remove him from our eyes." Equally striking is the sarcastic and witty ^oem, " An Ode to the Memory of Wat Tyler." It is a very strong example of the mock-heroic method of treating political subjects, and pours unmitigated sarcasm upon the Radicals of that time. In connection with the following verses, it will be remembered that Thistlewood and Ings were hanged in 1820 for their share in the Cato Street conspiracy to murder Lord Liverpool and his Cabinet, and that Peterloo was the scene of a memorable attack by the constabulary upon a certain Radical meeting in 1819 : "I hymn the gallant and the good,' From Tyler down to Thistlewood ; My muse the trophies graceful sings The deeds of Miller and of lUgS ; She sings of all who, soon or late, — Have burst subjection's iron chain, * Have sealed the bloody despot's fate. Or cleft a peer or priest in twain. Shades, that iBoft Sedition woo Around the huants of Peterloo t That hover o'er the meeting halls, Where many a voice Stentorian bawli V Still flit the sacred choir arooi^, ' FFsedom ' let tlie garre^^ ^m^ TtBfT And vengeance soon in thunder sound, On Church and constable and King." ki' * . ^|^^;m^*.>X, i;k^ty,^'rf.v,.,«i^*^,^,*, . ' Ji'.N .ii V' At ETON AND OXFORD. 53 Many other selections from these remarkable writings might be given but it is necessary to pass on to the Oxford career of the youthful author. One word, however, must be said concerning the opinions of his schoolmates Sir F. H. Doyle says, in his Memoirs, that the Miscellany would have fallen to the ground but for Mr. Gladstone's " untiring energy, pertinacity, and tact." He adds that his owq father, a man of ability and experience, predicted the youne man's future eminence from 'J the force of character shown in managing his ^ubordmates, and the combination of ability and power that he has made evident." Milnes-Gaskell wrote his mother, asking to be sent to Oxford instead of Cambridge, so that he could maintain his intimacy with Gladstone "who is no ordinary individual." Arthur Hallam, who. was himself looked upon with a respect and admiration which Tennyson's pen and his own early death have transformed into one of the most mournful and memorable incidents in Englgh literature, declared that, "whatever maybe our lot, I am confident that J|||f bud that will bloom with a richer fragrance than almost any whose earlv ^^■pse I have witnessed." ^ ^^; At Christmas, 1827, William Gladstone left Eton, and for six months ' Studied with pnvate tutors— one of whom was Dr. Turner, shortly afterwards appointed Bishop of Calcutta. In October of the following year he entered Christ Church, Oxford, which has given seven Prime Ministers to the present century. Amongst those whom he found associated with him were many who d also been at Eton, and others who now came for the first time upon thi eijlarging scene of his life. Some of the students at other colleges whom h6 Aaturally encountered and became more or less intimate with, were Henry Edward Manning, Archibald Campbell Tait, afterwards Archbishop of Canter bury, Robert Lowe, Sidney Herbert, and Sir George Cornewall Lewis Christ Church was at this time the most aristocratic, the most exclusive, the most con- ^rvative, and also the most intellectual of colleges. Much freedom was given in regard to reading and study, but the examinations were eminently calculated to test a man's thoroughness in work and his powers of observation and memory rather than to serve as tributes to mere cleverness or surface brilliancy The young man who laboured earnestly and intelligently was sure of Success, the bright and reckless " genius " usually failed. mjt was the very place for Gladstone. He was already good at Latin and Greek, which he still followed up closely with his tutor, the Rev. Robert Bnscoe. He devoted himself to mathematics also, and now determined to win honours m a direction for which in younger days he had shown but little likine lI^^\?nff?»r."^'?K!'^^^^°J'^^^ and in connection with the' latter hfta^ndad lli« ieclui«i of Dr. Burton andDr. Pusey. He also receiver" pnvate .nstructionm classics from Charles Wordsworth, afterwards Bishop of St Andrews. His method of study was simple. Four hours of steady reading J" fi.\ '1-- ■;s^-. A"' ■^v.^,>, ii t^W.V). iW^^i i^ii'L&r i"^ -j**^ . f ^> ,' 54 LIFB AND WORK 01* MR. GLADSTONE. in the morning .-^^s followed by a constitutioftal walk. He did not object to suppers and winilparties in the evening, and frequently gave them himself, but always read for'%0 or three hours before goin^ to bed. During the Vacation of 1830, he spent his time with a small reading party at Cuddesden vicarage.' "It is curious,^' writes a contemporary, "to remember reading Plato with Bruce > (Lord Elgin), seeing Manning hard at work getting up the text of the Bible, Gladstone working at Hooker, whilst Hamilton (Bishop of Salisbury) was, more " inclined, I think, to indulge in Aristophanes." Such was tl^e "set" with whom - • Gladstone worked at Oxford. ' He also formed an essay society called, after its founder, the W.E.G. Many clever young fellows belonged to it, and one of the survivors remembers Mr. Gladstone reading an elaborate paper upon Socrates' belief in immortality. But perhaps the central feature of the young man's university career *was his connection with the famous Oxford Union. At Eton it had been literature ;' at Oxford it was oratory. This statement, of course, must be limited by the evet-present factor of study. But, that aside, these two ftiatters. stand out clearly and prominently. When Mr. Gladstone began to take an active part in the Debating Society, he almost at once asjsumed the lead in succession to Manning. He becante first secretary and then president, during perhaps the most brilliant period in^he history of a brilliant organization. Nearly half a century later, Mr. Gladstone's own Ministry contained seven of the early presidents of the Oxford Union. His first speech was made in February, 1830, and with subsequent, deliverances and motions indicated the most pronounced Toryism. He opposed a motion for the removal of Jewish disabilities, and took high ground against the Reform Bill. In April, 1831, Arthur Hallam wrote : " I have had a long letter from Gladstone ; he is very bitter against the Reform Bill." He had already joined Charles Wordsworth and Lord Lincoln, in founding an Anti- Reform League, and this, together with the general bitterness of politics, served to accentuate the importance of the Union debates. About the time of the above-mentioned letter to Hallam, Mr..Gladstope had gone down to attend some public meeting in Leamington, which aroused him to such an extent that he wrote to the Standard a letter which is more than interesting, and which concluded with the following outburst : " If, Sir, the nobility, the gefitry, the clergy, if the sterling sense and stable principle of the country generally, are to be alarmed, over-awed, or smothered, by the expression of popular opinion from meetings such as this — and if no great statesman be raised up in our hour of need to undeceive this unhappy multitude, now rushing or heedlessly sauntering - along the pathway of revolution — what is it but a symptom, as infallible as it is appalling, that the day of our greatness and stability is no more, and that the chill and dampa of death are already creeping over England's flory ? ' May God avert the omen I ' A little later, on May i6th, came the most noted occurrence in the history of tl)0 te- ^'-^>'- AT ETON AND OXFORD. 55 Union, and what Doyle tei^hs <• the great oratorical event of my time." A motion ofcensnrempon the Whig administration was>opbsed, but in not sufficiently strong terms, and Mr. Gladstone submitted i rider to it which, in the following words, and ^fter three nights of stormy and eloquent discussion, was carried by 94 votes to 38: . ^ r ^y^**' °'°'^°''l^'^^^y ^ave unwisely introdaced, and most unscrupulously fomarded. a measure which threatens not only to change the form of our government, but ultimately to break up the very foundations of social order in the country, as wel the debate was instinct with the passions of the moment; and the excite-^ TT ^^^"P^se"*^ seems to have bem intense. Roundell Palmer i Lord " Selborne) Sidney Herbert, Lincoln, Doyle, Bruce, and, lastly, Gladstofte, took part. Charles Wordswprth, writing to his brother, referred to^ the various speakers, and then described Gladstone's effort as '-the most splendid speech out and out, that was ever heard in our society." He added, in the enthusiasm of the moment, and in italics, that "the Oxford Union will yet save the country " . It roust indeed, from the impression made, have been a silfgUterly powerful speech Doyle says that "most of the speakers fose more o» less above tfieir ordinarC level, but when Mr. Glacfctone sat down we, all of us, feh that an epoch in' our lives had occurred." Bishop Charles Wordsworth afterwards wrote that his experience of Mr. Gladstone at this time made him " feel, no less 'sure than of my own existence, that Gladstone, our then Christ thufch undergraduate, would one day nse to be Prime Minister of England.- But the greatest effect of the speech m a practical way, was the feeling of- admiration it aroused in the young Earl of Lincoln, whose praises of Gladstone tp his father, the Duke of Newcastle! ultimately brought about the former's connection with Newark, and his entrance to the House of Commons. '• } . ■ ^ This was the most memorable event in Mr. Gladstone's Oxford career ^th the possible exception of the final one, which occurred on November a4th* i^i, when he headed the list of graduates as a "double firsi class" in classics and mathematics, an honour Sir Robert Peel had alsp won some time before. Onjanuaiyaeth following he received his B;A.4egtee, and two years after- an Honoray D.CX. In tnump-h, therefore, he left college and at once Sric hd ^ ^^*'°* """^ '*'' "'''"*^' "^'^ *^^ ^^^"'^^"^ ^«"«« «>f The influence of Oxford np onhis fytu re career was very great. It com- . htheproeew commenced at ftomCahd confinued at Eton. In the studies^ and pursuits of the University, as it then was, he received full instruction concern^ mg the i^ue of authority, the tocredness of law and precedent, the danger of :*->». > 1 4 ■ * .v-^ 56 LIFEr'AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. rashness and innovation, .the necessity of respect fof existing institutions. Toryism, as then undersjtood, was a creed of intense loyalty to the Crown, even to the extent of regarding GharlesJ. as a saint and martyr. The claims of rank and birth, the divin^nature of the union between Church and State, ^ were regarded as matters of course. Mr. Gladstone was sincerely religious, by home training and early conviction ; so that, although the lack of religion at Eton%ad been refflaced by a dry ecclesiastical system not yet fanned into heat and life by the fascinating genius and sanctity of Newman and the " Oxford movement," he seems to have passed through bdfh ordeals unaffected. All accounts join in speaking of his ,habitual devotion to the Bible, and Cardinal Manning remembers him walking to church with his "Bible and Prayer-book tucked under his arm.',' * - •* Mr. Gladstone has never forgotten these years. Speaking at Manchester, in 1865, he declared himself to " have loved the University of Oxford with a deep and passionate love." Thirteen years later, he added, in another speech, that " I logic back on the education of Oxford, as it taught the love of truth, and provided men with principles of honour whjch were nowhere, perhaps, so much required as amid the temptations of political controversy. It inculcated a reverence for what was ancient and free and great." But at the same time he expressed the belief, natural under the changed circumstances of his life, that it did not in his day set a due value upon the principles of British liberty. Such, therefore, was the environment, and such the events in the early career which was now to broaden out into a national and world-wide fame. Mr. Gladstone had enjoyed university privileges, from which Brougham, Lord John Russell, and Lord St. Leonards, Bright, Cobden, and Disraeli, were or had been debarred. He had obtained honours at the university which Palmerston and Lansdowne, Graham and Molesworth, Lord Clarendon, Lord Panmure, Lord Derby, and the great majority of his future associates, or opponents, had failed to get, or perhaps deserve. He, in fact, was to be one of the few exceptions to the rule that a man who really attains distinction at a great English university afterwards drops into comparative obscurity. But, given a combination such as Gladstone now possessed, of reputation as an orator and a scholar,, united with aristocratic backing and wealth, and the world, as it was in 1832, ^tood prepared to offer him more than a chance for success, and position, and^ power. m ■':- ''«s>^a!!sst??^ri)^"#«; t£»fl "3* > n H^HI ♦ : 1 "I BfeMjtoo-^ay-T; ;■ A. ..■:v^v.y.>^-ijeEaili>^,,i' ■■■-...< ■^' .. u ,-. i^ikfe-.:.ir^^^ Published by MR. GLADSTONE IN 1839. (57) 1 2 1 « •« WX'- ■^ ii!i^ • -* ■3"'\ WILLIAM LAMB, VISCOUNT MELBOURNE, Prime MinUter of Great Britain, 1834, 1835-41. (58) '*r. »i ^ ^Jie.J'I.'A^ioSAM "'§S#?f': i^^'O' ■/'• ■;f| ^ CHAPTER IV. THE HOPE OF THE TORY PARTY. R. GLADSTONE entered political life daring a period which wil ever be memorable in the history of England I he people had just won the greatest constitutional battle m the national annals, and had effected a complete revolution m the workmgs of Parliamentary institutions. The Reforta BiH had received the Royal sanction pn the 7th of Tune. , . 1832. Immediately following, and amid the wildest hopes nort «f fho T -k , P«"nanent political power^and popular berjefit on the fhTnart of ^^e'r '•'"'..''' "°^' g><^omy forebodings and dTsmal prophecTes^n the part of the Tones, the general elections were held. The condition of the country was, at this time, deplorable. There was a deep depression In tL^e and a falling revenue ; riots were of frequent occurrence in theTroWs a id S Ireland; labour was scarce, while starving or unemployed Zurei^rwee n?fiLtnLr:f":;''^'""'^^^^°'^" ^enerally.^^ "^^^^^^^ settling over the working classes T ^^P^^^'f^^'^ B»» was looked upon as a ray of light amid the darkness isappointed , to the andowners it seemed to involve a prospect of diminished nfluence and ruined interests, which they also were to find unfulfilled While Soi t KZ T.r P'^^' '"^ ^'' '° ^^^^P-^<^ «^°- and benTficS legislation, ,t failed at the moment to bring about that lightening of pooular electorate and the masses of the people pictured as the immediate result ^Thl g,rn T'^'"" ''^' r ^"^' P° ''• ^^-8h better offThTh p^p^^^^^^^ Continent ; newspapers, for a long time, were heavily taxed ; postage continued "i^S:: rt^cr""^ -nwe,estillhangedfnchain;;Xf;rmS L,h^« for • -^ ^ Colonies; soldiers continued to receive a hundred or more ^^ti^e^'^n\f""'^''u''^'''''^ °^ ''^ P^°P'^ -^«^'>" »^«-vily taxed. Td at a tune when there was but little external competition to keep down^he ori^ • St"v:ri^.'" ''^^ ^"' ^"^^ ^^^"^*^« ^°»^°-^ 'o be aln4":o'u" tn ffBTt w^y f - " -• --^j^^^vj^ A.iME,_uic jicieniinc DiessiBfi^o^a^wonderfnt- c^mm!?c!^ ^ T' *"'° "^'^^^'^^ ^•"^' *^^ <^«ationof rXays had ba^^ ~^^ machmeiy was still an object of popular terror. Ind the farmS^ used lu. flaU as his ancestors had done in distant centuries; matches wer^ * 'r- t !»■' J , I 60 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONB, !£m Milan, and. in AugSt.ToZ'entd''hSark utf th' "'T"* ^" ^"'« ^ His first electoral address is of deep pLonL as"^^^^^^^^ and deserves close attention from all who wSh to fnll , f °"*'' *°'**''*«*' his political principles. It was J^ZX'rtw:^^^^ Borough of Newark-upon-Trent.-' and ^ntfollolr^'"^^ ^''''"" °' "^^ ment./lt has been recommended to me travoW iS?? ^°^ ^°° '° *•*« «°«"'°K Parlia- pereona canvass at this early period?Lless Se ex^nlJ ^Z''*''*^".^"* '° *»»« to'^ by a render it necessaqr. Let me. howev;rrbrieflytpVe3?^i! 1^°*'*"' "*°*^'*^**'' «hodd and favour, a warm and conscientious attachment to oT/ r"" °° ^^^ confidence MonariAy.andtotheUnionofourChurch and State «»T ?°^t"""''°t as a limited of numberless blessings, and as most strSly adao ei to » riT"?- ^t^ *° "* ^^^ ^o^'ce that this attachment itself involves the st/onges^^^^^^^^ L^r ^**'°°u ' ?°°^'d«' real abuses, and to resist the imputation of those whS ir '• • *° ^"'*' ^^e removal of " I admit facts, and abstract DrindnW«ni?- u *^® "nag">a»y. of ^cultural, commercial* and fiTnfe^faS^^^^^^^ of British interests as its first and most^ro^^^^^^^ burdens consistently with the strict adherenSTo our it^nn »T X'''**'"" °^- **»« P^^Hc m particular, of our Irish EstaBlishments-°£^ a^dTo^Sr^f f^ ^^^^^ ^^^^^^' ing classes-the adjustment of our Colonial InU^J?. Il^ °^ **"* condition of the labour- «ent and further legal protection of ^rfeWs^^^^^^^^^ T^"«« ^I t^e moral advance- a dignified and impartiiij Foreign poS-2xe ;WeS? for f^'^^Z'^^^ *^" observance of .t be your pleasure to return ml to Pa^^e„t I ho~ to f»h * ^^'Tu °u* ^^ ^'*'*^*'' '^ould and perseverance, recognizing no interests bntthnl^Ku ^°'"" ."^^^ honesty. dUigence. " When the propeFtimefhaU be c^^l^rL * u w*>'<=h are truly national. * ' pleasure to enter into the most LreLi^S^^^^^^ ""^"*?' '' .*^" ^ '^•''« ""y d«ty and that they form the only satisfact^^^Slf SX^dl"^^^^^^ '^°°'^°-' " '-' " I have the honour to be. Gentlemen. ( "Your obedient and faithful servant. ^'London, August A.r%^i." " W. E. ^F ./ I t ■4LJ83 g: 9LADST0NR The reception given to the candidate was vi.rv «,;^»j tt prevail concerning his character, o^^'oT^^J^'^^' "«" ■8°<>«"C, f''-V>:*5!:' ■ UFB AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONS. -:iiS;^'.<^,fri' "^ j^C;* ^ \ < -:>, The Nottingham Review, a Whig organ, declared that no one knew who he was, but that he had "announced his intentions in a hand-bill." Another Whig paper referred to him as "a Liverpool merchant," while the yburnal, a Tory paper, described him as "a gentleman of considerable commercial experience and talent," and, of course, predicted his success. Sergeant Wilde was again the Whig candidate, and Mr. Handley the second Tory nominee. Writing many years Afterwards, Mr. Gladstone described the canvass which followed as being "the most exciting period of my life; ''I never worked harder or slept so little." At the nomination meeting he was mercilessly "heckled," especially as to the Duke's share in bringing him to the borough. He got around this by declaVing himself the nominee of the Red Club, which in a sense was true. Arid, in spite of the Newcastle influence, the contest was lively and exciting. Before long, however, the young candidate began to make a most favourable personal impression. He was at this time nearly twenty-two, with a splendid physical constitution, which his student-like bearing somewhat modified in appearance. And he was soon known to have the prospect of ample meah^j^ together with a power of copious and ready speech. His pale complexion, dark hair, and piercihg eyes also flombined with strongly-marked features to give him a striking and pleasant appearance. At the conclusion of his canvass he again addressed the electors in a somewhat elaborate manifesto. In this docum^t he declared that "we must watch and resist that uninquiring and undiscriminating desire for change amongst us which threatens to produce, along with partial good, a melancholy preponderance of mischief." He was persuaded that unless this movement was checked the result "would aggravate beyond computation the deep-seated evils of our social state, and the heavy burthens of our industrial classes." For the mitigation of existing evils, the country must look to the res- toration of sounder general principles. "I mean especially that principle on which alone the incorporation of Religion with the State in our Constitution can be defended J that the duties of Governors are strictly and peculiarly religious; and that Legislatures, like Indi'^iduals, are bound to carry throughout their acts the spirit of the high truths they have acknowledged." Upon this line there must, he declared, be "neither truckling nor temporiz- ing." He went on to say that sediitous attention should be given to the interests of the poor, to the promotion of an adequate remuneration for labour. As to the question of slaveiy, he took high scriptural ground ; declared that the condition was admitted and permitted by the Bible ; defended himself against the Anti- Slavery Societyi which had issued a circular in opposition to his candidacy; opposed immediate emancipation of the slaves, but favoured efficient Christian Jnstru ction as a s t e p tow a rd s prepar i ng^ th em fol a fut ure, C9nditi Q D o f Jfoaedonu- The address concluded with a reference to the people's enthusiasm in rallying around their "ancient flag," and breathed throughc^t a spirit which Mr, >4 .*:*;'; ■^Kj'/'^'v'' ' -A^.^ THE HOPE OF f HE TORY PARTY. I • X^^' -"'^ ^«™ after. d*,a,«i„ h.v. be«. «.a. » «^ since stated that the man who threw irw«l!LT^.°''"' ""ad. He has matter by voting for me next day!^ At Z ^T'Jtl """' *'. " ^^^^^ed the! was announced as Gladslo,e, 882 j Handley, 79! WMe ',T ''''' '"^ "™" The Whigs were deeolv disannninfi i " ' ^'* the smashing of wirtdow^Ii^S"''^^ and -vented their local-feelings Dy been driven like sheep or 'slav^ into sup^rtfr*'!' ^'''^i'"" % vote/sThad . Newcastle whether they would or not K^. T**"* °f *« D»ke of l»non. depeiidsa for their daily bread .i,i£ .1. *^^gT where maw T contention may fairly be allowed^soSrce^ frit?"* f 111' '^"^^ '"= ^ Gladstone could have been electeawithrt^such^ a^d"!""'''?'?' **' *•'• ' " ... V^"*^^ T°» "*oa tne gratuitous sneer ■■#. S.: .'^'■ , i^-H -f^ '/'* 64 LIFE AND* WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. Iff t of a London paper calle4 the Re/lector at " the unknown person, fresh from college, whose mind is like a sheet of foolscap," and whose father had "made his gold from the blood of black slaves," was abusive and utterly undeserved. Indeed, the press of the country had commenced to notice the young '*^an whose university career had been so distinguished, and whose eloquence and facility of speech were now so freely admitted. The Nottingham Journal, for instance, declared him to be *' a gentleman of amiable manners and the most extraordinary talent,-" and went on to predict that he would " one day be classed amongst the mostable statesmen in the British Senate." TYi^JTimes referred to the election as an evidence of the Duke of Newcastle's influence, while Arthur Hallam wrote to a friend that it was a great triumph for Gladstone— " •' He has made his reputation by it." Another college classmate burst into • poetry, the sentiments of which serve, at least, to show the impression he had left upon his friends at Oxford : " His was no head contentedly which press'd * The downy pillow in obedient rest ; His was no tongue which meanly stoop'd to wear The guis^ of virtue, while his heart was bare ; But all he thought through ev'ty action ran ; -God's noblest work — I've known one honest man." *■ It was at this time that his father made a remark which is very interest- ing, and especially so to opponents of the great Liberal leader. John Gladstone, who had not long before removed to a charming country place — Fasque House, in Kincardineshire — was dining with a well-known Liverpool merchant called Bolton. The story comes to us from an uncle of Bishop Charles Wordsworth, and is tgld by the latte^. He says that, after dinner, •' my uijcle" took occasion to congratulate Mr. Gladstone upon, the r^tnarkable success of his son William; and to express the hope that hfe would be equally successful in the House of Commons. To which the father replied, "Yes, sir; I thank you; my son has ceiitainly distinguished himself at the university, and I trust he will continue to • do so, for there is no doubt he is a man of great ability ; but," he added, " he has no stability." ^ Leaving to one side, however, any consideration of the future, William Gladstone was now a member of the House of Commons, a rising man in the estimation of all who knew him, and destined before long to be "the hope of the stem,, unbending- Tories "of the country generally. He had enterejji public life by the easy path of a "itotten borough." It was^a cohered way along which Burke knd PM, Fox and Cann|ng, Mackintosh and Macaulay, )^ave walked in IcompzSSTve youthlulrieM^ii^^ And^kTr. Gladstone has always respected the influence which, as a young man, thus gave him his first opening in the path .tPy^Iiticaf^wer. He has freely recog^ed .?*., "THE HOPE OF THE TORY PARTY. 1 Jv' -^^t I * 6s the value of "rotten borotiffhs" in fhi'o o the House of Commons who v.nt" '^^,'""^«' ^"^ was himself the last m^n in When P^Wnt n^!. T '° """' ^ ^"^'"^ ^" ^^^^^ behalf, new membe" th?Refor^n ^T^^ '^'l' ^^^S. t|.e#^re three hundred the country geneXf^ZeX'^^^^^^^ ^° affect^Newark. had carried party under Sir Robert Peel's leadeShin .n^ ^^'' ""^T'- ^ ''^'"P^^* "^^^ followed O'Corinell. William the FtS^^/h ^^^^^'^'T^ I"^^ section which issue in the countiy were W conn T? ''t ^'"^' ^"^ '^^ ""^'^^ ^^^^^i^^^s ^t the general conditL Tthe poo'^^^^^^^^^ "^^\*'^^ Irish Church Establishment. Cobden, at this time was a vounV , '"^'"'^"^"^e ^^ slavery in the Colonies, cotton. The futuriviTquess o^Vt T P""'? ""^ ^"^^^ "^^ •^'^^^ ^P^^ning Lord Rosebery and oSaTf of M^'^t^^^ ""f f^^^^ 1^"-*- was an infant! Mr. Balfour, Mr. Chaml^rlain and .h i ^^'x^' ^^'' ^"^^"^' ^^^''^ "°^ ^^^ born yet seen th; light. Tariyle a^d V^^ Hartington of later days, had no struggling in obscurity whtw"^'°"'.^^'^'"' ""^ ^^°^g^ ^liot. were During a debaS on he iv. '^ T *^'''"^"^ °^ ^^^'°"^^"g ^'^ ^^^^t- delivered hislaiden speecht thTH^^^^^^^^ """^ ^°"°"^'^^' ^^- ^^^d^^-e clearly enough indicated in the Newark rnn. ^' T.^^°"g ^^'' which had been defence of his father's estates in Slmtrr^^!:^^^ "" ^""^"^^ "^^ ^^^^^^ ^ 3rd. he made a second and more elZ'^ u '•' "^^"^^^"^e'^t. On June cruelty or ill-treatmentbLcom^^^^^^^ '^T^' '" ^^'^^ ^^ deprecated dl men had a right to "thefr own Citlv anT^^^^^^^^ "'"'' 'T''' *'^^ ^"^"^^- and Christian instruction should hlfh^ v.. ^ ^ ^""^"''^^ property." Moral in any event, discrimination sh^uM he ^h' 1'""'^' "^^ '^°^^ "^ "^^^*i°"' ^^d, He, of course, opposedlmmediate eman ':^*"^^" j^^^ ^^^ industrious slaves, rested her po^er not upon pTvSfrorK^^^^^^ '^^"^^^ ^^^^ "England and virtue; and if this grLVmeastw ' "P^^^""" P"""P'^^' ^^^ i"t-"ect. a fair basis, or was coXc^ " l-eTZ^r ^^^^^ ""^ "°^ ^^^^^^ "P- ™in of the Colonies and the doL^f^rth' eJ^^^^^ !f "^'^^^^ " ^ ^^^"^ ^°^ *^« The J^7t^:^ :^'^^{Tf' ' '''- '^ ''' -^'^' the planters and owners as comprsaZ if '^V'.t' w'°°° ^''" ^^'"^ '° of Mr. Gladstone, that Lord XIh • ! "^l^ °^ ^^'' ^^'"^"^ ^^^^^ate, and evening, on takini 2 seat 1 1 ? V'" ,^'' Recollections, writes: "One appeari'nce and L2::Tl^i:^^^^^^ countenance, and large, exoresstril u ' \, *" earnest, intelligent eWdenUy what ia called, the ear^lh^'S'' T'' /"""^ »» •>« was. he had ™ not one likely to interes 'a dodI "» Vf"" T "'"""'' ''^ «<'™'=="«' J''ii'M?^^hadriaced^^'Sr'5^t'''^^ yoW fellow who will someday^rt„ "'«'* •■"l™'!'''"'^''™* / ' "*"* * Sreat ngure in Parliament." My •^ 0~. rt< ,u n 66 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTQNE. 'I i I- J" informant was Edward Geoffrey Stanley, then Whig Secretary for the Colonies, and in charge of the Negro Emancipation Bill." It may be added that Mr. Stanley^ not long afterwards, drifted into Conservatism, and was ultimately leader of that party as Earl of Derby. From this time ibrward, and in spite of the unfavourable subject of his first speech, Mr. Gladstone's progress wa« steady and sure. He took a profound interest in all matters pertaining to the Church. It held, in fact, the first place in his affections and in his opinions. The second object of attention was the general condition of the Colonies. But before these features of his early Parliamentary career can be more fully entered- into, it will be well to consider two occurrences which had a very great effect upon the young politician's entire future. The oneHvas the accession of Queen Victoria to the throne; the other was his own marriage. The death of William IV. may be said to nlark an epoch in the history of* the English monarjphy. The House of Hanover had never yet won the personal affections of the people.' The Stuarts, with all their faults and follies, seemed to have the gift oT attracting and retaining a sentimental adhesion which their successors from over the sea were unable to obtain. No matter how notorious the bad faith of Charles the First might be, loyalty to the throne remained a powerful popular factor, and formed the basis for continued self-sacrifice and much earnest patric^ism. So with Charles II. Despite* the ingratitude and , profligacy for which he was. famous, his followers, in the event of a serious rebellion, would probably have been as loyal and devoted as ever they were to the first of his name. But the Hanoverian icings, for many and varied reasons, had been unpopular, and there is little doubt that in the third decade of the century there was much genuine republicanism in the country, and much discontent, which was inclining others in the same direction. These were the circumstances which made men of Conservative tendencies, such as Gladstone, try to dissociate the idea and theory of monarchy from the per- sonality of the King, and i^ich formed Tories out of many who were Liberals by nature and by moderate inclination. But in spite of personal weakness or unpopu- larity in the monarch, they believed in the general principle of Monarchical government, and were thus^ kept out of the ranks of developing Liberalism by fear of the republican tendencies to be found amongst its supporters. Here, therefore th^ young Queen's accession, in 1837, worked a marvellous change. Gracious in manner, charming in appearance, tactful in conduct. Her Majesty soon won her way into the hearts of the people. Disloyalty became almost impossible where .there was no one to attack, and little to criticize. The atmosphere of the Court became clear and pure, and the moral health of the people grew stronger by force of-a high example and wise dibctelion. The Whig^ Premier, Lord Melbourne, — also performed his constitutional duty of guidirfg and instructing the youthful *^^ ■»*'*^'ffi«^3!p^j "i^ \*. THE HOPE OF THE TORY PARTY. :>. Mr Gladstone was mq|ried on July asth 18^10 HJq hln^ who has sxme been knowiii during half a centurv' in v, 1, I ^^'^^'^^^ '^"d^' public life, was Miss Catherine ri ''!"*"'3^J" ^^"^ husband's memorable LhardGiyrihe.THawadenCas^i'^"? IVi^" ^'"^^'^^ °^ ^ir Stephen , Bister Mary was ^nitedTtfesar^^^^^^^ "- is said that at a dinner nartv Tl ^° George fourth Lord Lyttelton. It sitting beside a member of thfr ^'^" ^'^°'' '^'' event, MiSs Glynne was , then unknown to her-and aH ° MTrTrJ'7'° P"'"^^' °"' ^^' Gladstone- Minister fif England " Aftem^rd, .t '^*/°""g ^^" J ^^^i" yet be Prime tourontheCominent in iSrh.d . '^^'' "'J occasio^y, and during a had been formed an'UrltdtXE^^^^^^^^^^ ^ p'^^^ scenes of beauty and fame Th^ T T" Rome^and traversed many resulted in thT'^ubrehJgen."^^^^^^^^^ '^^^^^^ ^'^-t had "Gossip of thecTntur^" w^C?. u . ^'""^'^ ^°'^°"^" ^°^k. called '■ in .838.^and -nHo^Tthrfotwrnr ^^^- consistmg of two gentlemen and two ladies the latteTt^irf h . ^^^''^^P^^y, of the apper claS^^° ' ^j""^' "^'^^'^ °' ■•=="'« »««"-' '<> aS«glishman »me Jl^V^Tt'-Mres'^lvr"" "^ ^"" ""=" rejoicing, singled „ith by the surrounding multitude pfilr^ ^^^Pf^l^^^ ^^« strewn with flowers the day for the ^C^of " Ch'^r ^^^ ^-<^« finished honeymoon at Norton Priory, the seat of sl r; k' ? n f 'P'"' '^^'^ Gladstone and the two brothir/p T\ . ^\^^^'^ ^'°''^^' ^r. John wedding, while S^r F H Ke wh^ f r ^"^ ^^"^"'' '"''' P^^^^"* ^' the friend, tmediatl affer^a'd^^^^ '' ""' °' *'^\g^o«'n«'nen to his old friendly enthusiasm of the mom^th^rr I u P°^*'*' ''^^"'« »nl A.' . LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. ' High hopes are thine, oh I elder flower, Great duties to be greatly done ; To soothe in many a toil-worn hour The noble heart which thou hast won. me I "Covet not the rest of those Who sleep through life unknown to Fate grants not passionless repose ^ To her who weds a glorious name. " He presses on through calm and storm Unshaken, letawhat will betide ; Thou hast an office to perform. To be his answering spirit bride." How well Mrs.'Gladstone haS helped her husband in the long years which have since rolled by will be recorded in the history of her country. Through struggle andturmoil, through good repute and ill, through failure and success, she haS*fever been a noble helpmate to the -Liberal chieftain. The ups and downs of a mingled career have indeed proved Mr. Gladstone's marriage a substantial personal, factor in all his successes, a strong defence in his many defeats. ^ / It- ^S^M i : if- ■- - 1 • _ • r . '* 1h^ , *• t •* .T" ji.,.-i Rii^^- 4:^* ■»■''"''■ 'f--- -^ ?*t ^v , ?^ , *<» iT "M^'fJt . *,,-#*-'¥«** ?»"%> I* CHAPTER v." FIRST YEARS IN PARLIAMENT. ^ mart m Parliament. Those were dava wh,„ anstocratio support was in itself a ^ronffect^ ta was combined with an attractive appearance a ctarmel TrT'/ ^'^'^ "' ^PeaLg wh'ich the highest forms of oratory succelwL'^^c'ti'n''"""'^ development into years which immediately fo lowed hirfi^^!^^ ^T^^' ^"^ Ruling the • "»«nued tSKSteadily lose ground whne^^o"'."" ^"8=' °' liberals, R6W^ Peeft^~,.teaWg^ned in p'oplilart^Sn""''^, "" ''^^"'■"' "' «- practical and indivfdKnefifwIrlr „„»,"', 'k^"^ ^ '" '"^'»' ""d .not yet beeome a question of „rSfct:i^,^rM^ P°™ ,"- "="' ' restmeon their oars after a great victSrv • .l7. f* ? W"* P=°i^!t I'ke as the^ories of Beform fade^ into the past and 'hT ^Tf ^*'° f"^" less and less visible. It was therefore So„of H '"'"■^^f ■#'<»• becam^J Grey and his followers, and a period of T-^^ 7""''°® ''"P"*"'^ f"' ^ord believe Conservatism to be the g' eaf «licv of^.,!''™"""'^?' '"' "•<>»« '"ho future. ^reat policy of the .past, the; present, and the »«, ^^ZW^^^yJ^^^^'^^-^^i^''^^^' leaders whom Mr. Q,adstone\:,Tord7th s^aTy tr"t '^j^-^^^- The • .»en Whom he opposed. a„.e present a ^^^^:::^^^:T^^^X ' ai^iiii^^^#^pJ$M^■^1*4l^*\-^Jii^.;.■^'^■i^^^^ :i4 *■ \k ^ \ 70 <: { LIFE AND WORK OF MR GLADSTONE. e . l-* 1 namq or character. "&pon the Igpy side in the House of of the most uncompromising se%rity of view. First, and Duke of Wellington, with hk det^itnined countenance, his his piercing eyes, and utt^lndiflFd^epce to Dopilarit^r to mfw pu,^fQ.;^jp, also was the Duke of Buckinghaf, who Md,|^oke¥pf the&cform' Bill ^^ ^ pontaiiiing " th^^emon of Republicalj^fej in alf^|j|^eous8ej^'' Sd as repr^ent- inglpteiples worse thin cholera or pe^^ence; ll^pi Eldon^at oyer eighty of agi^^tinued to believe iq the^dlvifte right ,di'"Mfhafe^ei; epsfa^^nd eve^vtt^^urtesy of a^lpaintanceship't^jolitical'^lljjcM^ li ha^^^^^nd che^ful,j^;^j^lto feis party all the g^a^t|wdni|! and o'fatbr^ E»rl Gr^=iwi|tt^ baotoon'e-4 "" Govliitaien.r.; liinerlland sop|iistry sfciW ap A aess. .¥■*' % I i fffls, were men of equally high reputation, it' ind lofty charaeter-^^ft aristocrat to the , J^5. when Lor4 Melbouri5l# took the reins of - - • ""k;"""'' great rival of Lyndhufst, he was by turns sensitive, bitter.^sarcastic, eloquertt,l3ut always erratic. His l,ofty forehead, the piercing glare of his eyes; a face which was remarkable for its harsh feattMres and terrific sdowl, his ^ aH^nuated form, cbmbined to render his appearance almost indescribable. » When We add to this an absolute indiiTerence to refinement of language, or eveii ordinary conventionalities, in his fierce and frequent personal aftacks upon opponents^ an amazing fund of information ; a powerful and tenacious memory; a marvellpus degree of industry) and unusual rashness, the figure ' ' "My Lord Duke, — I to me, along with the tin case d the honour of receiving^^ ^enclosed it." Amongstthe lead ing Jories in the Commons — ^thi young niembeiS'oih Newark with approval and hope— -\^ •/ . • • • ^ V. • — the terse' ion you forwarded regarded the Robert Peel, bi. FIRST YEARS IN PARLIAMENT. 7« fluent, plausible, dignified wifi, « c . . '" '"^ t^M Stan,,,, ^.^S^^:X \outZ:T- '°'^."-«' f'« -" «<■ hair;" b«uh.„ ay„»g „,„ „ia, "^^p'°X„7.r • ?T '^'"'"'"^ *"■* Earl of Derby . and skill in debate ; Sir Um^G^u" ' "««"«:tual acMeness, hasty temper '. Lord John Russell was, of course iS'u^u '^"'°°'5'''" "fKadjoalism/ "eakly appearance, and a poor°rrp«aHon'r^^-.. ^T^""" «««,, with'S ble tactician, whilst his earnestness a W S,„ T""'' '" '"' 5"' »" admira- ' was slowly rising in popular esteem tofS'^ffi '^^^':. ^oM Palmersion famJy mflnence tl,an because ol^bZ, dt^, ""^^ " ""= '»« ">"« ,from m»n without much weigrinlhrS e/w '"f 'r"""'"»'' ™» » y-'-'ng Mher, was tall and hf ndsome, but chleilv t" ^^"?" ^•"''"> '*« «« . Hume, the Radical, lookine mot» lifc^, „ ^ ™ '"'' *"= ""^^'s ; Joseph ed in the Pounds, 'shillinlrd pete STI '^" '■;- anything eff., John Arthur Roebuck, cynical and pat^J^^ t*! """T"'"' ="=?''<"'' ''W'' prom.se, but lit,le p*o™ance. Dan el S'bonS« °T^ ,' "^'t" "' ""«=>• ruddy face, and jovial apnearanc „=. "^h™"?"' ™'h his athletic figure m the country /while Ed La" Ihw'ZtribT:!''^? ^°™^ '»«■>»" ■■npul^.ve eloquence ,0 the debates of the ,1!^'"', '"' ■"aginativ* and returned from India, had electrified tht member bv^n","''^ '"" ""' '""^ «nce and then t^ken his place as one of the o"atorsTf tL h ''"°"' ""''''"• *•««=''. «. «>Lord-Althorp, honest and W„K, "°"'*- Whigs; Lord AshlTy ^s 'r^ptit T™ '° ' T"'^'"= '^'Sree. led the as Earl of ghaftesbuo- ; Grote anSVfc^rd ''' °' Pl-'la-'hropic spllndour sophic Radicals, Sir Robert Inglisvofc^"fhe 7,r'""'f'' "'^ ='''°<" °f PM»- set forever on the fetal 7thof June isTa^h ,«T i°S "'^'. E"*''*"'*'* '""had afterwaMs Earl Grey and EarUfCa'rllV "°"''='' ^"'^ Lord Morpeth, A"' 2^#«»MWhig^sm " """'"''• '"P'«-™>y. represented theVd pia«;^'3K:h':^i:r^ -=•<' '<> -abiish hi, or fo^^t against. Mr..Disrael"had not^S-d t^^^ H "" '"'1"°""'' '^"■, after he accessfen- of #neen Vkt«i^C.8« H """? ' ^"^ ^'^ "<" "ntU nov.l,s<».briliranttaIker,anda^a^f fei*?'- ""- ^'P°'ation, however, as a \ ■t v*,««u wrocA to ni8 sister thaf if w^o ^.u. £_ . .. ' "• l^ry there:i.di;;;T^ l^^jf- ^^^ it was tie fine^lS^^J ^L . . ^ J^T'.,.f ^'' ¥^^ded, ".between ourselves I attended a ^mdRnssetl -^ ■I I i ■U A'*--- ■'-Its. n •jt LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONK could floor them all. jFftis entfe nous : "I was never more confident of any- thing than that I could carry everything before me in that House." Mr. Gladstone was equally sure of himself, but his surroundings were vastly more advantageous, and his training ii^finitely better suited to the career which lay before-Jiim than had been the case with his future rival. His friends entertained a most intense bqlief in his powers. Arthur Hallam wrote, just after his election: " We Want such men as that. Iiysome things he is likely to be obstinate and prejudiced ; but he has a fiuje fund of high, chivalrous Tory sentiment, and a tongue, moreover, to let it loose with." And it was a good time for a new man to appear upon the political horizon. There may have been many things in the House which were unpleasant, and a famous rhyme of the day, written by Praed, indicates that these features were fairly conspicuous: / " Sleep, Mr. Speaker ; Harvey will soon • " Move to aboHsh t^e sun and the moon ; Hume will, no doubt, be taking tlie sense , v" Of the House on a, question of sixteen-pence. p, Statesmen, will ho\Vl, and patriots bray; Sleep, y[T Speaker ; sleep while you may." >. But upon the whole, and despite Ithis sarcasm, it was a gfeat and dignified assembly, and one in which a young member of modest mien might be sure of* Btttention and respect. Mr. Gladstone, indeed, speaking in 1884, referred t\) it as " the noblest assemblyin the world, 'f and enthusiastically praised its dignity, moral tone, and discipline, as experienced in the days when 1^ first entered upon Parliamentary life. I^e certainly had every personal reason^ be satisfied with thztt period. Before two years were passed, his speeches had won him the careful attention of the most curiously complex body of men in the United Kingdom, and, according to a story which seems well fotmded, had induced Lord Althorp to point him out to the King as a brilliant orator. His high personal character, and connection with both the commercial and aristocratic interests of the day,, further commended him for position and promotion. He had, meanwhile, followed up his defence of the West Indian planters, in' 1834, by a vigorous opposition to the 'Church Temporalities Bill, in which it was proposed by the Government tq regulate and improve the condition of the , Established Church in Ireland. At this time, dnd amongst eiglit millions of people, there were only 80,000 Episcopalians, and th^se werp governed by^ five ardibishops and eighteen bishops, while t|he income of the. Church. ama « lii.BLAii! ■-^esrks^^mmi .«i- i'' *'..«- A v^* ■■ .«^,'t%*^ % '. r v;.;.^;:^?'': FIRST YEARS IN PARLIAMENT. its clergy. episcopate, or the increase of th? burdens of Government meant to nSntat ttTpr - . '^?'' '° •''"l^P"" " ^ »d 'f ">e enforce this maxim He apLied^l »? ' ^''""' '" '■'"-"'i, they ought to untenable foundation', "nd dSed tn . T' '* ?'"' ""e Church on an igainst hope that the measure wo, Id\ '™"='''^"»'' ">»' he could only hope these and similar protects howZ,t I",?" "P"."!' ° '""''■ Notwithstanding • in the -cceeding^eaTlht^TounVmemtrroke V '!^' r'"""' ^"'^ opposition to tBe appointment of a comJ^H- f'^-?'''"' ""' '™' '" ™'" of Lord S™';oTTarMom'':f"s'^ ''' T7 f''™""^' °' "■' -P-- controlled ParlLeS or had Te I'nfidenc: 7^ "" "■' '^'"'^ "'' '""S" ' dismissed Lord Melbourne fr^m^ffiTj ,?'. '=°™"y- "l- therefore, ■takecha^eof the Glrn^t'runtlllrtob" 1?* °' T'"«'°" «» be recalled and placed in now»r u \^ ' ^W^jjas m Rome, could prerogative. The lo s^ of aI^ re'llv^^^^^^^^^^ 4°" °'^^^ '^^^^^ ' which he led in the Common. .n?.K. ^^" ^ '^'^^''^ ^'°^ ^o' ^he party astrongsuccessoHn'i;;~;ar^^^^^^^^ the King a plausible and loL-looked for nnlr? • r ^'^^'^^q"«''i had given , honesty of character and reputattnlor Tw .^ \^^' °^ ^''^°^P'^ ^^^^^^ complained that it was on ^'rcessarrfo'h^^^^^^^ . "JT^ ^^^'^ "^«"^^« order to make the most carefully nrZ^H -^ ^^''^ ^'' ^"^^ '" ^«"'a' ii» the ground, so far as LI^^ZI^IIT .^^ '\ ""'^'''^ ^^" ^^ followed before Peel's arrival, the member for iSP '"?""™ ^^^"'^ were " slated " as certain of a JaceTn fh. .^ ""^^ °"^ °^ *^°^^ ^^o <.ut, the expectation wa^^^one "" ''''^^*^' ^"^' ^^ ^' *--. The first position offered him was that r^f tt„^^ c the Colonies, but it was dechned pn Z g^ouni ^haf hl"^ ^" '"" ^, Indian slave question might hamp^ hfs ColL^ <=°".«"'o» M'h the ^J>rehension in certain auarlers Hr,K Ir *"'"" """^ P'°">*te TLordof theTreasu,^ oneoftL„^l, ""f ^f"'? /"^«Pted the inferiir post ;» had also beerfei:' ed to Pariilt"^^^^^^^^^ ""^ °"' '"'"<' L""* Lincoln, was, at this period, undergoiie a Z: If t- T' """ ", himself. Peel Tjubt that the Mure o the'torvn^^^'l'l^.f^i' *«'.?-• -<'.'h- is <|«K^ lubt that £e Mure of .h.T "'° " •*""'' '"«'^»'^' ^"d there is * the Mure of t^^ tojy prognostications as to the fete of the court 'sm^r 74 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. / rUA 7 ^P^SPP^^ *•" years afterwards. depe d mE^S "white f'"*,"" '^--l"e,protectio„ eo.,he milliL * relrmi^^ Jf" K u W'"'*,*'™"S'y ■■"^I'ned towirdi the " sacred duty "of ce«lr„ rP J* "; J ^•" "" '™' """'• ''■P'^^^'d P^ve fears concerning 7 certain d|jf;eB>us tendencies whith were becoming apparent in the co.n^^ V tions under which our co„„„y has grea.ly «o„r"hed" *""' '°''""- . added ^Zr^^t^Z^r^ """=■' T"^^- ""'■ ^''<^'»- ■ to be ffotfd h^^ thi. ^?"*|rnt utterance. Change, as change, was declared not accfeJatfon ffM^Gifdto":ll°d L:?' Y -<'%"'<=^'-"-> went by the countllveneranv hfr"*** f^'^f "Pponiit, Sergeant Wilde. In L.beJti:r^i^L^Tr-^:s^:;^|!^j>^^^^^ GrevillJt-hf."f P°""™'';,''r''"pR'i*ed to make' his 'way. • Charles in Tfi.SK If r ^^ Gladstone, "who is a very clever man " Earlv timSr . tfr;^„'° 'r ?'2"r' Under^-eLyshipXh aftS be prdperly accXd lZrA:^3':urZ rn'afXttTi^'?' r ^ ' ^id nit know.^d whom I never saw. ■t « N .* .^l&SirA-.. i y'^ **i='\^i;^Y^'^* '\te,4fe'tt«Li. "^aa^SBB^ ''-""W.«lbyp„„i..i^ of Mr. Glad«on«. wp ^, T„.de. ,^ Master of ,he Mint CS' ' I /|:^ [it -^-s i ! '1 If i ' ? m ,ii , .1. ' x^: SIR ROBERT PEEL, Bart., Prime Minister oi Great Britain, 1841-46. 1 ■M • ■>■■ f ♦ 1 ■. 't -''' 4.^ 4 • •> • h \ -T* * .» ^^^^ ^iU (76) gg 1^ ^m ^ s ' WRST YEARS IN PARLIAMENT. . House of Commons, b„, U i a fir„„e"' tr "" "^ ^^ "^ ^^ '» *« ambmon, and places him in the wav J^h! k? u ..^°""«= ™" »' ""'=■« and hnnself wrote in afteryean,, ".I had heard of h^hf . -* felnbling. As he of h.m as a man of i.lrf'^anners a^d 111 anjl T"'^' ^ ' ^^ ^'^ '■=»^'' recollect the matter of the convention hut -^ f.^f^'^ f^^"'- Id"-"' ™.h him all my apprehensions had S^^f jLtke "^ *^"' ""^« ™»»!^ away from that inteiView conscious .S oHIh ["'*'""'': ='"•'1 '»■"« P«ed by a pecniiar.pnrity and ge^Stess a^ jif^' •''u'.'" * '^'«»">' '""■ kindness and even friendship." Inch waTwr^rf , "?"l ""P'^^ions c^ his statesman who was then, and always rerain'^d^'' '^' ""'"'"S ™«> * general public, but who Ucame™^heS! thTr^^'r^'^''^^'^'"'^ '»' "«« h.s youthful assistant, and of whom M '^^q^h , ?'" '"'"'' ^""l ^^"^^e of d^a.st and most revered of all PohtifjVSSrh ^ t rjf *' « 7« to act. Many years afterward Lorrl A hor^ . ^ "^^ ^^^" my duty Utle ahd estates: ™s desZd 1 1 an"t" v^cT"''""' '"' ^"'"'=°^» '^^ receive various import^t appointments" hehLsorMrTri '''""'' '"'' "> This change m oosition HiH „«f • ^'^^ Gladstone. Mr. Gladstone isfued TSe^tts r?f '"^ ""'^«°»' ^"'- » February, adhesion to Toryism, a. the sam l^JTuZll'j''!:''- """' -''««"g^^ ment of opinion. ■■ It has been," he oC^^ • . ''"^'" '""^sting develop, but earnest desire to blend a,^d hamonT. rt J^ T"""^ '° ^- -"X humble discordant, principles of pre^rJ^lT- *'"""'' ■"" "°' necessarily efficacy together with theirTnbrma"n.a"l?''T"'™''=^'' to secure their and defending each with increa^i L"trac'cordi„:" ''' f^ 1""^'^ P°='«°"' assailed in opposite directions by the Snat. n ,? ^"^"^ "' ">"" '^y ^ , pcnods." This, characteristic i^^^JiZL.I^^^t'^P'^'^ °f '"cceisive what became afterwards known as^Sm td Z^l^'^l ^^'^""^^ '""""^ ~ •he first .in*i?^'ia{r°h1d"f~.''" '"''''°^'' ^"^ ^'- Di-aeli me. for Wycombe. 3(w^?„iCaV/o^^-Jj»-»n his third defeat Vih" High , was a dinner >^„- by Lord Lyndhtrs, ?hI7 ^°f '!.™°"'- The occasifn Abrnger and the other Barons Tth" Exch^o ^"^ Chancellor, to Lord Disraeli says there were also present GeoSlnr /V '"'"•■ '" his sister. • . ^ Praed. " Young Gladstone," Sir M Sh^^/p T" <%^'"y ^"^ Councillor) Sir J. Beresford. and Admiral Pfcmbeno" ' H .'J" l^ "■= ''''^=" Academy -^r.GUd .t o.,e.eemsto have c^riS^SF^^f^fr^*™*^*"^ tore nval's singular dress and appeatan™ ^ ^ '**' impression of his !ti(/,5jil»ti!i5?s»* ^i^i' , '}]> f i ,- ■« 78 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. . r..^ ?"^*^^ ^."^^ '^'^ °^ Conservatism was coming to an end. It had bee« coLtant dVf ";.n''^^ ^^^'"^' ^ '^'^^ -^i-^' -d of necessa^t; constant defeat. The King's action in dismissing Melbourne liad iZfact reacted disastrously upon the Tory party, and had revived for a wlL thl' fleetmg strength of Whiggism. Mr. Gladstone had only time n hi. nt ' ! to make a favourable impression upon the permanentUdals^o St'a minor bill to the House dealing with the question of imported itb^u Tn he Colonies and to make a few unimportant speeches, when th^ crash came Lord John Russell, at the end of March, 1835. intr;duced further iL^^^^^^ concermng the property of the Irish Church. and,being carried aiZth. Government by substantial majorities, there was no alfernat ve but that n1 resignation. Lord Melbourne, therefore, re-assumed office, and sucoeeS in maintaining his position until the end of 1841. ^ succeeded m. Mr. Gladstone continued to take an active part in nublic pff:„Vc n • the June following his retirement from office, a dfnnerTsl^^^^^ Newark Tories, when he made a speech Which apneli IZ^ fi ^ *^' denunciatior,. '' Gladstone and the CoLtlrutirnTcaTfe^,?,^^^ "V"" ''' the chief banner of the occasion, and it was thL cause whIchM '^"^°" ceeded to champion with all the 'vigour of a poli cian whott (^^L^^^^^ ^^^i not immediately responsible for his words. O'Connelf cam. f ?PP°''*!°" ^"^ attention. "J <^p not think it expedient," d^cla'd Mr Gladstl^^^^^^^^ ' I(enter into d^ails of the exploits character pn.1 1^ •.• , •' ' °' ^^^" gintlepan; I would rather say Zt I t'rk of hTm in h! "'"T °' *^"* abs^e^ bet^u^fbrtunate^. I ^X^l^^l^'^'Z':^]^. mob,tomenofv,iint^revJutiCa^^^^^^^^^ He deored that the Tories were onoosed 3 =,11 . f , ^^ ,^^°'^^- they did not.v^nt' to sweep away insTtutX as wef a t™;s "n^'^^f ^'1 the4rishr:hcirth.Uich^he thought" should be prlerved '.. ^^'''f prmciple, of Protestantism. " The separation ofTeChtch of 'iti? ^'f '^' th« State V womld be a^ur^ step to the repeal of the IWn L r ^f^"" the absolute dismemberment "of the Empire ' H. .h r ' ^^' ^^^^^^^^at, enthusiasm, the-toast of .« the Unio^ f^cTu^ch and tl " HT'' "^'' feature of the further proceedings was a speech VromMfthn cinT ''"';!« expressed his grdtitude toothe Almighty for havinnmbuJ .1? ^^^f ^^f ' ^ho. - with those ^prindples which ha|i Jway govern Ts con. .' "^'"Z t^^ '°" grown with hiUouth andripenld with^^ifi::rrfr yeX'" ' "' "'"' "^ During^he ensuing session, Mr, Gladstone took hipkVcrr^n^. • Hoyse of Lords. In r^olv to . .onc.Tl !!^Mr?.""^ m support §} bf the Hoyse of Lords. In r6ply to a constructionv" some action of the Government in co nnectikn-^y}^ O'ConneH uRon licial measure^ -' •»• ^^ ^J. -^Ijj X *.. -» ■l-^wJaf,.,, *.-,«.'• ♦J,^. .* "^-1 '^t, "/■ .'• --f ■\' ', n h\^-''-^!;k*'W: r ;,:.- /■■ FIRST YEARS IN PARLIAMENT. 4^ lu- ♦ <■ 79 I C?^"^ns!tV'^ independent of the 1 that it was " indiscreet'and indelicS '^^^ InT J"^^ '"''" ^"^ ^<^ ^^ded ! given measure. Spring Rfce the cLnlV r''f 'I *^'^'' ^*^*=^«^°n "PO" any and challenged the meLer Ll^ewa^^^^^^^^^^^^ !J' f '^^>"^^' ^^ onc/replied! |;to draw a distinction between thfoW^^^^^^^^ jCrowna,* those which they owed l..^ "1 '^^' ^^"''^'^'^^ °wed to the declared M# Gladstone's dTctrrnetlbf^^r^^ O'Connell, in following! ^he debate was a hot one, and se^ed to 5^"^' ^^^^^^^^^ ''""^^^•" Altogetbef . ?ide of the you«g politician's vielT ^ °"' *^" '"^^^ "Itm-ConseLtive he dKl take pan in the^roceedings at We tm^^^^^^^^^^^^ ^"^^-^^ enough. When to draw out " Lord John Russell and reSLwedTn' ,' Z" '" u "^^^ ^^^"^^^^^ of Lord Randolph Churchill towards Mr Sto„. ^ 'iff ^' ^^"^^'^^ P^^^^ ^ afterwards. Upon one occasion RuLdrinh^flT ?''^^^^^ <=ent„W. ^' "jhe mode of procee<^ipg ado^t'edTy he ho^ m^''^'"'""'^'^^^^^^^^ atlvariancefrpmwharwLrtotasbeLtte^ 1^"*^^"^" ^^ f^pletelr: ^ mjident of this year was his visit trL^erLoil^^^^^^ "'"•" ^" '^t^'-estin?* school-friend, Charles Canning, who nS 1 '^^P^^^^ of assisting his old :, On^^9ctober iSt^.he atteridS^i I^S^^nd rth"'"' "^^^^ conJtuency ;< up6n the Established Church in EnS InA • ^^^^^^'^^ his speech dweU t,oi becaus«.it conduces mL thantfother h '^vf- "^ "^"^^^^ ^^^^itu- -, Its lieace, and to. its prosperity buT^^ch ' l ^' '^^^^^''^ '*' ihecountiy, to as the .ppointeddisp'e Jr.an'dasi:^^^^^^^ ? -- -red^ght . Three days later, at aether diftner S SrS ^^^^^ ' favouring the rights ohhe„people dldlt^t^^v • " /^^^°"^^*i^^«'^ '' nghts which deluged theZun't^; WI'L^^^^^^ despotism nor, democracy Jut in d hannv ^! u ^^^>' ^^J^^ved in ISdSer ' , the following January pJetmade a gr^^f sp 0^1^ n" ' '^ ^"°- ^^^ ^ ' delivered another strong Tory address hIIT .• ^^^'^^^^ and Gladstone by wh.se reckless wicke^dnes7a gSt prop^rt^^^^^^^ O'Conr^Us m man ' ^ .much to their own and to ourdebSmeT' ,°"^ °l*^«'f ^P^opje were Ssled, stnted^o the formation ,f a ^S^^^^ ^t^^ ^'^ •*^'"* ^H^^ of mamtS^g the Church and the inStion^ of >W ^' ^^^' ^^ '^^^^ ^^"«^'* " have been a 'most eloquent soelch and the r-Sl ° V. ?#"^^^- I* appears ^■ editorigy ^,^d t^^he ^endic?^::::^^^ t^' - de^in|with it, ^ ' ^Shortly afterwards he arriv*H af M ") "**^ ^Pf a^er. W . . ^ a^a dinner given to the EarToT'L^Sn"^^^^^^^^^^ t""^^'^^ ^^^^"^ " . • - •>■%. ' r - . "^'' ^anger,s, the Chtirqh, the m ^•f' ■f . # A",*^ J*" «#)rt j-^ ? j" #|?^|^ ,. '\ Monarchy, and the Peerage." His oratory seems to have made a most vivid impression upon this occasion, and it is interesting to note that only three • years before Disraeli had enunciated the same desire for a national party and Zl T «r' '!.'°"°" '' "P '°^ ^ '^"^^^^ P^"°^' - ^P-^h. and fssay and h.T; ",,'k^' """f. ^^^? '" '^^^' ^'■- Chamberlain broached the same idea ; but, though beautiful in theory, it has never yet b^en found workable in practice During the session of 1837. Mr. Gladstone took part in too many important \ affLrf.n^nTh nT^T ^T'^^'- "' ^^^^^^ ^'^^' ^"'^^^«ni« Canadian Kf7^rT . '7 ' '"^"""^ '° "^^'"' ^"^^^ continued his vigirous defence pt all Church interests. ! \ While however, his progress continued to be very marked, it was hampered ,n these and following years by the ominous cloifd of slavery and^s consequences. By the Emancipation Act of 1833. the slaves in the wTst Indies had nominally been freed, and. out of the immense sum awarded Colonial -. t^hin?rt ^i '^^'"P^"^^^^"' J°hn Gladstone and his family had received some- thing hke $450,000. But the freedom of the negroes was largely nominal, and both ,n Jamaica and Demerara they continued to be Worked and treated in t^rL^vr""' '"^""'' ^l^f''' ^"^^^^' ""^^^ '^^ apprenticeship clause o" the Act^hey were compelled to give three-fourths of their time to their former owners for seven years. Reports continued to reach the Anti-Slavery SocStv hLd'h "7rT''A''\'°^^^"^ ^^^^'"^'^ ^^ -'^^- --. andTfThe r^a ^ hardships still suffered by the unfortunate blacks. In 1836, a committee had been appointed tp inquire into the system, and Mr. Gladstone was one of Us members. Their report, upon the whole, was not unfavourable to apprentice ship, but It certainly did not satisfy the abolitionists, who continued toTarnlt that the new condition of the slaves was as bad as the old Meantime. 7ohn Gladstone had complicated matters by importing fWn India, under permission of the Board of Control, 150 coolies, whom he puT^ slavery reestablished, and when fresh and, it must be admitted truthful reports came of renewed hardships upon the Gladstone and otheV estat^ lefeX h s°tth^ ""Tu- "P- ""'- ^'^^^^^"^ -- "-- behlnLrnd „ slavert and hi t"' "J v 'P'^'' ^" '''^ "P°" '''' ^^"-^^ ^^^^tion of IZ17 K u ^PP^'^^^'^^^h'P system was declared by a listener to be " the ' tne question But the cause was^oomed.and the day long past for any practical < oflhe^rrd Tr'"" T"" r'T' -n^^^^- - 'L tme and fuH n^ "^ Hout Th t' . "months after this apparently triumphant speech in. the IZtl'f I ''"'"^"' °^ "'"^^^y ^^^ ^°"^ ^^^y ^'th b/the abolition pf he apprenticeship system, and, aside from efforts to modify the slave ti^e on the coasts and the interior of Africa. Mr. Gladstone'^ conn/rtinn ^th TtTo^t" ^ ,r "vr- - f ty^ if^^tnAt . K 'm>"ii^iiii^fi^s^ir' «i jiikliJvtSi 8t ■"X Of his lifranV'ifth;fe over this period remains impossible ntTt to admire .h! 7 J^^. "Jes to the question, and it took the unpopular /de and stood by hist h "'i"''^' *'^ ^'^^ P^^iticti yet difficult to see how his sym^tLtfc and '^^'^"^^ '^'"^ ^^ '^in. it i, - permitted him to PonsistentrSS^ contf.n ^P;? ^f °"-ble nature could ^va slave. The only possible expll^tilntT^^ the planter again^^thl found m the nature of his home environment Fro V'^^ ?"' ""^' ^^^*° ^ been taught to see no harm in slaved I rl* J"^ '^'^ earliest y^^* h^ had by the Scriptures ; to see it as a iTJ^f t f ? '' ^' ^"J^'^^d arid^ermitted portion of his daily life. Hence wha^ now .' ^''''''' '"""^^' andltfeu^t career of WillraM Ewart GlS^tlnf and oTe'^'H' V''"^" "" ^'^^^^^^^^^ |833, th^yor tXr^^^^^^^^^ takingplace. l/ Club, then, as now, representVn7the most T ""''^.^ '^''^^'' "^ 'he Cariton he finally abandoned his earlv intnH r u^ ''^^"^'"^ Toryism. I« xsTo political future-being now appLn^ssUr^d h^SV""^' '° ^^e Bar, apd ''h «' of Lincoln's Inn. His work on Church a„dk^^^^^^ ^u^T' '"^^" ^^ '^^ ^olls preceding year and variously recer^ed while Tn% w^T P"'^"^^^^ i«> 'he time to the improvement ofwionalTd^^^^^^^ ^^^ devoted modi , influence and work of the durcl of fid ' ^"'."'^^^s with, a view to the dunng ihese years was very wr^tLdXe?^^^ In ^^"^"'*>« o^the countiy . had become more and more a^ssive un Jl ? ??^l^^ '° ^« '^^P^nt. aiid the,r famous Six Points of refS^. ? ' '®^^.' '^' ^^^"^^^ enunc ated Pf England. This demand S^anh^ suXe" '''^ t'"^'' °^ *^« W^e by ballot, annual Parliaments;. f2^rtv^a^^^^^^ T^^ f ctoral district^, vote payment of members of Parli^ZnrK^ J^ .J ^*'°^ ^^"^ members, and the tion. Now, they are^subjiStleer^^^^^^ involve revolu! difficult, however, to understand the ToTfrror^i^^'^^^^ ^^^ «ot wa^ttci^mpanied by stormv m J, ? •^"^'^ *^^*« ^^^n their adVocacv ' langul^aSd threat's S eT^ ^^' fntl^^ "f ^' ^^^^'^^"^ ™ young Queen's grot^^/ioruSv^^^^ movements and disturfeanefs 2TmTtL 1^^^^^^^^ these mamage in. 1840, by introducing To rcounfrvT"'"' ^f^^^' ^^ ^^r still further helped the throne a^a - •!. ''°""*^ ^ new and wise.persbnalitv »hich cutoinaM later in ibZ ^^u^„ ZST' °' ^" "PP^^-'io.^ wh.ch form so valuable a contributiM wX"ish Jn^T^.?""^?* ' "'' 9fld .worK. „ , ■ DBrihg the., fi„t y,„„ ,„ P.rH Wm '^,''y.!f °^ 'i'^""""- •5- J ^':^] n ' 'I'm *' ^ . /. ^ '^?*Pl^?<>^.^'-««^t peculiarity: Hfe had' .-..^t V # •»'-•'■■.■■•'«"■'■ ■ * ' - .»k' . • •'.■»/ ■ •. - » .>Aiy.'V .:, ..•'■.^■'•., I »• 1^1 *;*«*■, r - .. • 'H, " •* ^«>»'vj' V ■ *, 8a UF5 AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. '-^ r — shown a consistent tendency to put the Cfurch first in everything, and his work upon the union of State and Church is so important a landmark in his career as to demand separate treatment, and to make it necessary to postpone for a space the further consideration of his political development. In that, however, he had shown, in the language of Bishop Wilberforcej that there was no height to which he could not fairly rise. , • „ • ^ ,tr. V.' -< ^ ^ I M^ ' / ' f ' \ ,X f . ■< "> 'r^' ■'%; ' *i- «rA^* W*-» .1^ v-j^Jf' *"»■ lis work areer as a space he had ;ight to \ . "■■ « -. - » 1. , » " 4 ,* -» ' .v^_ ■« ». '_ ( l.^- '^^S^M.' ._^ CH'ARLES, EAFtLOREY, ■\. A 'il -i* 'i ■ . - . ■■— ^- "^«at «'.ta.n, ,810-34: , • , - " " * 14. > HB| '^ 7 a**^ -• p.i y ^.- i ».,>.. , .,ii..i , f mv m "• A'7'^6' »T3~ i " .f*^ ■ I i|j M>i»>»y p qiiB*T *> "? «a"iB^yjaw|lfp(li j6hn singleton Copley, first lord lyndhurst, Lord Chancellor of preat Britain, 1827-30; 1835; 1841-6. ^ " (84) ■J * 'imH ^ alt t »ii^* 2,.<-:^' - ^^iA. \a • V "CHAPTER VI. ■,*. A CHAMPION OF THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH. R^ GLADSTONE has always" possessed an ^cleaas.ical J mind and temperament. Religion to him has aT^^ ^ not only as a hving reality and powerful inan^CI;. everyday existence, but as a great factor in the coMrol If nations, and the administration of public affairs Thi direction of the best ^^O^hlsf Ertr^r ™?' "'■ " V""'' ^'^^^ nefcessarily include throE of rellSon ^L Z'""^' °"^'''' "^ ^^^^^- '° Tcvtry to develop the in.efeS o" a 1^ LH a'dToT "' ^'•""'"''"^• arms, and attempt at the ^^he goferLen"rffs.r *'"' "^^ '«"'''«'«■»«■>' m" of the world's populatiof Ts "3 L fhf ' .V'''''''!°''"« * "^^» P''"i<>» young member e.^ssed^is'tL«:?r^^^^ P«n,.oe„. happiness .„d a^v.uce.e„,_be ex^eat^l'^SlnW JtC'.«^ ,.,:.tM.;i>„«t,U.M,- ^-»-...5 • ^• t.*^.^ I .a^x . 'V7f -c-'J "ff^ "'t-^ .* f<-j»S' C"?,'- "'"H. •— { «- V* " : jfi « t.y i^'^^y' •»■ /• <-(,' 86 , LIFE AND WORI?: OF MR. GLADSTONE. % rf, on the other hand they are ccibpelled to view with equal interest or indifference aU modes of a.th to confound tog^her every form of truth and e^^ery strange variirof e"ro7 to deal ^.th crcumst^tial and essential differences as beingHi^e matters of no concern to refuse their homage to the divine .uthbrity of truth; then. To far from the scTenceo! ^ politics beuig as the greatest philosophers of, antiquity fondly proclaimed it the aueen and distress of all other arts.and discharging the noblest functions of he mind it wiS be an occupation degrading in its practice and fitted rather for the v.ry helots of society." '_ The condition of the Established Church at this period was deplorable The hunting and sweanng parson was quite an ordinary personage, and neither apprecmtion of the truths of Christianity nor the practise of its precepts seemed to be thought essential m many of the appointments made within the Church Bishops too often neglected their duties, and allowed their dioceses to lack both administration and proper teaching. Churches were.allowed to fall into ruin church-yards into a disgraceful condition^ and even the spiritual offices of the Church not infrequently came into actual disrepute. Many, of course there were who. amid difficulties and despondency, held aloft_^e light and life of pure religion; but to a lamentably great extent, dull formalism, indifferent Z-fn7church.' ''''"''''''' ^"^""' ^'^ ^"'"^"^^ anil pres'tige of thi / Here was the opportunity for Nonconformity | here was a cause for great gn6f to sincere lovers of the Church, such as Mr, Gladstone and mlyof 4 , doses fnends; here also was a condition which involved disaster V the Establishment-inevitable and serious-Jn]ess some change came over the deadened surface of the system. But it was. in reality, the darkness before ^ dawn. At a moment when the enth«siasm\nd work which should and m^ characterize a great Church, were at their lowest ebb, came the move^^^Xh was destined to transform the whole inn.r life and outv^ard tebo^s oTthe national religious institutio^ Half a dozen brilliant and noble-minded men at Oxford started the CatholiJ revjval, which, like a beacon light ?pon' a ^H L no^ f':;;' r^^^ ^omeet with a responsive flame of efforf andTaUn et^ portion of the /Country. \ ' . ■ «very ^^i7Zhlr r u : r ^ '° trfesh ana greater exertions. Mr. Gladstone xvas neither weakm his defence, nor bkind in his efforts. He did not hesitate to pu himself agdin and again upon record, peaking in the House towards the close of the session, jn 1835, he denoui^ced the ^Government's po^^^^^^^ fin °^^'5.ooo ft) provide for the religious and moral instruction of he emancipated negroes m the West Indies, on the ground that all sects w!. J to -..«.U.., he went on : " l am alive to the meaning of that cheerib^ut^^ -Li •-mj'' if^-' A CHAMPION OF THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH taunt or sarcasm"? e:.press,on of euch a sentiment by.any others ts"!:'.^'™;,::: ra^s/r ti: '°.'° r i*'"!.""'^" °'=^'" some particular view or insti^utton C^^J^K , f °l* ^^ '" "''f'"" »' by string religious con'S^Lp e"':^'Uth" '^?t^^^^ in Its Relations with the Chnrrh " Tf „,^o 1,1 ""*«• upon ine5>^ate- youW men liave the weight you have in the Houre of r„m 7 ' '^'" rapiily throughout tha country. Now I do nofwth f? "'' """^ "' «^'""S fairly rise in this coTnT:^? !^ ylu Iv « , f f * '", "''"!' ^°" ""^"^ ""' Government of this landT aMif'^rhlruMbe%lrwtLremfLm"'t ::^^Kvryr^::ti^:,ra£ ""Kt.i^:tS?-?"°--^^^^^^^^^ days bel^me a ^ tTe:ri]? Vrlil:^^?' '"' l^'ll"^ ' """ ^ *' '" '"" It Ls a rather ^ssi^istSo/bVufe 't^olT 'Ift' ' 'T."- nation was one- to which h» looked fotUKihJdesrnHt^^ the avenues of life were sometWs viewed ^LThf'£knl''''fTl' and shrinkiflg of the flesh." 'Neldevelonm.L ir r- .'*P'"'«=« "' fai* haven of oerfect rf lb all T^uBIic"arehlv^i«ci11^ ^_^a-_^ the vista of accumulating >lutie8 "and "f« '^ ^s i'liffSf- ^1 1 ^f*' ■i ^P WORK OF MR. ^LADSTO] iDSTONgi :*: ^ss The principled of cml government had "decayed .as much as those which are ecclesiastical," and an equally ready or sure provision for their revival did not appear on the horizon. The. groundwork of the national war't't^h *^'^^"'^"^^' 7^ '^' enlightened principle needed for resistance was yet to be organized, almost to be'A-eated." And it was with these feelings and forebodings th^t the young poKtician entered upon his first literary work of public impo^nce. AfteVa periS- devoted to preparation, and, some time spent in correspondence with James R. Hope, whose q^ute perception and love for the Church.were placed most fully at his disposal, the book was issued by John Murray in Dp,^t^her,.i8i8 It occupied 324 pages, ^nd was divid/ed into eight chapters, Which dealt with the many questions connected with or surrounding the, one central idea of State thL2^'n^rX' ^' w^r '''"''^°^ '^^ ^^^^^^ and.much.discuss^d theories of Hooker and Warburton. Paley and Chalta^s, Bdlarmine and the Ultramontanes. He h&ndled the general principle -of State connection, and traced its influence upon personal religion within the Establishment. He t^JhT R f^ '''.^*'^^' ^"P'"^"?^^^ °f the Sovereign in England, and dealt the Stl r W:;^^''' '^'''^ "P^^ '^^ ""'^^ °^ the m^dL Church with f u ^!^M - "^'^^ ^ ^^""^^^ argument ■t6 the effect that th/ country benefi^^P than the Church by the union, and in exact proportion to the strength, ^Sf^cy, and permanence of the connection. ^ The work was dedicated to the University of pxford, « in the belief thfet she IS providentially designed to be a fountain of blessings, spiriiiwUocial Td intellectual, to this and to other countries, to the present-ml^lbtuTeri;^^ Jt really embodied the revival of enthusiasm and work in the Church itself, and endeavoured to give a substantial logical basis for t^e union, from whi;h so much good was at the moment expected, and has lince "undoubtedly c6me. Mr. Gladstone thus summarized lys chief reasons for, supporting the main tenance of a Church Establishment r > " V v "PP°?'"g th,e main- .•« h A-^^T.u- ^^^ ^^"'"^"t st««ds with us in a paternal relation to ihe people and IS bound m all things to co^6er not merely their existing tastes, but the capabSes and ways of their .mprovement ; Uause tabe in accordance with Goi's mind aTw It m^t have a religion ; and because to be In accordance with its conscience that rXionmuSTe the truth, as held by it under the most solemn and accumulated responsibil tfes ^cause hit nVrt ' T\!r" «; ' 'T '"' ei^"^^""^ P"°^'P^« °f --«^y' -« -e" as to the ndSal that particular benefit without which all others are worse than valueless. We must disregard the din of political contention, and the pressure of worldly and momentary mo vet Sdb behalf of our regard to man. as weH as of our allegiance to God. maintain^mongourselves where happily .t still exists, the union between the Church and the s^J^"^ *™°"S °""«1^?«' Applying his theory to the Irish Church question, he .dmit..^ Vi,. difficulties.. Miiii ^^^»M&iiiim ' ~^-''" '~' "^' "^^ •r •- • A 'V"^ ,', iw^ I A CHAMPION OF THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH. tp •ft ■■1 of tib« situation and tfie dominance of a rK«r^». u- u ve,y ..nall pe,.en«g. of the P^X fit he oW^d'^Lf th"r"°;f °"*^ * ■ «ot .alter the daty of the Government togive SlrdL ! r«T *"; ^ ''' religibn, and declared that*rlli. Tm~-,,i i ■ , '™^'» » recognized State and has taken. i„ ^^^ oKs^Sl^^j; «^™„;^;-^«^ .^^.a^ei .equally evident liZiZM^ h7 S? 'T' *"• "f'""^"«' *« it was. .England. "A common ta Jfaft'h "owTihelM" 'TJ- ^f^^ '"^ P«"-.a„t. to ourselves, while 4 upon thTotW hS"' >"* ,*? '''''' ln.aj^,=.d thus .hey.supp,y the .^^^^^^^^^^^^^ .H.gentltt?rS trrdt'ug^n "ote^rnT '"''^ '^-^'^''''-S ' sized this oWigation. In one place, hXlared .hatfhe T^SThat'd'T,'" «.dmd«als acng as a government, as well as those that^™ ^^^f '," acung for themselves, can only be secured for ril? i ""imduals them a religion. In another place, he poS out th",f "^^ '''' ^PP'^'"« '<" tlie agent of a people or natioS, and that her! °Lt . S"""™'"' '^ «-Ply to this agendy. as something w/ihouVwhLh rne f^riX"li L^''"'? Then^, again.' he clTimed .trk'^r.lsZin?^''^"'" If ^"T'T' ' obligation, Mke the individuals composing its eLrnta^ C^ ^ r ' "P*^" "" ' acts of that personality V the officeslf ?ehgiST"'"« ^^^ <" =»<='"yi«8 the The reception -given ltd this strone aoDeal for a Qfof.. r-u i. -^ . ' and the opinions conflicting. Lord Houston wis !s hat "^r H ™T'' looked upon it with all the regret and fekr ot^ „„ rf- " u ? ^"^f" P«' ^n action is generally injurioufto rpuw" mt'a"dThat f? '"T "^' ™^'- ^f its contents, he threw the volume ^n thfe fl^or'of hit ' ^''".^.''f' ^ ^rvey^.*^ "That young man will ruin his fine p^micarL°« if h^"^' *"''', *''""•"'' ^ trash like this." The first r»v,v„„f%? ^- "' persists m writing eulogistic, and dedare^ " he LtW ras' a™ T. l"'^ '''™"-"'"=' >>" ^ cendent ability throu,.houtknd has ^^La* TT^"^ ^""'"^^ "'"• '«"=• ■eloquent a/unans;eral^t^::,rt^rVhtt^'^^^ ^ read." But a more careful examination apparently Imiil tZl^' ^^^ ' anoUier notice on January 4th, .839, it came out Sa We alT'' ^^^ ■ •■'. tf -;. • , k. ■> -, . ^ / -• • . ■ ■•■> V * •' ft ' / ' w ' J v.. -■■/■. '., N, > — ■ -T 7— ^■"•■f* ■ ', . *) :: ■\ / t ■f " . # * 1 « ., : -.-..K ^W:..Li. ^.x' ,. ',. 1 • ' /' ■" • - i '''fl K % h \/ :^ ■• .' 4MAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) k V ^/ .«* / 1.0 I.I 11:25 no ^^ H^B 2.0 us lAO I U 116. .A 1^- .Sciences Corporalion -^^^ :i>^ o^ 23 WBT MAIN STRUT ' WIBSTBR,N.Y. MS80 (71^) •72-4503 ff'^'M: .»¥ij'W^'-' ■i,., ■,'.'I'Jt^*.-*Wr. llf ^ ...' J*i^^V" ^v^'h ■**■»':? 11 m- I: i t. :' J '<•■■'. .•■It-^i^^''^^''' 'I 90 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. In a fourth article it warmed still more to the subject, and declared the author s views to be " a tame dilution of Romanism." " ' .n..^.^^T^^^^\ ^^''^^"' ^'"°"S'' "'^"^ others, did not appreciate this attack, and on January 14th wrote to Frederic Rogers, " What a fine fel ow Gladstone ,s!''; and a fewdays later declared tha't "I fed a ffl cou^ dl anythmg for h.m." Sir Henry (then Mr.) Taylor, and a very competent literary cnt>c, wrote to Southey that he was reading the new book.^ It is " he observed, "closely and deeply argumentative. perhajfS' too much in the nature of a series of propositions and corollaries for a book^which takes so very demonstra ive a character. But it is most able and most profound an^ written m language which cannot be excelled for solidity and clearness » He then referred to the possibility of Gladstone one day befnrat VhThead of tt . Government which was even then being discussed, and lent on to make a statement which now seems very amusing, that "want of robust heair and want of flexibility " might interfere with such a prospect. ..,-n- ^^^'°''' '" ^"?^''^^ P"''^*^ '^"^'■' ^^" g'^^n "s a glimpse of the general opinion concerning the work : "Some pedple say it is crazy and non^ensfcaT- others, tha it will ruin him in political hfe ; many, that it is hZieHni papistica ." Sir James Stephen described it to the same writer as " A bl>k of great majesty, dignity, and strength." Wordsworth, and more than leather ^rJL""''''1""'Vl '^^'^' clearness, but deemed the work "wo thy o hit . K ?";;, ^r"u (^^'^^••d^ P^°f«««oO Mozley declared it " a very noWe book, but thought that by it Gladstone had sacrificed his political chance Bunsen, the Prussian Minister, was very enthusiastic. '« It is." he declared he h .? ft ''"V ' ^"^' ^^^"*'*^^ «-^ ^°°J^ -"ce Burke that ±^^^^^^^ the bo torn of the vital question. . . . Gladstone is the first man in EngSid Is to intel^ctual power." But it was Macaulay's essay, in the £ jr^S'I^ Tbttteru^tt^ -' ^^"^°"^' -' '^^^ ^^' ^" ^-- '^-3, from d^^i^ Macaulay wrote his criticism from a friendly personal standpoint but from an opposing political one. In sending the article to the editor o^ the ^m.t.. he mentioned having met Mr. Gladstone very recently in Rome .n^ declared him to be ''both a clever and an amiable LT" In he e'say he treated the author with evei^ possible respect ; referred to him as"nsiW^o eminence in the House of Commons " ; as being a youn. man oT" unbleS.^ character and distinguished Pariiamentary talents " • .nH , ""^'^'"'^^^d thonsand platforms and in myriads of other places, was his reference to m" Gladstone as •• the nsmg hope of those stem and unbending Tori« who f!ll™ reluctantly and muUnously. a leader (Peel|p(^V,,perieL?e iS Vuen« a« - '^ ■A\; >„ ,..J»^-..^> -^il* g £.V St^ - ■ '1 A CHAMPION OF THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH. 9» tod^pensable to them, but whose cautious temper and modest, opinions they Thissimple sentence has made both -the book and the article historir ?f"' =^"?8=fh« from Macaulay's able confutation of Qidstone's tguS' view position, and subsequent .career. The criticism is very severe In an^ ""^f ^Tt^' t"^""" "■^' "^^''''' M^- Gladstone seS isTfracteS bea.^ a remarkable biialo.g, to his mide of thinking, and indeed exerciL rkind TJr" ''^"><"^^°f 'hinking'^ His rhetorit though often ;:S of Its kmd, darkens and perplexes the logic, which it should illustrate Half h,s acuteness and d, bgence, with a barren iiiagination and a scant vocabula^ would have saved him from almost all his mistakes. He has onHrft S dangerous,to a speculator, a vast command of a kind of language grave a?d majestic, but of vague and uncertain import " princiJ dufe ^f'Vr'""^ """ "" V'Of^Aon of religious truth is one of the ■ todTf a^dvsis ?,^.°':'™"'7'/^«ves not only contradiction, butthe keenest kind o analysis. If, it is pomted out, unity of will, pervading svmnathies and Xtt'\ 'T^' r"' """r^ constitu.e,as Mr. cLstone d^s' a fent collective basjs for religious observation and religious responsibility, th-n eve^ army should have an established religion, and every corporation, XorsaS union for common interests, is entitled to force a test and a Souf 'S aple upon Its individual numbers. Then Macaulay deals with ftf statemen that the conscience of the governor should decide the State religfon Ind ask how many of even the greatest ruldts have been fitted for such a power "Take, for example," he says, "the best French sovereigft," Henr^The Fourth a iing who restored order, terminated a terrible civil wfirbroughT the fihances tSfC"""!T T"'"""' ""-^ ^''^"^'J himself to theg eatbody of thepeorie wJjo^ he niled. Yet this man was twice a Huguenot and twice a prpis. Take the Czar Peter, the Empress Catharine, Frederick the Great. It wXsurelvnot be disputed that these sovereigns were, if we consider them with rf'en" merdy to he temporal ends of government, above the average of merit ConsMeTed as the*,gical guides, Mr. Gladstone would probably ;ut thTm below "he most abject dnvelcrs of the Spaiiish branch of the Hous^ o'f Bourbon/- And in"h way Macaulay continued his masterly critique of the work in all its department 1,1„,4I ^ T^ ^* *' "'""™ ""^' " '^^"'e '<> ">e subject so mdlord bv SLraTnc^-rrihe^tJlL^r^n^wt,: t^ '" "^ ^"^'' '^^' ^^ things, that "in these .aceratinrr/sle^grr'e::^;:^^^:: :; kindness in the past to husband it for the future; and, if yon Val^rme I d.aU earnestly desire to carry with me a recoUectio.^of ^o"^ "-^n -f ll.L^c?£:w-ffl«'^;;\^ 'mmm 9a LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. * different Ch.rch views^isliLd the other naft and of'r "^'"'^Ij'-™"' Ws author as "a soHd, serious, silentlinded ma^' Ge„S r'r''l""^^ satisfied no political or ecclesiastical school of thou!^ "^ Sltf "^' ° "°* • admitted its ability, but Whif and Tnrv T„ °' ■"""§'"• Nearly every one differed fro™ some'if Us ll ons l^r S^adst^el^Jh^f ''"'^'f ^"''''' pronounced for popular acceptance too dotl!? r ■7- "'' '" '^'"' '°° The Established Church, ndeedi he aftXards d' ',""7''°'' =""'^''™- . Ireland, is not based upin the '<>^J\,puZ^'j'T:^^^ZTC:l''' n™o™:iSX^' '"' '"'"'- ''''"^■■'"- "'-- f-'nation:il;„:i"r:3, subject. "Church Principles Considered in thdr Results " '^^.'""'y °' *' this volume was a very elaborate one. . He attelfed ,' ;r..?n? ''^'""'"? '" form the various doctrines of the Church, IcTudl IT rlatTn/?"r' apostohcal succession in the ministry, the authwity of ?he Church iritli„^ faith, and its position in regard to the sicramenf/ '"'.V*""^'^'' '" mattji^ .he effect of these principles in the' r^Sirr ne b/^ic nsTeacitf and to opposing communions. It was emDhaticallv /tC. 1 " , "^"'■*'- for this reason Macaulay decline^ to revi^tt bol^k'. Ltutf aTfi^sT^^^^ to do so. Apart from being a minute ^tnHv ^f rl u I ihtendmg some sHght leanings towards^ reli^r ^nt^ant^ ^'ot ^^t;^' contendmg that comprehensiveness of communion and Hbe tv of thn K? ' the prime conditions for the efficacy of ChristianiL ^ '^°"^^' ^"'^ But this renewed attempt to blend the tearhpr or,^ *t, <• • • popular. The press paid little attenXn t the wor" "l^':'""" T ""l he Speclalor, which summed it up as " essentially Romth ™ and evT" " "f fnends received it coldiv The fart „f .K. J^ "^"'"lan and even personal wrote from a High Ch'u^ sTandpt^ aVd' hrs^ll::; h" L '"^'^ T'°' heat the same time opposed the movement Zad' Rome tL^h""'"""'"' visible amongst many of his old-time friends and tfcl .? 1' . ''=<=on"ng When the powers of thought were Xj'Zt:: Z.^^^-^^'^^^ ' -Myu'i^ -fAi'^iij^- ^ . ^ A CHAMPION QF THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH. — _^^ 93 ~ * :. England, afraid of the truth which she has vindicated recur m fhof ^ . its decrepitude which she repudiated in its v!go^''' ^''""^ '" Mr. Gladstone was now in the flowing tide of the TractaHan nrn^f^^A moven^ent His books had been the natural'product of Lch S'us t^^ he wo' r Tr%''' °"''°"^ °' ^ '"'"^ ""^^-d -P- the Chu feather thar; the world This famous movement, to which incidental reference has alreadv Mr Grds:'""'''''"!''^''^"^ "'^* ^'"P^^-t ^--'ts, in some of ricL Mr Gladstone sympathized; from some of which he ereatlv differ J w^- ^ c.e^n,e„, p.„ra, benefices, ^U 6W^' ^^ISJl' ^TZl^T'^ religions feelings Zr. deip.y fc ^^ e"^^rc r^te'rCisSd was. Meantime the wave of revival swept over the Church anH wl-.u-. strengthened the Christian character of its work at the same tWh." u J national influence. Abuses were remedied. .70 sWlingTd ha^c" ^Ttl,: clergy improved, parishes became alive with active labouf, the poor were loowl' how.e^HtLS::fKt^^^^ to extremes. Christian doctrine was to them based nnnn n.,7l .1 ■ it was to many High Churchmen of that day, and Is^S but Th^.l /'.f principle to its logical conclusion, and claimed "rtimatel^o find i^ the R^^^^^^^^ u^'tiL^oftitr Th:'-"-'? ^,1?'-'^-'^ .he" tai t^oTt; - 4 andTparnU;t;ere^t:dTtr;"mt t^sZ:^^^^ T' ■""' " % ^ a«i.t.d by temperament, and by the d^cipUne ofTt life^'ar'stl "^ f' ■© 1 ■ ■■■ . r-^' •> JjifWl!. A„J^|»>. .... ,. * «^c .J t .. ij-v -J 5- .«_1 >-i J-'i I, I I But- whatever the causes, the result soon 'denial which they inaugurated, j became inevitable. L.C.- !' ^^'/"""g the time of preliminary suspicion concerning the ultimate destmation of many of those participating in this movement that MYciadsS , books had appeared. Hence the bitter onslaughts of Low Church papers Hke thL Ta' 'm '\f''' "^ ^'' "^^""^^"^^ "P- '"di-dual opimons^s^ch as n fa. ^ : ,°' ^"r""' Wilberforce or Selwyn. The Oxford movement ^^m fact, seems ultimately to hav, had two effects and two channels oFeTrt The one looked to the extension of the forms of sacrament of the Church W wv"h r " '' '':;"^ ^u"'° '"^"°"^' '' P°^«^^^^' -th the Roman Church from which It was said to have originally sprung, and resulted, in 1851 in the reception of Manning, Newman, and thousands of their adheren s n o the Church of Rome.- The other aimed at elevating the authority of he Chu h of England as such ; Increasing the purity and efficiency of its work; and mak ng more sacred and effective its historic Christian sacraments. It esulted in f genuine and powerful good to the Church which no development of RUua fsm or subsequent tendency to Romanism could ever undo Ritualism with th^'LT'"'^, ^°' ^'""'f ^"^ '^" Establishment, Mr. Gladstone stood with the latter element, and struggled for the independent existence and improvement of the Anglican communion. Writing Dean WilSrce on ?rTu T}' 1^^'""^ "'"^ *^^^^ "^°--^«t« -ere workinrwUhn'the Church he dedared that •' the .fabric consolidates itself more and more even while the earthquake rocks it ; for, with a thousand drawbacks and dXtion " ove grows larger, zeal warmer, truth firmer among us." He was still a/ his time, and remained for some years longer, a mos^t promin^t chamln o the union between Church and State. the»ory and religious eiKhu^sm con tmued uppermost in his mind and advocacy until the Corn L^w con LersJ totrrtof '""°'°''"'P°""^^^^ him other and very difflrent lu^ .1, A ^^^J" tJiattinie came, theory gradually gave way to the necessities of the day. and the student of theological questions stood finally Lnsfrrmed bv circumstances mto the commercial administrator and, the pLdcal ^an' 1 * f ' s-.'* ■ f • r— — ■■', , ' • '----^=^-^ .„ ■ f- A ■>> - - - ' •-■ "rrifw gg CHAPTER VII. . ' POLITICAL EVOLUTION AND THE FREE '"TI^DE MOVEMENT. ^ AS the years rolled on, Mr to come; but outside o^ pte7h ° ,1 ,'!. ' ■""" "'^ ""'^ P"'>' '" "^^^ ' men in the House. • "^ °"«" "'"= "°=' "Pi<^'y "='"§ young offices IhtlteteedeiTllrr' '''=' "^'f ''^"' *= "''"'" Governmental :^ ^^^in £^Hxf ^^ --- --:^^ -« ■nent, and appeared ^JST^ ^S^n^ ^^^- :^^ ^ ^ 9$ * : ■: aJ&'r. 96 LIFE AND WORK OF MR, GLADSTONE. relrcenria^' r^^- .1" ^'^T' ^^ '^^ P^°^^^ ^^^ P----on of ample efforr/nH K f, ^^ ^""^ knowledge. Speaking seem^S to cost him but litV IoZL i ''^'' r' ^' °"^" P°'^^^^^ ^"d P'^"«>ble. Many of Ss contem l^l^:'coZr:^^^^^^^ '^^^^'^^^^ andabiUtL/donre:; lu udve considered them as extraordmafy or even remarkable Tor^^c, r- . *K o ^ '"°^* interestmg description of him was given in the winter of tR.o h^ ^ the Bnianma, a weekly Conservative organ. It was one of llirl I vtu^ that great assemby. In the House of r«rv,,« "'g»ity ana smcerity m understand, jesting he could never aDDreciafPnnHr ,t"^'"S ^^ could not as thehfgh-minded advocate of ^^swhih e";i'o„e": '1^'^ '^^^^^^^ though they might not believe in or folfow them T^^""^ ^°"^^. ^^^^^^^ even formed of him/and, according tolftrlgX "fl himself as a man of a very high order of Ltu2.^7' , ^ ''''^ stamped Parliament the sworn champion orprincftlLs^^^^^^^ l" . '''° "' -^"^^"^ ^"'^^^^ induce him to swerve." Xrcrkic hl^n^^^^^ tf "° ,^°"^ideration would methods of the speaker in a way which ITh k' '° '"'^^'^ '^' ^^^^^ ^"^ to those who. years after^lrdshrardthTrnan"^^^^^ T^'^"" '"^^^^^^^"8 eloquence in delivering his ielt budll c T "f *° *^' ^°^'^^^^ ^^^^^^ts of ing\is almost HlSbt ^o eet'o,^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ memorable campaign against the Turks ""^""""^^''^^ ^^ declamation m the Physi^:; ^wr at' anTrr; ^^.TJ] ^°"1^^^^ \^^"«-^ «P-ker. his earnestness which resL ^^::^:^^i:.:t^:^^:^^::xi^ tlt^^'lt^-f' '% ;VV'^;r'fV- /^;:^.^ (=.>;^^^ .^^::^l!f^L!!2!:!!!2!L^:^^^^ ™«>b movement. growing influence. " Tlie charm of hu « i "" ''"'S™" »" element of hi, -cerity of his „,„„„, his e^S^nt convic Sn o?°r'' '" *' "™«"~» »<« which he is uttering, and above all Th^ ?""''"'"''"" "' "-e truths ha oifers the result fl his ^ Tnd i^'^f"'™-'^ "umility with which The writer eoes on tn ™ f eluded thinking, co the woild." and noble ground'ta e„ in hTs'^Ses'" "°"",? ''°'"''''» "^ ">» high questions. "Were there more "^Mr A'ildT''"^ '? "'°'' "P™ Chnrfh Dissenters," he declares, witrevident t^rhfl'- "\"» "'gl" be fewer subject of his slcetch as "a man of 1 '™''f"'''™' »"<• then sums up the common mould. Had he pl^LfZl^^^J""" ' "'' """O '^ "^' » - endowments, he would become a ^r^ 1? Ki """ "* ''" """tellectual essential qualities of grea.nes^strenSh oLin"S T"' ''''' *>« *>» ">°- The apparent accuracy of this pes^cSre-t^'ltiZ. "T"'' "' P°'P<>»" -IS increased by the wonderful development of nhvi' ^7^^» 7th, ,840 world has since admired in Mr. G Ms oST and ti^ • ?"' '"''"'•^ee which the one thinks of the student-like poHtWan with fh^ '.°n "" '" heightened when stealthy, stooping gai.," transform^ i^rthettensf""" '''"• *"" " ^"o"- halfacentury-the Prime Minister X wh.i ^ "'"" P^">' ''^^er of age, could throw down the gaunt et of deflate onT."^,,"'?'' "'^'"^ y«»" »' and^a new political creed, in the -htfXaTisfl^l^l: ^^ «1^;^ be saidl-'hr;™]; S^'brGlaZnrnm'"^- %"' "^'^- -^ Bright and Cobden naturally rode i«o 'he harbo^T'' ^^."^"al characters'^ waves of the Free Trade movemerwl^le Mr Gllr °'" ""'"■" "P"" ">» Ins first financial success in manipulattag the deS U ?"! "' '^""'»«' '<> ™ Mr. Disraeli to fight his way to the front bv L J ' «'''"^''^"«=' ^"^ and bitterness of his attacks upon Sir Robert P^ 1 , ^^""'"'"'^ Alliance the Reform Bill of ,83a. this'^was a sfason of ff ^'^' *= ''"'= Preceding ■ In the beginning „f .h^ fortiesfit was hard t"'^'""V°'' =""" discontent^ was to come from. Parties and po t idns lelf f f ""^ ''^'' --ef"™ opposed to the repeal of the Corn its. TordMeir"'' '°'1.°"'"' ""« -^'ke had declared in the House of Commons in . 8^^^^"??,' "" "^'^'^ P«">-'er, agricultural interast without protection Id. ?^'' ^r '° ''"' ">e whole wildest and maddest scheme .haUthse;eet'^%,'^f°^^ God. I think the conceive " Two years later the House wis dlssol^' ■".agination of man to oflice with a Parliamentary majority of^nine v i 'd ' "" ^°"^' ""e into lease of power in sight. Modifications in S apparently prolonged trme to time, but the principi^ 7 Ittti 'f T'' " " '""»•■"»<'« 6^-, ' P-^Ptecho n. exagg erated as a mod^m \H .•v;j-s- 98 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. li ' Ml protectionist must conceive it to have been, was practically unaffected. It was indeed, more m the nature of prohibition than protection, as the latter word is understood in the present day. Everything obtainable from abroad was forced to pay a more or less heavy duty. There was no discrimination jn favour of this manufacturer or against that particular foreign interest. All products alike were taxed-outside of certain Colonial arrangements— upon entering the country, and, whether raw material or the finished article, they were treated in exactly the same manner Thousands of items, therefore, came unde* the dutiable heading ^ d the tariff list of the time has been accurately described as forming a tolerably complete dictionary of all !he product^ *^i,' »v^j."y4..',ksy»^iH;.:>?j *3^'V 5»»«»a!.Wff«5K^SSJff=pS»*5 rounou, EVOLUTION AND THE rREE TRADE MOVEMENT. ^ 99 Conservatives, and gave Mr GlL«l„ T ^■-*' """^- » P^» f" "'« Rutland one o. the ?~^^^^^^^^^^^ as Du.e oi Gladstone wisoLwlatTa'^^^^ '^' ^""'^ °^ Trade! Sec^etir^hip..withalLat1rthrS^^^^^^^ '^'.\°P^^ ^- '^^ ^-^ gilded with a Privy CouncillorehiD td th- .HH . T'^'"^ '^" ^''' ^^^^^^ Mint. As it tuiJd outrthe ptce ^f *J',f ^^'t'°°^ po^idon^ Master of the commenced the process of deve^nr^K al«^ost.prov,deneIal value to liinj. gfid scribed only a yea ^SLe thk ? ^ *^' '"^'^'^"^ theorist-^who had bS de- . Houghton) recognized thif ;ossibiCat thftim^^^^^^ d ^T'^^" """"^^ ^^^^^ Prime Minister of France JnfJ l .u ^'""t'.^"'^ '" ^ ^^"^'" *° ^uizot. then distinguished in itseff^e'^r^end '^' P°''*^°" ^^ "°t \ery politiS interests Tad gfv:iTf ^'a'^^^^^^^^^^ ''^^ Y^i""'^'^ ^" P"^"^ -^ . frequent means of disp^laS^is'SSr ^' ^^ -" g- him great and ' previou^yet XnTtrng^al"^^^^^^^^ ^T?T' - ^e had ,uring the Gladstone at dinner. anddvL tX StuTr^ M^f °' '" ^u°"^°"' ^"^^^^ained Mr. meeting the member for ^Newark So^ ^^ """'^^^^^^^^ opportunity of T^ers, was dined in LondoTrndamonr^hr^'' '' ^'' ^''"*"^* "^^1. Henty Hallam. Bulwer Lv«on Sfdr S ?' '''^^' ^"'^*« ^^^« Mr. Gladstone wardA^Thelat'ter.ir^teCdianatz^^ ^^ Abraham Ha^ and Gladstone, who seem Thave^^! ^ '^,f ^^"^^^ational powers of Thiers occasion, declared in favour oiil|EnXh^'" dlTl''^. '^\'"^^ "P°" ^^'^ conversation was carried on ilfre^ch ^l' ?T'^*^^ ^^^' '^^t much of the met Dr. DoUinger, a distinguished r^r" J'""' '^'' ''"'^' ^'' Gladstone also exercised consider;ble mS^^ ^'T' ^^' ^'^"^^ '° ^^^ afterwards In the autumn of thryeaf Thl^^^^^ • yestions connected with the appoiitment of ^n t' T'^ tT^^^ ^y ^^"^'^^ The proposal was not palatableTtl Ne^f ^"^I^n B.shop of Jerusalem. and hence the interest which at LhesTr^c'l^d^'^ "^^^^ moderate school in this case. At a dL^r Gladstone's support of the spoken on the subject. anAe Baron inTl f^^^u^ .^^"^^^ ^""«^° ^^ ^ad ••Neverwasbearda moreexqu'sltesprch It flT7?r'^ "^''^^^«' °^^^^««. stream." For some time aflrS M^ ' GllS^ '^' " ^""'^^ ""^ transluceni " the discussion, and. amidst all Ws't J^c b^ Le s^^^^ ' 'T""^ *° '^^ P^^ i° about it which, he declared himself upon one W'^^^^^^ °° " correspondence almost reel and stagger under." occasion and m a pnvate. letter, » to J "• • • 1 ' ■ too LIFE AND WORK OF. MR. GLADSTONB. y \ Meanwhile events were moving r.apidly in a fiscaf direction^ The Anti- Com Law League had become, under the leadership of. Villiers and Cobden ' Bright and W. J. Fox, a power in the land. Yet it had not materially affecftd the election^ of 1841. Bbth pat'ties in that year, and for some time later, wqre "opposed to absolute repeal, and to the free traders the fixed duty of Lord 'John Russell was as objectionable as the sliding scale proposed fey Sic Robert Peel. The idea of free trade remained simply an abstraction to the great mass of the members of Parliament, though it wa.s assuming distinct form and shape in Peel's reserved ?ind reticent mind. And, theoretic?illy, he wks, perhaps, already in sympathy with the general principle, as "was Mr. Qladstohe, 4hoqgh both hesitated to apply it in logical fulness, especially to that great staple of the country — wheat. The , latter, in fact, had declared at Newarktturing ANI>.THl5 FREE FRADE MOVEMENT. ' IX) 1 '• of the'Jnd f ^^•'"^^^^^'^•"g ° ^he session, however, and the evident h^ginnrng ^ ' I H^'ff I ""^^ ^'" "^'" '° "°^ '^"^ back upon the situMion was thf ie^ork of'S: n ,^^" ""^'m" '^;'' •' "^^ ^^^^^^'^^^ tabe^Impst'enti ely the work of Mr Gladstone. Mr. Morley. in his Life of. Richard Cobden much Tf fh' 'K"'r,V^ 'T'° T ^^^" ^' ^^^ B°-<^ °^Trad.. and on whom ' much of the labour felX" and spealis of the work of prep'aratfonls having been enormous. A;T.ongst i,^o duty-paying Wjicles-al/of which had fo be nynuteP^exa«(;ned and studied-750 were ^ectei for treatment and upon pre:h SifRolTd 7""^ ^k'^'^'"^' ^"^'^^'^ °^ ^'^^ S-^^'^ reduced in 'hi speech, Sir Robert declared that it was the policy of th^ Gov6mmeiit t6 relieVe he manufacrunng industry from its fiscal burdens, and". amidToud i^ersTom the free-traders, acknowledged that, as a general rule, it was wise^ buy b ' . the cheapest market and sell in the dearest. " But," he added. «. if I prop^^ ot the House I should only agjrravlfte the distress of the country and onlv increase the alarm which prevails\mongst important interest.7 '^'.^ ' In replying to pcetended congratulations upon the Government's con version td free trade, Mr. Gladstone took occasion^o repudiate and Senyan; change ,„ their principles. And. over^nd over again, he defended and dealt Ildted" T'' .'^''^"'' °' ^'^ ^"^-' ^^'"' --^^^ -hich wereVe ng cot sidered. It vv,as his first important legislative scheme, and it is sal^e to say that no latepmaa^ur, of his long life has shown a more complet iLttr^of detL' records the tact that he spoke, or explained items in the 'measure 120 times during this brief period. The proposed changes became law in due cole pave tlie way for the future fiscal revolution. They certainly raised Mr Gladstone .mraehsely in puKlift.a„d Parliamentary estima Cahd made e^e„ caSd;vih^rh itk"^? '">"^ f*'^*^ *" "^'»^='°- f^^ ^'-dy dispia;:d a capacity which ma^es hi, adini^ion to the Cabinet indispenlble." During the next year the igVution in the coSntry continued and further- changes were opposed ii Parliament by both Peel and Gad tcTe m majomiss however, were growing smaller in comparison, though stWe^lSe n fact In the midst of th>se labours, Mr. Gladftone found time to ddiver a ™st eloquent speech in Liverpool at th* ^entag of.the Collegia e Instate cll« Tb": hfs'™"'^''^ *""■«"" '"" '^"" education'^of the Sdd e classes. But his sympathies do not se^ to have yet got down to the low^r ThI Tf5l "f » 8"'"' <>""o."> by Gladstone at Liverpool." And then he add. = fhfe papers bepnise him, hi. eloquence, his principles, ai^ his wLs ^i^ f *^ ' ^^ ' ■'" i i V . t . tt fc '^ V -?t-~'^^.<' L ^ -i \ ■-'•^.f. f^'\ \ _-««i-.i»^'^j*;^'s5i' I03 t LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. [■*^i^'*^%. , Well, be It so ; there is no lack of effort and declamation in behalf of fine edifices and tli^ wealthier classes ; but where is the zeal for ragged pin-makers brats m cahco^>*orks. and dirty colliers ? Neither he nor Sandon ever made ot kept a House for me. ever gave me a vote, or ever said a word in my support." As a matter of fact, Mr. Gladstone vo|ed against more than one of Shaftesbury's philanthropic reforms, and does not seem to have ever given him much aid. _ In June of this year, he succeeded the Earl of Ripon as President of the C^t^t^ l'flui,^l '^' ^' °^ thirty-three became a member of the Labinet. But although his position in politics now seemed assured, it was still effected in reality by his Church predilections; and the struggle between the two curious sides of his character-ecclesiastical^ theory and practical statecraft- was not yet over. An extraordinary letter, written to his friend Hope in August. 1844. brings into bold, relief this silent opposition of a supersensitive conscience and modesty to the everyday work of politics. At a moment when urL ^h ^°""^ l»^d/^f>i:"i-ed his grasp of commercial questions, he urges the private beUef that, '< in matter's connected with trade. 'l km certainly a cause of weakness to Sir Robert Peel." He then expresses his painfuUppreciation of the physical state of the peasantry, and his conviction even while opposing the repeal of the Corn Laws, that one or two bad ha^Vsts would make that result inevitable. And he goes on to say that : n„. '7^^ ^Jrf,''"^ °^ Parliamentary life resolves itself with me simply and wholly into one question : Wdl it ever afford the means, under God,of rectifying the relations between Ltf h^tlT ^^l ^*'''';"' '^' "^ '^' °'J«^* °^ ^«**'"g forJlrd such a work ? There Znnt h! h "7 " '■^^^J"^*'"«'»* - ^ violent crisis. The present state of discipline cannot be borne for many years; and here lies the pinch . '' As to th^ ~niro1 objects of political life, they are.ot my objects. Upon the wbde! I 'dolTe^J^Zt the good sense of the English people; the force of the principl^ of property 2d th" conservat.ve mfluenceof the Church, less than the maintenance of our pre'^.ent monarchical and parliamentary constitution under all ordinary cirumstances." monarcnical A little later came a public evidence of this inward contest between two great tendencies. The Peel Government was pledged to the improvement^' academical educa ion in Ireland, and in the session of 1845 announced the intention of establishing non.sectarian colleges, and increasing the grant to Maynooh This placed Mr. Gladstone in a position of great difficulty I^ his published >5>rks he had protested against increasing t^p au horiiy or subsidizing the strength of the Roman Catholic Church. Her^ however was a proposal to enhance the listing vote to a Roman Catholic to^ge with a view to the permanently increased influence and power of an in^titrt L regardingwhich Canon Wordsworth had just declared"^:: .^eBriSna^^^^^^^^ ^ for Maynooth, and the Pope goy^ns it." .m Gladstone ^^bX^ ^artfie proposal was a fair one, and that no Church should be excluded f^ ' f \- *;^?S* ■■m waariu ' "^ *''A%i^Mwy>iiS^p8^ ■IIIMHMtfNp '^^^T-\-W^^^'"'''" ^ '""[ 'l^'^v^^'-^--. "^ '.'--'-';"; - ■'-v;- . ■ ■ ■ . ■ 1 ■ • '. . '■ -"■ POLITICAL EVOLUTION AND THE FREE TRADE MOVEMENT. * ' ^ . 103 4^ the benefits which the Government intended to bestow upon general hicher education in Ireland. ^ But he feared that rt miming in the Ministry would raise questions coricermng his own integrity in making such a pronounced change of opinion and although Archdeacon Manning and Mr. Hope both strongly "urged him to do so, while retirement at this critical time threatened to mar his future prospects and career, he resigned his post. Before taking the step, however he had completed a second." revised tariff," and carried into further effect the principles enunciated in 1842. A little later he published a pamphlet upon "Recent Commercial Legislation," which involved a study of the fiscal development of the period, an4Jndicated a clear approximation towards free trade ideas His quixotic retirem|nt from the Ministiy, and a place which was really the kernel of its most int jPing operations, injured him for the moment but not permanently. It made many regard him-to quote his own words in after years-as "fastidious and fanciful "_a student rather than a statesman. . u- A il t"^T i*^"^'' ^"^ "^^^^ *^^ ^""'= ^^"^« Gladstone was called to his side. The Irish famine struck the Government like a flash of lightning out or a clear sky. Its majority had never been greater or its position firmer than at the close of the session of 1845. But this threatened disaster made some immediate action necessary, and Peel was not the man to hesitatSdver ' a contingency which he had probably long anticipated in assort of vaSie and general way Amidst a mass of conflicting advice, the Cabinet was called together, and the Premier urged the immediate suspension of all restrictions upon the import of food. But only three members of the Government would support any measure stronger than the appointment of a relief commission. Lord John Russell, however, promptly and publicly announced his conversion to total and imnriediate repeal of the Corn Laws, and the crisis was at once precipitated. Unable to cany his Ministry with him. Peel resigned, and Russell was called upon by the Queen. But the latter found himself unable to form a Government, and there was no alternative for Sir Robert but return to office and the formation of a Ministry pledged to the repeal of the Com Laws Lord Stanley was one of those who declined to support such a policy, and Mr Gladstone was at once offered his position of Secretary of State for the Colonies* Amongst the many startling political transformations and events of the time, this adhesion of Mr. Gladstone to free trade lost him his seat at Newark The Duke of Newcastle remained a protectionist, and naturally refused to allow the new Minister to sit any longer for his old constituency. With eaual prornptitude he turned his ot.n son. Lord Lincoln, out of the representation of N ottin jg hamshire for having joined Peel's Government. Mr. Gladstone, 4heM, ^re, did not present himself for re:election, and remained out of Parliament though in office, during the stormy and memorable year which followed But /# ki \ 104 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONR thpT. "? f fv! ^? th'-^'^ghout the ensuing session was largely responsible for he details of the famous Corn Law Abolition Bill of 1846. His combination of ^the iT.h ^°"^7r^ knowledge did much to help in the settlemen" o the great change. And the inauguration of free trade in this year as a distmct national policy, had many results. ^ ' 1,- u 1^!""°''! ^^^ Conservative party into two sections. There was the one which followed Peel in his retirement after the defeat of the Government in the House upon the very day that his Corn Law Bill had passed he Lords unl r "" ''•' °'''«' '"""" "'^^'^ ""''^^ P^°^-*-" ^°^ts masthead, and under the inspiring influence and bitter, brilliant invective of Disraeli had dnven Peel from power, and indirectly established the Whigs once more n the government o the country, a position which they held during the nexTs x years t resulted m the development of Gladstone as the leader of the PeeHtes or free-trade wing of the Tory party, and the establishment of Disraelias the head of the protectionist wing of the same organization. It or'fna ed the rivaliy which was destined to last for nearly forty years, and marked 'he first important step in the separation of Mr. Gladstone from kis To^y pn^cipts and policy It brought the latter into political connection with Oxford UniTer^tv or which he had been chosen after a sharp contest in the general election ^1 847. nadentally ,t antagonized father and son for the first time, and made S^ John Gladstone pathetically exclaim that •' William is trying to ruli Zcoun tr^" He had r"? K VT- '7- ^^^" '^'- ^^^'^*°"^ "-• °^ -"-e. in Opposit^^ He had stood by Peel m his great policy; he was beside him in his mer^oraWe 180 ' R ". r "°r ' ^" P"""P'^^ ^°^ '"^">' >--^ -f^- his sudden dltht 1850. But, during this period, another influence had come into play in his life This was a marked antagonism between himself and Lord PaLer ton H^ could not apparently understand or appreciate the latter's love for a brilliant foreign policy, and. as had been indicated in the China war of 840 and is proven in the correspondence of this period, the divergence of view soon became acute, and even personal in its effects. Its importance is found i^ the fact that wble he rise of D.sraeli as^ Conservative leader was helping to alina'e Gladstone from the one party, the development of Palmerston as a IJb.rnt leader was tending to keep him from the other. ^^'«^««ton as a Liberal Free trade, however, was now settled in principle though nnf in H«f . i .^ ^hich has always seemed to possess so great a charm ^^^^ '"^'^^ «- ARTHUR, DUKE OF WELLINGTON Fie.d.Ma„haU„dPH„,eMi„i.„ or area. BHuin. .8:8-30. V?- (•05) •A^^^^- ' >« »!!;; ilk ■;f I // J^v,jr r»j,;a.<, •*-,*» V*''"?f5'i HENRY, 1ST LORD BROUGHAM AND VAUX, Lord Chancellor of England, 1830-35. -■'Ti: (106) |!*^^ rf "^ -S •*%** * ^e grossest cruelty and .igh.sanrstutir.tiSLtdtm'i."?''^?^^ ■«"■ "O-" "y"-'' desire which Mr. Glads.oesoo" showed' to 7a If ~ " ? -""^r "" """'"^ where visible. Publicity seem J tilt -u, """•dying the evils every. rebellion was esse" t ll f d t^.e^^^^^^^^^ t "^ PT. ' ™^ ^'-■«'™8 hdp. Arm"d , any counV, Italian or Enlh ti °t tWs tt, ' 'T^ '" ""^ constitution of who might illegally infringe' ittsISi^'stt Kn'g whTS i^ftl'e''" T,!"' ■t. But to .arouse the public opinion of EurooeT thL f ?.? ' ''"'"" and against the oppressor ; to stir nn tZ ll '^f ■ °' "" oPP^'sed, liberty on behalf of those suftrin^ frL ^ ^■""™' °' ^"^Ksh love of to direct this feelingL lurot a„'d Enll^^^^ T^'"' ""■^g"™"'"-™* ! intervention and orderly chX^thil^f uV° *■""« *■""" » P""'-' cable and desirable policy! ' ' "=" '''"<^'' ^PP=^>"d "> ••■•"• a practi. execution rf"'^lS brilhW ""T '""'' ""f '"=«' »"<' his heart, and the that tiie whole p^ywi Pataemon "T"'""- ^" " ■»"^' >« ^'""'ted somewhat extraord Lractfono T? l" ^"t'^" """^ P"'"™^""- It was a months before denounced r„rHp , "'° ""^ » P°"""»" "h" bad. a few for intervenSn in Te aff^"^''^^'^^^^^^^^ f' =>» Ws skill and eloqueu.^ earnestness against " the ™^ cl^. , ' \ ''"""""rated with passionate tobethecensfr^ofviceandfLuv rfT°" "'5'"'' '^°'^"'' *•"' " -»»««>> countries of the world " xlel^ole matTer'h ""P^'f"''™. a-<>"6 the other power of his consci.„ce_a force which l!'„-;T™'' '^f™"^ *« ''''"''^ of liberty, swept away, like cobwebs =M, I "'^?'""'^ by sympathy and love expediency, and, in m^Ve than'r^^mtkaL^'.ISrff"""^'^^^^^ °' P"""-' Instead, therefore of ^vin».^ ^' °' '"'" P'''""=»' "consistency. literature which ^ t walrXired ^f 'Ih" '° "' T"' "' "■=" "«"- which the level/ city of n"pL s^rrln I /.'" "•" amusements with delightful archJiogiil exptetons aS ''"'^'?= " "' '""""'P-S ■» *« afforded, Mr. Gladstone 1™ rhtose^7™"cr'' "'"V" "P'"''"'""' »rrowful rumours andveiled ...tl^rli" r.!S"'2£j'!!.i"* °f *• ^rrowful rumours andveiled 8tatl«.u wLci 1?S°2 '*' '"* "^ *A *.p«rt»s. he visited prisons and du„;r, t:m'erer^.:;r^ ^m^tiS: 1 ^l> " |[gfcp;-1il ■•,'^ -*> -JF ■r 1 ^y ' LIGHTS A LAMP OF LIBERTY IN ITALY. 109 openly; examined a great number of cases in which cruelty and injustice had been perpetrated ; and made hirtself thoroughly familiar with the condition of affairs amongst the people. The Court he neither visited nor desired to visit. Invitations were declined, and even the Royaf wishes were evaded by one who had no desire to mingle with the men responsible for so much oppression and misgovemment. The result of these investigations Mr. Gladstone^decided to put in the form of a letter to his old friend and colleague in Sir Rojj^t. Peel's administra- tion—the Earl of Aberdeen. It was at once published, arrd was followed by another, in which he recapitulated his statements and strengthened his position. The sensation they created was very great, and th^ influence wielded was more far-reaching and effective than at first appeared. His charges against the Neapolitan Government were systematic, sustained, and severe. The position of affairs was reviewed with a powerful pen, and one which did not hesitate to apply the most unmistakable language to the incessant, deliberate, and criminal violation of all law and justice by the King of Naples-and his satellites. It was, as he said, «' the negation of God erected into a system of government." After making a brief reference to the illegal government of the Two Sicilies, Mr. Gladstone proceeded to point out the accuracy of what had hitherto been to outside countries, only suppositious and incredible rumours— the impnsonment or exile of half the Chamber of Deputies, the immense number of political prisoners, and the complete abrogation of personal liberty and the laws of the State. The Government, he declared, at its pleasure, and in defiance of law, ordered domiciliary visits ; examined houses, even to the extent of tearing up floors and breaking down walls; seized papers and personal property; im- prisoned men by the thousands without warrant, or even written authority, or statement of the cause of arrest. Charges \yere invented, perjury was freely re- sorted to, and forgery frequently used, iaorder to aid in disposing of inconvenient persons who might possess patriotic prejudices, or be guilty of an unnecessary fondness for individual freedom and constitutional government. _ The prisons he described as in a filthy knd unendurable condition Referring to these frightful dungeons, Mr. Gladstone declared them to be " the extreme of filth and horror." He had seen something of them, but not the worst. ♦' This I have seen, my Lord : the official doctors not going to the sick prisoners, but the sick prisoners, men almost with death on their faces, toiling upstairs to them at that charnel-house of the Vicana, because the lower regions of such a palace of darkness are too foul and loathsome to allow it to be expected that professional men should consent to earn bread by entering them." He Jeals with__the_sufiering&^Pironte, formerly a judge i of the Ba ro n ^ai and of the well-known patriot and politician, Cario Poerio. These men, and others, who had been treated with similar tyranny and m ■ if. v*? ■ ii*l -r.*;j;. *5 ■'■'•' V" r,''^v ^ y^'m^h no UFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. :5| r.siUI cruelty were the leaders of the people, and, as 'he pointed out to Lord Aberdeen " n.Xr^ ^"!;"'"°" ^°' '''"'°" ^"' "^ S^°^^ ^ ^'°'^^»°" ^f the laws of truth' ustice, and decency, as would have been a like treatment accorded in England to leading Liberals such as Lord John Russell, Lord Lansdowne. or the Erri o Aberdeen himself^ - Settembrini was one of the victims singlek out for an tTJ^uTu ^^' ''^'^^' ^'"^^"^^ P^^^^^ "P°" ^^"^ ^-^ not been carried out, but he had been reserved for a much more dreadful fate. He was con- demned to double irons for life on a remote and water-bound rock, wheTe it was LtrthTth r^';t be subjected to torture-one of the methods specified being the thrusting of sharp instruments under his finga--nails. The case of Poerio was equally painful, and concerned an ex-Prime Minister of the country, a man of pronounced ability, and one who possessed a character which has become famed for its refinement and beauty. Tr clad! stone spoke of him as "a cultivated^and accomplished gentleman, of whose aZT' '7" 1 '"'' ^"^ ^°^^ °' ^'^ ^°""^^''I '- - firmly and as rationally assured as of your lordship's, or that of any other man of the very highes character." Yet this party leader had been arrested and tried in thi Ton tt^ h""'""''; '°""'''^ "^ '''"'"" ^y '^' distinct" use of intimidation upon the judges, and imprisoned with sixteen others in a small room which is described as the closest of dungeons. Each prisoner bore a vveight of chain Z7T\ ': ^'^-tr, P-"ds, which was not to be fiiifastened for a"y purpose whatever. And Mr. Gladstone adds that, after talking long with Poerio during his trial and with the many others who were interviewed for a purposT he could not suppress the conviction that the object of the Government in this s'clffoTd .^^tr "? T^ ''' "^^^'"'^ ^^"^ '^^ "^-- -- cruel than the' scaffold, and thus get rid of a man whose mental power they feared, without this lelr T:Ti "'"' "^^'' '°"°" ^ public execution' He cJc^ded this letter which had gone into ample detail concerning all the charges ^^i^^:i:^'-'-^ ^'-^ ---^ ^-^^-^ -on sc^s AK ^ ^" ^u^ f ''''"'* contribution to the subject, Mr. Gladstone told Lord thoutt't r.'' ''°°' '^ ^" '^^ ''''^' ^*^^^"^-'«' ^^d -thing to retract, and iSVi " representations were not at all too highly charged He admitted that it was harri f« u^u .i— . ... ^ /. «-"digcu, ne admitted that it was hard to believe that such things could happen in a cernmg moral poUtical. «,d religiou, questions which wS^ tauThftlt^pX / LIGHTS A LAMP OF LIBERTY IN ITALY. Ill of Naples in a current schqpl catechism, but, at the same time, he exempted the Roman CathoHc clergy, as a body, from implication in the actions and policy of the Government. . - - The educational work referred to seems to have been a very singular production. It was in the form of questions and answers, and really consti- tuted a strong manual of despotism. In one place it is declared " that the people cannot establish a constitution or fundamental 4aws, because such laws are of necessity a limitation ot sovereignty," which latter constitutes " that highest and paramount power ordained of God for the well-being of society." The right of the sovereign to disregard his oath is plainly taught, and his position is practically defined as one above all human laws and ordinary obligations. Mr. Gladstone declined to go further into detail concerning " the false, base, and demoralizing doctrines, sometimes ludicrous, but oftener horrible," which he found veiled under the phrases of religion in " this abominable book." But he took this opportunity to denounce it publicly as "a complete systematized philpsophy of perjury," adapted to the facts of Neapolitan history, and, under this and a religious guise, taught in the schools by the sanction and authority of the Government. Incidentally, Mr. Gladstone held up to King Ferdinarfd IL the warning example of the fate which had befallen Charles I. of England. But in doing so he pointed to the vast difference which existed between the conduct and character of the two monarchs, and offered a rare tribute to the latter's personal qualities. "He was," declared the future Liberal leader, "devout, chaste, affectionate, humane, generous, refined, a patron of letters and of art ; without the slightest tinge of cruelty ; frank and sincere, too, in his personal character ; but, unhappily, believing that under the pressure of State necessity, such as he might judge it, his pledges to his people need not be kept." Yet, as Mr. Gladstone observed, to ttris other monarch, who possessed few, indeed, of the benevolent and honourable features which characterized Che English sovereign ; Charles I. "saw his cause ruined, in despite -of a loyalty and enthusiasm sustaining him such as is now a pure vision of the past. It was not ruined by the strength of the anti-monarchical or puritanical factions, nor even by his predilections for absolutism ; but by that one sad and miserable feature pf insincerity which prevented the general rally of his well-disposed and sober- minded subjects round him till the time had passed, the Commonwealth haid been launched down the slide of revolutipn, and those violent and reckless fanatics had gained the upper hand who left the foul stain of his. blood on the good name of England." It must be admitted, from even the hastiest perusal of these elaborate -letters^ that^Nfr, Gladstone was no||fraid to sTate his views IrTclMfand distincT English. And his blows upon flBshield of Ferejpand's miserable despotism ~x ,.ir^ J^ A ^>^i^ -^ -*S' f ^'■'i::-"-K".^, "' > ■>' ,'; 'i'"' " '• * ,'• ^ J? ^^"'T'^-' ' •■■-7^:- iia UFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONK. were pointed all the more keenly by his Conservative estimate of Cromwell's revolutipnary fanaticism. He concluded bj, a renewed and vigor! aX^^^^^^ aH cvihzed pubhc opmion. and by asking if it was just or wise%o give^countl! nance and warrant to the doctrine of those who taught that kings an^i thdr governments were the natural enemies of man, the tyrants over L ^dy and the contammators of his soul ? And if we thought not. then every sSe in Europe every public man. no matte'r what hrs party or his colour, every mem" ber of the great family of Christendom whose heart beat for its welfareXw, by declanng h,s sentiments on every fitting occasion, separate himself from rknwfthTur/;h'"H '"'"' "^'"^-^ '^' smallest moral p'rtnerl" ^ ^^:^:^i:^ "^^""^^'" ofcrime which it hadreared should hav'e It was natural that such letters 'as these should create somewhat of k sensation. Sir George Comewall Lewis, always an acute observerTrlte n the ofSl lr.rV;r'"'"''^^^^ Sir.Edmund Head. Govemor-G nerd k h.rh ' ' ^;,^d«tone's pamphlet about Naples has had a prodigious run- utur it w-;^^^^^^^^^^ ""^ -adeamostpowerfuMmpression' For^h^ mture it will do good. There was every reason for this. The writer was a so agaim His reputation for honour and political integrity was very great and he was Conservative p principle and practice. Hence There could btn^Radkal or Republican prejudf^e at the back of his denunciations. And while the charges " were not of a character to require-though they might urge-immedfate iX TT^'^^'Tl^.lT' '''^ "^^^ ^'' ^"«^^'^"^^y pronounLd and ;rov n tZ m the broaa light of day upon Neapolitan conditions and govermnent Ind make t impossible for other rulers with arbitrary inclinations to lend syTpathv oTaM to Ferdinand when his time of trouble came. They also focussedTh? entimem of all free communities upon the right side in the Italiafi struggle for HbTrty and ,n this way gave substantial strength fo those who so frJ^r^Zh international sympathy and support. > g^eariy required Lord Palmerston, who was Foreign Minister at fKJe f;r«^ i mtervention. What was possible he did. In rillv to a aiestion in thYw * on July .7th, ,851. he stated that the Go.ernmerCd rec\Tv"fi^l^^^^^^^^^^ but P°P"^;/7'^«-/°».<^J""rni^^ the calamitous condition of things ^NMef but dd not deem it right to intervene in the internal affairs of that sfate •',At the same time." continued the sneaker "Mr ri=.^Jf u ? freelvnam#» fl,««„i, L * • u- •■"« s>peaKer, Mr. Gladstone, whom I may » freely name, though not in his capacity as a member of Parliament has done himself. I think very great honour by the course he pursued at Sr and bv iLe^^f ™,i;'' "^"^"'^ r"" ^^"^«^"°g also in the fe^.t^Hh" '^ =«ntittence of public ODimon in FiirnrtA t«;o,i,4. u-.„ _. ^ ^^^^^ vhaw -.fUy^r^^ ^ ^«uu ' . • ;, --"•iwmtiiig aiso i n tiie teftiing that the .flnence of pabbcopimonm Europe might have some usefal SiHet^ -{ n/ ■ ', i-v^ UGHTS'A LAMP^^^F UBERTY IN ITALY. »'3 such matters right, Lor4 Palmerston announced that he had sent copies of the pamphlet containing these letters -to tjie British Ministers at the various Continental courts, and had directed them to draw the- attention of the different Governments to the nature a^nd extent of the charges made. A number of replies to Mr. Gladstone were immediately written, but the pamphleteers were so evidently men of straw, the intention of bolstering up Ferdinand and hisGovernmeift appeared so clearly, and the refutations attempted were so inherently weak, that they attracted little attention in England. One pamphlet, however, written under the auspices of the King, by a Mr. Charles Macfarlane, was made important through its adoptio/i as a sort of official reply, and by a request from the Neapolitan envoy in L^hdon to Lord Palmerston that the latter should forward " the h»j^" to the courts of Europe as he had done the original charges. This gave ^Palmerston his opportunity, and he at once declined to assist in the circulation of a document which he described as "only a tissue of bare assertions and reckless denials, mixed up with coarse* ribaldry and commonplace abuse of public men and political parties." He then proceeded to administencastifeation and offer advice on his own account. He stated that Mr. Gladstone's letters to Lord Aberdeen exhibited a picture of illegality, injustice, and cruelty, such as might hav^een^^eemed impossible of existence in a European country at the preseriPday. Unfor, tunately, collateral evidence and information proved'^hat the evils described . ' Were by no mean^bverstated. The spirit of those letters seemed to him one of -friendship rather than hostility to the Crown of Naples as such, and the purpose ' one of remedying abuses through the influence of European public opinion, and thus saving the Neapolitan monarchy from otherwise inevitable convulsions. It, might have been hoped, therefore, in its ow^ interest, that the Government of' Naples would have received the letters in, the spirit in which they were written, and have endeavoured to correct in some way jhe manifest and grave evils of the situation. But King Ferdinand accepted tlie rebuke and the advice iu silence. He had practically no defence, except that obtained through the aid of subsidized writers, or the medium of some distorted dislike of England and English insti- tutions. In a letter to his brother, about this time, Lord Palmerston observed that the Neapolitan Government was not likely to appreciate his reply to the request of its envoy, and added that he would like the I^ng of Naples to have received a collecrion of the articles upon this subject which had appeared in the vapous newspapers of England and Germany. Meantime, Mr. Gladstone prepared and published a very complete and crushing reply to the criticism ' which had been accepted as a defence by the parties concerned. But it was not * =^eeded^-^ift fim letter* had been^ccepted a/in tfemam, ac^^ had really done the work. liiil' ^r / ■v. ^h'^ -cil^.: ' > lo, '■ii' J- , '"?/ t4'^ -; >»4 «_;^V^ D WORK. Of MR. OJ-ADSTONE. ^ K K- .^"'"^^°Lord,Shaftesbur>r,o,. June 4th, Sir Aorhoi^Panizzi an Italian by b.r^h, bu ax, Englishman by adoption, referred with ent^S";^e ^^^ thus do,.« J>y Mr. c.l,idstone, and declared that a statement bv him T unsupporte.^ .o..d outweigh, in the opmion of Europe, Ihelt/rneT'cr:!! . the judges and ot^e. , ffinals of the Neapolitan c.urt " My blood boils '• hi added. .. to have tc, call s.ch people jucTges. and such aden a™ nf ^ent on to express h.s behef that the writer of the letters to Lord Aberdeen was not only^ scrupul6\,sly honourable man, but one of the moJ/7Z v statesmen and concluded by stating ./that/Mr. cUtne i 7^^^^^^^^^^^^ Itahan scholar, and reads as well and speaks the language J L.mT a correctly as a well-educated Italian." '^"guage as fluently and • spend „^ni!^i^,Ei:l/rrK::;trcf Jr:" rr epUUes ,vritte„ a few weeks after the above fetS^LTinttli^"" I am certain," observed Mr. Gladstone, "as a matter of fact that fh. rfl t i.- of preaching unity and nationaJFty, in preference to shl^^'g g rLlee" ^rodt " a revulsion here; for if Ihete^e two things on earth that Lhn n n k P""""^^ are an abstract proposition or idea, and the Po^ But ivents moved' .7 dwng the ensuing decade., Whethirthe gepu^neandf^ terl ^1^^ to'lt^ the Itahan people were sub ected, or the abstract icUa of nftionahtvU f ,: greatest influence in the result need not be consideiSere "^' °".f' ^L, •"^'^ "><= pote that in ,856, after vigorous remoAances oShndand L'L '° the continued misgovcrnment of King Ferdinand, thfamtasldor^fTh" powers were withdrawn from Naples; that in i8w Poerio a^TT T , ° panions Wore banished .<, Americ', but while » ^hrwaTthere se^^d the '"""i arid came to England, where they were received with LT I .?^''' little later Ferdinand died after dreadful phvsTcal ^felntf '"''"'"='="" "-at a by Francis II.; tha.> ,860 Garibaldi taSllf Z>d"eve'^,^°T?''' ' h.m.be.me Dicta* established a free governmi^rardre^^dtrS States It" fh"7Na'„l' '"'A"h" '■ '""'"^ "'»>#-•' had i„cl„d|*-*"*' states otlier than Naples, and had witnessed the iilrvention nf K-J t^t^riltt-^at^rora Zt t^^CTT ^^^ urged in 1850 and in suiffl^lS^ Ot^is I.»i?J^ ^"^ ""^ """"^'^^ and nationality, which WilSntly^^aed 1^0^^" Mo^' 1!'?^ sovereign, the King of ^^. and ll^, for b^tt^t "s^^^^X^jI^: .-3s^^' •>» »*K*iiiTaj,BSWn ^'ikf''^PJ.!^^'2i^£ ^fJGHTS A LAMP OP UBERTY IN ITALY. / "S ana mouwera. Writing, many y^rs afterwards— 24th lanuarv 18R1 <5.v fct J r°' ^^ '*'" ""l-^'io"**/ prominent influences in thelneraT !^«lt, and they have certainly made his name a most admired and 12,^ word in the history of modern Italy and the hearts of patriot c Italians ■ T.m it?^cr;;v"ij^;:.'^n*:ir ^z^ r™'' '^~ -"" compensation from^ the ^:^ro2:^:!^::t^:^t^"';^l^X^ in coming to the point. Eventually, Lord Palmers.trar the BrS JeTnT' ■ r;'' "^ ^'' •^="'^'' ■"='<^^ ">* private claims into a „at"ona^ Brh^hiiTf i"r-*^' !^"'""="' P^J--"'"' °f >" indemnity, ordered thi . "r asTi^^nfi-hmS n^tp^'^ "^" " "" ^'^^ ^-^'^ '» '^-' from London, and for a while war seemed Dossibl« CI ™,,„ fu """''f ™ ■• other complications in connection with Gre«e b« th^Don P T '"^'^ '"''" ,.*as made the central episode of the dispr^'Th^ t^Zl^X Z^t. vote of censure in the Lords. Mr. Roebuck, on behalf of thTRLSstnd - Wh^s, immediatejy proposed a vote of confidence in the Commo^ atd tSt testis roTo'^ °" ^r '*"■■ ''=°- '-"'* P="»«ston, WhoZlZtusually be styl^ an orator, made a great speech^ne of the most powerful ever Wd might of Endand His ar..nf ! f ^ oppression by the whole m V 1 "I LI.WU*'- ^'^-^ f**'' * ■-»* a ii6 K LIFE AND WORK OF MR GtADSTONR, of old held himself free from ii^dignity' when he could say Civis Romanus Sum, so also a British subject, in whatever land he may be, should feel confident that the watchful eye and the strong arm of England would protect him against injustice and wrong." \ ' The fate of. the Government depended upon the«ensuing vote, but this (speech saved it. " I am a Roman citizen," and all that Palmerston's appli- f Ration of the phrase involved, caught the ear of the House, and charmed the 'j)a^triotism of the country. Graham and Herbert, Molesworth and Peel, Disraeli and Gladstone, all opposed him, but their eloquence was wasted so far as the decision was concerned. ^None the less, Mr. Gladstone's speech had l>een both important and significant. It was one of the finest exhibitions of ilcq lence he had yet given the Commons, and served to greatly enhance his growing reputation. He declared that he favoured non-intervention as a principle in foreign policy, and not active interference ; he analyzed somewhat uselessly, but with skill and ability, Lord Palmerston's captivating phrase ; he thought it the duty of a Foreign Secretary to "conciliate peace with dignity"; he denounced the bumptious self-esteem of the average English traveller ^broad; he urged "the sacred independence " of other nations; and protested m words already quoted against arbitrary meddling with the internal aflFairs ol pthfijr States. Alfegether, it was an angry, a clever, and a brilliant speech, and one which " ^obably represented the settled principle and policy of the speaker. It illus- trated one side of his cOipplex character— lov« of peace and opposition to foreign •entanglements— just as his enthusiasm for the unfortunate people of Naples a few months afterwards illustrated the power of a sympathetic conscience and an em'otional nature. In the one caie he denounced English intervention on behalf of an ill-used British subject; on khe o^er, he urged European intervention in support of the oppressed Neapolitans. The actions wrere contradictory, but may be reconciled by the simple fact that in the first place the oppression did not come honae to his sympathies, and was, perhaps, not very cleariy proven, whila in the latter case, and through practical experience, it stirred every fibre of his nature. The two incidents indicate also the cosmopolitan character' and ten- dency of his ideas at this time. With Lord Palmerston the main question always was whether any British interest or individual was affected; with Mr. Gladstone it did not matter what the nationality, so long as the wrong adtt^itted and the right action indicated to his own sensitive conscience. waa ^ s. •riitei,. y r I / k-llk*!. JAV ^WCKimTOSrt^S^SW^fc t^$^£%>utiS^^^^> tj^^Sa^SSSSM, CHAPTER IX. BECOMES CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. fMf >.v GLADSTONE was now on the high road to political power, and, although he was ^imself hardly aware of it at the time, had passted the political Rubicon, and was heading straightfor Liberalism and leadership. The death of Sir Robert Peel, in July, 1850, had apparently made it impossible for him to work in harmony with a party led by the Earl of Derby and Mr. Disraeli. They were still inclined towards pro- tection, and Mr. Gladstone was now, and had been for some years, a vigorous and firm free- trader. Upon that subject neither he -nor his friends and late colleagues — Lord Aberdeen, Sidney Herbert, and Sir James Graham— would listen to argument or political considerations. In 1851, LordDerby, who was tluring his career on terms of intimate friend- ship with Mr. Gladstone, endeavoured to obtain his adhesion to the Conservative party. On being asked by the Queen tp form a Government, in succession to that of Lord John Russell, he offered him, it is said, the Secretaryship of State for Foreign AflFairs. Presumably, Mr. Disraeli was to have been Chancellor of the Exchequer. What extraordinary results might have come from such a com- bmation can now only be guessed at, but the divergence of view and character was already too great to possibly allow of the leaders concerned working in harness together. Speaking in the House of Commons on March 15th i8s2 Mr. Gladitone deckredthat, atlbe time he was^^ "COmmuntraf-innc taf-mlnr,i.^A «_ u;_ ;_f : ^t _ ^ 1 . . ■' ^^•^jt commumcations termmated on his informing me that he wa&desirous of imposing ««7 _ I ^3£^ii^&A^,/'i^di*i. Al-jV-sw ^'i-W,***- . ■'-r£ t, i. t i^j.-'Mdk 1. jr •- ^^ , uAi^'Si 1-i".. ii8 If,,' If-," LtFB AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONS. a moderate fixed duty on corn. The noble lord said it was not his intention to reverse the policy of [free trade, but to modify it. I was opposed alike to a reversal or modificatiojn of that policy." But if he was determined not to with- draw an inch from his I free-trade position, he was as yet equally determined not to merge the politicalj identity of himself and the other Peelites in the Liberal ranks. He would nc^ join the administratidn of Lord John Russell, but pre- ferred to fight an altogether independent battle for the Church and the new commercial system. * Stnl, the end was becoming inevitable, although it might take another decade to make the Liberal influence absolutely predominant in his career. Perhaps it never was to be wholly so in his political character. A curious incident of this time, and one which preceded the f'ormation of the Coalition Ministry in 1852, was the celebrated agitation ajgainst Papal aggression. It had, for some years, been the announced policy of the Pope and the leaders of the Roman Catholic Church to introduce and establish in England a complete hierarchical system. Events had for a time, however, delayed the consummation of the plan, and when, in 1850, its completion was made public with dramatic suddenness and much pretension, a storm of Protestant indignation was aroused, and Lord John Russell, with characteristic impetuosity, had rushed into the fray. There was a great deal of injudicious conduct on botji sides, and, as usual in cases of religious strife or ebullitions of popular bigotry, many things occurred which have since been regretted. Dr. Wiseman, the most prominent Roman Catholic ecclesiastic in the country, was made a Cardinal, and proclaimed Archbishop of Westminster, and Primate. New sees were created, and their boundaries defined in a document which, in style, was worthy of the Middle Ages and the loftiest days of Papal supremacy. The Cardinal followed this manifesto up with a pastoral, intended, like tlfe 'other, for English Catholics, but couched in similarly unwise and dangerous language. Coming at a time when so many Anglicans had just joined the Church of Rome, and when the Tractarians, or extreme High Church party, were in a position of considerable influence — one which they used to voice their antagonism, to the Whigs generally, and to Lord J. Russell's ecclesiastical appointments particularly — this action and policy was eminently calculated to stir up and enrage the fiery little Premier. The immediate result was the famous Durham Letter. It was a strongly-worded document. Lord John told the Bishop of Durham that this aggression was both " insolent and insidious," and that it was an attempt to " impose a foreign yoke on our minds and consciences." He declared that there was an assumption of power in all the documents which had come from Rome, and a pretension to supremacy over the "realm of England, which were inconsistent with the Queen's supremacy, with the rights of the Bishoprand cle^y, OT iwtfr th€ IpifltuaT Tn^pS^ V'-Hl !• -" - '■^r-' «"/ '^f-^ssa. J I20 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. dismissal Of Lord Palmerston by the Queen, nominally through her Prime Mmister. In spite of several warnings from Her Majesty, he hadjn Tra^h , recognition of the French Government of Louis Napoleon, o^ce more Ixce^ed his powers as Foreign Secretao', and upon this occasion had placed the Min^,^ n a veiy awkward position. But in February, 1852, he enjoyed, to use h s o^ In 7°. i!" u'';T^' with Johnny Russell." A Militi; Bill had be^ proposed which embodied the popular alarm at the rise of Napoleon IH. a„2 the mystety which as yet surrounded his actions and projects His growing rZ ";''ir "^''^ "J'i' °^ '^'"^'^^^ "P^'^ ^"Sland. But. as events turnedTut It meant alliance with Eqgland, and war upon Russia. ' to the mriurtT'lf^T^/f^"''°"'' ^PP^^^^'^^' -d, in an amendment Li T"^^"""^' .^^ ^^^^^ted the now somewhat discredited administration Al hough his action put the Tories into office, he did not seem to "ar^ve^ much, and, as it happened, their tenure of power was to be very brief Lor^ Derby, upon this occasion, succeeded in forming his Government, which included !^ th^fT P ^^.^"^^"°:;°f ^he Exchequer, the Marquess of sLlisbuiy-^father once^^or ^r'"~'"^ "-^^^ Malmesbury, amongst its chief members. He S,-. Tn ''''^''T' '° ^'- Gladstone, but without success. A new Mihtia BiV was prepared and carried through the House, receiving in the Lord! the warm support of the Duke of Wellington, who shortly aftemards passed pS T " TtV! ''^ "°^^^ ^"^ *^^ ^^-'""g -^-^ of his countCen Political opponents had long forgotten the struggles of the past, and all se^dons joined m eulogy o the great commander and leader. Mr. Gladstone" emlrk were especially valuable, and deduced lessons from the noble career tust cTos^S which were then and ^e still worthy of the most careful consideration Manyf the Duke of Wellington's great qualities he declared to merit humble and umversal imitation as well as admiration. His " sincere and aTrtlfeb:;:rof':h°"^'°r''^^ ^'^^ '°"^^^* ^^^ "P^^^^ determina^Ln t" ^hi^il Tu- *^ '°''"''y °" ^""^'y °^^^^^°" ; that devoted loyalty which Tonta fr^mth ^ ----«-. to serve the Crown, never induced^o conceal from the Sovereign that which he believed to be the truth ; that devoted IZZw'^TT' performance of duty; that temperance o iriife wtch enabled hjn^at all times to give his mind and his faculties to the services wh ch he wa. calfei upon to perform; that regular, consistent, and unceasbg pieTy by wh ch he ^s distinguished at all times of his life; these are qualities ^aTare attainable by others, and which should not be,lost as an example." to .0 the ddln tZ'*'''^ '^^'1^ ^''^ '^' P"^^'"S °^ *h« G^^^t Duke seemed togo the olden Toryism, as well as the ascendency of the Whigs. Mr Disraeli ^8 busy educat „g his party, while Mr. Gladstone was going through heTen moo^dt ^:r' '''^.'*'°" "''^' "^^ '° "^^^^ ^^- ''« fiLncial mentor and moulder of the opposite party. Tories were ere lon^. fn K. r.^^..^ ,„ p„,,.,t°^ La* j,y-"^^V'.0^?f^ BECOMES CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. I3t nomenclature by Conservatives and the Whigs by Liberals. The Peelites were to be eventually absorbed into the latter ranks. But before this general result occurred there was to b^ a period of financial rivalry between Gladstone and Disraeli, and the intefrregniim of the Crimean war. Following the formation of the Derby- Disraeli Government, there had bepn a makeshift Budget from the new Chancellor of the Exoh^quer, which, in spite of haste, showed much ability. Then came the dissolution of the House. The elections resulted in the return of about 300 Conservatives, 315 Libe^k^,^ 40 Peelites, and practically left the balance of power m the hands of Mr. GladStonejind his frifends. His position appears for a time to Kave-been d6ubtful. There was much talk of his joining the Tory Ministry, and, 6n November 28fh,^ord>Malmesbuiy— Foreign Secretary— remarks in his diary : "I cannot make out Gladstone, who seems to me a dark horse." It was, in fact, the critical moment of his political career, and his decision not to join hands with Disraeli on this occasion, while it involved no immediate personal, declarati<^, really decided the tendency of his future development and opened the way for the gradual drift of the Peelites, first Uirough coalition, and then, by similarity 6f policy, into the ranks of Liberalism. There were two leading causes for this line of action. The first was the free- trade question, which still remained an issue in politics, and the second was the natural,, estrangement between Disraeli and Gladstone. So far, this mutual feelihg was not personal, but was largely based upon the fomer's memorable assaults upon Sir Robert Peel. To Mr. Gladstone, that statesman had now become an object of hero-worship as great as the regard he had ohce lavished upon the personality and memory of Canning. To the heartfelt sym- pathy which Canning had evoked by his generous foreign policy from an enthusiastic young man had succeeded an equally fervent admiration for Peel's character commercial policy, and political achievements. ' In his eloquent speech to the House upon the occasion of Peel's death Mr. Gladstone had shown unusual feeling, and had mourned his great leader most sincerely. As he then said,' so he continued to feel: "We had fondly hoped that in whatever position he was placed, by the weight of his character, by the splendour of his talents, by the purity)of his virtues, he would still have been spared to render his country the most essential services." To Mr. Glad- stone it had, indeed, been a moment when he could appropriately use those beautiful lines by Scott : «^ r y ■«» " Now is the stately column broke ; The beacon light is quenched in smoke ; The trumpet's silver voice is still ; The warder silent on the hill." ^d the party of brilliant men who, with him, had st ood by Sir Robert in the iTOt Cora Law struggle ; had fought with him in the four years which intervened" -^. *' 'V»i;;=jT' I « 129 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. / betweeh that time and his death; and had now come back to Parliament nominally as free-trade Conservatives-counting forty v(j)tes in a 4ivision-were not likely to wi ingly enter a Government which inclided their most bitter ontic as Chancellor of the Exchequer-and leader of the kouse. Lord Derby's sincere desire to ultimately re-unite the two wings of tlie party was therefore doomed to disappointment, though it was to be a good many years yet before he gave up all hope, and though Disraeli, upon more than one occasion, offered to give up his position to Gladstone. * . ^"' • ^^°"^'' *^^^^ influences can be traced how,, and their general effect analyzed with reasonable clearness, all was confusion in those days, and no one knew jlist exactly what Mr. Gladstone and the Peelites were likely to do upon ST °^'^ f ° prominent a Liberal is Sir George Cornewall Lewis had wijtten to a friend in July, 1850. and shorUy after Peel's death, that " the general opinion IS that Gladstone will renounce his free-trade opinions and become leader of the protectionists." He, however, ^id not personally think anything of the sort, but believed that the event would have " the effect of removin.^ a weight from a spring, he will come forward more, and take more part in discus- sions And not ong before Bishpp Philpotts of Exeter, a Church Tory of . the strongest type, had named Gladstone as the statesman to whom the countrx' must mainly look. "• ■' Early in December, 1852, Mr. Disraeli brouglil down the Budget which was to win the day or wreck his Government. It was an Ambitious, a clever and a skilful attempt to reconcile opposing interests ; to redeem pledges made to agriculturists, and avoid offence to the free-trade and other interests. It proposed to reduce the duty on malt, tea, and .sugar, and to increase the duty on mhabited houses, and extend the income tax to Ireland. His speech was brilliant but not as conciliatory as was desirable under the circumstances. It really pelted opponents with epigrams, taunts, and sarcasm. As if he knew what 7a«4;"Vng..and could almost have anticipated the combination against himself and the kind of Government which was to succeed that of Lord Derby he concluded his speech with some memorable and oft-quoted words : - "I know what I have to face. I have to face a coalition. The combination mav be successful But coalitions, although succelsful, have always Jpund this thTt2 triumph has been bnef. This. too. I know, that England does St ircoalk.ons T appeal from the coalition to that public opinion which governs this countr^r that pubhc opinion whose mild and irresistible influence can control even The^crees of rSstbrrilt.""^^^ -^-' -' -^- institutions^ b:[ m.nr.^VT% ^^^ ^'' ^''"'^'^' '^^^"^ ^" ^^" '^^^ ^r. Gladstone - com- menced to speak m a manner most unusual, and with a degree of bitternttte JSia^struggle at^lt^pras^ wbk^h inciieated^K^ 'i lift-.-- Y ^V*'» • 4?»''^tt/v"' «'*"" BECOMES CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. "3 really felt. He sprang at his opponent with a sort of fierce delight, and tore his financial proposals into ribbons with a skill which won admiration on all sides. It was the beginning of a long rivalry, and marked the change from an antagonism originally based, in Mr. Gladstone's* case, upon the treatment accorded Peel to a sentiment of somewhat acrid and personal animosity. The speaker commenced by severely condemning the personal references which had been made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and, amid loud cheers from the Opposition, saidj " I must tell the right honourable gentleman that whatever he has learnt— and he has learht much — he has not learnt the limits of discretion, of moderation and forbearance, that ought to restrain the conduct and- language of every member of this House, the disregard of which would be an offence in the meanest amongst us, but which is an offence of tenfold weight when committed by the leader of the House of Commons." After this he proceeded to .criticize the Budget in detail, as well as upon general ' principles ; denouncing it as embodying " a delusive scheme," and as being " the most perverted budget, in its tendency and ultimate effects," that he had ever seen. When the House divided at the conclusion of his speech, the vote stood 286 for the Government, and 305 against. The Ministry was therefore defeated by a majority of nineteen, and Lord Derby at once wrote to the Queen announcing the result and tendering his resignation. It was a moment of great excitement, and the Conservative feeling against Mr. Gladstone ran high. A couple of days after these events, and while Lord Aberdeen was forming his Administration, Mr. Greville tells us that the main cause of all the turmoil was in an upper room of the Carlton Club, while a number of the members were having a dinner downstairs. " After dinner," says Greville, " when they got drunk, they went upstairs, and finding Gladstone alone in the drawing-room some of them proposed to throw him out of the window. This they did not quite dare to do, but contented themselves with giving some insulting message to the waiter, and .then went away." Although Mr. Gladstone remained a member of this ultra- • Conservative club until he joined the Whig Administration in 1859, this shows how painful his general position must have been at times, andjiow difficult it is to be really independent in politics. ■ The new Coalition Government of Whigs and Peelites was an exceed- ingly strong one in point of ability. The Premier, Lord Aberdeen, was an amiable, accomplished, and really able rtian. He had seen much public service, had been twice Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, had won the admiration of Sir Robert Peel, whom he so devotedly followed, and filled a very high place in the estimation of Mr. Gladstone himself, both thep and afterwards. But he .lacked some quality requisite to the holding together, in united action, of aband of brilliant m^n during a critical period such as was now coming.^ Mr. Glad- / y r4' riianiratly became ChSiitaror of the Exchequer ; Lord John Russell took ifesifi ^ «>^J ■*_t'V^ *K,i >■> : - -5 "f^' , \ »24 UFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. knowledge o?. 7". '''^''' "^""'^ Palmerston. who wished to extend his Ne^asde h^^^^^^^^ '^' "«-« Office; the Duke of friend !.nH~h ul\ ,'"''''"' '"^° ^^^ '° ^°"S ^«^" Mr. Gladstone's devoted . estate; bec^lr f ^.^^"f ^^^^ ^^e famous Tory Duke in his title and ?editrtool^h a'!^^"-^', ^'T^'y-' Sir James Graham, another eminent ' ^.d ^' ° ^'^^Admiralty; Mr. Sidney Herbert, also a colleague of Mr. Gladstone s. was Secretary for War; Earl Granville sat as President ofVhe Sther oV th'e?". °'/'^'' '^'-°^' ^"^^ ^^^' -' *^^ ^-^-- -^ Lansdowne (tather of the future Governor-General of Canada and India), and a statesman of tned ability, became a member without portfolio. statesman o= ,-f vf "''k "^^^ *^! constitution of the celebrated Cabinet of all the Talents as t has been called half in just admiration for the ability of its Lmbers half in contempt for its general policy and action. In accepting office Mr' Qadstone had, of course, to seek re-election at Oxford, where VposTtion by S^^an eX'^o^tfeT^ ' little doubtful. Lord Derby had just been Icted Chancellor of the University ^n succession to the Duke of Wellington and there were not a few old-time Tories who would-rightly enolh from the^ standpoint-^have liked to defeat the chief instrument^ in^he^ leider^ com pulsory retirement from power. Sir George Cornewall Le^^s writes in a" private letter, at this time, a description of Gladstone's connecdon with Oxford "mosTo! hrH^i Ch T" "'"'"^^. r" ^'^ P°"'^" °^ '^« Universt^ instead^f theS T ^.^"^^V^^P^S"" '''"'^ *° 5'™'^"^ ^« '« Liberalizing them nstead of them Tarifying him. He is giving tliem a push forward instead of their givmg him a pull backward." And then Lewis-hS a ort o philosophical Radical-declares this a critical moment for the new Chancello of the Exchequer, states that the Ministry he has joined is really a WhS tnL^ft^V''"'u'' Conservative friends at Oxford are really followingYhi^ instead of taking the opportunity to desert him. ^ ' was stiiu™e°" Mr "'crA T"'.^ P^^^ ^^^^t. in the main, this latter statement ^s still true. Mr. Gladstone fought the issue-or tried to do so-upon Lord Aberdeen's friendliness to the Church, and his own continued ^vehement loyaJty to its mterests. The result was satisfactory for the moment ^thouTh It mdicated his gradual drift, from old Tory moorings, and thTgr^^ng pubhc consciousn^ o the change. In figures, it showed a victory ^oveT a son of Spencer PercivaJ-Prime Minister in the reign of George Ill.-brone hundr^ votes, as compared with the defeat ^f Dr. Masham. a University resident ^ ' 400 majority in the preceding year. university resident, by DossibilTtfi \v'°f "*^''°° °^.^^^ fi"^' Budget by a public man of great abilities and FK>8sib.lmes is'Mways an important event in the House of Commons. It was especially so m this case, partly because of the reputatiori which Mr. SladstZ hadwon m his managenaent of the Board of IWe Departn..nt ^oT^ y" BECOMES CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. las before, and partly because of his clever handling of Disraeli's financial scheme • and his well-known elpquence of speech. His policy, as eventually proposed to the House on December i8th, 1853, was all in the direction of simplifying the tariff regulations which still existed, lessening the taxation upon various kinds of articles, and lowering charges on such important public interests as those of postal communication and means of locomotion. The deficit thus created was tctbe met by an increased duty pn spirits and an extension of the income tax. The most remarkable feature of his scheme was its bold application of a new principle. For the first time in English financial history, he had disregarded a surplus, increased the income tax, and then, deliberately estimating an additional revenue from certain growing interests, had proceeded to reduce, or absolutely abolish, the duties upon some three hundred articles of consumption and use. It was a daring thing to do, and, had Mr. Disraeli ventured upon it, most people would have characterized the id^a as a new ebullition of erratic genius. Yet they accepted Mr. Gladstone's forecast, trusted his predictions, praised his Budget, and eulogized the speaker. His speech was really a masterpiece of diction and a wonderful example of the power of sweeping the horizon of the financial worid, and at the same time discussing the most minute details of fiscal policy. In some way or other^ he seemed to have brought the solemn earnestness and, high moral tone which had long characterized his speaking upon general topics into touch with the dry details of finance, and to have made the dreary by-ways of the Budget alight with brilliant language and beautiful thought. The House was delighted and the country charmed. The Queen and Prince Albert wrote to congratiflate the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and public men as well as privgite friends joined ^ in a perfect chorus of eulogy. Greville, whose official position during several reigns and many Ministries has given his diary such unique value, says of Mr. Gladstone upon this occasion : "He spoke for five hours, and, by universal consent, it was one of the grandest dis- plays and most able financial statements that wis ever heard in the House of Commons— a great scheme, boldly, skilfully, and ably devised, disdaining popular clamour and pressure from without— and the execution of it absolute perfection. Even those who do not admire the Budget, or who are injured by it, admit the merit of the performance. It has raised Gladstone to a great political elevation." Greville was not always just in his estimate of public men, though he ^frequently voiced current impressions in a most useful way, and was alway? acute in his observations. It was he, by the way, that Disraeli once described as " the vainest man in the worid— and I have read Cicero and known Bulwer Lytton." But upon this occasion he could make no mistake. All England reemstohave been deeply impressed by Mr. Gladstone's evid ent mastery over fignrcrand^fraigegiftoflucidexposition. That one t •'^•^ .fAfsaa •■,^' -. -v ^'' 136 4 LIFE AND WORK OF MR, GLADSTONE. sincAdedared that the work of ar^S 'ta'^a^ of hrT"""' "° ''"' ^ «..h W succession du.ie^s alone, and^a°4„ ' thel^LoLl P T ""'"'"'"^ the most laborious ta»k he ever performed ^'"^,"7 "'""S'' E^rf'araent, was 'n.pidiy'r:^S';':tT;hire'''Ho!s?Srt::!rr^^^^^^^ .with Sir Jan>es Graham »ho it mu« ht '°^°"'"/'' '"'"esling interview to be at the head of the Consent* Dart vtr « ^''* T^J^'^'k ^"^ ^°^^ '^"^t'^e Derby, who might, in fact. h^^Tall tTe keif If^r '^^.TT^ 'f *° ^■°'" ^^^'^ himself with them, instead of with Dis aeh Th P rl '^r«-^'^°««» *« ^Ily with Derby, but we^I^have nothing to rwhhpis'raeli'^ Peehtes^^ould have united Giadst^:i:L,t;t:sr^^^rr :^^^ ^-^-^^- commercial repute of Waloole Pi» ,L I ,„■ i^^""' '" "»"»"*' introduced Ji very diSt conj Lf Idtd Slr^^'f'" "'' "^= rXnt«,.e'dT„rht^±vrr^^^^^^^^^^ doiiars betw^n'^oX ~ at f pJl^dS:' F,^ ^ '"' "' ^' ■"""»" LTr^^-r-r Te-ritrj ~F4-^^ temporary nature made;whThtrHrse accepted gH"" "T^^'' °' " the year heard much depreciation of G,adTt<>ne fol ow i'; 1''"^^ Klyfo^ilo?rsT Xi^r^^^^^^^^^^^ '-^^ ^- ^^ not nnsuccessful defence of ^his fo™er meLtL S L'\ "T"!.' '"" certainly very able, was well received and L R i ^ ' "'""''' ^ honoura^e and ereditable one " Mr Disra.li w I j^'^l P^°"<"'»'=«1 =" policy towards Russia and in the Crimer Thrhr/ ^^^^^^^^'nent's results of that sanguinary struJie con8r.^e« Tno.h'^. ^ '^' '^"^^^ ^"^ Mr. Gladstone's varied cTreer ^^^'"^'"'^ ^'^^'^^'^ ^"^ peculiar chapter in r say, Such a :ion. He has ne connected rhament, was ind was being ing interview >f Mr. Glad- rnraienjs past - /' «*■ / .... » - anjrm^^ent. bral&n|time id to join with hosen to ally 1 have united Russia, Mr. " in national n 1854 was very great ae had beeji five million eding year, w pufposesi' 3osaIs of a had during n his first his "great rist, spoke borate and which was (unced an would not ijtfy passed rernment's auses and chapter in ^^^■i-' J^ ••' - w^y. . / :-;.4i-: j4 'i:?v . ;.fe" ^■« H' V n ^^^^B^UBSs^^*' .^^^B GEORGE HAMILTON GORDON, 4TH EARL OF^ ABERDEEN Prime Minister of Great Britain, 1852-55. -^ \ ( ' y ^M^ ^I:) t :. ("7) /^ \ 'A-'L w^^ifeiait***. •(i.ww5»raK™#WTO««>»s k. .-« . ^p#:f : DANIEL G'CONNELL, M.p. i . *.. (138) i^!^^J^i'i^i!^J^J^^W^M^^fi^^'^^r^'^^A\, --n-^'^t»k£££.^^,LV« ^4«^^^^;^ \j ^..^ .^Jt^»)i*i^t^~^^^i^^kfi%^X^^^u^,ii,iKJftM!^-^ Sa6^^-^if^ ""-rS* W -• 'iaBT^I ■tit'" -i W^BB '^iL ' CHAPTER X. THE COALITION GOVERNMENT AND THE CRIMEAN WAR. ^HE Ministry of the Earl of Aberdeen will ?ilways be knowtx in I X British histbry for the glories and disgraces of the Crimean struggle. I.t was the first real war in which England had taken part since the days of Waterloo. ' It dawned upon the horizon at a time when the new school of th^pught which denounced all war as unnecessary, costly, and. wicked, \yas making headway in every direction. It came upon the country when utterly unprepared for a life and death conflict with so great a power as the Colossus of the l^th. It shattered many a dream of universal peace, and brought sorrow to myriads of homes. It injured the reputations of statesmen, revolutionized politics, and preceded a period of war in Italy, rebellion in India, and struggles between various European nations. •The spell of forty years was rudely broken. Instead of the rainbow of peace in the sky appeared the lurid storm-cloud from the East. The war came upon a Government composed of the ablest men in British politics, with the exception of Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli; it found the country in a prosperous condition; and it was entered into with the .people eager, and more than eager, to defend their rights arid compel international respect. Yet no war in modem history has seen so many disasters and been sovigorously denounced ; no struggle has ever been more unfortunately mismanaged, or witnessed more heroic epi-- sodes and glorious victories. It presents a record full of inconsistencies, and a perfect patchwork of good and evil. The conflict had its origin in one of those little side issues which find at times so great a place in what is called the Eastern Question. In Jhis case it was a development out of the historic and natural antagonism between the Turk and the Christian, and revived in memory the days of the Crusades. The Greek and Roman Churches claimed from the Turkish .Government -tfee custody of those s3:cred spots in Jerusalem which are associated with the earliest and most memorable events of Christian growth. Both pressed their claims with energy, and qltimately the one was supported by Russia and the other by France. Naturally, the Ottoman Government was indiflierent to a great degree, and probably had little real objection to the Holy Places being cared for by one or other, or both the contestants. For a time, therefore, the dispute only served the diplomatic purpose of promoting friction between two great European powers, and pleased Turkey, rather than the reverse. »»9 V IK^^Jc^-JubX '^^^^^^jtML^I /^' •,-> \i' ■ ,1 !■' \.M ' ' .•i.r, Oft) 'ly^/ '%^ '* . J. >. I ' ^\ ^ ■'" ^ i ' '^.s^^ %F' ■-^ii.,-\^ ''"^?-'' ^ 130 LiFfe AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. . But when Russia added to her claims in Palestine the demand for recognition of a protectorate over all the Greek subjects of the Porte, under a disputed clause m the old Treaty of Kainardji. the case became critical and w^ imminent. On the 2nd of July, 1853, all negotiations having failed, the Russ^ troops crossed the Pruth and took possession of Molda^a and WaSi^ Three months later the Sultan formally declared war. There can be no doub as to where the original responsibility for the struggle, and its consequences, must be placed. Nicholas I. of Russia was a magnificent type of the semil barbarous and entirely ^rresp^^nsible Eastern despot. Strong in ambition, he ^''Sl'rin """'^ ",? I'i^ "'"^^'° <=haracter. With a splendid physique, noble ^ iTZ^' ^""i"^^'^'^ ^'g"'*^: of manner and charm of conversation, he had made a very considerable impression upon the public during his English visit of 1844. h.v. K ^'^t^°;!f^^^°° ?,' ^"^^^"^ ^^'' '°^^"^' ^^'y g^«^t; his ideal hero is saidVo have been the Duke of Wellington ; his strong desire was an English alliance! But above and beyond all else was his passionate wish to extend the bounds and l77r\^ T^'"'''^" !'"P''"- '^^^ '"'^"^^ ^"^bition of Peter the Great aftdof Catharine II. seemed to be ^pnibined in his character, and the partition hL nn ^^ ^"^ acquisition of Constantinople had become the cardinal points in tf^T^\ ^"el'shmen he did not understand, in spite of his friendly relations TwH fu i ^""o ^ ^'' ^'^' '° ^°"^°" ^^ ^^d talked much with Lord Aberdeen, then Foreign Secretary, and had become convinced that his sugges- tions concertiing the future had been favourably received, and would, when the time came, be acted upon. Accustomed to surroundings where his wish and will were absolute law. he did not see that a courteous reception might also n"ndtl nt T' ^"T"' onmportant suggestions. Lord Aberdef n wa" undoubtedly, desirous of conciliating the Emperor, and also appears to have aided in giving the Czar the impression which he certainly had, that England was^willing to share in the spoliation of Turkey, or, at the ver; least, 7hat sSe would not seriously oppose Russian policy in that direction. ai^k fZl^"" !"! discovered his mistake, and found that the courteous attention given to the statement of his views by Lord Aberdeen, the Duke of Wellington and others, had not involved their acceptance, or even favourable consideS only one result was possible in the existing tension, and with the fierce temp"; fhtir^^ '^K "^.'°'^ '° "^^"^^^ ^^^^'^ '^^ Czar possessed. And many things had combined to encourage this unfortunate belief of his, and the corre- sponding anger of disappointment. His memorandum concerning the under- fnc? r?^ 7^ . • ' '^^'?^' ^"^'"'^ ^"'^""" *^« Governments of Russia, Austria, l^^t Bn^n^n the event of^a «mval ^ tfae^^ rkish tn>n bler liad - bee6^ with" KM t'^'?^ *^' ^""'^'^ ^®"*'' ^'^^^^ '^« ^g«^o«« protest and reply which should have^en despatched. His famous interviews, in Januaiy. 1853 lii i-X *^4lii<,;. .W*-. >^#^i.^J ^-•.V^ . V'ia?"l-'AA..J', -J.^^^~i^^^ ; 7 *-^^ f ^r THE COALITION GOVERNMENT AND THE CRIMEAN WAR. i3» with Sir Hamilton Seymour, the British ambassador at St. Petersburg, showed that he not only believed the time had c^pie for taking " the sick man's " effects, but that he felt sure of English co-operation in the division of the spoils. The claims of Russia in connection with the protection of Greek Christians in Turkey were purely a pretext for intervention in the affairs of another nation. No Turkish sovereign could possibly admit the right of a foreign ruler to control his subjects within the bounds of the Turkish Empire. The dignity and independence of Turkey would have been jtbsblutely lost by the slightest admission in that direction. Lor^ Clarendon, just before the war m writing, as Foreign Secretary, to Lord Strafford de Redcliffe, at Const^ti' nople, had declared that " if such a coHcessidn were made the result i/^ould bo that fourteen millions of Greeks would henc^efolS^vd regard the Emperor as their supreme protector, and their allegiance to the Sultan would be little more than nominal, while his own independence would Ihi^indle into vassalage.'" But it must be said that Mr. Gladstone looked at the ^estion differently. He con, tended that the terms of the treaty between Russia and Turkey in 1774 Justified the former's demand. It all turned upon the interpretation of a certairi .clause and. the feeling of Europe and apparent agreement of history has deci^fed that Russia was wrong. Mr. Gladstone, however, remained consistent in a steady presentation of his view, although the later aggressive actions of the Czar made him support the war, which became eventually necessary. Meantime statesmen hesitated and ministers negotiated while the whole matter was passing slowly but surely out of their hands. England and France had agreed to unite in the protection of Turkey from dismemberment. An unsuccessful conference had taken place at Vienna between representatives of Great Britain France, Austria, and Prussia, concerning the affairs of Turkey and Russia On October i2th following, and shortly after the Turkish declaration of war Mr Gladstone spoke at Manchester during the unveiling of a statue to Sir Robert Peel. It was natural, and indeed necessary, that the Chancellor of the Ex- chequer should deal with a subject which the public was now discussing with unexampled eagerness and excitement. His references were neither soothing nor peaceable. He described Russia, in a way not unUke that of Lord Beaconsfield twenty years afterwards as a power which threatened to over-ride Europe, and menace the peace of the world. The Ministry, however, were very anxious, he declared, to avert war. and all its temble consequences of bloodshed, crime, and starvation. "No doubt, said the speaker, "negotiation is repugnant to the national impatience at the sight of injustice and oppression; it is beset with delay, intrigue and -chicwie; but^ese are not w> homble as waf,iriMiDiiatior can ^ madTto" result in saving this country from a calamity which deprives the nation of sub- iistence and arrests the operations of industry. To attain that result if f . .• •'* «»r^ , -t, -.'i^w- tei'i' ^^"yim 4 ^ , Vf *' r^ ,s(>T.'-*" "'^"TB^f 13a LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. possible, Her Majesty^s Ministers have persisted in eiercising that self-command and self-restraint which impatience may mistake for indifference, feebleness, or cowardice, but which are truly the crowning greatness of a great people, and' which do not evince the want of readiness to vindicate, when the time comes, the Jionour of this country." But it was now becoming impossible to avoid war. On November 30th 1853, the Russian fleet in the Black Sea had swooped down upon the Turkish squadron of nine war-ships, as they lay anchored outside Sinope, and after a desperate conflict destroyed the whole of them, killing four thousand Turks, and leaving only four hundred survivors— all wounded. This was the fanious ' massacre of Sinope," which stirred up a tremendous clamour in England against Russia, and was declared to be one of the most treacherous and inde- fensible acts m al^ history. As a matter of fact, however, Russia and Turkey were at war, and there was no valid reason why the fleet of one power should not attack the other's ships whenever it found an opportunity. A little later, Napo- leon III. made a last eff^ort for peace by a personal letter to the Emperor Nicholas He offered certain proposals and suggestions, and wound up with the statement that, If these were not accepted, the whole matter would have to be left to the arbitrament of war, instead of to the principles of reason and justice. Naturally the reply was hostile, and cbncluded with a reference to the disastrous Russian campaign of Napoleon I. by the pleasant and pointed remark that, no doubt, in any coming struggle, Russia could hold her own in 1854 as well as she did in 1812 fU. p- There could be no question as to the result of such a communication, and he French Emperor threw himself enthusiastically into the alliance with Eng- land. The ultimatum of the latter power was despatched on February 27th 1854, in a communication from Lord Clarendon, the Foreign Secretary, to Couni E^'n.ror H-^ The messenger was informed, on reaching St. Petersburg, that the Emperor did no deem it becoming to make any reply, and a few days allerwards ^L^tT^'u ^"^'^:^;^°"/ ^^'^ against Russia was read frem the steps of the RoyaTExchange at London. An official statement in theLondon Gazeile {allowed giving the reasons for the momentous action. It was declared in this document «^ateyents had proved the falsity of Russia's alleged interest in the Christians stbl.tfj'H :;. "^ shown that its real object was interference between Turkish Question hf T'T- ''^''' '"'^ ^^°^ ^°^ P^^^« ^d «-"l«"^ent of the question, however, Her Majesty now felt called upon k ^^^:^A^ regard for an ally, the integrity aud independence of whose empire have been ^'^:^.szi>^t^::^zi€^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 'fM^ *?-^';.^^'^-^* ^ THE COALITION GOVERNMENT AND THE CRIMEAN WAR. v,| 133 nnlitlJh >T ^ ' ,^"^^■'^^"'^ °^^ prolonged period of Ministerial doubt, political hesitation, and national suspense. To Lord Aberdeen and Mr. Gladl wouW have been overjoyed. The Premier hated war on principle, and bec'kuse had n,"??.' '' -fl-ted upon humanity. His Chancellor of the Exchequer had much the same feeling, coupled with a much more lively conscience. Kinglake, the brilliant historian of the Crimean struggle, describes him, at th! period as possessed of a subtle and microscopic intellect, as delighting in a sort of mental casmstry, and as having, in addition to the most unaffected piety It lTt""l h' ' rP"''*^°? ^^^ '^-'-^--'^ons scrupulousness which made rLr. /nfr^ "'^^f,^^^ .°f P'^^'^-^^ politicians-a source of terror to the Tapers and Tadpoles of his time. With Lord Aberdeen and himself, in their pTrs^XTpIfmertn?''^^ '-''-■ ^"^ ^^^^^ ^'^^ ^^ ^^« P^r^ul -■ To the amazement of the country, that statesman had remained, during this period, in the quiet and efficient management of the Home Office He OffiM nr?r w " ;^^°" '^" ""''°" ^""'"^ •" ^°^^^°1 °f either the Foreign Office or the War Department, and whom eveiy one expected to see that the national interests during this crisis were resolutely safeguarded. He was asTstn°v rT" ri ''-^if' 'f '"^ ""°^"^' ^"""« ^^« Sinope business, Tud as hastily resumed office when the British fleet was ordered to the Dardandles • he was, during the war fever, the dariing of the people, and, when the declara-' tion was at la^t made, became easily the strongest man in the Cabinet and the country^ But, even aft.r the Rubicon was crossed. Ministers appear to have differed concerning the objects and nature of the struggle. Lord Aber deen and Mr. Gladstone still sympathized with the Christians of the Turkish provinces, and looked upon tl^e war as a bad means to the good end of obtaining for them better government. Lord Palmerston. on the contrar^ detested Russia, and liked Turkey ; tl^ought the Christian complaints a humbug; and Russia's pretended interest in th^m a solemn farce ^ This viei^was the popular one. It had been embodied in the official reasons for the war, and was accepted by the public generally. .But the differences of sentiment and opinion in the Cabinet were most disastrous They prevented due preparation for the inevitable struggle, hampered the -efficient carr^nng on of the campaign, and hindered the popular enthusiasm from finding organized military expression. The lack of preparation, however was the fatal central cause of all the troubles which followed. For It the Aberdeen Ministry are not altogether to blame. Prior to the development of ^particul^^ar^f^^, popular opin ion h^ b^ gafTWloonpon peace ^ nir h'. ^'^ condit-n of affairs. The Peace Society had made so muc" noise that many people thought the days of battle were gone forever. Bright II I ..'J*^ rJi. w^ ^||iii',>^.-l' ".The use of a Select Committee, with respect to a military matter, may be wise in certain cases, but is without precedent in a case such as that of the siege of Sebastopol. But JnTJ^V"; ^^T?^ P^^' °°* *° '^^ '""^' "^^^ °^ "^^^y'^e '"^^ «ff«^t what is legitimate Z ^^l\\ \ i ^°"- P"^P°'' '" l«gitin^ate-I deny that you will act either prudently or const.tut.onally ,f you mvest.gate. even at the bar of this House, much less if you instruct your Commutee to mvest.gate. the state of the army pending a great military operation. that sort will soon be dissipated." juvn,ca ui Of course Mr. Gladstone's criticism wU useless, and the Committee became a feet. ^ When Its report was ultimately made to the House, it was found to deal frankly enough with the defects of the existing army system, and'of the general conduct of the war, but to be very vague in its distribution of the blame Meantime, the Emperor. Nichola$ had died, and Lord John Russell had been sent to a ne^y Conference at Vienn^.to see if anything could be done in the way of peacte. The gathering proved a failure, and the whole inission a Aasco, but It ^^-as important as presenting the famous Four Points once more as a basis for subsequent negotiations. These were as follows : WallacI^;.a^S^f ^'°"'' ^•^-'^^ ^ i-tro^ over the Provinces of Moldavia, II. That Russia should relinquish her daims to control the mouths of the Danube. K * ^i^' J^u^ *" ^'^^fi" ^'"'"^ ^"^''* * preponderance in the Black Sea should.be abrogated, and the sea itself neutralized. &aouia.pe . ^JV. That Russia should renounce the claim she made to an exclusive right to protect the Christians in the Ottoman dominions. «ciusive rignt 10 q.K=r J^T ^iT"*' '" Septe^iber, 1855, th* withdrawal of the Russians from Sebastopol, and the march of the Allies ijto the fortress which they had so desperately stormed, and shelled, and^suffefed, to obtain This practically ended the war. It. however, began a period of nego- M r li". Parifamentary debat^, wl^ich resulted incidentally in bringing Mr. Gladstone considerable unpopularity. He suddenly assumed a pronounced position agamst any further continuation of the struggle. During his speech thT u r ^^°^^^Vu' ^^™^^^*«" Ministry early in 1856, he anno^ced that, "when a member of the late Government, he was in favour of limiting the power of Russia in the Black Sea, but he now thought that such a pi^posi! _^oii,mvolyed aHgwat mdiguiiy upon Riisski"' - Me"a^pearrflbrp^itnd fn^?; '^V '""T were continued merely to huSliate an adXa;^ ot to obtain mihtary gloiy. ,t would be "immoral, inhuman, and u/hrisSn." ■t ■if. ■\ i ' ''■uf' f *€ >'^'^\»0 138. LIFE AND WORK OF MRJ GLADSTONE. The speech caused great excitement. Prinie Albert wrote to Lord Aberdeen expressing reget at its untimeliness, while th* Times unquestionably represented much contemporary opinion in saying thaW " we doubt whether the line Mr. Gladstone has selected will be easily forgotteft, or regarded as anything else than an unmitigated scandal." / Of course, all kinds of reasons were ^ssigned for a line of conduct which Mr. Gladstone continued to steadily maintiin— until peace was finally made, on March 30th ; the Four Points, as a whole, c/btained ; and the ambition of Russia^ for the time, effectually checked. Personal hostility to Palmerston was alleged as one cause, but in view of the two haviAg served together harmoniously, far as the original prosecution* of the war |as concerned, and the existence f. a letter of friendly congratulation, written by Mr. Gladstone in October, 1854, and warmly praising Lord PalmerstonI for concentrating operations upon Sebastopol, this claim may be consid^rfd doubtful. The fact is that Mr. Gladstone had never liked the war, though he believed it a just and necessary one. He had, therefore, gone into it lufwillingly, but had tried to do his duty so lon^ as he retained office. Now that /he was free, it was natural that every effort tpward peace should seem attractifre, and every obstacle to that great end unpleasant. i But, at the time, it certainly appfeared inconsistent, and he undoubtedly lost ground very greatly in public esti/nation. It was in reference to this unpopularity of the Peelites, and thf unfortunate position of Lord John Russell— a scion of the ducal family of Bedford— after his visit to Vienna, tha,t a popular parody ran : " Where's Herbert/kind, and Aberdeen, Where's fluent Grladstone to be seen, * ,"» Where's Grahanj now, that dangerous foe, And Where's the/Bedford plenipo ? " ' Upon the whole, the Crimean Avar is not a pleasant memory, for British statesmen. Few of them came throuth it unscathed in reputation or un-injured , m popularity. The lesson of the struggle is so plain that he who runs may read and It IS not likely that a jgr^at war ^iU ever again be faced in such a conditioii . of absolute unreadiness. Unfortunaiely, too, no great general had come upon the scene to rescue the Ministry from its many serious difficulties. Had a Wellington appeared in the Criniea, a vastly different result would have followed. As It was, the soldiers/ won glory, and the generals, in too mahy qases, flung away the fruits of victory. In one thing the war was a success. To quote the words of Mr. Gladstone/ in an article written during 1877 it "sought the vindication oi Eurojjean la> against an un provoked aggr^ssmn/' and endeavoured "to defend against Mussia the integrity and independence of the Ottoman Empire." These objects it unquestionably obtained. • ft'. 4^Vi J -» l-S*^^i««3fS|%«|!;Si;Sa-S«t*(«^^^ ^ \ '■'^»»^Jiii.''(.5*M^,^^^^;~^feT)A»/w^vorking at times with Disraeli, and for his support of the Derby Administra- tion in 1858, as well as for the general belief in his future Conservative affiliation. Another and a powerful reason for his isolation during this period was his feeling of natural ambition, and a disinclination to accept a subordinate or secondary place. For the moment, therefore, antagonism to Palmerston and the ascendency of Disraeli kept him from joining either of the great parties, and left his mind open to receive the Liberal impressions which ultimately 'con- -liolleJit. -And^hereisaiffeeno^outrdf hisamBS^^^ to havT" first place. Sir James Graham', writing privately, to Bishop WUberforce, in 1856 %i ^ -S^'^ • i" j4», .i{«*. f^j (ajt , »^i' .ji.J^Mf', f ' 7ipg»p;'r¥''*s :^;,.^^:^.;^,.,-V-.,^^.^;,^ and / i-"J HENRY JOHN TEMPLE, VISCOUNT PALMERSTON, Prime Minister of Great Bntain. ,855-58, ,859-65. V :>; / /'■ (140 \^& "*";'-W?-'" "'• "".'T?:; EDWARD GEOFFREY STANLEY, 14TH EARL OF DERBY, Prime Minister of Great Britain, 185* ; 1858-9 ; 1867-8. r^ (■4i) V J. * i« rrHnrir' i a: '-^, r^" ^^■^^■^S'^ P," ^^'''^;"^^'P'"'^'"""- "^ ^^^ «i"^^ described the position of the Peehtes during these years-leaders in the House, but without any distinc ive mission or following-as that of roving icebergs. oL which men cotsion Th ""fl "'''^' '^' "^'^'^ "^^^^ ^^'^ -%h' com^iro perirus coUision.- Their mfluence was considerable, but it was used first on one S lunSrhTfVT- ^"'' ^""'^^"^ ^^^^'-^^ d^f-d« them upl general grounds, but frankly admits that "their political action was attended whh much pubhc mconvemence." Indeed, in a private statement to a friend in ^L^he suggesed that it would be a great gain if Sidney Herbert and GLamlnd ctlfnUrmadV^^^" ^"'- °^^^^ «-- ^ ^^ ^^^^- »P. -d n^^^ CioA .^"'' "^"""^ ^" ^^^'^ ^^'^y fluctuations and personal discussions Mr Gladstone's position was getting stronger and stronger. He took a most com bative share m all the debates of the period, and somebody said regarding ht attac^ upon he financial schemes of the Palmerston Government that " Qadstone seems bent on leading Sir George Lewis a weary life." Fol LwL ' fasn^ign a fon of th e r haace Horship < . ^lhe Ex che quer cat^ the dij ^^ the treaty with Russia, and in this he naturally took consideraBle p^tXth ^ 4 ■ I '"»- aSh^^ -IF p i'iw ,*' ■•«1 '■''ist^^.v;y>i Aj*^ ,.ilJllSt&^ f^HS^-i "■ * POLITICAL AND INTERNATIONAL QUESTIONS. M7 that the British flag had been stained by the aggresdve actions of the Govern- ment, and appealed to the House to formally disavow those acts and not to mind the effect upon Eastern peoples. To him, in this case, it was duty first and prestige afterwards. He concluded by alleging that upon the ensuing vote depended the question of whether "the miseries, the crimes, the atrocities that I fear are now proceeding in China are to be discountenanced or not." It was undoubtedly a powerful utterance, and Henry Fawcett— afterwards the well-known Liberal politician— recorded tis impression of it at the time in words worthy of recollection: 'X »h.vi, ''^^**^'*°°«'« |"'"d is too subtle, but he has made the most efifective speech to which the hearer ever listened. It caused a great excitement, and L could not help feeling It was a triumph which you may well devote a lifetirae to obtain." Without going into the merits of the subject, it is clear that Parliament was deeply stirred by the considerations advanced. Lord Palmerston's reply was UMRgji level of his greater speeches, but the combination- against him was aWK^ ^ himself in a minority. The House was at once dissolved. and,^»TOrned out, the Premier was right in believing the country to be with him upon this particular question. The Government gained largely in the elec tions, and many prominent Liberals-Bright and Milner Gibson, Cobden and Layard, amongst others-were beaten at the polls. Mr. Gladstone was returned unopposed for Oxford University, his colleague on this occasion being Sir William Heathcote, a vigorous Conservative of the older type. K, A • ^% ^u^ '''*''°'^ "^^^ "°^ ^ ^^'^ ^^'*'"S one. When Parliament reassem- bled, in February, 1858, Lord Palmerston introduced his unfortunate " Con- spiracy to Murder Bill." It was a consequence, and a not unreasonable one, of the Orsini attempt to destroy the French Emperor. For him the English Premier had always entertained a sentiment of regard, and he was therefore easily mduced, by representations concerning the undoubted room and freedom gven in England to foreign refugees and plotters, to propose a measure to Parliament which should make conspiracy to murder i felony under British law. f .u V n ^'°Pf ! '''^' accepted as right and fair, and the preliminary reading of the bill passed by an immense majority. Then came a sudden feeling that this was a sort of French interference with English law ; that Lord Palmerston was bending to foreign dictation ;. that England was to lose her position as the refuge of those in distress, and of all who suffered from the misgovernment of despotically ruled countries. This sentiment spread through the Kingdom like a flash of lightning, and soon permeated Parliament itself. «n. ^^^ ^i^'^if 'f"^^"^ *° ^^""^ ^" ^^^ ™^"^^' ^"d a vote of censure was at on c e proposed ^ Needless t o s a y, Mr. G la dstone joined Ittsup p^or ting it; IT^^^ 7^w '^"^"•'^^ j^^'^.t'^ P^i«« not analysis, but George JacorHoIyoke in his autobiography, descnbes it as being remarkable for - directness, compression, ti;^M:S«>.^&'^ ^' 1 148 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. DSTONE. and economy of words," The peroration, however, may be quoted, not only as giving the speaker's opinio!^ upon th6 question in a brief sentence, but as being instinct with characteristic^oquence and force : . ' " These times ar« grave for liberty. We live in the nineteenth century ; we talk of progress ; we believe that we are advancing. , But can any man of observation who, has watched the, events of the' last few years in Europe have failed tp, perceive that there is a movement indeed, but a downward and backward movement ? There are a few spots in which institutions that claim our sympathy still exi^t and flourish. They are secondary places — nay, they are almost the holes and >comers of Europe, so far as mere material greatness is concerned, although their moral greatness will,, I trust, -ensure them long prosperity and happiness. ' But in these times, more than ever, does responsibility centre upon the institutions of England; and, if it does centre upon England, upon her principles, upc^p'her laws, and' upon her governors, then I say that a measure passed by the House of Commons— the chief hope of freedom^which attempts to establish a mord complicity between us and those who seek safety^ in repressive measures, will be a blow and a discouragement t^ that sacred cause in every country in the world." Lord Palmerston,inhis defence, made a vigorous andsomewhat memorable onslaught upon Mr. Milner Gibson, the proposer of the motion. He declared that it was the first time that Mr. Gibson had ever appleare(| as a champion of the honour of England, and that his policy had always been one of crouching ' tOievery foreign power with whom g diflference might exist, and that he belonged to a small party who cared nothingnf the country was conquereid so long as they were allowed to. work their mills in peace. He strongly denied the claims and assertions of Mr. Gladstone. But nothing could now alleviate the feeling which had been aroused, and, amid great excitement, it was announced at the close of the debate that the Palmerston Government had been defeated by a majority of "nineteen. In that majority were 146 Conservadves, 84 Liberals^ and 4 Peelites-r-the latter being Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Sidney Herbert, Mr. Cardwell, and Sir James Graham. Lord Palmerston at once resigned, and the Earl of Derby was sent for by the Queen. Although without a majority in the House, he succeeded in forming a Ministry, which, of course, included Mr. Disraeli a'& Chancellor of the Exchequer. Strong efforts were made to obtain Mr. Gladstone's adhesion ; he was o£fered the post of Secretary of State for the Colonies, and, a little later,, that of President of the Board of Control.' Greville, writing on ' May 23rd» observed that Lord Derby *' will get Gladstone, if possible, to take the Indian Board," and went on to declcire that the lattet's natural course "is to be at the head of a Conservative Government." And some years afterwards, Mr. Disraeli said privately that he himself o£fered at this time to give way to Glad> stone, an d "aln iost went on my Itngfts" i n urging him t o j oin the Ministryv- offers and persuasion were alike without avail, though a partial support was promised and given. \, t-.„.4."A 3 ^kk\ '?■7«~^ "^' 1^*^ -^«*p) '•■ i ^-y '■^. r^sw" * -f^ Conservative Government ; while Joseph Chamberlain, beginning public life as a Radical and a Republican, was developed by circumstances into practically'^ Conservative, and certainly a loyalist. But, whatever opponents might say in the present, or critics allege in the future, Mr. Gladstoije had now taken ^is position, and commenced the second period of his political development. .^) -5 ")> ^ ir' • •-^ .*.ii -'',i.Wi^^'! u '^^'■w-^'''' * I V '#■■ h ^> :;k'h>ihiSf% y»a K^ ^^^^^H 1 '\ 1 / HI ^^I^^H 1 ' • / ' • * . • THE RIC / /ht Hon; john bright, m.p. I s - «» ' - ■ 1 • / / ^ " t 1 . // / ' ('S3) . , 1 - " ■ V ', , ; •■ . ^ * 1 ^1 1^ i y ■"',-■ •',-" V'Sip^" ' 7'.-'* «*'■"'■'. 5 "JJir^^-iT^^-WSf PI'pi' -i";, ■ THOMAS CARLYLE. (154) , __J«^i*a=»,«*6.iftVu- '■<4i^ ^^^iL^* ^^^6* M 1 i ^'^ *-^| » ^ T .ijr' --&*.^jj,rs^'; ' "';¥'* ' CHAPTER XII. HOMERIC STUDIES AND GRECIAN LITERATURB. ^O Mr Gladstone. Homer has presented a study of inexhaust- ible fascination. Jhose great epics of the world's earlier days have been his chief imellectual recreation, and his most important subject of literary treatment. The wrath of pian gods ; have appealed to him with an intensity of pharm wh°ch those wh^ ' been Z't^^^T^^t^l^Z tS^mitr "'" '"^"'T' ^"^ ■ the stage a. ta authori^ o, Hom^and G«cfa„ Htettn" "^r"" "'"IJ Pobbes, Po/and Cowper, had done gL se^" while "hT Earl ?fT T^* tnu.slation /the Iliad, in .864. sh„w5 that tl^T^o; Lt p^"'^;/^^:;^: hold of a subject which has attracted scholars in :in »™ J ,■ °* "'" '*'"" astically as Mr: Gladstone ' has d^e Hn,-W. T •" "^ '"'' "■"'"^- revealed in these poems Trhtathev have T%/ ''""'°' ""'"^ "> "» research and specnlation in i.isto^, gtoL^v ^7t^- "","»"""« fi*" f<" appeared in the olden time,. H^Uenttr^ t^ri 7T''' "%'"*'' Uterature, theology, and lawsof thosXsTriJ^ta t^H 'j'""" "' "" presnmably-ni,S hundred year, before Chrisfonon ft "•'77^"?«» "f- eighteen hundred year, after Chrfet He h2,mL? ^^P^P'f /"^ religionsof ■ ,«bject as perhap/„o one els^'hTs' ,„c"c eSS HZg td ttt '"r.?",:: the fin, .0 confess that ^e vast expanse of the oceaTo? CtledLe^iU?^.^ connectton, poetically rolls in uneitplored waves upon the ,h™3 h mkd ^ H.S studies upon Homer and the early literature and relieions af Cr^. and founded, u^'an nnde'niab.^'t^Ti^LJe'^X^:, the":::::' '^i iTwS rrarcc-sssi^^rnrtrytr^m-^^^^^^^ theoor that ha, ev« been advanced-L«4S^,£"2^^ ^" "■"'''. .%tl >;i •* *• '/> ■^ i^« «^^.1^^ v^ UFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. every page of his many writings upon the snbject, and seems to honestly love the name of Homer, and to positively venerate the Homeric poems. His greatest work was perhaps his first one, " Studies on Homer, and the Homeric Age." It was published in 1858, in three large vplumes, and showed that his years of Opposition had bedn occtipied in laborious research and elaborate effort. Wf are carried in this work intoanother world, and find ourselves, as Mr. Gladstone himself, points out, ^midst a stream of ideas, feelings, and actions entirely different from what lire to be found anywhere else. They form a new and distinct standard of humanity, many of them being fresh and bright for applica- tion to all future generations of men. Others seem to " carry us back to the early morning of our race, the hours of its greater simplicity and purity." He believes it impossible to over-estimate the value of this primitive representation of humanity in so complete and distinct a form, and with its own religion, ethics, history, arts, and manners fresh from the anvil of the times, and true to the hand of its maker. This pictufe of a passing panorama of events, this representation of the life of a people, makes Homer, in the opinion of Mr. Gladstone, "the greatest chronicler that ever lived," while at the same time he has produced " an unsurpassed work of the imagination." And, no doubt, it is this curious combination of fact and fiction, this picture of history, and vivid use of the powers of imagination, which has made the study of his writings so fascinating to both scholars and statesmen. But to re^rn to our author. The purely technical portions of his " Studies on H^mer " were importSlnt, but, of course, uninteresting to the general reader. There was the myriad detail of learned discussion which required treatment, and the expression of his own views upon the general Homeric controversy, the probable trustworthiness of the text, and the proper place of the poet in legend or history. In the second and more widely attractive part of his work, he dealt with the desirability of extending the study of these immiortal poems, makes a powerful plea for classical education, aod endeavours to place Homer upon a pinnacle of literary, historical, and critical greatness. Pefhaps no single opinion will carry more weight regarding the nature and value of Mr. Gladstone's studies in this connection than that of the late Edward A. Freemin. No historian can escape criticism, and Mr. Freeman cer- 'tainly has not done so, but ^is critical views upon any historical topic are worthy of the greatest attention and respect. He has described these three volumes as being great, but unequal, and as being creditable even to one whose whole life had been spent in the pursuit of learning. But as the work of. one who maintained a high position in oratory and statecraft they were " altogether tt r/MiH^ f f nl ** H ^^ /i iH n/^^ ^t iitilf f-liafr Afl t* f^lQ/ic^/'in^^g ^t »r/\ i and statesman had been aught but a help ahd strength to him. Long experience with the world must have taught him to better appreciate Homer's wonderful .iS&sn ■ ,.rfJi('J'iiw, \tt B>T^ai. HOMERIC STUDIES AND GRECIAN UTERATURE. *S7 5Z'!jl«l1nH"'"r "^m'^' ''^'" '^"^ practical aspect of the poems and their deep moral and national lessons would be far more real to a busy public man in ^^It:''''''''' °' "^^'^^ "'^ *'^ "^^^ ^-'^ ^-« ^- '- ^ -ere And he thought it probable that familiarity with so much that, was elevating m principle and noble in style might have had some effect in lendin- inspiration to Mr. Gladstone's political oratory. " What strikes one more than anything else he goe? on to say, - throughout these volumes, is the^ intense earnestness, the loftiness ^f^oral purpose, which breathes in eCery page He has not taken up Homer^i|^thing, nor even as a mere literary enjoyment. To him the ^t'^dy of the^M^oets is clearly a means by which himselTand ^ other men may be ^^mmm better." Mr. Freeman then^ointed out sundry ^-JP^^ant mattel^^fee differed.from the author. bjTas a whole .... he considered ««these ito^W^es " to be- a wonderfuUy frJ^and geo d tribute to ancient literature^ and of much real value. / ! Mr. Gladstone treats in these pages of many important matters. One of the most mteresting is the relationship borne by the Greek mind and thought philosophy, and mythology, to .the civilization and Christianity of the modern world. In comparing the poems of Homer with the sacred literature of the Jews, he proc aims the^impossibility of putting any mere human writings in com- petition with the Old Testament, as the great basis and code of truth Ld ho^. But in another direction he does compare them : •• The Mosaic books, and . the other historical books of the Old Testament, are not intended to present and do not present, a picture of human society, or of nature drawn at large! Their aim is to exhibit it in one master relation, and to do this with effect they do It to a gr^at extent exclusively. The Homeric materials for exhibiting that el^ion are different m kind, as well as in d^ but as they paint, and^i^ to the very life, the whole range of our natuljf&d the entire circle of hu^man action and experience, at an epoch much n^ofe nearly analogous to the patriarchal time than to any later age. the poe^s ot Homer mfy be viewed IL sa^fr'ords;^^ "'"" " '"' complei^ent of the earliest portion of ' Mr rifrr'''"^ ^ ^7/^T' ^^'^'('^^5) to the students of Edinburgh University, r1 ^'/"'^K I^^u^'' statements concerning the theological teachings of Homer. He described them as embodying what may be termed the Olympian system of religion. That System exhibited a kind of royal or palace-life upoia s"nl'^HS^^T' '^^;/^^° ^^'^^^ be humanly possible. It was muc;h more splendid and powerful, more intense and free. It was a wonderful and gorgeous ^ creation, answerin g m many ways^tothe useM th at - En glis b^^ ^^ ^^ which emanates from the Latin name of the greatest 6f Olympian gods. In this religion was to be found and enjoyed a life charged with all the pleasures of ^"5,1 m '§ -. ^"a •>pX' i.m£ ^ *•- Ctrt J '^K 158 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. mind and body ; a life of banquet and revel and music and song ; a life in which serious splendour alternated with jest, and gibe ; a life of childish wilfulness and forgetfulness, combined with solemn, manly, and imperial carfes. Yet in the poetic debates of the gods on Mount Olympus justice was made, ia the end, to win. It was in brief, and in Mr. Gladstone^ own words, •' a religion oT intense humanity, alike in its greatness and littleness, its glory and its shame." - But this is a digrelssion. Returning to the volumes in hand, we find a strong appeal fqr recognition oi the high place which Homer should hold in education. Mr. Gladstone thinks the poems are far superior for this purpose, . and especially as practical helps and models^ in Greek composition, to the tragedies of a later period. With the exceptioh of Aristotle and Plato, no ancient adthor ofifers so wide a field of labour and inquiry, while, in another direction^ " He is second to none of the poets of Greece, as the poet of boys ; but he is far advanced before them all — even before iCschylus and Aristophanes — as the pdet of men." In the public schools, therefore,, he should be read and studied for his diction and poetry ; in the universities, because of his poetic skill and delicacy, and the marvellous lessons which he funishes upon manners, arts, and society. As to the general Homeric question, the author stated his views strongly. He believes the poems to have been, in the main, historical, where they were not essentially religious, and in proof of this cites the great number of Hornet's genealogical lis)fs and ihi^ir'-reoAfit^lcable consistency one with the other. He speaks of the accuracy with which tiSb names of faces are handled ; the specific details of family history interspersed throughout the text ; the numerous legends or narratives of prior occurrences which are given. He thinks it a fair inference from the Odyssey that the deeds of the Trojan war were sung and listened to by the men and the' sons of the men who waged it. ^ And he points «>"■« '^*%if »/.'-/s#1|^^«"'^2i^*^'^it''^ fH» ^<*%««rtr!"« '■, v/T « ^4^^-^ HOMERIC STUDIES AND GRECIAN LirERATURR "59 the other great Greek writers. " Judging," observes the author, " from internal evidence, he alone stood within the precinct of the hei'oic time, and was imbued from head to foot with its spirit and its associations." Much space and learned disquisition is devoted to the commie origin of the Greek race in the mists of antiquity, and to the relationship which their religion, as embodied in these poems, bore to the national circumstances of their early life, ahd the development of their clmracter and history. It is an important subject, though the ethnology of the^rehistoric ages— fascinating as It may be— is altogether too abstruse for any brief analysis. But Mr. Gladstone has not shrunk from the task of making an elaborate criticism and elucidation of what IS commonly called a mythical period. He has endeavoured to transform what many consider beautiful abstractions into concrete and very practical realities. That he has not failed is a great tribute to his skill and ' learning ; while the fact of his not having entirely succeeded is due to the presence of difficulties in time and space, and want of documentary evidence, which makes absolute proof impossible. After dealing with the morals of the Homeric age, the position of women of pohtics, of geography, and of the Trojans and Greeks in that time of heroes', Mr. Gladstone treats of the comparative qualities and position of Homer and the Bible. A brief reference to this subject has been already made, but it is worthy of more extended consideration. The author describes the Scriptures and the Homeric poems as both alike opening up a view of the early world to which we have no other literary key. They are, in his opinion, by far the oldest of known compositions, and, while obviously independent in creation and style are not only never contradictory, but actually, in many important respects,' comfirmatory of each othepl&^enuineness and antiquity. Yet, from an historical standpoint and human aspect)^ they are very unlike : " The Holy Scriptures areUke a thin stream beginning from the very fountain-head of our race, and gradually, buJ^jo£tinuousIy, finding their way through an extended solitude into times otherwise knoi(Iring a visit to Eton in June, 1879, following, Mr. Gladstone gave another lecture upon the personality of Homer and the nature of his work. The " Homeric Synchronism " is an inquiry into the period o)^the poet's existence, and the place which his works should hold in history. It is, in fact, an elaborate and carefully sustained effort to bring the controversy dowp to a practical level, to connect the Homeric poems by means of internal evidence, , and keen, close, examination of the text, with really historic events and personages. Mr. Gladstoivs^ reiterates his contention that the poems are in part historical in th« highest sense ; that there was really a solid basis of fact for the narrative of the Trojan war; that Homer lived within half a century of that event, though he did not himself witness it; and that Assyrian and Egyptian research was now doing much to strengthen these conclusions, and verify the poet's personality and history. Much space in the work is given to a study of thwplains and the site of Troy, and of Dr. Schliemann's investigations and discoveries. In one place the author speaks enthusiastically of the interest attaching to the wars and struggles of Grecian national infancy. Usually, he declares, the spectacle of a nation winning position and greafhess by war is a somewhat painful one. , But, in the case of the Greeks, the people and their hardy characters irere formed amid the continuing stress of danger and difficulties. The voyage of Argo, the march of the Seven against Cadmean Thebes, the enormous and prolonged effort against Troy, were more than mere instances of aggressive warfare or ambitious struggle. "They speak with one voice of one great theme ; a steady dedication of nascent force, upon the whole noble in its aim, as well as determined and masculine in its execution. For the end it had in view, fluring a course of eff ort sustained thr ough so many generatioift , was the ' WQilliy, the paramount, end of establishing, on a firm and lasting basis, the L4ife. cohesion, and independence." f'«^*^V ^.«s>^:if jSti ; if 4t^ HOMERIC STUDIES AND GRECIAN UTERATURK -^ - W5 » jVcjff**'?^ Sf^l «63 ™„.fc A u! "^^ '^' ,^' • Gl4dstone4oes not allow himself to entertain «nch doubt concernift .the f^ and truth. of these magnificent . incidents. With characteristic determmation, he has convinced himself th^ "the basis is sq^tantially good, and certainly he has, in this, case. m6re than earned the fg^t to make a strong assertion, and to receive all reasonable acceptance for his conclusions During the earfy months of 1892. he discussed the Olympian religion Moth considerable further elaboration in the columns of the. North AmeruanRemew Throughout his many analyses of Homer's writifigs, the Lo principles of religion and nationality go together, as they do so greatly in the poems- hemselves, but in these particular articles |fop gods of Olympus form the central figures and subject. ^ _ ".« begins with the statement, which had already been made to the boys jat^Etonm Uie preceding year, that in his eaFly days he cared little for the Homeric gods, and knew less. He then urges, in a prefatory sort of way, that Homer should not be studied with a view to proving some extraneous theory, but should be. "construed by the laws of grammar and history, and by himself carefully compared with himself." He places the poet, in thTgenerarresurof h^s life and thought, upon a pedestal with Buddha, Zoroaster, and Mahomet. His rehgous system is defined as great, and as far more vivid, and in many ways nobler, than were the creations of the others named. And, if Homer failed to create a fellgion, he, at least, succeeded in developing, harmonizing, and modi- fymg various racial cults into a broad, though not uniform, scheme ♦h. ^1 *.*^^'^ /«^^>? Mr. Gladstone pictures the power and qualities of % Ho^enc gods. They were, m the first place, credited with immortality. Jhey existed in the human form, although clothed with an excess of power far beyond that possessed by men. With this god-like influence, howler, were coupled very considerable limitation?. The deities of (Mpus might be wounded though not M«ed;theWould be foiled in their schem^^^ httie power ojsu^erhu^an foresight or prevision. They were Tlso very hum^ in hfang good food and drinki^ nectar and ambrosia." And there cou7d bT^ doubt concermng their immoralilj|and libertinism. But, upon thi whole the characteristics of the OlympianPfs were nobl^They Were Kreafevlnt their cnmes. The author further asserts that the ^tionnhfsy^^fftrd very much, and laa marked, systematic,^nd perr^ing way,trom th^raSs ti« of the Babylonian, Assyrian, or Egyptian religions. He also p'Xutl^ deliberately Homer makes the Olympian hierarchy constitute a sojt of rial^ religion In the Trojan war, with a temporary exception, all the grS IS • o»B»r*= ««o* « .u -,j,„ ^ ^l,e_^g^^^^j^^ g^^^ ^^ ^_j ••M^#-- 44C ~ tt 9aC«^ss uuCC r^'-'lJ" tJ^«:°»«»"'H°";er "lakes the good to triumph and the wrong to U punished. It ^s to Mr, Gladstone evident that a noble and commanding ge^ai ' ^H*,. w*" I^ J;JS-p - -«l LIFE?%ND WOkK OP MR, G^IDSTONE. It, is, o|^ works as th? elaborate stq^jg question. Anft troversy has beeg^^ could better ind^c^|,-thiqfi jiro| study and a^plicajti&JyfiSpt'i distractions a^d varie 'is perceptible all through the Iliad and the ©ayssey, co-ordinating mai controlling systems. Instead of a inotley group of gods, such as othe" religions exhibit,' we find ik the Horace poilns an elaborate and, maj structure. ^ And' the autfior then ^points out j with significance jpd tri) where the Olympian systgm dealt 'with p,ub|d affairs ajE^' the ||v6rnniip$ of states, Christianity now deals Ayith private i^^ac?icter|^|'Jthe g individuals. "^I* ' . ' '" ^ '\ .^J^-' ■ 'lf%^- . ' ' ■ ' t*,- rse, impossible, in a fewApages, to adeqtifite' qh of leai^plng, and^n :o ihake even the attei^i^ttf bfi nt of ^ijtt, Homeric .pofem«f*aH4-^ jec|Aitsfelf is vastJ Nothin|^,u! fact, bf his hiind, and the power of y utilized amid the |fti^Un tense 11 extract ^ay be given hefe from his r^ and chief S|©trib;4^int>^a^lsubjecl^'' It embodies in a few wo^ hi^ love for Isomer ;. that 'adm"if^|ii6rti(>r^ncient Greece which has n6t been,^thout its «ffe<^|i^on the nationalSwelfare bf niodern Greece ; and his appreciafl^ of the §Merakresul«B which hP© flowed from those famotis writings : ), .. ." iPi^ when the sun # her glory had set, there was yet left behind an %)mortal spftrk of th^iwiaWt'vit&Hty wlaich, enduring through all vicissitudes, kindled . into a blaze after two thot&ftBd.yeafs ; and we of this day haye seen a. Greek nation', founded "^new by its own energi^illecottie a centre of desire and hope, at least, to Eastern Christendom. The English arewR ashamed to own their political forefathers in ihe forests of the north* ward European conttnent; and the later Statesmen, with the lawgiver? of Greece, were, in their day gUd.and with reason glad, to trace thfe bold outline an^ solid rudinitnts of their 6wn &iW their country's gxeatness in the poems of Homer. Nothhig in these poems offers itk^f— TO me, at least— as more remarkable than the deep carving of the political characters, and, what is still more, the intense political spirit which .pervades them. I will venture one step further, ahd say that, of all the countries of the civilized world, there is no one of whi(^ti tM inhabitants ought to.find thkt spirit so intelligible and accessible as the English, becausfe It is a spirit which still lives and breathes in our own institutions. There we firtd the gteat cardinal ideas which lie'^t the very foundation of all enlightened government ; ^^mL there we findj too, the men formed under the tnfluepce bf such ideas — ^' ' The sombre aspect of majestic care, . - ' Of solitary thought, unshared resolve.' " It is not, therefore, surprising that shortly after tkis work the Greeks in the Ionian Islands sb' "^^"^^ers. But the restless, the^po^atirin a coilt^H V. -" '^°"^^* ^"^ ^^^^"^«« ^^ ^^^ion, kept f SelfTov^^ri • r ^i5°"'-' *"™°'^ ^"^ dissatisfaction. ^ offiil SST^ ^Sf r "^^^'^^ ^^ ^^"^ ^ ^^«^ British forts Not th\tm7l / f 7' ^'^ B*'*'"^ red-coats garrisoned their ai r , c liuu U iu nJr^^^4i^^ bulgey genei^^aspiratioa^^^tb^ It Ur,A 1 J , vreec^. The restless Hellenic sp rit actuated them a« nutonc^n^d of Greece. Th^ daed^ 'M^or'the wterial co4quences. - f ■■" >■ ' tl ,.^*4 i66 UFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. ^ -..^ . and would have probably preferred union with the rest of the race to-all the comforts and benefits of British rule— even had they been enabled to foresee the somewhat unsatisfactory Greek future of debt, difficulty, and national weak- ness. The result of all this was an agitation which became sufficiently marked ^ to attract attention in England, and led to the despatch of Ml. Gladstone upon his special mission. / There was, perhaps, a double purpose in this appointment. Lord Derby and Mr. Gladstone had always been upon the best of terms personally, and at this time the latter was giving the Conservative Government an independent support. But it was a doubtful kind of assistance, and one which could not be depended upon by, the Government with any degree of certainty. It was, therefore, probably felt by Lord DerbjTthat the offer and acceptance of a position of this sort might serve to bind ilix. Gladstone personally to the party, while In the point of policy it would naturally combine" their interests. X^en there was the additional fact of the appointment being, in a certain sense,'^ppropriate. No one understood ancient Greek thought and loved Grecian literature more than Mr. Gladstone f and in this the Earl of Derby had a fellow-feeling. So that it might well be supposed that his misJsion would be popular and his personality liked by the people to whom he was to be commission.ed. That th^ whole arrangement turned out differently from what Lord Derby Jiad hoped was not, of course, his fault, though, in looking back, it is difficult to see how he could have'ao allowed his wishes to overcome what seems now to be a common-sense view of the situation. The appointment nj^torally created much discussion at home. Many Tories, who felt and fearel Mr. Gladstone's drift towards the-other party were annoyed and angry ; the Whigs were amused and critical ; the Radicals were pleased ; and every one was more or less surprised. Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, who at this time bccupied the Colonial Office, wrote a, despatch to the Islands' adnjinistration which aroused * a good deal of comment. In it he specially referred to the new Commissioner's Homeric scholarship. ^ * This was declared in some quarters to be unseemly and irregular, and the lamentable result of having literary men in office. It was pointed out as a proof of weakness, and indication of possible danger, that a novelist was now leader of the House of Commons; that another writer of novels Was Colonial Secretary; , and that they had actually sent out a man to deal with Greek demagogues, in the Ionian^ Islands, simply because he had a liking for Homer. .So far as Sir E. B. Lytton is concerned, Mr. Gladstone has put 09 record expressions of the warmest appreciation concerning his conduct of Colonial ^ffairs at this time, ile dedared in a spcech4n the Hottse, ift f86T;;that ^♦^thei * ' ' ' " ~ of placing me in closd relation with Sir E. B. Lytton, whosb brilliancy of genius was, in my opinion, less conspicuous than the thorough hijgn-mindiedness of his .1 , ■- 'Ati^i '' -i •^ THE IONIAN ISLANDS -AND THE AMERICAN:jK)NFUCT: 167 conductjipon every occasion." I^is interesting to note, in passing, with what determWation and certainty ^ir Edward Bulwer Lyttin had riL in eveJy branchjf act^vuy and effort inl6 which he entered. He had already won Se of difficulties m voice and heanng which appeared to render success imp^ssibl^! He had won high position as a dramatist, although his first effort was an sp^n^^t^^^^^ ^'^^ ^^^' "'^ ^^^^"^^^ ^'^^ ^--«' ^« -- winning ^"s extra/t1rorri^lf.'?"'\'T'?'°" «f. ^M mission appears in the followiiig extrafct froni the speech already mentioned: "It was not my opinion view! inWhe state of the institutions and government of the Uan Islanl antecedently to that period, that the position of this country was altogether cTe^ LXcf nr; n' ' ^\?^"S-- - ^h- ^ope and expectation th^t i wo^S bej^racticable to thoroughly set right the character of England by offering to !^ ?°^ll J ''^^""^^ institutions founded upon those principles and Xl"^ TK ^^l^^'l^' ^i fr^-dom which are so inexpressibly dear tl ourselves. That was the object for which I undertook that miuon " T / Mr. Gladstone went to the Ionian islands with the pur^e of reforming Id improving their system of government. He found the peopltfAirina fol in opportumty to change their allegiance. His conscience. thereforSEed him to act in harmony vath his surroundings, and in direct opposition to what Lord /Derby had expected, and what he had himself intended to do. The Hi^h tn^rTu^'"''"'^!' "^^f^" '° November. 1858. and immediately callfd together the Houses and explained to them the purpose of his mission. He declared that he had not come to discuss the propriety, or otherwise, of main, taming the British protectorate, but rather to see what could be done to furthe* extend the liberties and rights of the people under and through British protection. ^ *«"au But it was useless making any explanation. He inMSPil well have followed the example of Canute the Dane, and tried to influence the tides of theocea^j^as to change the current of Ionian thought. The People were con, vin9ed. or pretended to be convinced, that Mr. Gladstone had come to help in Tulfilling their national aspirations. Instead of being received a? the CommisV ^^oner of a ^tish Conservative Government, he was everywhere welcomed as ^ liberator. ^^ of Greece, a supporter of the popular cause. He was declared to be thQ4|ipi:sor of independence and union with the Hellenic race, and bis , path W4S tjl^refore made like a triumphal progress. 4 ^KH ^ h^ '°. "^gg"^^ misapprehension^^ake, tha. 1 •^m\ r^f,r^^^r^A^^^,^A ^ t^^^i^ ^ ^"^"^^^^ "iiAapprenension,,,^-inake, tha peoptennaerstaiifflKal he wanted to reconcile the Islands to the protectorate. !!/^1r 'n^"" ?Tr '*• ^«^°^«'i°^. and not reconciliation, was what they wanted. Ijnally, the National Assqpi^bly passed a formal resolution, declarini ''■'HI'- - , -^ i ": U^'f-'- '■ 1 I**- -ti-m f,-y i68 UFB AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. ^ < ^} for anion with Greece ; and all dM|^i>fPJfi|Hpp{i'V|iich the High Commissioner could obtain^was the appointme^6|^ aj^jEOTimittee to put the motion into the form of a| memorial to the protectinjg|^wer. A petition was.duly prepared, therefore, and despatched to the Queen, iilleging that " the single and unanimous will of the Ionian people has been, and is, for their union with the Kingdom of Greece." yj^MBBlKfiit^ Naturally, the enthusiastic reception adll^ed to Mr. (^dstohe, and news of the popular belief concerning his mission, had, been'already discussed in England. OpponenU^ticized the position of affairs with some violence, and even declared that hCMfl gone out with the deliberate determination of stirring up the people of the f wands to demand the abrogation of British protection and influence. And it ^^ |ot altogether surprising that Conservative opinion at home found some|^fiSculty in understanding the situation. The Islanders practically wished tp exchange a moderate freedom of government, and one capable of much^ further ext^asion at the Willing hands of a gr6at power— which was able to maintain those liberties as well as to promote them— for amalga- Ination with countrymen whohvera living under .an Snperfect constitution, aj weak and somewhat impecunious/government. To the Tories in Engljmd the news came like a shock. It was a reversal of all that Lord Mfby had h^ei^r§i>liaced,by ^i^HeijSy ' Storks, with instot^cticins td do all that was possible tf^^^^the expectatid^t of the people in the Isjands, as well as theitlarin ^jj^i was ieltjat honte. Opinion €dncemi% Mr. Gladstone's mission was extrenSp^s^d. His successor wrote td a friend that "Gl||d§t<^e is regretted dy maig^nd^spected-by all. , Nothing could have be^^ette^han the judgment, tem^r, firmness, and talent he has shown." Mo^^on Milnes, who was surely frieijdly enough in person, declared that ^*the Ioii|n matter has Been singularly mismanaged, and Glad^tojie'made. very ridiculous." Robert Lowe, writing in his own inimitably sare'astic way to Bemal Osborne,' observed that Mr. Gladstone had gonft n^it by adv icg "»n- prpve that he was not unwilling to take a. part in public affairs, which after his tWenty-nine^peches m one day on the Divorce Bill nobody had a^y reason to !5 ^^^^^ '.1^- THE lONtAy ISLANDS AND THE AMERIGAN CONFUCT. '»: 169 S*« ^^ T""*^' ^^ "^^ *° ^^^'^ the-cession of the Islands to our Cabinet which seems to want as much advising as the Crown of which it is the advLr '' 186. th. T '?f T^ ^"' '^^ "^^'°" ^^^•^^"^"y took place, and !n une Gi^t TW" "'' -re philanthropically and generously iande<^^.ver to Creece. There was a good deal of nonsense talked during the intermpHi J! , years. One would suppose from the arguments used about nLiSflnd sentime;it and inclination that no territor?sho«W h. Lvau "*''°"^*''y and and especiany England, if the r^^^T^^i t.X'^I^ZSTLHZn ™th some other counto-. No matter what the benefitsCnferS bv bS role might be; no matter how great the liberty enic*L^rT . "5 efficient the prote^fion giv»; no'matter hiw fri and^^^ogress^v: t^^^^^^^^^^ Sir m-atSd Tmtf b^iroten":nnd7h '°"^*^ «.^ «.!,» • J -e ',"-"'"'"■ °^ orojcen «P and the existmg mstitutions scatterpH t^sx srnid'ihanrtri^-*-- " " - '— '^--- WverCLl^ P ^■''.^^'^^ P""«P''. '"gi^lly carried out, wou d have ^ttcal tt^ D JlTS ^ "■' ;' .''"""'*'' "> "" """«<» States, and Sou*' Wtelt (^oSl 1^ ?. local desire in any of. these directions shown itself. n„„2S fi^' o ^^ '^ "*''' ""^ impossible, and, in tte long run over ^^Tiladstilr h! l^ '"''V^' '^''' considerations presented themselves to Mr^ IdWsLl^'oa^p';';.''^'^""'" ■"""=« '^' "'- -1 "--^ which.we w. re;^ir :rtr4r^^^^^^^ At first there was no very pronounced feelin^r in Rn^i.n^ pnviiege ot slavery. „,J!^» , ■ ."^ """P"*' ■'*«"«'>'• 'hat southing would happen to prevent . .enous .nterference with the supply of cotton, fteat qSo^ '^3!0-JVr* *, y ^Fl I .,j.> ^1;, : (|»>.' ■\ 170 UFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONK f-'A'Ts '^k , of principle did not seem to be very clearly involved. If the American Colonies had the right to try to win their independence from the mother country, which, aside from all matters of sentiment, had done so much for them in battle against the French and the Indians, surely some of those one-time colonies had the right now to sever their connection with the sister states. And, until the war had been waged for some time, no tjuestion of the perpetuation of slavery was allowed to enter into the negotiations, or to appear as the official object of the struggle. So for a period the sentiment in England was quiescent,, though doubtful. But gradually the conflict deepened. The gallantry and chivalry of the Southerners appealed strongly to the average Englishman, who, with the instinct- ive feeling of a brave man, is generally on the side of the weakest. It was so very unequal a struggle, and the South rallied to it with such success, that sym- \ pathy soon grew for a people who were apparently fighting desperately for home and fireside and all that makes life dear. Slavery was forgotten, and indeed for a prolonged period the North made it manifest that the war was being carried on to save the Union, and not to establish liberty for the slave. In other words, and as many an English politician put it, the war was for conquest and aggrandize- ment, rather than for any great principle of liberty. As a matter of fact, also, it must be admitted that the diflferences in feeling, in national characteristics, in methods of life, in customs and ideas, were far greater between the Nprth and the South than they were, in 1776, between England and the Thirteen Colonies. , • Finally, England had no particular reason to love the Americans as a people. They had joined her bitterest enemies^in 1812, and during the greatest struggle of her whole national existence had striven to detach the No^h Americah possessions from her Empire. They had fought a long war upon a^ pretext wl^ich had really been withdrawn before the declaration was made. And since theri aggressive, arid sometimes very unfeir, American diplomacy had been the leading feature of their international intercourse. Hence the dishiption or threatened dis- integration of the American Republic was not likely to be a source of sincere grief to English leaders. And they do not seem to have been sufficiently clear-sighted to see what the result would probably be. They did not then understand the United States, or realize how great its resources were. But they did feel that the American Union had been always hostile to England, that if was ' a permanent menace to Canada as a part of the Empire, and that it might be a'9 well that the South should win. Hence the fact that from England and France- alone came no general assurance of sympathy or of friendship for the Union. The Emperor of the |?rench was, in f act, just then bent upon the establishmenr -of a Mexican Empirer and waff naturalTy not' pamcmrIy~anxious^ permanence and development of American unity. -i A-ti^iLj vW '.i«?j2Bsaaa!r_ "9 ' THB IONIAN ISLAND AND THE AMERICAN CdUwuCT. 171 A. rnu ^ f '"" ^^^'"« '" England became alomst universal amonoA* the cnltured and upper classes. Disraeli and Bright were Xnt Z «ff political leaders who publicly stood by the North, fn aTetter w^!.V^ ^ ^ have beea served by a recognition of fh? q .V ° i^'^' ™*S^*' °^ ^°»"«' th*. Rrifck n u' \ recognition of the South as an independent oower hne For this the Americans owe England a debt of m-nf;*,,^^ u- . ^Ur o.^ the Alabama claims and mfumerabt .Llro Hlrsfr A^Sir^ Alison, the distinguished hiVoi'ian in k.o ^ u- '=**;""* war. bir Archibald Cairns and Lord ChancellorJ-toTd me a cun"uf .htL"'~^"'T'''^ ^"' American war, which was that c»„.rL™^^.„ ?^ ^ connected with the p.b.ic. Lord '^mersZ and ltd Tohn tn seT ^°P'»-<">y"><= g^-I ■Federals in the Cabinet and M,riJT .""■' supporters of the of the Confederates" And Mr ■ Norton thr'.r"*"'""." '° ^ "« «-d evety one and was intin,ate^^th■ma„v "f the^^ld"""' *«° '" ""^ "'^ knew «a« me the same account as CaSad done of the ^tS'n 'T'' """■ •"^''« parties in the Cabinet, adding the remarkahl- ^!,M the strange transposition of to the bacltbone.' " ^ remarltable words, ' Gladstone is Confederate A little later, Cobden, in writine to M Chevali.r .!,« • observed that he was " by no means sVsnS a?GMs^* .hat'T S„°T"J; ever be a nation," and on, Tulv nth rSfi, of^f v^idustone tnat the South will . that " I know Gladstone wl7d rtre^irUnt,;!' "" -^^''^ ^™""- he has steadily maintained from tte to tha^ '2,^^"°" "' ""^ """'^ • ^^ sentiment, it is impossiSeAu the So«h cS, U sTJ %° 'T ' ''""« "»'"" an but universal t^'^^^o^!::^(^:,t^^i..''Z:^l^'f " ■ all question as to Mr. Gladsfonp'Q n,^,n,««» V ^°°J^°- **«' a little later ' thelutomn of .86.. M^'E on Ef of ?he" Con/?"''''? ' ""'^''- '" the British Foreign Secretary plead^^ fo^ rL^lv ^''"'' ■""'« "> pendeot power. Eari Russd promnX^LT^J .°V» "«P""« and inde- - .a place /mongst the indep^^lTnafi^rj^^lta'^lhVstt '" "'r"'"" '° permanence. "Should the Confederate '5flt„.TfA'^ stability ani ^ '^-1 t ' ./ '^kiM.^i^si:^. ¥^k IIJ* AN1> WORK Ot MIL GLADSlWi. ^r in independence achfeved by victory, and maintained by a snccessfiil resistance tp . all attempts & overthrow it." , Lord Russell then went on to say that such a time " has not, in the jtrdgnlent of Her Majesty's Government, arrived." A few weeks after, this deliberate statement, Mr. Gladstone made a speech at Newcastle— October 8th, 1862 — which created a considerable sensation, and seemed to indicate that the time was really Aeai- at hand when recognition would be given. The Chancellor*, of the Exchequer spoke plainly and to the point : "Jefferson Davis and the Southern leaders -have made an army; they are making, it appears, a navy; and have niade what is more than either— they have made a nation," Meanwhile the great struggle went on. The Trent affeir brought England to the verge of war, and had the United States — as it was still called ^ — not given way, there would have been no other alternative. But ten thousand 'troops, had been landed In Canada, and the Colonies Seemed enthusiastically ready for war, while the majority of the English people Were at tHe moment in a -similar humour. It wks, therefore, wise and necessary for the North to give in, especially as its Government was clearly wrong in the taking of Mas6i\ and Slidell from a British ship. But this backdown did not enhance- good feeling ii^he republic, while the e^jjape of the "Alabama" from an. English port, and itS-,tremen|Jous depredations upon Northern coniimerce, added greatly to the ' steadily growing Jiosdlity. Through it all, however, two things should be remembered. The BHtish^overnment resisted^all entfekties from France, from the Sbuth, and from withm its party ranks, tp recognize the independence of the Confederate„Stateb ; while the cottoil ©"periEkives of Lancashire^ave an illustration of friendly heroism which has rarely been equally. • ' € These people depended upon the manufacture of cotton for their daily ad. The sudden stoppage o^the supnly from the South thi'ough the Northern blockade meant *starvati6ri^ and for^a loAg time they suffered untold hardships. Cobden wrote, shortly after Mr. Gladstone's famous speech, that "few peopla can realize tKe appalling estate ol things in this neighbourhood. Lancashire with its machinery stopped is like a strong mah suddenly struck with paralysis." Yet, although their influence was considerable, and might have proved sufficient to turn the scale in favour of a recognition of Soutliern independence— thus removing the blockade and giving them cotton once more — the operatives»of that gr^at county sympathizfed with the North, #ind consequently refused to agitate •'^ support of such a policy.^ * -A A little while afte/his Newcastle speech Mr. Gladetone wa? inl in the House, find declared that his words were simply the e^tj opinion he had long held and often stated, that aqy effort'of the N( to subjugate^ the South was impossible if the latter resisted. An4|1 -4^. •og;ated itl of an States said tb ^^ -'t » > Ji^mid^ -3Ti»i«»"WiWr|W:T;»ll!l»lWI(«UBI!i4l»WM • ^{^•^i. ■» »; ', ^ J.-J ?"W tance tp 1 t, in the 1 'ter , this 1 A' ber 8th, ^^ " 1 that the V^ 1 anc'eHpr\ 1 ^1 making, H natioo," H brought H ,'S». 11 called . ■ ' lousand 1 Ml istically .| ment in / | 1 to give 1 soi^and I ' ' feeling' ^ ort, and H r to the ''<*^^ 1 § )uld be ^H France, . ' H ;ndence ' B ^ave an ■' T^^HDH ir daily ,0 • orthern ■ - rdships. .""I^. H ; peop% 1 icashire- H alysis." H ifHcient H . ■' e — thus H* '# *of that 1 * agitate , H ^H' " rog;ated^ .- ^H 1 of an . H States .' ., V said tb . • ' ■ * ^ t '■■(:. mi' J*. TI^ IONIAN ISLANDS AND THE AMERICAN CONFLICT. 173 *sintepsfa evV^iXf it nL° ft "'"" "'"^""^ *°^"^^ England seems to me •s^em to be engaged Kr, the fllme ^h'T °' °''"' *'^ "^"^^^^^^ '" ^ ^^^^ dozen -subscriber, to th^tieratfll^^ "" u J"'* ^°' ''^^^ "^ " "«* ^^ ^^out a :f2 ooo. This, as you mtht eSect t Jr ■ T^"^ "'^°'" '" ^^ ^- Gladstone, doWn for Americkn Go;ernment oShirdLlH k?'!, ' ''^'f ^ "'^''^"^'^ ' ^"^ ^^e cry is that the vernment oughf to demand his dismissal from the English Ministiy." * . but onfo^/q'iif;: tg^^^^^^^^ ""'• ^'-^«tone.as already stated, forced •the^boveleler'^asTennXj^^^^^ heaped upon the Hnii^H c,,; \. .. J, . ^ '° ""^ indiscriminate abuse I^d cSorne " The f ''^ **'• R°=''"<^'', and the unsleeping ill-wil, of sSr^u/v Mr rrr? ^ ''''"' ^'^'^ ^' ^^""^"^^^ °^ Salisbury and Foreign ^^^^^:^ r-- r7-thi!^i >to„ger(pf course, assuming .ha. ttey held together) _wi.ho«^ U,e 30!* than ' -»»,n .'*"l*t -^* ?'"■»*»<' °°' "^' many, including himUf. had thoLht •ta^S''^iT. '..^"'tr ■""« "''^ly-'o come under fn independl. 3 «Trn.lf ■ '^^ ^J^""^ ^ P'^* "* 1^ ^"t. r^" • - ^ of thA isiArfK k-ii L , , '^"M"^-'^-'^" L« one ana inamsiC of the North hftd won back the*organized strength and powfitpf --♦^v^ #■ k" %* •■IiM.mim- \.j - ^ ' ^-aM^^Li >^ ■.5.».',i, *:^i^ ;*»|Sfe' *- ., m ^ i^ Bff ffg' ■«^'*^ ''■«? ^a** 'it^ysrwm J 74 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. and proved that, in these modern dajf*, as in centuries long gone by, the national Hfe^' is not as idle ore " : " But iron dug from central gloonr. And heated hot with burning fears, And dip't in baths of hissing tears, And battered with the shocks of doom To shape and use." As time passed on, the people of the United States also found that they had no warmer or more sincere friend in Europe than Mr. Gladstone. His speeches upon a hundred platformsi and his arguments in more than a hundred articles, indicated this, while the Alabama award proved it. In his eloquent paper, entitled " Kin Beyond Sea," published in 1878, Mr. Gladstone embodied this sentiment of affection in his reference to England's commercial supremacy ahd the coming competition of the United States. " It is she alone," declared the writer, "who can, and probably will, wrest from us that commercial primacy. We have no title, I have no inclination, to murmur at the prospect. If ^he acquires it, she will make the acquisition by the right of the strongest; but^in this instance the strohgest means the best." Such • language proves the great friendship and regard which he felt for the republic, and breathes a noble cosmopolitan— if somewhat fatalistic— spirit. ->ftut it is not a national English feeling. It does not indicate that absorbing, and perhaps selftsh, love for one's own country which passes as patriotism, and is so pommon m America, but rather reveaira broad humanitarian sentiment which mcludes all the worid in an equality of sympathy and consideration. Hence, it may be said, the intensity of the opposition which Mr. Gladstone has more than once aroused at home in connection with portions of his foreign policy, and amongst those especially who feel deeply and sincerely the proud English and Imperial' belief that, "come the fourljuarters of the world in arms)" nothing can seriously menace the United Kingdom, if its people are but true to themselves and their own expansion and development. But the consciousness of this wide international sympathy in the man himself is what has caused . the Americans to so soon forget the statesman's attitude at the time of their civil M^, and has made them during the years which followed come to regard him with such great and genuine popular esteem. Henry Ward Beecher, indeed once told the Rev. Dr. Joseph Parker th|lt " not Queen Victoria herself would excite so much interest in America as Mr. Gladstone, were he to come over " ; and another disringuished American has asserted ttiat he would hardly under such circutastances, be allowed to land, because of " the solid block of men that would stretch right back from New York to Chicago." And under- lying this outburst of enthusiasm there is a very substantial basis of popular fact. *^ '^ /'" AjC ■•*l -t 4 «.i J. Y^*4«i *M.i, J^ «,jt&Ji-'-i 'ia ». ■•as^ ■ A * , h .. ^.^ b.i -4 , » I-ORD JOHN RUSSELL, .sr EARL KtSSELI. Pr.«.e Minhite, of G«=a. Bri,ai,«. ,8^7.5,, ,865-66. ^ -^r. ". (! / %.. O" I176) .•^ jlL. * inirj a ;^'ii»*»simw V »^ ',l!pif-'l''ltr.n-.n.> ■ jlj. lV,-i -l~ t<;^» -»-njti;i^^fHJ*5-iM ' CHAI^TER XIV. *N,. \ , MR; fiLADSTONE'S GREAT BUDGETS. "0 ■ , . ' ' i^?^^ T""® * ^*** "*"y troubles upon the horizon %vhen f /Lord Palmerston's Ministry . came into power in 1859 Louis Napoleon appeared to be an object of general and profound distrust. His alliance was looked upon with doubt, his fnendship in some quarters was regarded with fear, his ambition was admitted to be an all-important v..r .A- -u, • A ' '" ^°''*'^" ^^^''^^" The muttftings of civil war we^.^,^scerniblein America; another war wif China had We ineviUTe Italy wis convulsed from end to end'with il struggle for liberty and unfon ancUngknditselfwas stirred with labour disputes fnd some of the gre^^^^^^ «Mkfes m its h^stoty. In the British Cabihet also there soon came disseSs trMrV,, r^'" .^-'^"^-ation to strengthen the national defences ■ H?%n tt oSf^ TT\'° "^'-^ ''' ^^^"^^^ unnectery expenditure. ' ^^'Qn^ the ^her hand, the period in English financial and commercial hstory ^hich c^ned with the completion of the French Treaty 3 the presentation of the femous Budget of i860 furnished i ttost advUageous flionjejtit fornhe execution of Mr. GladstonA new policy. It was a peZd of -a^^creasingtrade andof very^^^^ prospLy' T^e^:^^:! ma^duti^pofl^i^por^^atatim^ prior tithe imposUion of serious or heavy E^h^nT^-'' i" f<^reign countries, had given a tremendous Impetus to Pntishtommerce and production by promoting the import of xaiv material cheapem^g the manufectured j^roduct, and this'enabling'^e marfaSurer to iral'of :r*^ .r^A^/'.^L^ ^ ^ decade or so to practically command the -Jtrade of the world. AddftH fcn fKoc« ;««.,» -^-^i_ _ ,, . tr^A^ «/ Vk I J Tj7 r. . "^'--"c or so 10 practically command the i ade of the worid. Adde^ to these influences were the sudden development of steam coiymumc^rionand the marvellous improvements in machinery It >Kras. therefoT^ a great opportunity for a*nam:itfP, and that Mr. Gl^d- vas able;not only to Hse to th^^jccaainn. hr^^ ^Ki.J.u:..^ u „ Jl^ * „. ■ . , -^ , ' '=',. -jrrr ••.""•* J *"» , ana mat Mr. Lrlad- •tone was able,not only to ^ .o th^^asion, b.«t to^ris* abov. i.„co«stU«« one of h.smo.(pro,ft,B.nt claims to p«sotel Wattt«8. His Budget*^ aS • "'"''"'''^f .<»■=» »"d compact The Em^6r<,[ the Fapcl, arra.ged'for the abohfon of all proh,b.tpo, ' %' J^si ' I ?:,: ik t -7*^'-' -C . ■ J ^-irrtn/r- - ' >^W C*'— ■ *-— 178 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. ' some extenYhe alarm which had been rising as to the intentions of Napoleon III., although it failed to chatige Lord Palmerston's views regarding defence in the slightest degree. , ' The French Treaty was the result of Mr. Cobden's indefatigable efforts. At first he had acted in a private capacity, and on his own responsibility as i promment promoter, if not the father, of English free trade. Then, as success became possjble, he had been duly commissioned by the British Government,^ and finally ci^^ided his negotiations under the auspices, and with the enthusias- tic suppon^TMr. Cjadstone as Finance Mimster. This was. one 4ature-^which ^rf- J!^^^^^ importance to the coming Budget. Another was the proposed , *^^"^g§™e ' ^^^°"g^ ^^^ --^ expenStuX rhn,,.7r ^ T"^^'' ^ arrangement had occurred which would diminish the ahnual payment of interest upon the national debt by over $10,000,000 At the same time a revenue of nearly $60,000,000 a year levied upon tea and su^ar was about to lapse, while the income tax. "from which 'some $5^4lave the whole number of articles upon he customs tanflF at fority-eight-to be four less in the succeeding ye^ Them would aJso be a surplus of between two and three million dollars . The speech contained very many, happy ihusions and sentences Especially pleasant was his tribute to Mr. Cobden. who had pers" Lntlv refused both mimsterial place and royal honours. "Rare is the "^^ any man who. having fourteen years ago rendered to his country CeSnal ^nd splendid service, now again within the same brief span of ife decoded whl'h^^ r 'f •''^""«"°"^^' to^ distinguish L from ;he p oplt whom he loves, has been permitted again tV perform a great and memorabfe rh'^ret t '"'""^T '"'1!° '" ^^""^'y- ' '^^' speaker denouncXo'eioa wi h great vigour and emphasis, referring to it as having formeriy dWelt m the palaces and high places of the land. It had since be^en driven to^' a prettv comfortable shelter and good living in holes and corners." ai,d from thfsS «fog.,he asked, the House to drive it. And, in point of fact?his l^djet dt ^^■ A I'' u -*#^. :r iasKf '^''^t^-9G-'" 4-,' ■ -5 \ 2 'W. 1 80 UFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. mark the death of English legislative protection and the full triumph of English free trade. ' In defending -the income tax which he found it necessary to i>^-establish, despite his prophecy in 1853 that by i86b such necessity would have dis- appeared, Mr. Gladstone found abundant excuse, in the. Crirtiean war. Referring to the unpopularity of the tax in certaih quarters, he told the House of a letter lately received, in which the writer, after describingyits "monstrous injustice and ii^iquity," suggested that "in consideration thitteoi the Chancellor of the Exchequer should be publicly hanged." He warmly ■eulogized the French Treaty, and defended it from the charge of being an infraction'of the rigid free-trade theory. He declared himself unaware of any entangling engagement in its terms, > or of any grant of exclusive priij^ileges under its operation. His speech concllided with one of those brilliant perora- tions for which his name was.becoming famous: " Our proposals involve a great reforn* in our tariff; tney involve a large remission t}f taxation ; and last of all, tKbugh not least, they include that commercial treaty with FrancA which, though we have to apprehend that objections in some quarterS'will be taken to it, we confidently recommend not only on moral, political, and social, but also, and with e^ual confidence, on economical and fiscal grounds. . . . There were timel, now long gone by, when sovereigns made progress through tlie land, and when, at the proclamation of their heralds, they caused to be scattered whole showefs of coin amon| the people who thronged upon their steps. That may have been a goodly spectacle, but it is also a goodly spectacle, and one adapted to the altered spirit and circumstances of our times, when our sovereign is enabled, through the wisdom of^ her great council assembled in Parliament around her, again to scatter blessings among her subjects by means of wiie and prudent laws— of laws which do not sap in any respect the foundations of^uty or of manhood, but which strike away the sniackles from the arms of industryrwhich^ive new incentives and new rewards to toil, and which win more and more for the Throne, and for the institutions of the country, the gratitude, the confidehce, and the love of an united people." ^ ..- And then, before a final appeil to Parliament for its supp^ort and approval, the speaker addressed those who were anxious upon the question 01 national defences, and declared that " that which stirs the flame of patriotism in men, that which binds t^em in one heart and soul, that SyhicM gives them increased confidence in thdir rulers, that which makes them feel and know that - tb«y.,ase treated with justice, and that we who are represerfUng them Ire labouring Jncessantly and earnestly for their go<^, is in itsfelf no small, no fceble, no transitory part of national defence." ^ / It was a great speech.' It was both an oration an^ a magnificent State paper* cdnlbined'. The crowding ideas, the beautiful imagery, the accurate sentences, the perfect worcUng |nd balancing of parts, the musical and carefully modulatfji voice, the whole appearance. of th*e man, combined to make tjie e£fort a remarkable .pne-»(apart from the importance of the occasion and the X \ A, .(' ^'Tt-^ji.i;,-^- "JIP » "T ',A \?U MR. GLADSTONE'S GRSiAT BUDGET& _^ ;.,"■ i8r . 'been p"::hrh;r '^^ vrirsaSsSTTn-d r ^'="™' -" -- ^'* made l^v lUr r-i jf ^^"®*^^"°"» ^"d there were some proDosals ;;ti;:L."Th?stc:erd-at^ srrK^tt r r if '^™-'' ''-^ discriminations against Rnaul 1 u , ^'^^*^ ^^"^^""^ of certain abolition of the excise orZnefr!,,;^^ % ™-"°';"' •""""^^ '"''"<'^<' ">« which English manu;a:u^°::,lr™erh*\tMrt:^^^^^^^^^^ the mcom, tax treated hostility in .^therl„a„ent.al qua" eS The On„oT°' language, >ou^d in' ttndron hf foe " 1:1' ^Iltt '"^' j^" ''^'"^"^ ^ majority of 63. A little later anH . cf 11 r ' ^""^ ^ Gevemment ineipediency'of any Im L^n o? dnt " ^^f/^'^."''*^ "^^^'^^ ^^^-^i^g the be felt at the reimposTtronTf^^ the disappointment which would • length, after aTr^^lbt a^t f^^^^^^ ^^P^'«^ ^' matter so far as the Com m An c' ?^i^ majority which settled the Friday ni^^rc^ltLtThrdrnX^^^^^^^^^ speech and obtained a.majority of 116 ShCl J^enf .' ft'^' " '^Y'^ is now the great man of thi day." "^'^^ P"'^ ^° ^'^d '« Aie contest. ^ He \ But there was to be bitter mingled with the sweet tL U' r t ^ mtervened with a veto on the Paoer Bill Za lul . "°"^^ °^ ^°^**« contest, which ended-Hke s^ ma^J othl'r. K f '"f "f^'-^t^d' a constitutionaf It turned upon the JZZTZ^tlZ^jl'lr^Jt^J''^^^^ ^ --promis^ It turned upon the simple point thai Its und9ubted (aftd, as it claimi House of Lords proposed to coni /the copnti3r by Mr. Bright^dissensi \ 7 . ^-"uipiomise; House of Commons, in.tjie' exercise of !) mvilege, had remitte^ a tax ; th^" • jj. Eventually, a(|er fiery speeches in '• " p^^e Cabmet, which vefy nearly forced' ?, - j\ t, P ..- I A L.. . i8a ■^1^-^ LIFE AND Wi ».^- ^'i. %-^i^"fe'-yi^^ y Gladstone to resign, ami a steady diminution of the Government^^MJority upon the matter in the House, the qtiestion was settled for the time by the- bill bemg dropped, and a series of resolutions carried upon the motion of Lord Palmerston. These asserted the exclusive right of the Commons to La.V with the grant of supplies to the Crown, and its entire and exclusivCGonlrol over all questions of taxation. Incidentally, the di»^te proved a severe strkitt upon the relations between the Premier and' his Chancellor of the ExcheqiTer' and shows them to have been in a condition of veiled, and sometimes actiVe* antagonism. / ^ \* 1 All this marred so/iiewhat the greatness of the success which Mr Gladstone had won, and ruffled his ardent temper not a little. And the jocular jreniark made by Lord Palmerston, to the effecl that disappointment at the loss tof his Paper jjroposals cduld not possibly equal his— the Premier's— feelings at the loss of the Derby, which he had just encountered, did .not in all probability Suffice to lopth the Chancellor to any extent. In a speech, 'which Lord Russell called "magnificently mad," he came as near denouncing Palmerston as was possible while remaining in the Government ; declared that the action of the Lo/ds— which the Pr^er had aided rather than hindered— was a pd by reserving to himself the right to take passed by the House of Commons, ^of i86i, Mr. Gladstone got even with the ^™ manner. His speech was again looked for- ward to with intense interest, and once again the ^ouse and the galleries were packed with eager listeners. After giving the general figures for the year referred to the very considerable increase in expenditure, from^^ $360,006;^, in 1854, to $455,000,000 in i860, and to the fact tjiat the importation of corn-tlad risen by over one hundred millions steriing in a short period. A large variety of subjects were then discussed with an eloquence that lent a charm to the driest detail, and the important announcements were i^ade that a penny in the income . tax would be taken off and the paper duties abolished. The method suogested for carrying the latter proposal through the- other House was very ingenio"us and at the same time simple. Thh various portions of tnfe Budget, instead of being sent up one by one, were to be -aU included in a single bill, so that a rejection of part meant the rejection of the wh>le, and an immense amount of consequent public inconvenience, if not administrative deadlock, for want of supplies. In view of his differences with Lord Palmerston, Mr. Gladstone's remarks about the increkse of expenditure and national burdens through arrangements for defence, were significant, He urged that the time had come for a check being put upon this movement, and declared that "if there be any danger which has recently, in an especial manner, beset us, it has seemed to me to be during recent years chiefly, in our proneness to constant and apparently gigantic innovation; and c future action upon the reso, In the succeedin_ Lords in a most adroit and i r * •\^.*».' • h : 'MIL GLADSTONE'S GREAT B^DCETS. iBf 't^f almost boundless augmentations of expenditure." His speech, as a whoic was ««other great success. Some one Jias said that the House vibrated, at times to the sound of his voice, like ad instrumeiu of music to the touch of geniusl The Datly News declared, on this occasiqnTtliat " th? audacious shtewdness of Lancashire married to the polished grace of Oxford, is a felicitous union of the^strength and culture of Liberal and Conservative England, and na pLy m the House can sit under the spell of M^Gladstone's rounde^ and shining eloquence without a conviction that the. Hi ^rho canfTalk ' shop 'like a tenth muse is after all,, a true representative man of the market of the world." A. writer in the Illustrated London News described this as "the very best speech Mr. Gladstone .ever made," and thought that its most conspicuous- feature was the remarkable dexterity with which the orator appealed, alternately to the tastes, feelings, and opinions of both sides' of the House. The sanie article referred t9 the buoyancy of his demeanour, the raciness of his occasional humour, the curious and combined facility of expression in speech and face m every possible respect it was a masterpiece of oratory; and as it in the - result actually led to something tangible-that is to say, to a sXirplus and a reduction of taxation— it was, in every sense, triumphant." The opposition to the Budget was, as.usual, strong, while the criticisms of the speech were vehement, and ^partook of that p6rsonal nature which after- wards became so common where Mr, Gladstone or Mr. Disraeli were concerned Ihe action of the Government in bracketing all their financial measures tj>gether, and thus forcing the Lords to accept them, or else disorganize the whole system of English government, was at once a daring measure and a startlmg surprise. During the debates, one fierce attack upon Mr. Gladstone was made by Lord Robert Cecil (Lord [Salisbury^ After declaring that the Chancellor of the Exchequer was an unreliable financier, he went on to say that, " upon a former occasion, hehad described the policy of the Government as one only worthy of a country attorney ; but he was now^ound to say that be had done injastice to the attorneys." Amid loud cries of dissent, he spoke of their policy, at this time, as involving legal chicane. In fact, the proposed method of getting the Budget items through the Lords was nothing but a dodge, and Americanized finance was to be the final result of Americanized .institutions. He declared that, sp long as Mr. Gladstone held the Exchequer there would be neither regularity in the House of Commons, nor confidence in the country. Mr. Disraeli, in turn, claimeii that the Ministers had created an artificial surplus in order that they might perpetrate a financial caprice. Finally, however the Government obtained a majority of fifteen, and Mr. Gadstone's fourth Bud- get— m number,, though ;not in rotation— became a matter of history aqd legis- lation, while the duties were taken oflF paper, and the House of Lords ani the ■ ■ . s.. " -9« 1** # ' ■ ' ' « ,•- ' 5 V . >. ■ *. ■> ^ 9 ' * ' ^ ■ I . " -■^ / i ;r - ' V « , ' t,- y.*i- 1 ji^sata^ ;;.■:-,*■ \ : ■.^ — , 1> .^..%% r TMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // Y ^vf J' /- r/. ^, .^c -'^ IE.- 1.0 I.I 12.8 ■50 U£ u Ki 12.2 I; S IS 12.0 11:25 i 1.4 m m Photngraphic Sciences Corpoiation 23 WIST MAIN STRUT WEBSTiR,N.Y. 14580 (7I6)S72-4S03 US »i|K:r,^•A. ^nii&JS\'>. >M~:y '•^.r^Ji!' ...^^- / .... '^^V^^^^^.^^'* ^''^sJi^ 184 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. ¥■ 11 ^ w Conservatives completely out-manoeuvred. Anotherimportant event of this session was the introduction and passage of a Church Rates Abolition Bill, which Mr. Gladstone strongly opposed. He thought the measure before the House was not calculated to settle a much-vexed question, and declared that "the people of England were not prepared to part with the union of Church and State, which was one of the avowed objects of the abolition of Church rates." In this case he considered the House of Lords abundantly justified in their continued rejec- tion of the measure. The bill was siipported by Lord Palmerston, and in the Upper House by Lord Russell, but Was, of course, thrown out again by the Peers. An eloquent and exciting debate upon Italy followed this incident. The Government were accused of sympathy with the revolutionists in that country, and of practical interference and aid. Mr. Gladstone took up again the gauntlet he had long since thrown down, apd in stirring language defended the course of the Ministry; denounced "that miserable monarch," Francis II. of Naples, who was then on the verge of dethronfement ; pointed with intense indication to the dominance of Austria in Venetia and elsewhere ; and con- cluded with the declaration that " the miseries of J^aly have been the danger of Europe. The consolidation of Italy— if it be the will of God to grant her that boon— will be^I believe, a blessing as great to Europe as it is to all the peopfe{ the and perhaps it wis no wondeT bTi 'ihV I T "'"""^, "nkind. mistook him ; m i, now in i,s thirtieth year, and^StrlX' ^e'r^" 'j^a^'ylrio'nir^i' °""" ""'"^ Thts, last remark on the verge of more than thirty years of further political effort and act.on, ,s mteresting. though not pre-eminently prophetic ^ . ™f- Gladstone's Budget speech in 1862 wm of importance but not especally rhetorical ■„ style. It was essentially a financial s^ateme„;. and Z not prove to be an oration as well. He had to deal with a diminished Am" rican ldmlt.hat'.r>,""^;"""^'" '^™P°" "' ooUon..ni was compdled to admit that the hoped-for remission of taxes could not yet take place Af,.r ft. presentation of muIUtudinous details and figures, it'ls L'^d "haft ft! prfteht no new ta«s would be impo*d, and a surplus would be dispenlej T^'^ T, '"T"' '" "?■" '^* ''^« ™^ "^^I'^d 'o be very SZ andso aUo with many other countries and colonies. The war exLSe S Ae last three years m China, New Zealand, and the Canadian pro^°c« Lad however, amounted to over $40,000,000. and it was this, in addXn to ^ s. i€ ' ^v<»'^ ^^Hi Un Mf9 yfOm Of -MR. eLADSTOWE. C08tly Ofttioiiftl ftefenew *t 1»ome, which he clainjed to be the c^use of a fipancial condition not altogether satisfactoo', and the reason for the continued main- tenarice of a high income tax. ~'4. Mr. Disraeli responded in a keen criticism, and what he termed an "historical survey" of recent financial years. He claimed that during the prefcedmg two years there had really been a deficit of $20,000,000; declared the position to be critical, and the excuses offered by the Chancellor of the Exchequer utterly fallacious. Mr. Gladstone answered his opponent in details which would be wearisome, and in language which clearly showed that the personal relaUons between the two were not very cordial. He was satisfied, he declared, to bear any epithets of vituperation which Mr. Disraeli had already produced or might produce on a future occasion. " It was not difficult to bear the abuse of the right honourable gentleman, when he remembered that far' better men than himself had had to suffer" it." Of course, the proposals eventually passed. . <. '^ ^ Another interesting Italian debate arose in the House during this session. Mr. Gladstone in his speech warmly supported the action of the Government in recognizing the new kingdom ; praised Garibaldi for his overthrow of the Neapolitan monarch ; expressed regret at the continued occupation of Rome by the French troops ; condemned the impolicy and injustice of any prolongation of the temporal power of the Pope; ^nd concluded with an expression of his behefthat the most satisfactory chapter* -in the life oLhis noble fiiend— Lord Palmerston— was the fact that, through evil repodW good report, he had sustained and supported the cause of Italy. '•'H|r The session of 1863 was a remarkable fit\ancial period. The Budget ^ looked forward to with hope, and was received with satisfaction by the c.^ry as a whole. There had been a very substantial surplus, in spite of fears to thV^ntrary, and thislvas used in the Induction of the income tax from gd. and 7d>Ui the pound to yd. and 6d., and in making arrangements as to the incomes subject to the tax, which would create a still greater reduction in effect. The duty on tea was also reduced to the extent of $6,000,000. Altogether, the remissions of taxation were in the neighbourhood of $24,000,000. Here, indeed was room for eloquence, and the use of Mr. Gladstone's special gifts. He had a popular Budget and a pleasant task, and his speech was correspondingly effective and brilliant. To only one clause of his Budget was there any really Substantial opposition. That one was the proposal to remove the exemption of chanties from taxation. But so strong was the feeling expressed, and,so large and influential the deputation which waited upon the Chancellor of the Exchequer in connection with it, that, despite his vigorous defence qf the proposition, it had eventually to be withdrawn. With Ihis exception, the Budget was received and accepted amid very general approval. t ''i^i^ < ^jr j**"^*" .< *T'? CkAPTER XV PROGRESSIVE OPINIONS AND LEGISLATION. jR. GLADSTONE was now on the verge of another crjtieal period in I h s career. His refusal to join Lord Derby in ,831 l^ad mS h^ pracfeal, th,„gh not nominal or complete, severance from the To^p"rty H action mjommg Lord Palmerston in, :859 had stamped him as a Whie and mlt r^i' '^'^f^''= '"'"■•= ''^^^'='"P- Thedeafh of Palme^ton in iSel made h.m the leader of the party in the House of Commons, while h"re,ection by Oxford, m the same year, threw him into the arms of, the advlncedl^S advancm'g section of Liberalism. "uvancea ana h„H ,''°' ''""»? "■'= Pfiod '<■ had not been all clear sailing! despite successful il^M ""rf/TVf" ''"""'■ "^"^ <''f"'-"=" betweert Lord Palmet^ton and Mr. Gladstone had at times been more than acute, aniuhe latter's S subordination to a chief who held almost unique power durmhelalt yiT of his hfe, must, ul,o„- several occasions, have proved very paWuL pJZZZnt personahty and position was a most peculiar ode. His po^pularil befw"en 8^ fiJelSsTthTLr; , "° ^T'" J," T "-"'y-y enemfes ^d "wht nve SIX hs of the Liberals were devoted adherents, the balance were bracticallv compelled to support him, or elke place themselves in a uselj and ^o™£ ioucT^h"" "l"','"^"''- Mr- Disraeli was notyetin hea tytd sympaS lo adZ k" '""'^ '''"'!.'' '""'^ """ "'" "'"'°"" •>'' leadership, which was compeS i^«.v,, - ^A- 1 88 LIFE AND WORK O^ MR. GLADSTONE. more by fear and respect than by affection. The consequence was that Conser^ vatives generally allowed their feeling of admiration and personal liking for Palmerston to take the form of a practical admission that the country was doing pretty well, and was, in any case, reasonably safe in his hands.. They liked his aggressive foreign policy and his ideas concerning national defence. And, as he refused to move in any questions of reform, his power seemed to become stronger and more settled every day. , , Formal opposition and severe criticism there were at times, especially when Gladstone and Disraeli came iijto collision, but care was taken that such action should not take the guise of obstruction or result in a serious defeat. Gradually, therefore, the curious phenomenon was seen of an English Premier governing with almost general conse'nt, and forcing all leading questions of party conflict to be held in abeyance. Thus it came about that a man who had never affixed his name to any great act of successful statesmanship held for yeare a positionj in England more influential than that of Bolingbroke ; wielded a power greater ih^n that of Pitt or Chatham; and was as supreme in his rule as even Count Cavour could claim to be in an Italian Parliament which he had first created and then controlled. Naturally, too, such a condition of affairs had made Mr. Gladstone's position very difficult He had never really liked Lord Palmerston, and now strongly disapproved of his large expenditures for defence purposes. Upon more than one occasion they came into direct conflict regarding the additional fortifications whicih the Premier considered absolutely essential in view of the attitude of France and the lurid look of the European storm-clouds^ The Premier's opinion upon this issue was expressed, in 1859, in a rather sur-. prising letter to the Quee^: / "Viscount Palmerston hopes to be able to overcome his objections; but if that should prove impossible, however great the loss to the Government by the retirement of Mr. Gladstone, it would be better to lose Mr. Gladstone than to run the risk of losing Portsmouth or Plymouth." / ^ / In another letter to Her Majesty he alleged that Mr. Gladstone's attitude' was one of "ineffectual opposition and ultimate quiescence." indeed, this state of affairs seems to have be^n public property, and the Budget speeches them-, selves indicate it pretty clearly. Lord Malmesbury, who, as a Tory Foreign Secretary upon several ocdasions, speaks with some authority, says in his Mem- oirs, on June 2nd, i860, and after an interview with J^ord and Lady Palmerston^ that the former did not wish to lose Lord John Russell — who was inclined to side with the Chancellor of the Exchequer — but "would be very glad if Gladstone, resigned." Lord Shaftesbury is even more plain, and asserts in his diary that "Palmerston had but tw0 real enemies, Bright and Gladstone, . . . and they were the only two of wh6m he used strong language." ^ ;■- ;,.-^^«-!-\t '■'MA '.■*<'"-'■ <^^' v^.-'irvT^^- r PROGRESSIVE OPINIONS AND LEGISLATION. • 189 vers,. "■HtstLlfp't'h M^'^^r^etr ^T^^^^^^^^^'^' «. toti^ata, that hi. views mfy be fel y TalT as" ^7' ';''. "f *"°^'^"™ voic«,inanyca8e,thefeelinirof,l,.f.,' 1,^°? *°^° °""^ f"<""i- They in these days of suprem:';.' Writ " 7nmt:r^^''^f''"'' P"'""'^'™ « no. a particle of veracUy or Se feetoi' thl , ."" ''"'"'^ "'^' " ">"« trace in him. He manages ihe House of S . Y! '"" ''«° ^'''' '" all parties laugh at-one fnotherrthe To ie;r.re%V''rK'".^ all Liberal measures; .he Liberals at the Tonls bv^he? ' '' "" ^"'"'"^ tmg everything that is to be got in Church and state " T?°" ■"'=' "' 8"" that there was abundant reason for Mrf-l.A, , ' ^"^ " ■"""' ">« ^id Apart from the fortiiica.ions'qurstb ;^:l^'°^'°Lt' ''"" -^ antagonistic, aeon during .he controversy w^.h .he Lom! .u '^^'"'"^'on's curious liked to make Church appJinTments whkh r' " '^T' ^'''•''- ^hen he the High Church ideas of Maads,oner,!f'„'"'^'"«'^ unpalatable to one occasion, termed " l^e^'^ tnTb^^idtsthes 'T ^ilberforce, upon were .he diverse characteristics of the two men n ' """^ '="<>"=. 'here mdifferent .0 home ques.ions and domTs.r;„,i.°r„rh SI' ""/ ^°''',? ^ :s;Tr:'ngr= '°''"'''^°-''''-->^^^^^:^t:j^ a s.a.e°f";:sr.i::?:L.ssfo„:^^r.rs:" rt^^^ ='"i^>'p--<' - ^ ■•»' Glads.one was, of course, d;eply fnterestedk S .rT ^J" ■'"^™"'' ""'• "r. since remained. But. for the time S >,' f '" ""f^"' ^ ^e has always considerations; was inspired wi^'he .^afuttuTd n =='""^'«! -"■ «"a„cial reduction in the people's taxes • and wa,"^»" V Pt^*'P"^"°" ''"'' = ='eady out, to produce a more and' Ire^a^ou a"'' T^''^"' ^'" '"=>"<* ^'- Palmerston, therefore, came in con ac. aT^^r^^ ^ . sta.emen.. Lord of home defence, or.' as Mr cT.Xj^ZZTt Vl' «™''^' P^''^^ Chancellor of the Exchequer And th! <°.T '^ ' "defiance," with his .-^in His --...VaLer tL^inp^L^- -^- . Archib:d^^!:^rho: in'pS:'!:: tt^:^^^!:f-^s. S^SrnnV^^^LTaU^srr- T^^ °' ^^ ^^^ either the assumption of supply JhfchZht ha h'"'"" "^^^■" "'*°" his eminence, or the official pedantJlCJir ^ ''*'" °^'"'='' "> ™' of places in .he S.a.e. In conve3 He ^1° toTT ""'" '■°'*"« ""Sh fluent, and, according to Sir A A "son „«" , ^'" '"'y' '^P'''' »"<" enthusias.ic. but at tLes Lotar^;- WTs Li^^t^-r'^''" and discursive, _""^°"^^ '^gv'ewers and critics of the # j bi«jb9» ^ eiv" -, ^ ■^is 3E". ^",W*i;'*au4-, • ■ * ■^■^;^f'^P^PPfp8!iPiW^ , 't 190 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONB. timt describe him as being too hesitating in political matters, too sensitively conscientious, and too iftuch inclined to study all sides of a question, and find out all kind^ of objections to every conceivable course of action. As an orator, he was famous for a torrent .of eloquence which sometimes carried men off their feet without, perhaps, convincing them. But he could at times be marvellously conciliatory, and alwa^^os^ssed a great charm of manner, while, as a rule, exhibiting much personal good nSttireN^ Through these circumstances, and with these qualities, Mr. Gladstone held his way during years of increasing reputation, tliough of uncertain political tenure. With great wisdom, ho\^ever, he continued to avoid a public quarrel with Palmerston, and waited for the time which he knew must soon come. Writing in his diary, October 17th, 1863, Bishop Wilberforce says : " I now anticipate that Gladstone will be Premier." On December 17th, 1864, he writes : " Gladstone is certainly gaining power. You can hear almost every one say he must be the future Premier." An interesting reference liiade at this time to the coming leader is contained in a letter written during the autumn of 1863, by Dr. John Brown, the charming author of " Rab and His Friends," to Principal Shairp, of St. Andrews : "I was at the Physicians' dinner (Edinburgh) to the Prince, Lord Brougham, Mr. Gladstone, and the other Sauk. . . . Gladstone made a short, but most beautiful speech, in which he referred to the Prince and Brougham, who were sitting together, as the Dawn and the Evening of Life. He spok« of the Association (of Physicians) as a congress of love, emanating from the ever-blessed God, the fountain of all love and good-will. It was simply but greatly done. I was much impressed with him on that Monday. There is a wonderful intensity and sincerity about him, and a sort of boyishness." \ The financial statement for 1864 had been antf^ier marvel of good fortune lancjdever manipulation. The moment was ^fe in which few were found to question the beneficence of free trade. Through many and varied causes, the prosperity, commerce, and revenues of the country had, since the Crimean war — and in spite of fhe war taxes of an ensuing period — developed with giant strides. ' This year another large surplus was kno^vn to exist, and great curiosity was felt as to the disposal of it, and the happy direction in which the people might expect to be relieved of taxation. When, therefore, the Chancellor of the Exchequer rose, it was to face another crowded House and distinguished gathering in the galleries. Mr. Gladstone's budgets had, in fact, come to be the recognized political event and oratorical treat of each yearly session of Parliament. He certainly did not disappoint his audience or the country upon thii? occa- sion. His first announcement was that the national expenditure had been reduced by over six millions of dollars, and that the surplus was fifteen rriillions, less four mil- lions to be expended upon fortifications. He was able to point to the fact that ^aU^^-^.-^^^^letei^itrial ""ta^^ ■*-'*-^'."r^t PROGRESSIVE OPINIONS AND LEGISLATIOJf. 191 f350,QOo.ooo had been paid on the national^ebt since i8« and tho. fK charge for interest had decreased by $30*600 oSo liT^J^ ^' ^"^J^^'.^he iRco whftn ♦»,«. /- uj ^ i. .^"^^"y ipj".uoo,ooo. He announced that since $110,000,000. He then stated ff,af iho \. ^ mcreasea trom $45,000,000 to medium of Savings Ba„K an/enl ^g the G^S t^STi- "'°''' *' It ultimately passed both Houses, amid gener aDDro^r ?^ • '•* ?'"™!f '"• have been "conceived in the true interest rthTwoET^lksTes "" A C, /" »d the House was startled by a declaration forthe Sancio of tl Exchequer upon the quest on of Reform lUr n.- "*« '-nanceiior of the in ^vour of iW-he bo4h'*t™hise'^:nd:tZgh1.'r'"d:tL"'°bv°: present change had, in fact, pret^.te<4i^^^^T T "T'™ '° ""^ principles from breaking th^ barrier oT^^'Tr GSonHd ^^"T the extension of the franchise, on the grouTd th»Ht mT l^"'^^'^ "^^'y spas £rst=-=,|5s5r ■1 ^ '^i^?^^^S>'<'' ■^'jf '"^^iji 193 t LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. hS' Its best diplomatically, and Mr. Gladstone made a strong defence in reply to his opponent's speech and motion of censure. In the course of the debate, Mr. Bernal Osborne, a witty critic of the Administration, went out of his way to describe the Chancellor of,,the Exchequer as " a great and able Minister." Finally, a resolution expressing satisfactibn at the course of the Government in ) not mterfering at the present juncture was carried by a small majority. y- * A significant utterance was made by Mr. Gladstpne in March, 1865 in 5s, connection with the Irish Churdh. The House had been asked by a Radical member to declare that the present position of the: Irish Establishment was unsatisfactory, and demanded immediate attention. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in his speech, declared that while the Government would not accept or act upon the resolution, they were not prepared to deny the abstract truth of the first proposition. Th6 Chujch was, indeed, in a false position, but Ho practical remedy had yet been 'suggested. And a little later he wrote to a correspondent— Dr. Hannah, of Glenajmond— his reasons for taking this attitude-. He declared that, in the firet place, the question of disestablishment was remote and out of bearing upon practical politics? and, in the second place, that it was so difficult in itself as to render present decision regarding either method or time of dealing wittf it extremely unwise. But he thought his position, as a Minister and a member for Oxford University, made it incumbent upon him to point out that the state of the Church was beyond doubt unsatisfactory. The Budget speech in this year was brought forward on April 27th. The Chancellor of the .Exchequer was able once more to present a prosperous and pleasant statement. The expenditure had still further decreased, the total dinrfnu- tion of debt was over $20,000,000, the trade with Francd was steadily increasing the surplus m hand exceeded $20,000,000 ; and to his mind much of this was due to " the removal of bars, fetters, and impediments from the path of human industry in the Empire." He announced a reduction of sixpence a pound in the duty on tea, a lowering of the income tax— already at its lowest point— by twopence in the pound, and a further diminution of the fire insurance duties The total reduction of taxat;ion was to be niarly ^27.,obo,ooo. Such proposals were naturally received with general pleasure, and Mr. Gladstone's reputation as a masterly financier probably reached its height at this happy moment. A few months after this, events had reached a crisis. The prolonged term of Pariiament came to an end, the elections, were held, and the Government sustained by an increased majority. But the Chancellor of the Exchequer was beaten at Oxford. The full significance of this occurrence can only be under- stood by appreciation of the fact that Mr. Gladstone and the Liberal party were standing upon the verge of action concerning the Irish Church and Franchise Reform. But they had been held back by Lord Palmerston, who was to shortly S^-A^-jfll. ^ Ht^ v4'>ttN •*>,.-'". ^f^W!?^ t' - PRCXJRESSIVE OPIMONS AND LEGISLATION. ^ „ 193 - :... • »c, pass away ,"ahd by Mr.. Gladstone's own connection with Oxford.'. It had been a long and historic connection. He had been first elected in 1847, at the commence- ment of the free -trade policy, and because, as F. D. Maurice urged at the time, he^had acted upon principle in the Maynooth-qase, and it was "a kind of prin- ciple which you need at Oxford.;' He had been re-elected with dwindling, though still substantial, majorities ever since. And now- at the very apotheosis of free trade, and during an election in which his policy was one of the pillars of Ministerial strength in the country, he was destined to be beaten in his own constituency, and amid those scenes of learning and culture \^ich he loved so deeply, and which llad sp^greStly influenced a half of his political lifetime. , ^ / The contest attracted the greatest public, interest. The poll M^as to be kept open for five days, and votes could be sent; under restrictions and in a specified manner, to the Vice-Chancellor by mail. A strong and afterwards distinguished^ory, Mr. Gathorne ^ardy (Earl Cranbrook),was chosen to oppose Mr. Gladstone, and the contest soon became thoroughly exciting. Not only were politics pure and simple involved, but the interests of the tlhurch were made to do substantial service, one way or the other; Bishops and noblemen, professors and learned societies. Church and Bar and universSies, all took great interest in an election which included voters irom many parts of the United Kingdom, and ranged on opposite sides men of the most distinguished ability and position. On the first day, Mr. Gladstone was announced as being in a minority of six, on the third day it had increased to seventy^fourj and on the fourth day to ^30. It now became apparent that defeat was more than p^:obable. His friends rallied, however, to one more effort, and Sir J. T. Coleridge, as chairman of Mr. ^•adst<^jji committee, issued a circular appeal for support, in the course of which tli|e*ollowing words were used : " The committee do not scruple to advocate his cause on grounds above the common level of politics. They claim for him the gratitude due to one whose public life has, for eighteen years, reflected a lustre upon the University herself. They!ionfidently invite you to consider whether his pure and exalted character, his splendid abilities, and his eminent services to Church and State, do not constitute the highest of allt qualifications for an - academical seat, and entitle him to be judged by his constituents as he will assuredly be, judged by posterity." • » Butnking Con Wd"" ' r.H K ° . °i ^n"^^' '"^ '^"^ "^^^ '^'« »*^''°° ^^^t-i" very substantial fet Irs had been struck off. and that Mr. Gladstoi^e was now at liKrty to take dec si^e " tepsm the direction of national change^or reform. The rlr^^^Zl . tradtions which had so deeply coloured his ideas and modified his actibns - ( ficed qi representative who ro«,K;n«^ *k^ '-■:rhStv '^ "e'l^^erateiy sacri- £„ . ; -" -^«i,u u« rccora tnat^hey have, deliberatelv .sarn- S^rS Se of -rlr,'- '° """m^ '^'"'' ='""' ''"'y ^P'"' »'<"-•• The ,„T u • . '™ '"H«nous Mipistor whom all EuroDe envie, u. But his policy concerning (he Roman Catholic Church in Ireland deWdh^^ :e e'to""<;:LrM7 Giairl;''"^ "'-"■"'= Estab,i.hed Ch„"htS, " Rotert P^tlkL Gladstone thirty-six years afterwards. And, justas Sir ntni^^t'jlr^ti:: SL'^a'tr'S^^^^^^^ • from bad to worse. DrpZyttil^r'iZtT" """•"'•• '^^'r"'' ^° ™ as the inevitable conflict tLicken^ "Oxfird I thint' '°n , '''™'''' "°^' her rude severance from one so loval to tl^ CK k ' 7 V'f " ^° '""^'^"^ God." Bishop Wilberforce at the^i.- ^ ''^' '° *^^ ^^''^' ^"^ '^ and sorrow for -^ ts'the nobl ranrheT' ^ °^^'"/ ?^'« ^^-P^'hy and the Church." In h s reoW m; r^ ^ f *"^^«' f ° ^^ 'he University statement: ^^' ' ^^^^^^^^^ '"ade a very interesting - r^prese;^ OxfrSJi^^^^^^^^ it^wasomya./ or could.have a title to be h^d I wCn n,^l.? "^ *"*^ '"'P^'*^'^ *^°"'^ «P«<^» eara. . llook upon myself now as a person wholly e.xtraneous ^ mi-'- ■Jljj^i -«;^'v4 ■ PROGRESSIVE OPINIONS AND LEGISLATION. — : '— >-• < »9S V r / •^IltLuT* *^' ^"^ questions; Witt respect to l|^slative andCabinet matters I am ..Ul.n.l!!;*"*'*''^'^*'" *T P** '^'^^^'' °' transmigrations of spirit, fn trty political •«i8tence-^ne, very slow, the breakfng of ties witt» my original party; the other very short and s^arp. the breaking of the tie .with. Oxford. • ^ " Th^e' willprobably be a -third, and no more. - '^ ^ fe«-tin- " ^f '5^ /"y ^J*^^ B'»»>0P. I thank you fpr bearing with my waywardness, and manK festi|>g, m the day^of need, your confidence and aftichmeht." After the Cpntest was^closed' Mr. Gladstone addressed a valedictorv to whirJT?!! f- GpnvocatiS'n. and then went down to South LancashTr? in which taeming hive of industry he had been already nominated. ^ i^rom Man- Chester he at once issued an address to the elecMrs.'in the course of which he significantly observed: "You are conversant-few^o much so-with he tlla! tion p he last thirty-five years. You have seen,^u have felt, it| resut °You t^Tl 1°. ^^""^ "^""^"^ '^^ ^"^^"' ^^''^^ '^^ ^°""t^ generally has within the J^t eight day^proiiounced uco^he relative claims Jd positions of tl^ two great^pohtical parties with respect to that legisfation of the past, and to the p^ pective administration of public affairs." And. shortly afterwards, he apZ°d thtSh"th?rr/K^"r " ^'^ ^^r '"'^"^ «""' ^"^ - --^^ -^ich" "g fTt^u ""'^^^ K^"^^^'" ^«^ substantial evidence that the past was burfeZ I?i f r^T**" ^ ^^"^^ ^" ^''^ ^^^ ^" t^^'l^' he declared. thSWt in/hn?^. ''^ ^, '^"'^ ^'"^"^ you-ancj I.am come unmuzzled." The' enthusiastic and prolonged gh.ering which .followed this famous sentence • He wfnt ' r ?f 'T'^ °^ ^ ^"^''"^^ ^^^"^ ^^'^'^ *° Liberrm He went oi^^to declare that he had been driven from his seat after an ' arduous struggle of eighteen yearS. but. he added. '« I have loved the Un' ve sity w, ha great and pa.ssionate love, and as long as I breathe that attaThmen^ will continue; if my affection is of the smallest advantage to that g eat T ancient, that noble institution, that advantage, such fs it is oSord wil F)ssess as long as I live. . . . By no act of mine I am free to come an^^nt yo„ But. having been ttus set frse. I need hirdly tell you that it is withToy S ' thankfulness, with enthusiasm, that I now. at- this eleventh hou make mv appeal to the heart and mind of South Lancashire." In a subsequenrspeech he portrayed the difference between Oxford and Lancashire Th^r-5? ' really emMied the change in his own politi^a^^t^^^ShoVhe ^id^^^ so V\^ see nobly represented in that dncient institution the most prom Lent Ind n '^i"'^'^**^ ?« past of England. I come into SouTLancSe and I find here around me an assemblage of different phenomena I find development ofmdy^try; I find growth - of enterprise ; I findTevalenee of :"llc;4^^^ ^-^r^- ^-^-'' And then Ul^S^J ><^ ■m ■ ;¥r-^i-'J7 * > 196 LIFE AND WORK OF MR, GLADSTONE. -<> . '.' ^^ ^^^^^^^ one duty more than another incumbent upon the public men of Eng- lan^, It IS to establish and maintain harmony between the past of our glorious history and . the future which is still in store for her. . . . I am, if possible, more firmly attached to pe institutions of my country than I was when, a boy. I wandered among the sand- hills of Seaforth. But experience has brought with it lessons. I have learned that there is wisdom in a policy of trust, and folly in a pblicy of mistrust. I have qbserved the effect which has been produced by Liberal legislation ; and if we are told that the feeling of the country is, in the best and broadest sense. Conservative, honesty cdmp^s us to admit that that result has been brought about by Liberal legislation." / ' , / . * It was, indeed, a hew world in the very centre of which Mr. Gladstone now found himself placed ; and the changed environment'which thus followed upon his election by a good majoritjfcis, no doubt, responsible for the quick development of opinion which ensued in his own mind. He was, in fact, being prepared for the Liberal leadership in the Commons, which came almost immediately as the ^^irit of Lqrd Palmerston's death. The latter had observed to Lord Shaftesbury, shortly before the end came, that " Gladstone will sooirhaye it all his own way,' and, whenever he gets my place, we shall have strange doings." And, from' Uie Conservative point of view, he was fully justified in this curious assertion. The death of the Premier came very suddenly? People had, somehow, come to regard the eighty or more years of the genial statesman as comparative juvenility, and his wonderful buoyancy of character and sturdiness of appear- ance made this imprecision even stronger as time went on. But the news of his passing away stirred the feelings of sincere affection, which were almost every- where felt for him, into a wave of national sentiment. Mr. Gladstone, in a letter to Sir Anthony Panizji, referred in characteristic language to the event, and to the perhaps single bond of personal sympathy which had, in life, united him to Palmerston : " Death has, indeed, laid low the most towering antlers in all the forest. No man in England will more sincerely mourn Lord Palmerston than you. Your warm heart, your long and close friendship with him, and your sense of all he had said and done for Italy, all so bound you to him that you will deeply feel this loss. As for myself, I am stunned." And the same sense of proportion, the same capacity of neither sayinc» too much nor too little, marked his subsequent tributes to the undoubtedly noble Englishman who had gone. In the House, he was able to speak of the manliness, straightforwardness, and courage which had so stamped the late Premier in public estimation ; of •♦ his incomparable tact and ingenuity— his commandof fence— his delight, his old English delight, in a fa'r stand-up fight." His genial temper and desire to aypid whatever might exasperate were referred to, as well as a nature which Mr. Gladstone declared to have been incapable of enduring anger or the sentiment of wrath. A little later, the Chancellor of the Exchequer moved, seconded by Mr. Disraeli, an address to '**.:. PROGRESSIVE OPINIONS AND LEGISLATION. ^ 197 mtniTA\"v"'The^'''^"'^'rt^ *'^ --'-n of a monument in West- mmsterAbbey. The necessary funds were, of course, voted. Rowevef 'th? n?n!?n 'l T'/^"^ "^r^"""' '" ^'^ P^^'* ^"^ R"«««» ^^« «*«!. nTrr Ak "°"^'"^' ^d^'^. and upon him fell the immediate-and brief- mantle of the Premiership In writing him regarding the Ministry. whicThad to be at once reconstructed, Mr. Gladstone put his views plainly on record • ''I am most wilhng to retire. On the other hand, I am bound by convSon even more than by credit, to the principle of progressive reductiorrouTmilita " ^^r:^^T^Jr,^:^r)^ ;^^^ -nder the favourin'^ .enforce his opmions upon pa^poll;:^^^^^^^ migh be m office^ In November, the new Ministo^ was arranged Sv^ Lw Th?Eflof cr'?"^"" ^r^ ^^"^^^- '^' theTetl7atdTaS time.. The EaPT of Clarendon succeeded him at the Foreign Office Mr Gladstone remained at the Exchequer, and assumed the leSersWp in 7he Commons. Mr Edward Cardwell, who had previously succeederth^Duke of Newcastle, retained the Colonial Office, which was now important as an "^^ ;? H^a^i^^^^ec^ feS^^^ t ^i^:!^^ ^^^ the^I^ of Mr. Geoi^e J. Goscheo l^^g^'^^^^ his eiVh^htud^et' '%'''''' ""^l^^'^^^'^^^^^-^-^'^r. Gladstone introduced TJuT.u ^1' ^ ''^' ^^'^' °"^^ "^°^^' t° announce a flourishing revenue the House, but it was a Palm«s,onia5;' JL^rirand that ^LuT"' '" N<1 I 3 » ! 158 '&. , ^ 198 UFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. Archbishop Trench, of Dublin-by no means a close political friend-declare m a pnvate letter that " nothing can hinder Gladstone from being the most remarkable man of the age." '#: •it-pjii, , '"' •-'■j'". .Jri-^'-SMl.i ^'^'W^^-, ,.^;^,,-~„^.,f.:v-,:' .^rp; I— declare the most •■*-: .••"^ H.R.H. PRINCE ALBERT, I'rince Consort of Great Britain. \ I (19)) :. a c^^W^.^ wgs^^«*p VIEW FROM THE LIBRARY WINDOW OF WINDSOR CASTLE. /ull^'-/' ,. -f- (206) ■■'■■•■'V,. isi&J^ t"*^^ '••♦■w. ^ -« i-' .ll''».^ M^MKriX^ ' •» ; j»*^fl ""t"'* .^.<*.".ii«!.j«_w^^.*,.,v CHAPTER XVI. REFORM OF THE FRANCHISE. . ' , ' &"" tralJ^f !h 't' k'' *"' ^'=" "'■°« of Earl Russell', Ad,»i„is- ^' '^,'rp^°^^»""h« direction of Reform. Neither de™Z -- oX :S;"o T?' ■"«" "'^^ °' ''""'' '^'"■='«. "- " ■ amtoL r r °™ P"'^' '""'^ -^heck the impulsive Stoce'Xa he T/h™'""" r'"'"""^ "^ '^ ^ori John RusS uDon r. ? ""^^^ '"'' ''eht of his intentioa to improve might offer. Tw nTy'e^^X't.rHr."' k"^' f"' ""="'-' "PP-""^^ had, after a struggle, to be atLdot^d? '■\'''°"8''. i„ a Reform Bill, which- ( later he introduSd another mefre'h,,/" ^ '* " '""{ =*='°' ""'' ^« J"*" ^"' " wfhT ^'^-^ ^ -V^.rar^L'crfrccr " "^ '" "^ "^"■''-™- of Coml'^r l:?p:fed"r:mTj"=/''' »*-<^'><'«°- -"ing the House great popular constZen^/rh ^ '^l^Zt^^T' '"'• ™'°"°"^ '" => House; with the country in hi. ■ "^' majonly of 67 in the Reform than it had beS^'f^ ve^ mT"' ■""" '"7"^"'^ ^^P^'^^ ""'"<'^ behind him, Lord rS mav J "^ ^/^'■^"t "'"' " "™»8 Ministry close a political career which ha^"^,^":; ','""'''"«"'" *■' ^ ^^out to cradle of change, brblLrcSii^lvT "^''^^ 'l""' "s inception in. the very successful refom. * ^ ^"""^ "P"" "■' "^^^ "f ""o""" great and seems ^o'tve' MotXI^s'^sSat'tr "'"r"' ^P«""" '='«= -"•-" Brought up amid surroundings tSride^^^^^^ ^" ""'"'"' '""^ "^'f"' '*• his career; receiving the wWeTnfl?! r K^ "" P°"" ""' '"'""^ "<>™ <>' in days when aristocUic Whl^sm ^^^^^^^^^^ °f Bedford, nurtured amidst the noblest utScrof a nen„d f ■^'^'^ •""""'• orators; having as his fHends Srmll:^^ of'^elme^rnd a siT" ^ inarchof he timrta 'a myriad Str""' P~"f «■«• - '^e too rapid popular impression IceSg him ^7^ tZ '° YV'''''' '""'^'^ '■■« ■paradoxical in many of iti asSs Th. !k '*'■ ""V"'" "<"■' ">»" politician of ..e centuVs thirrEde blte'-J^'Siar^JitTj cZ '% 1 |... ' • , 1: A L m^M-^' i-f ' '*'• 90s UFE AND WORK OF MR. GIADSTONE. and indifferent manner, into a statesman famous, not only for frigidity of demeanour, but for >lle|ed coldness of purpose and policy. So marked was hi^ reputation in this direction that all England appreciated the celel^ted lines of Bulwer Lytton, in •• The^ew Timon " : ( ^ " How formed to lead, if not too proud to please, ' I His fame would fire you, but his manners freeze; Like, or dislike, he does not care a jot, 1 He wants your vote, but your affections not, ( And while his doctrines ripen day by day, j His frost-nipped party pines itself away." Thus the early friend of Catholic Emancipation became detested by many as the author of the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill ; -the great Reformer of 1832 appeared as the parent of a lot of unsuccessful and petty Reform Bills ; the honest champion of liberty became known abroad as "the minister who disappointed .Denmark and abandoned Poland"; the sincere abolitionist became associated in American history and memories with support, or at least sympathy, given to the Confederate States. Such was the position of the Prime Minister and veteran Liberal, who now handed over to his lieutenant in the Commons all his hopes and past efforts in the direction of Reform, for realization and present achievement. ' Mr. Gladstone was ready. The Queen had opened the new Parliament in person for the first time since the Prince Consort's death. The speech from the throne had included the important and expected announcement *' that the attention of Pariiament will be called to the result (of information to be procured), with a, view to such improvements in the laws which regulate the right of votin** in the election of members to the House of Commons as may tend to strengthen our free institutions, and conduce to the public welfare." This was certainly a cautious enough announcement— too much so to please the extreme Radicals, who piublicly declared that the old Whig influence was being exerted to hold back Mr. Gladstone, and to check, the well-known aspirations of members of the Government such as Milner Gibson, Charles Pelham Villiers, and Lord Russell himself. Certainly the Whigs predominated in its composition, as they had done in the composition of all Liberal cabinets since 1832. However that may be, the condition of the countr}' was assuredly unfavourable to the carrying out of any extreme policy. The cattle plague, in 1865, had spread through England like a fire upon the boundless prairie, and had carried off mor§ than 40,000 hpad. At this very time, cattle were dying at th^ rjate of many thousands a week. Financial distress was everywhere apparent, and was about to break into a commercial panic. There were rumours of chplera, threatened troubles in Ireland, and widespread Fenian alarms. War seemed imminent on the continent, Jamaica was in a turmoil, and Abyssinia was B-i •*i; ><. '"^T? REFORM OF THE FRANCHISE. •03 about to contribute one of England's lesser wars. More important than all to T.uTr"^ '" P^'^r^' ^"^ '^" ^^^* *h^* ^he Commons had just been eke ted and that the passage of a Reform Bill meant dissolution, and\hl worrS Ind expense of another contest. So that in spite of Lord Russell's hopeZn" ss and behef m this as a favourable moment, it was rather far from being wX:f\"^ On March 12th, 1866, amid much of curiosity and alarm, Mr. Gladstone rose, before a crowded and intensely interested audience, to in oduce Z Government Reform Bill ; to mark his public passage of the political Rubi con; and to reveal the Tory of early days in the new and corp^ e pa^t ^i the d"T' ,^ff-f"'ng the recent histoiy of the question he dealt with the details of the sdheme. Wha\ he said, and what he proposed mav be summarized in a few words. Hi^pusea, may be fifH. J^l ^r^"^'"^ '"^ '^! Counties was to run from fourteen. pounds up to fifty which 1 was supposed would &d 171.000 persons to the electoral iLs Cer ain privileges were to.be giVen lease-holders, and a savings bank franchise -fifty pounds deposited in two years-was to . be establishel toge to"^^^^^^^^ lodger franchise. A reduction of three pounds in the Borough frandiis^.^ ta ofV'Zoo. '^ *°'^^ """'" °' "^^ ^^^^^^ ^'^^'^ -^ '° ^-n the neXZod appeare^wfw^::^^^^^^^^^^^ -^ in its peroration I. whether the enfranchisement should t'ra::?ei^oWn^tf^^^^^^^ rethl: the pledges of parties and parliaments should be kept or not- whl^r 1 essential credit and usefulness and character of fhf ° ? .' ^' '^^ should be maintained, or should not H^refused to .L 7 "^ ' government the political power of the working dasttllg f uTh^wrh^ d^t^ ^^^^^^ He believed, rather, that these persons whom thev H*»^,r^H f« » r should be welcomed as recruits to an army, or cSen to a famlv AnH'" K '" all. he urged that after the decision had be^n coL ^and tt btn V °? it should be done gracefully.and not as though^hen"^^^^^^^ Tnd «t"'> " T'°f "" ^"^"^' '^ ^^^^^^ ^^^-' -th fer'ourThTs tones and sincerity and enthusiasm in every line of his speaking face to " ^ivllT persons new interests in the Constitution, new interests whkh bv thfr «^ processes of the law of nature and of Provdenc^ shall be^t' ^L ^"'^"'u' ment; for the attachment of the people to the ThlniT.^'^ "^ Uws under Which theylive. is. aft^atre^rhlnX^^^ 1 <;•?.. ^i SUiAii .nk' .|v &^% ^^^^vW" ■V;-:',3?*«^'^ /....J., ^li ao4 UFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. and "^'es at once the strength, 'the glory, and the safety of the land" But all the eloquerrc^ of his speech was not sufficient to reaHy stir the HoL of Commons The mass of the Liberals were satisfied, but not enthusUsdca" v favourable. Some of the party, weak in numerical proportion bu strong rdlh.^^ tTon t r Th^Sf 'f ' ^"' ''^'.'-''^-^ -*'^ "nttsSlToptt ^.1^ K / ! Conservatives, meetmg at the house of the late Marquess of Salisbury, decided to oppose it to the hilt. And for some time there Zeared to be very great indifference regarding the proposal in the co^ at laie This fac naturally reacted upon the House and promoted freedom of dsc us-* ion while encouraging many to opposition who would otherwise ha"e recorded m the end a silent but regretful' vote for the measure. The debates which followed wdl be always famous in English history for the orations whchhev produced and the reputations which were made The scathing invective 7f Lowe, the bitter sarcasm of Horsman, the eloquence of Brifh the keen mcisiveness of granborne, the wit and skill of njcro.r *u ^"« :*^een utterance, of G.a'ds.cne. J. wWt la^ .hel:L3^or^hI^p:lZr "'' There were many reasons for the Liberal secession which ensn«f Moderate members of the party wjre somewhat afraid of Mr Glads o^" They had been elected to follow the easy and non.progressivrieadershTor Palmerston, and now found themselves under bonds to a st»t„™V„ ? opmions were not clearly understood, but who w^s LtM fofh s pass b^re earnestness and mtense energy, and fori certain undefined faculty of c'TZw himself that some particular coarse was the right one, even thourf, h*("!l k '^ ThXT'^Tr"* '° "•.^''" ^'^'■"P WilLrforce ;Si g on thf dty^h:" wL n™, . ""' '"'"duced, voiced this general feeling of doubt as Vthe Liberal leader's power of holding his followers in line- "ri,rf«„ t entirely to his position," he Iserves, "Tu" the^e is a ge„e°rf«H„ro( The real lion in the path was to be Robert Lowe. Already disflnm.Uk.j as a politician in the Austmlian Colonies, he had come homeTo 1 a l«t1 wder sphere, and had, m fact, occupied posts in two previous A^miniSil Neither had his speeches, as yet, attracted particular attention; and hrphvs^cai quaJities were certain y not such as would be expected in an ora or H s appe^ ance was not good^ his sight was defective, his gestures ungainly, his vofce E and unpleasant. Yet he rose upon the evening following Mr ri»H.,!,r u and won laurels of applause an'd reputation wliM^nfv^r bLt^rte^rtte records of English eloquence. What Eme,«,„ calls '• the gmndeTof ab^te! id^" seemed to place his audience almost in the hollow of Tfs hL wh^'u^ brJhant dicUon and powerful invective gave him a position in Ae« Site" fw w^f in? X ! f**,"*" A ,*'W^ ?'' REFORRT OF TH» FRANCHISE. ao5 dmilar to that held by Disraeli in the great Corn Law discussions TK.. U d.d not use h,s opportunities to the same ultimate end w^ du tTwant o^^^^^^^^ and personal popularity, not to lack of intellect or ambition After a severe analysis of the measure 'IVfr T «,.,^ : *u- /• drupkenness, and the meTs^fint^iiat onL^^/o^^r^^^^ ^^"r""' andViolent people, where will you go to Lk fo^ ZTTlhr; T''T bottom?" He concluded withL fallowing perora^onT ^ " *° ''' confront:i:a'"„rort'olTtre\^^^^^^^^^^ whichwe are danger and misfortune. But. sir. ft nfay be othSwise and i 1 T ' '° '""P."""' ^'^'^ right honourable friend does succeed in c^LZTthl ' } *^" '^^ " *****' '^ '"X the passions and interests o Te day ^reTn^by dTn:?" ''T'' Parliament, when c«vet not a single leaf of the laurel tLfmy^Lt h^ brZ Z " r'^^' ' " triumph. His be the glory of carrvin^ it • mJn- J^"^*^ ® '^'® ''^w- ^ ^o not envy him his resisted it." ^^ ™ '* ' "'"" °^ ^^^^'^^^ *° ^^^^ "t-nost of my poor ability Another clever Liberal— really more of a Tnrv fK^„ o t u i r ,. debate. In now historic words^hf reLrSTto Mr Horfr'"^ T'"'"'' "' "" into ^hat maybe called his poUticaCavro°Adl|^^^^^^^ one who is in distress, and every one who is di^onten'teS "Then hi" T'', rordi^ctu /^'^^^i;;Ttrl^Ke%^-- c^ered with hair that yon cUnot tell ^h^.: ^: f,r;;tird^,th' r-th^ c■ndedJ;to\s;'^;pSer:";rL^l^^^^^^^^^^ responded in words which have the ring of an oM Z xlt ^^ '^ '"'l*'^ .hem: ..Demagogues," he declared-, "fre the co^oTplLaT: Zl'^-t^ a« found eve^here where there is found popular comLtfon ThiyT'™ ^ . fcmUy I,ken9 Thetr t^me^at lightly on the streamof time X fi»^^ o''i%i ' i-"'^;V.*'^rp""-'-3r<»r '-■"?■» '^S"^-!^'^''j^A T' ao6 UFB AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE contrive to be handed down somehow, but they are as little to be regarded fof themse ves as the foam which rides on the top of the stormy wave, and bespatters the rdck it cannot shake." While this battle of oratory was going on, it was j^ijnounced thit Earl Grosvenor (now the Duke of Westminster) would move an amendment on behalf of the Conservatives, to the effect that the .House, "while willing to consider, with a vi(iW to its settlement, the questibn of Parliamentary reform," was of the opinion that it was inexpedient to deal with the measure until the whole scheme of the Government was before the country. It was hoped that many of the Palmerstonian Whigs would be got to support the amendment, but there was little real hope of defeating, the Ministry. And Mr. Gladstone declared emphatically that he would not only oppose it, but treat it as a vote of want of confidence. The second reading of the bill was to take place after the Easter recess, and in the interim great efforts were made to arouse the country. Large, and in some cases enthusiastic, meetings were held, and Mr. Bright used all his eloquence on behalf of the Government.. Tn one letter he went rather too far by calling the Opposition " a dirty conspiracy." But the greatest demonstration was at Liverpool, 'where an immense gathering was addressed by Mr. Gljldstone, the Duke of Ai^le, Mr. Goschen, and others. The Chancellor of the ExcJ»equer lang out a very clear note of defi|pce for the coming struggle. "We stake ourselves," he declared, "we stake our existence as a Government, and we also stake our political character, on the adoption of the bill in its main provisions. . . ' . We have passed the Rubicon— we have broken the bridge, and burned the ^oats behind us." . On the I2th of April, Mr. Gladstone opened the second and greatest debate upon the subject in the House of Commons. He defended the bill, defended the working classes igainst Mr. Lowe's onslaught, criticized the Con! servatives, declared that even a further reduction of the franchise would not be dangerous, and urged upon the House the need of deeds, not words. Earf Grosvenor then moved his amendment, seconded by Lord Stanley (fifteenth, and late Eari of Derby). Sir E. Bulwer Lytton followed in a speech which stirred the Commons to its depths, and surprised the Conservatives into a passion of enthusiasm. As w|Ri L6we, this single deliveifence was sufficient to prove him an orato^. He co/cluded with an amusijig commentary upon Mr. Gladstone's claim that the w6rking classes were "our own flesh and blood," and asked him what he wouldfsome day say to the other millions who would appear and inquire, "Are we nbt fellow-Christians? Are we nqt your own flesh and blood ? " And then he pictured the reply : " Well, that is true. For my . own' part, in my individual capacity, I cannot see that there is any danger of admitting you, but still, you know, it is wise to pi^ceed gradually. A seven, pound voter is real flesh and blood ; but you arp only gradual flesh and blood» ^ t) - .tiji; ■,«.- ■A:i' ^^ REFORM OF THE FJIANCHISE. J ^^ ao7 fearedtlfi /.:L\'rnl^':;[rS^^^^ Sir Hugh Cai^s declared that the ChanceUo of th" S^PuTrf oh'" Mr. Horsman - and burnt boats was the indicat on of . f^ ? ^ T ^^°"* ^''°^^" ^"^ges lated to inspire confidence MBri^htn'r?' ""f ''°"' ""^ ^^^ "°* <^^1^>^- He claimed that it wouM only admi"fo th?f ff P^""'""^' ''^ ^^^°"^ °^ *^^ »''»• men. and would give But one f^r^h of I^ "^''^^ '''"'' "^'^^^ ''"' '^°'^'°^- class which formed three-quar ers of th ' T'^^ ^^^''^ '" '^'^ ^°^°"gh'« to a bMliant attack, upon the'"lschn.e'°'Hfr- 1"'^ "^^"^ '^"^^^^ ^ ^ working classe, Wt the other classl i„ the cou^ '^'"'^'^l °^ *^« sequent progress i^e "downward AwZ ^°""^'^' ^"d pictured the con- most eloquent sentenc, he su ™ d^ hL fl^^^^^ '^"^°^^^^^-" '^ ^ ^ "^ -at theshripeof ^evol^tiona>y pass o„ or L ,L 1^^^ ^''^^ *^ ^« ^'"ficed •f we fall, we shall fall deservily. V^oevL^L '" «"thusiasm of humanity. But, any internal calamity, but inThe^ull pThoTa of o- "1^'k^ 'T'' "°* ^^''^ ^--'^ ^Y exuberant prosperity, with our own rash and incllr'^\'°'^ '^^ ^^^^^'^ ^f/ our too down on our heads the venerable temXof out ibefv and T' "^ "^ ^^^^^^'^ P'"«='^ other acts as signally disastrous, but ofloi^e mo e ^Imon 11 ^ '' .^'''°^ '"^>' '^^^ Lord rr.nK.... ., '"'°"' "°"^ '""^^ disgraceful." with vigour and Jucidity. He L ared ' nH^[ ""u <=°^'=™">«' Proposal, Parliament had no. ^been eIeT.ed'7e"f wirRef '"''"-''''''*» P''-« admittedly incomplete n'ature of the meas,?^. ^ ^ °™' P'"""'^ »"' 'I" should have been given befoile 1 Ho^se '",?' \"''/'»™«' ">at the full details perfectly willing to consider W q"Xn of e^^ H ""t' "■''°" "• " «' "- But he did npt believe in an "taTscrimin" ^*' "«"'y franchise." e. •mf< |7.?r^«e^, I .^.f^-M^-^ ^!^^m b jjr«^ ' REFORM OF THE FRANCHISE. 309 I division ever rc^rded in the Ho^ise. a whirlwinH o7r«^r "V"" 'u'^'"'' ^."""^ * ''^''^^^y ^^ '^ disaster; and, amid m7 G Mstone ^nTT" f"''' *"^ counter-appbtfse from the othe side. m^ M^ Lowe AM H "^J°"^"r"'- "^"^^ ^^"^-^^ fi'^'^'^f^^' th* momen W^dict ve and n 'f.' "^"■'''^ '^"' ^^ ^""^ P^°^^" '^i'"««>» *he eloquent. Z?^!r: P^r'^"' incarnation ot an opposition which now seemed stand .l.h° '""'''^' 7'"^'^^'' enthusiastic, and triumphant, he l"eT to . s and as the aven^g Nemesis of a Government which had «ot^a^^t^ tt/ibe' r„X „ft;l°' : rr'«-— '"- -ehad ca„ed .W^n'ser '^^n6.a^;^^J^^ >'-'-■ '^''^ -poo «.« Co„st«tio.. ^ > '^H"«^es^nd uponlheCoiistittition, by thunder ' 4 It s a fact of which there ars bushels of proofi ; • For how could we trample upon it, i wonder. If It was'nt continually under our hoofo? " e'^«1'a.«Thrh!:""'1,''?^'l': Lord Dunkelto moved an amendment to the ground tor jomt action between the two Dartip ?^r*!?^i';'!i 'j«U^*S&«J r ^•■ w ^' m ■d ^m^ 1 "a)„-i '.'4- ft ■-'■ <"-.-> 1 1 .^* f^- i. ' ' .- .ri" - ^ - v^''T^*' tlO -W- lilFfi AN» WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. |b'&' i _,But, as might have been expected after debates of such a stormy and heated nature, the condition was altogether too volcanic to permjTof clfeipromise A week later, therefore, the Russell-Gladstone Government had^ceased to exist' In the ensuing session a Reform Bill was carried by a Conservative Administra- tion, but It was long before the historic scenes and battles of 1866 were equalled m the House of Commons. Certainly the Irish Church discussions did not compare with them in eloquence and intensity. And, through it all Mr Gladstone had steadily added to his great reputation as an orator and rhetorical debater. Mr. Duncan McLaren, the well-known Radical M.P. for Edinburch during many years, says of this period in a private letter: ' "Mr. Gladstone sat there, from the first till the last, a perfect monument of patience. I was often amazed to see how, when pelted by foes from the opposite side and by those who were sitting behmd him-and those honourable friends from his own side generally pelted him with the greatest severity-I was amazed to see hbw he could reply to tho^ Attacks with the degree of calmness and good nature he manifested, and how he alwavs avoided ascribing any improper motives to them." There were, of course, exceptions, but only enough to prove the rule. Lord Houghton (Monckton Milnes) wrote that in the debates, as a whole, " Gladstone Ms shown a fervour of conviction which has won him the attachment of three hundred men, and the jhonour of the rest- of the House." As a matter of feet, a stand-up battle of this nature was required in order to make him the real personal leader of his party. And so also with Disraeli. Meantime, Lord Derby^ljad formed his third administration. As previously with the Peelites so now he endeavoured to gain the adhesion of the Adullamites or disaffected Whigs. But neither Lord Clarendon nor Mr. Lowe would accept office though tbey promised an independent support. The Cabinet was, therefore' formed ^f solid Cdhservative timber. Mr. Disraelflgain became Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Lord Stanley, who had distinguished himself by seconding the famous Grosvenor amendment, and was supposed- to possess an unusual amount of sound common sense, was given the Foreign Office. The Eari of Carnarvon, a rising man of cultured ability, became Colonial Secretary and Viscount Cranborne, whose reputation was already" great as a caustic critic of the Liberal party, took the Indian Office. Sir Stafford Northcote became President of the Board of Trade, Mr. Gathorne Hardy was President of the Poor Law Board, and Lor^ John Manners took charge of the Woods and Forests Department. I The new Government, like that headed by Lord Derby in 1858 was a sort of Conservative foriorn hope. « It held office with a nominal Whig and Liberal majority against it of neariy seventy. But the break in the ranks of the (Opposition upon the Reform question was too serious to mend easily and was jrery apt to extend to other matters. Sa they didTtheir best, and m^i86^^ iiiL_J ' . '•'-■ ., ' ' -:. - ., ■ k^ REFORM OF THE FRANCHISE. SII i:arried, m a modified form, the changes for which Mr. Gladstone had made so gallant a struggle. During the months which passed before Parliament assembled, great mass meetings were held in various places ; a serious riot occurred m Hyde Park in connection with a Reform League demonstration ; an open-air meetmg held near Birmingham was said to have numbered 250 000 people ; and violent denunciations of Lord Derby and Mr. Lowe were more common than was altogether wise or pleasant. Meanwhile Mr. Disraeli was preparing his scheme for the solution of the much-vexed problem. It had' become evident that the country was now fafrly aroused, and that, as Mr^ ' Gladstone said in speaking to the address when Pariiament opened in Febl ruaiy, a speedy settlement was imperative. To go into details is unnecessary. It is, perhaps, sufficient to say that Mr Disraeh proposed to lower the qualification for franchise all round, but in such a way as to still preserve some material stake in the community as a factor in the voter s privilege. Four close boroughs ^ere to be disfranchised, and twenty-three small boroughs were to each lose one member. These seats were to be apportioned amongst the populous centres, and it was expected that the general result would add 400.000 people to the voters' list. At first it was intepded to proceed by resolution and by the non-party method, but the Oppo- sition, including 289 members, met in cauciis and decided to refuse their support to the proposal. Mr. Disraeli, therefore, had to announce a Govern- ment measure, and three members of the Government at once resigned— Lord Cranborne Lord Carnarvon, and General Peel. The first-named afterwards ' declared that, if the Conservative party accepted the bill, they would be com- ' mitting political suicide. And. if being out of power from 1868 to 1874 was political suicide, then Lord Salisbury_as he became a little later^was not far wrong. But Mr. Disraeli was finally able to carry everything before him. Lortl ^ ' Houghton tells us in his diary, at this time, that " I met Gladstone kt breakfast.^, ^r He seems quite awed with the diabolical cleverness of Dizzy." And there really appears to be no ioubt of the general effect of Disraeli's able party\ leadership m this session Mr Beresford-Hope. who was one of ^hose Tories Who could not bolt the bill, declared during the debates that, "sink or swim, dis^ntion or no dissolution, whether he was hi the next Pariiament or out of it he for one with his whole heart and conscience, would vote against the Asiai mystery.'' But the "Asian mystery" was too strong for this antagonist, as he had proved to be for niuch greater ones. Many changes were, of course, made in Committee before the measure finally passed, ahd much was done at the dictation or through the influence of Mr. Gladstone. The latter, however, did not^ave altogether a jl^Lnt time of it. Many things he gcmld not support4B the biU, othera it wa»- I m not politically wise to support, although, perhaps, he would have liked to have 1 pi^.<.vi,;' J " f j" ^^ W, T V*¥^ tis ! 1! T LIFE AND WORk OF MR. GLADSTONE. done so Nor could he always cany his party with hirj, and upon one occasion the bUl passed and on the 15th of July the long contest was over Perhaps the' mo t notable feature in this second series of debates h^d been the tremendous onslaught which Lord Cranborne made upon his former leader and his ZZ chief. The pohcy of Mr. nxsraeli was based, in his opinion, upon "the ethics o '':i"^^-"1::''rTiu'f ^ '^"P°^^^ ^^^^^^^ M been won at the cos of "a4)olitical betrayal which has no parallel." inv. .• ^^"^f ^"'' ^°we^er,. had lately heard so much 0f brilliant and bitter mvective that it was as ready to forget these attacks as Mr. Disraeli and Lord Salisbury were afterwards willing tb buiy the memory of them. The Reform Bill was now law ; and, a little later. Lord Derby resigned, .s a tesult of illne^ and was succeeded in the Premiership, for a brief and troubled period, by hiSfever lieutenant. The dissolution of Parliament followed, and, with a great Liberal triumph at the polls, and amid a general demand from he ^eopfr^. Sad nolitLl"'™' "^""^ '^r'^'' ^^^'^^P^'^" '''^^ back'at'th;s7stormy poitical years no more fitting words could be found to close a summary of Mr. Gladstone s share in the strenuous conflict than those used by John Bright m addressing, during 1867, a massif pgople at Birmirfgham : ^ , " \ ^i" v"**-™ to say this, thatf'^ce 1832. there hasWn no man of the official ^nk or c ass. and no statesman who has imparted into this q>,estion of Reform so much of conviction so much of earnestness, so much of zeal, as has been imparted duringlhXt two years by the leader of the Liberal party. Who is there in the House of Commons who equals him m the knowledge of all political questions ? Who equals him in eZestness ? Who equals him m courage and fidelity to his convictions ? If these gentlemen who sav they will not follow him have any one who is equal, let them show him. J thTcrn S irthTrprodrhil^" ^^° -'' ^^^'^^^y-^^-deur to the.tature of Mr^SsZ! ^: f « r 1 Pw' CHAPTER XVII. DISESTABLISHMENT OF THE IRISH CIIURGH. MR. GLADSTONE accepted the invitation of the Queen, and proceeded with the formation of his first Government. He had behind him the argcst majority which had beq* given to any Eng- hsh statesman since the stirring days of 1832. He held a distinct mandate from the people to do away With the State Church in Ireland, and had promised to consult Irish ideas in the administration of Irish affairs. He had already won a great reputation— an opportunity was now given him to increase and ex- pand It. The formation of a Ministry under such conditions was not difficult. Admittedly the first man in his party,with an overwhelming popular sup- port and a distinct policy which all could under- stand, he had merely to make judicious and careful selections. His first step was one of gracious and con- siderate courtesy. Writing to Eari Russell on ■^^^^™^'* 3rd. he said : " I have this morni-n.y underuken by Her Majesty's command, to attempt the format!™ oH new Adm,mstrat,on. In proceeding with this task, I cannot, without much mZ gmn&compare myse f with you, and with others s o much more co mpetent tT^n iam,mwfisse«eps f am thus endeavourmg To tread.-— —~ You hav« an"" experience and knowledge to. which no living statesman can pretend Of tU'- / M m »».» -■.> i. 'f- 314 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. ^t wLld L r1 ^'^"^ V ^™ '"'^ '^^' ^" ^^'^ ^^-™ I <=-" be likely to mSer rfhe r K-r *° '^^^^'f^^ ^l^^^^^er you could afford to become a ^errarRefor ' K ' ' ^^f?""' '^' ^"'^'^^ °^ °'^^^ responsibilities.?" The S'eSttTet ' °"^^^^ '" "^^^P' ^'^^ ^^^"-^ contained in this Nor? M Q ^P'''^!''""^ *° ''°^^'" '" ^ «^^t« of semi-retirement. Cha^lrshr^H^int^^^^^^ i^-^ — P^ ^^e Lord koAu -1 , ' views upon the Irish Church question were not- in tCZe^l^onfrr^^^ - ^h« new\linistr;" B^^th inese exceptions, the Administration was soon formed, as follows : Premier and First Lord of the Treasury Lord Chancellor Lord President of the Council Lord Privy Seal Chancellor of the Exchequer Home Secretary Foreign Secretary Colonial Secretary War Secretary India Secretary President, Board of Trade Chancellor, Duchy of Lancaster Postmaster-General First Lord of the Admiralty Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland Chief Secretary for Ireland Chief Commissioner of Works Attomey-General Solicitor-General Mr. Gladstone Lord Hatherley Earl de Grey andRipoa Earl of Kimberley Mr. Lowe Mr. H. A. Bruce Lord Clarendon Lord Granvilla Mr. Cardwell Duke of Argyle - Mr. Bright Lord DufiFerin Lord Hartington Mr. H. C. E. Childers Earl Spencer Mr. C. Fortescue Mr. A. H. Layard-' Sir R. P. Collier Sir J. D. Coleridge .tanc^ri"! ''l""PP<''""»«'>'»"««Pecul.ar. Otherswere changed bycirenm- into separa^n. Though a disciple at that time of the Manchester school h« . I^' f dlil^!ri°!:.r ■t^lf''''— °^ "■' °""- --'■°°' in Foreign r.a-»:.„ J J- • . - — I «"*»"»»- oirticsuian oi tne oiaer schoo in Forpiim affairs, and a dip lomafist of wide croaritinr^ ««»^«.™«^^j^-— ^^l~/ ^ 1 -1" —1 j« vRoe expenenee, was succeeded^^uponhts death in . -,!_.—= ^,tt-^v. ««^»J L Awuivii^fiaai ^»L.*.^ ii ^ ifi^i^>M ^X' ^^ flg* ^pp*f^, DISESTABLISHMENT OF THE IRISH CHURCH. "5 1870, by Earl Granville. No man in English politics has ever had so many friends and so few personal enemies as the late Lord Granville. He was so courteous m manner and language, so pleasant and conciliatory in political intercourse and social life, that it is difficult to criticize him. But he was not a strong Foreign .Secretary. To him, perhaps, were due some of the incidents m connection with international affairs which have caused Mr. Gladstone's very name to be hated by the many Conservatives who believe that boldness and bnlhancy m foreign politics are synonymous with British patriotism and national honour. But his influence was copsiderable. and his personal popularity very great As Liberal leader in the Lords for many years, he was as successful as any chief of a hopeless minority could hope to be. To quote the late Earl L.ytton, m his clever poem and parody, " Glenaveriel " : " The supple Glaucus, smiling, takes the field ; * '■»• Evades the point, with deprecating tone * Of well-bred wonder noble lords should yield y° j^O"*'*^ unworthy of reply ; from old Whig history qaotes ; And wards off arguments with anecdotes." Mr. Lowe's appointment was an extraordinary and, as it turned out an unfortunate one. He had literally no knowledge of finance, and a private rlote to a relative at the time, expressed this fact very neatly, while it also voiced public opmion, though, no doubt, unintentionaHy on his part : " Dear Henry — I am Chancellor 6f the Exchequer, with everything to learn. Robert Lowe " He was also fated to show an entire lack of that faculty of doing unpleasant things in a pleasant way, which is so desirable in a guardian of the public purse. He had great^and admitted ability, together with a wonderful power of sarcastic speech, but this was not the position for him. And it took people an unusually long time to get over their surprise at the appointment of an eminent opponent !"rlT , ^ ^'^^ P'^^^ •" ^" avowedly reforming Ministry. Mr. Card- W 1 JT^ '•!?" ""u" .^'' 'P"'' ^" P°*'''"' ^'^ ^^d f°"ght many a Peelite at th! It I It ""a 't ""'^ ^'''^'''' ^'- ^"g*^^ ^^« in his proper place at the Board of Trade His acceptance of the extraordinary suggestion of Mr. Gladstone that he should^take the Indian office, would havelntroduced an element into the Government of the great Eastern Empire as disturbing and eccentric as that invo ved in the proposal of ten years before to makf Mr Disraeh Viceroy of India. fi M • ^°f!^ J^"ff^"n/>n|y remained a short time in the Government, leaving a hft w'^fi'". ^ might have attained the highest eminence for another.' in which he holds first place. Had he remained in Imperial politics and stood by Mr. _^^^' tJtT^^\I^^°"' ^""^ P^""^" °^ conciliation so often shown , , ^ight have worked^«^nderfQ} changes in i«^t is^ now a f scord 6r~ marked achievement, but of equally marked failure. The sound ability of the '4 f i u. ,%' 'Ct'i -+- -r->. 1^ ^ * 1 ^ / 3l6 LIFE AND VVdRK OF MR. GLADSTONE. well maintained by the fSurfLnrH^r-^r'^^^ ^"^ '"'^ ^^^^^ Position was Of Mr. Gladstones tteS ^^^ J' ""' ^^^^^S- tant point in his Career He had L.m 7 ''°°'* ^'' ^''^^P'' '^^ "^°«^ ^"^ A- He was only fifty-nine whSh in En.Hr^t;- ^"' "^"''^ '"^'""^"^^ '° ^^ ^^ne. could not Lw'^it, h^d SeenS^^ before him. And ;ight at hind t?« ? ^"^ th.rty years of active political life mated. ^ ^' ^^"^ ^^" » S^^^t legislative change to be consum- remain:KtS.^dr<^:::S-;^f « "^'"^^ °^^^^ -^^' - not. its effect upon Ireland MrSr 'u- ^^''^ '^'^'^S'^ ^^« House and published i^n 1868 ht detd^rr::^^^^^^^ - vigour and effectiveness. But whether hf^ this important step with whether he was personally honest or no. Tu P^^^^^^^ consistent or not ; honestyin the prLises-Co^ w«l judl:;^^^^ r^V"{ °"^ "°^ ^^'"^ ^^^ case and the results of the change pli^^ thx policy by the requirements of the posal to disestablish and d^nd^w a Itaff rl K^^Tf ^^^^ ''«^- '^^^ P- structureofthe Constitution duZ rlt ".^''^^^^ ^^^ S^^^" '"*« the foreign war and civil conflLt" of ccle^^^f.h ^^^^'^^ ^?' ^°^ ^^^"^^'^^ °^ indeed, a bold one. ecclesiastical change and religious strife, was, adminisTJLtiiltd'r^^^^^^^^ of the system of Irish that the Gladstone Ministiy co^fd Teallv cirrv n '. . '^ ^'"'^" '' P°^^'^^« most difficult policy. Th? warLr i^r 7 "'.'*' ^'■^"°"^' intricate, and ensuing discusLpsf dwelt lith'mo^e tt':hVc?^ '''""'' '"""^ '^^ dangers of the step about to be taken wMUfK "'''^" 'P^"' "P^" '^e were, in many cases, equaly un har^kw^^^^^^^^^^ 'TT'' ^^ ^^^-^ablishment coming fall of an historic rel^ous s^^^^^^^^ '° '^'^' ^'^^^^^ '^ 8'°^' over the Language was certainly not /niarded Af «n« » j . posed measure was denounced as S„.t. f a. • f""** ""^^^^^ the pro- Cork, Lord Bandon deci^^^h^plu^^^^^ Speaking at plunder of the land. The Earl of Ca^.t f ^"."^ *° ^^ preparatory to the be-the greatest nationalSfevLeoT^ a public meeting, told his hearers Tn Tn^f I Archdeacon of Ossory, at Rulers, « to trust in God zTdZev hTT/f TV«^^ ^>^ ^"^^ Home referred to the proposal 2 "rgrStLttT^lTM''^?;-^ Archdeacon Denison tion to express its "utter detesSSlT ! ' 5?^ ^'- ^""^^ ^^^^^ Convoca- measui^" ; while the S^"^^^ and abominable ■.'•■ra ..hi'. ^?^4^4*fe^¥fi^^^^i. ^■^^ wa'^ t?;- DISESTABLISHMENT OF THE IRISH CHURCH. ai; it. fir.tTmnn ^ ^ , Parliament met in February. 1869. it was known that Its first important work would be in connection with the Irish Church. While, details of the Government policy could, of course, be only guessed at, a very fair Idea was obtainable from the series of resolutions which Mr. Gladstone had earned during the last session of the preceding House, and by which he had forced the dissolution and compelled the ultimate defeat of the Disraeli Government In his speech upon that occasion, he had paid every homage to a Church Estabhshment as such, and in an efficient condition, but had very clearly pointed ftut, that .• ' ^ J " We who did Our liiieage litgh — ^- -^-^»^ Draw from beyond the starry sky Are yet upon the other side, '' To earth and to its dust allied." And he had then declared that events rendered Pisestablishment imperative in the case of Ireland, and that every effort must now be made "to remove what still remams of the scandals and calamities in the relations which exist IaT uf ^? u^""^ Ireland, and to fill up with the cement of human con- ' cord the noble fabric of the British Empire." The Queen's speech, therefore, announced, as a matter of course, that the ecclesiastical arrangements of Ireland" would be brought under con- sideration at a very early date. Her Majesty, who had not personally opened Pariiament, took a great interest in the settlement of the question, and the correspondence published, Jjy permission, in some recent Memoirs of the period shows that her intervention was both active and fruitful of good On the very morning that the House met, Archbishop Tait received an autograph letter, from which the following are extracts : - ^.^ * 'fT^%^T^u™"? "^"^^ * ^^"^ "°^^^° *^« Archbishop of Canterbury on the tf^'?,^: u^^"u'^''"^''*''"^''"^"^"^>'^"'''°"^- • • • The Queen has seen Mr. Gladstone, who shows the most conciliatory disposition. He seems to be really moderate mh.s views and anxious, so far as he can properly and consistently do so, to me* the objections of those who would maintain the Irish Church. He at once assured the Queen of h.s readmess-indeed. his anxiety-to meet the Archbishop, and to communi- cate freely with h.m on the subject of this important question, and the Queen must express her earnest hope that the Archbishop will meet him in the same spirit. The Governmenl T .\vTl^ ; u "°"'^,*«"d *° ^^'^«^ ^"^Pi^^ion of their sincerity in proposing "o disestablish the Irish Church, and tp withdraw all State endowments from all religious communions in Ireland; but were these conditions accepted, all other matters connected with the quesuon might the Queen thinks, become the subject of discussion and negotia- tion. Th« Archbishop had best now communicate with Mr. Gladstone direct as to wh^ be could see him." , The Pr e nu e r a n d tke^felat», o^courag^, metrsfaoFtly^atirefwaras, ah dil^"" cussed the mass of collateral questions which had to be settled. The result ^^• •t. r^ Jslf^^ / ai8 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONK did not at once appear, but in the subsequent battle between the Lords and the Condons the Queen, though and by the Archbishop, acted as a sort of medijator between the two parties. On March ist, Mr. Gladstone introduced his ^neasure with characteristic lucidity and ability. He opened with the declaration that " the system of Church Establishment in Ireland must be broiight thoroughly and completely to a close," and that, while details would be treated ii^ a liberal and even indulgent fashion, the enactment itself must be prompt atad final. Disestablishment was to take place on January ist, 1871, but from the^pa^ssage of the act no further vested interests were to be created, and the property of the Church was to pass into the hands of Commissioners. The churches and burial grounds were to become the property of the disestablished * Church, and the houses of residence were also to be handed over on payment of certaih heavy building charges which now existed -upon them. Later on in his addressi he added in this connection : 'f I trust that when, mstead of the fictitious and adventitious aid on which we have toolong taught the Irish Establishment to lean, it should come to place its trust in its own resources, in its own great mission, in all that it can draw from the energy of its min- isters and its members, and the high hopes and promises of the Gospel that it teaches, it will find that it has entered upon a new era of existence— an era bright with hope and potent for good. At any rate, I think the day has certainly come when an end is finally to be put to that union, not between the Church and religious association, but between the Establishment and the State, which was commenced under circumstances little auspicious, and has endured to be a source of unhappiness to Ireland, and of discredit and scandal to England." The capital value of the Church's possessions in tithes, glebes, etc., he assumed to be about $80,000,000, and of this about half was to be applied in compensation of various kinds, while the balance was to be used, according to ' the preamble of the bill, " for the advantage of the Irish people," but not in any way fo;r religious purposes. All grants made from private sources to the Church prior to 1660 were to be preserved intact. Finally, it was announced that the large balance which the State had to deal with was to be allocated in different proportions to the asylums and other charitable institutions of Ireland. It goes without saying that all these, and myriad smaller details, were presented to the House wit]j[ marvellous clearness. It may be monotonous to ad4 thati the speegh was a great one, but that is the only word that describes it. Deajn Davidson, of Windsor, writing in after years, and not," of course, froiii a p6int of view friendly to the measure itself, says that "no earlier or subse- quent efibrt will hereafter eclipse the fame of Mr. Gladstone's feat in holding the 'attention of the House for some three hours and a half while he unfolded by de^ees what jn^any other hands would have been^its dry and complip^ tM " litkils."^ ■f^^?<- iVylt DISESTABLISH^IENT OF THE IRISH CHURCH. ai9 Bishop Eraser, of Manchester, in a letter on March 4th. following, said : " I don't know what your views are about the Irish Church P«r ^ ir , what may of it. in the shape of consequences to the Chnrrh^f p- t '^ r "^''''^' ''""'^ we now have to deal with the problems of the age." statesman best qual.aed of all lat Mf rrtfr^^T "'^'^ '^^" enthusiastic in its references, and declared that Mr. Gladstone had never before, •' amidst all the triumphs tha^ mark h^. long course of honour and success, displayed more vigorous gX of h s^uLiec Rcndell Pa,„er assen.e'd trdTes fbl "hint bu 'fs Srh:^'""'- .''' d.«=„do™e„t Mr. Lo„e „as characteristic its^cas'tln ST. .'! b.11 and attacking the Conservative leader, whUe Sir ID TnUr'^ ^ J^tant fame by an el^uent defence, which some o': ha^s id was st;ta:« a. o have almost made the. Irish bishops glad of their own coming iSa " extmction and disappearance from the House of Lords. EventS v the proposals passed without change bya raajoritvof lu on th. ,k i j- Then came the inevitable difficulty fn the Upl Houte The I h k'^'"*- Who had in the meantime been /ghting th?raste":ith^a ■.ll\„tere win t''' T?Tuk'' '" ■="■"'""" "-^'^ ='"S8'» 'o ^onx" purpose Arch! bishop Trench of Dubhn. was especially enthusiastic and denune^ato v i„ ht opposition, and to him Bishop Wilberforce, in the course of a lenAhy Ire spondence, wrote a soothing and rather remarkable letter. After aUacWnrM; Disiaeli in a distinctly personal manner-for, with all his good ess a"dabilit^s \ ••UK". •SO h(FE AND WORK OP MR. GLADSTONE. ■■•■m^ however oppose^, which the English p«,ple have been unable, for^ts • difHcultv ' to^c«rrv through whea they have determined to do so ? . Thev h,vo r«« !i » ^ disestablishment, and they knd'w that they can and wili Jrv it N^^ w ° "^"^ ^T opposing anA chafing such a body ? " ^ *' ^^''' *'*^* " S*"^*** ''J' And *en he proceeded to urge tl^t the principle of disestablishment l,e his Tend '?.tVT"T''' T" ^^^"'^ ^"""Sed. But the Archbishop and aid r H' r .. r ^^ ^ '" *^' '"^""'^ *° ^^^^P^ ^^«" ^l^viously good ad4e and the bill, the^fore. went up to meet an apparenUy liiliomprLisinrand - unfavourable rec.ji.0^ No one knew exactly wLt^LV^Trrsut^^^^^^ be. bu^all who had the mterests of the Constitu^^n at he^t dreaded a srriou3 conflict between the Lords and so large and mti^nal ^mi^y in the cLmoT There was in this case no doubt as to the Mntjki^nt of jt^ countrv ^.n!; consideration of expediency would restrain Much stL^pHnc^S in!u h" connection, as were Lorf Derby, the majori^ of the bishopsr/nd maTy of tL t'i^r^v^all 7.k''''" '°"°"f • " "''^' r^°P M^g-' °^ PeterZugh JadT ^1 Indthe EadoMrK ''''"'" ""/-th his famous denunciations oT the bill and the Earl of Derby, now worn b^ political strife and wasted bv disease made what was destined fo be the last public, utterance of a great careeTi am an old man." said he, >ast the allotted ^ of threescorf and teL and if It be for thejast tirne that I have the/ honour^ Addressing your loTdihins I declare that it will be to my dying d^y a satisfaction that f have been a^^ K,- K ?!^^"*j™«' ^^^'■y fort was being made to effect a compromise Arch bishop Tai, by command of the Qufeen, and by consent of manlThe* leaders" Tnd ZTfZ' """T'' ^" ''y'''^ '° S'' the Lords> make'^onirmoderat^^ and practicable amendments. He had won the fiaht n^.r .u ""'>" j"°"^yate and ins|ead of instant rejection, as 1!^ DerL dern^I^ ^ 1'''°""* '"^i"^' £Kf^r £t:3B =7^: -rzss dt, they can no m<»e diuSlL^Li! "^ f^' '"""""" '"' "'''<='' *^ /*v k*»;^_f'*-": _,* ^- * ■Ifc'^iW",*' ■ ^^p^ft^ '.r"TT' 4"^'' *■ DISESTA BCISHMENT OF THE IRISH CHURCH. "^ I • i __^ fomil ( / aai and back went the bill in its original form) n« t i ... after a ho. debate, decided b/Za^li^l'f .^^o^lC o'The ^ "" ^ ' ^"''' important of their amehdi?iPnfQ t»,.„ K- aanere to the first and most fea^. a^d i„ anSnT/: ^''^i^^^ H^ ^bee, for several days in almost hourly communication with ,1^ n^ ^^ , "" Cairn. the Conservative le=tder in the Lordt and i^.* M?"SradsT "-f usual, however, in such contingencies a comnr^,!^?.- Gladstone. As. sides yielding something and on thr',fir7,r T T" «"^"^ '')' ""th received the* Royal as£hC^™ '^l^^l^,-"" f *L'™!1 ^.'"r^'; ^"' ach,evement, and this aside from aU poli&al consEatiors tKi W^' earned through its various stages in the face „f J •"'! ^"^ ""^ ' Opposition, and in the brief s^ace of tet^my ^^thrVh'ep'^r'?' forceful determination was admitted on all sides and M= T '^"="»" » *s important measure now made Him he uncomrtlt^d^S' "«-'""> ar,d the dominant force in progressive Libendism b!^'^!"' ^L"^^ conscience of the commu~me partic„?ir f^th h^M 1' *" """«™ enforced by the law of the State WMr, "*°''' ^ ™PPorted and he hadno^ limited its i^pltttn r^atTsChTcrp'rsrd'"'"^ "" "■«"^' tl yiston of fte Protestant religion in domi^nttd effS opTL'^" ',"'" this basis he could still support the Church of kL7„!^ ■ N?*^ f^ ""• "P"" helping to depose fiom its n^Sional posMon the Chf ^h of En^^i';'?' f ll^l^" ^ Meanwhile, personal denunciation of Mr. GUdtone !i**,^ ll"^- •certain ecclesiast cal and political cirrlPQ an^ '*"«one ^as veiy, common m Manyfelt regaling the IHs'h£ch::t'hT^^ were, no doubt, honestly incapable of appreciatinrthl l- ^ ' ' ^""^ '^^^ changing c^Tnvictions, and contLed me^l dement r"''"' conscience, able in many ways, but in none more tLn 7k- ? ^ ""^^ '° ''^'^'''^^ peculiar word', and' a still morr^LuTa^ thtg ;"Mr"Sr^ ^^ '^ distent in 1869. because of his work on Church and qfl 1 I ""^^ '^^^^ ' before, so also was Mr. Disraeli who Ld i! tR ^^ate written thr^e decades as induding «. a starvin^g7o;ltn fn ':^::!^1Z^Z ^^ ''T^ Church " But the fact of the matter is that^either was to bLTf ^1 ^'"^^ ' m opinion which had come about as the naVural result of ti^ 1? '*'^^^' change which rolls around and over every morrn st.tl? '\'^'}^^^p( achievement. ^ ^"^ statesman of experience or - ^r for. ^° ^^^w ^^^^'^°"« °^ ^'^'^^se Disraeli for intinsistent views held thir^ ^r forty years before any given date is, therefore, both useless «^r ^'^'^^ '^^'^ •: .^jay^a, did^ne critic attbistime,rfu.t Mr. Gl^ i : ■^. .w^-as did onecritiirt^iiis^e^ih^na. Si^To:"^^^^^^^ ia.e capacity of change, till beside him i^^^S ^:Z1::,^^m^\ ' -.^l.. • «.t. ■..'*• Jf' ■Si LIFE AND WORl^ OF MR. GLADSTONB. Simply claim that he has embodied the spirit of the passing centnfy The real matter for consideration in such cases as this is the object aimed at and the method of achievement. As the Liberal leader had already said in hia Chapter of Autobiography" (September 22nd, 1868), "Changes which are sudden and prec.pitate-changerf accompanied with a light knd contemptuous repudiation of the former self-changes which are systematically timed and tuned to the interest of personal advancfiment-cban^es which are hooded slurred over or denied-for these changes, and such as these. I have not one word to say." ' . ^ c. * uVT "I '° *''^l" ^^^^ *" ^'^ '^"^^ "P°" t'^e »"'on of Church and State,, he had used none of the stock arguments current in the discussions of thirty years afterwards. He had not said that it should be maintained in order ~nT Ak'''^^ u^ P'T''^'^" '° S"^'^ ^g^'"=* ^ ^^'^^^ a»d ultimate repeal of the union between England and Ireland. He had not urged that it should be maintained for the spiritual behefit of a small minority; or at the expense of establishing religious equality by giving sops to other denominations^ and churches. But however strong or weak this argument may be, Mr Glad- stone appears on more real ground when he points out that the basis' of his whole contention in this early wo^k-exclusive and active support to an established rehgion-was a theory which no party or section of a party was ThTn •• Wh .ThTk " *^!,'"'"^«V " ^ ^-"d ™y«eJf th« iast man on k sinking ship. What h^d been and was, the majority were more than willing to maii^ tain, but further public endowments or grants of money either to Established Churches, or to Church schools, as such, were clearly seen to be impossible. . Hence, he gradually and naturally drifted away from his old-time theory. This IS shown, though he does not refer tait in his " Defence," by ah extract from a letter to Bishop (then Dean) Wilberforce on August i6th, 1845 : "As you say, title by descent wiir not uphold her. and efficiency -^ould be'her best argument. But I am sorry to express my apprehension that the Irish Church is not in a large sense, efficient ; the working results of the last three years have disappointed me " To return to the autobiography. The Church in Ireland, he points out idways had his sincere good-will. and he did not leap at once to the conclusion that at some definite pehod she must cease to exist as an Establishment. ? uk u^P^'a 1,' T^ ^^ ^"'^ '° ^^^^"'' ^^^"^ ^h^"^« O" behalf of the Jrii^^l ; rt t'u ^' ^^^^P't'^l^tes all the favouring influences pos- aessed by that Church, the powgr for good she ought to have attained, the poverty of the real -result. -She has had ample endowments; an almost unbrokett freedom from th^ internar controversies which have chastened (thongh in chastenihg, I believe, improved) the Church of England. She has had all the moral support that could be given her by the people of this ■ gg"^°^?-^Jg«l ?Z^jAe^Ch^^^^^ d ow n t^ 1^ ' •^' B-^, ■ tr — *^ww DISESTABUSHMENT OF THE IRISH qpURCH. ••3 %^ the ground by famine ; and then thinned from year to year in hundreds of thousands by tje resistless force of emigration. And, last and most of all, m the midst of that awful visitation of 1847-8 her Protestant clergy came to the Roman Catholic people clad in the garb of angels of light; for besides their oWn bounty, they became the grand almoners of the British nation." Yet, ifi spite of all these advantages, the census of 1861 showed that fe^r^y any impres- sion had been made upon the relative numbers of the Anglicans and the Roman- ists. Hence, to his mind, the practical failure of the Irish Establishment. Mr. Gladstone then proceeds in this remarkable little bit of self-history to quote various incidents and remarks which indicate the restlessness of, his mind upon the question during many years, and his gradual approach towards decisive conviction and action. And he concludes by claiming that it is •« by a practical,^ rathei than a theoretic, test that pur establishments of religiori should be tried." In other words, like every human institution, they must be judged by their works. To this belief he had apparently come through a lengthy course of self-training, and by the long road which reaches from an Establishment under Divine sanction, if nOt command, to an Establishment which must be dealt with according to its spiritual performance and popular prpgress. Such was Mr. Gladstone's own defence of his change of opinion. There may have been other and unconscious motives behind the general conscipusness which he felt that the Church had not proved itself worthy of its position, and had become the centre of seething national discontent. Mr. Froude claims in his "Life of Lord Beaconsfield "— a volume most unfavourable to the Tory leader-that Mr Gladstone's High Church and Tractarian tendencies tJre-' judiced him m the matter. The Irish Church is declared by the historian to ' have been Evangehcal to the heart-actively, vigorously, healthily EvangelicaK We have no Tractarians here," said the Bishop of Cashel to me, "we have the real thing,^ and knOw too much about it." Curiously enough in this ''T*''L?*L?''^°f Wilberforce, writing to Sir Charles Anderson oh March '^ ""fb ^^08' ^fe"ed to the " bad business," as he called it, and then, speakiqg ' °! ^': Gladstone, said : " { have no doubt that his hatred" to the low tone ol ' the Irish branch has a good deal to do with it.'' ^ ' '. • However, speculation in such a direction' wwild open up too vast a field for consideration here. One thing is certain. ' Mr. Gladstone was thoroughly in earnest, and thoroughly convinced of the righteousness of his cadse and ofthe" ^ necessity for his^ction. ^^As to its general benefit,.Englishmen will aiway^ be * divided in opmion Irish Catholics and English ^'beral#are united, of course. ' . in adniiration of the jwhcy, but the majority of thosje who love the Endish Establishment, and nearly air Conservatives, still fe^I that it waffadangious precedent and a weakening of British. inflnf»nge in Ireland. Fe- ^—-^ - > be found to agree with Archbishop Jrench,,o^ ■V^&S;|^Sftt»'*»;S3 y"y*?'«v I Af! '^Jn'?^,4^:'^ff' -I ^♦"■." J^' o Vi ' ■■\.h ■ i. ■>. >.' i'.:ffi> .5,2. "^^ "♦ \ - LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONB. i< N. r f- * ARCHIBALD PHILIP PRIMROSE, jth EARL OF ROSEBEfev. Prime Minuter of Gftat Britain, 1894-95. .■:v (aa5) V * J'" * ROBERT CECIL, 3RD MARQUESS OF SALISBURY, Prime Minuter of Great Britain, 1885-86, 1887-93, 1895. (326) ^y ^ CHAPTER XVI^I. THE LIBERAL PARTY AND FOb/eIGN AFFAIRS. HE conduct of foreign affairs has never exhibited the Liberal party in its best light. The leaders of that historic organiza- tion, whether they called themselves Whig, or Liberal, or Radical, have, as a rule, shown much more interest and devotion to home matters and growth than to external expan- sion and development. Hence, of course, their domestic policy has been the most important, and their home legislation the most striking in work and result. And the Tory or Conservative leaders, from the days of Pitt, have sedulously cultivated the belief that their opponents are unmindful of English interests abroad, and careless regarding British influence or prestige. For this claim there has at times been some ground ; at others no excuse whatever. Lord Rosebeiy tells As in his monograph upon Pitt that the letters of Charles James Fox show a lamentable lack of patriotism. At a time in the struggle with Napoleon, when every Englishman should have been intent upon strengthening the hands of his Government, Fox was writing of one of the minor expeditions to France that '* I believe, as well as hope, it has not the smallest chance of success." And a little later, in 1801, lie wrote : " The triumph of the French Government over the English does, in fact, afford me a degree of pleasure which it is very difficult to disguise." It was largely this indifference to British success and external power — or the reputation for it which kept the Whigs out of office for more than a quarter of a century after that period, and laid the foundation for the belief which still exists in many quarters. Lord Palmerston's sway at the Foreign Office broke through these traditions of Whig weakness for a time, but the interval of Crimean struggle, and the some- what inept administration of foreign affairs by Lord John Russell, revived them very strongly. Then came a recurrence of Lord Palmerston's strong ascendency, and a period of c:autious management under Lord Clarendon, with brief inter- vals of unimportant Conservative control. But it was left to Mr. Gladstone's first and greatest administration to "encotrateraconditton 6Taf&trs^«^tch;difftciriti of intense controversy and of considerable unpopularity to the party and its leader. The three chief questions which Lord Granville had to deal with when he > I f'<\^ TAi- ,.1 ^ 1- I 1- A* t, - ,^- •38- UFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. .succeedea Lord Clarendon at the Foreign Office, upon the latter's death in 1870 were the comphcations arising from the Franco-Prussian w^r ;. the Washingtori Treaty and its ensuing arbitration ; and the action of Russia regarding the neutrahzatu>n of the Black Sea. In the first case, the British Government seems to have ^cted m the best interests of the country. In the second, it appears to have faced a difficult problem and a strained situation without a proper knowledge or appreciation of American diplomacy, and with less care for Canadian mterests than was desirable. In the third case, it seems to have made the best of ^n unpleasant and inherited difficulty f..or. ^t^ATk^^'^'^" ^'^".^ and Prussia, in 1870. stirred Europe to its r„ M ' • V " '"!"'°51^°' «°™^ ^^"«- The failure of Louis Napoleon in Mexico, his evacuation at«ie command of the United States, and theleav- ing of Maximilian to hia.anf6rtunate fate, had made an impression upon the French people which rendered some attempt at retrieval necessary; and the * one ever-popular cry in France was to be led against Prussia. Wrapped in a felse security, and surrounded by a military system which was literally a whited sepulchre-fair and fine without, false and frail within-the. Emperor rushed recklessly into war. His first excuse for raising trouble was thd nomination of a German prince to the vacant throne of Spain. He protested afcd threatened, and England intervened m the interest of peace. Mr. Gladstone declared in the House on July 15th. 1870. that " I am bound to say neither of the two States showed the shghest disposition to impatience at the representations of Great Britain. Two weeks later, he was able to say that '* We thought, for the sake 6f peace, the nomination of the Prince of Hohenaollem should be with- •'?'^°*.. ^°'^^^^ P"'^Pos« 'he British Government interfered, and Earl Gran- ville, aided doubtless by similar eflforts from other quarters, was successful in procuring that withdrawal." Then followed the utterly untenable demand by France that Prussia should undertake not to make any futur^ nomination to the Spanish throne : the alleged insults to M. Benedetti at Ems; the renewed efforts at mediation by England ; and the final declaration of war on the part of France. Imme- diately after this latter event, Mr. Gladstone wrote a friend : " It is not for me to distribute praise or blame, but I think the war, as a whole, and the state of things out of which it has grown, deserve a severer condemnation than any which the nineteenth century has exhibited since the peace of 1815." English ' sympathies were at first with Prussia, but Sedjto, and Metz. and the siege of Pans, the tremendous sweep of German success, aiid the advantage taken of a moment of power to wrest territory and exact enormous indemnitifes from a stricken people, soon turned the tide of public opinion. J^d it w th e l ate of ne u t ra lity attach ^^im e to co m ma n d a ppr ec iatio n When France appeared as the aggressor and k sort of from neither side. * ^ V*-j Wf''^W^W^f^-^'^^'^''' ^' ^ "fft'Si iFo^ -r''"^ '" ' THE LIBERAL PARTY AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS. t99 national freebooter, Prussian sympathizers were angry with the Government for its neutral position. When France lay bleeding at the feet of its conqueror, French sympathizers were equally indignant at the apparent supineness of their Ministry^ But, upon the whole, Lord Granville seems to have conducted the ' necessary and difficult correspondence with tact and courtesy, and to have carried England successfully through a very trying time. With regard to the neutrality of Belgium, Mr. Gladstone and his Government took reasonably trong and successful ground. The publication of what has been called the enedetti treaty by Count Bismarck, in 1870, showed that a secret arrangement hi^d been attempted some time before by France for the acquisition of Belgium, an^ this in the teeth of the existing guarantees of its neutrality in an agree- ment signed thirty years before by England, France, and Prussia. \ Such action almost involved England in the struggle. The Ministry at once i^ked and obtained from Parliament a grant of ten million dollars and an additic^n to the active forces of twenty thousand men. But, fortunately, they were ndt needed. Mr. Gladstone, during a speech in the House, stated that on the 30th of July the Government made a proposal to France and Prussia, in J identical terms, " that if the armies of either one of the belligerents should, in the course of the operations of the war, violate the neutrality of Belgium, as / secured by the terms of the treaty of 1839, this country should co-operate with the other belligerent in defence of that neutrality by arms. It was signified in the document so transmitted that Britain would not by that engagement, or by acting upon that engagement in case of need, be bound to take part in the general operations of the war." Ten days after the above date this proposal was accepted by France and Prussia, and England was established in her famous position of " armed neutrality." And reasonable public opinion has since decided that this policy was, upon the whole, wise. In the troubles with the American Republic, Mr. Gladstone and biafl^ Ministry inherited difficulties which the passing years seemed to intensify."^ They had been made worse by the political exigencies of the United .States, which compelled its Senate to reject the treaty negotiated by Reverdy Johnson, « and which caused President Grant to play to the gallery by threats against ' • England, and by admitted subserviency to the influence of Charles Sumner as chairman of the powerful Committee on Foreign Afifairs. So also with the unfortunate American slowness of action in connection with the Fenian raid» into Canada. On the other hand, there was a failure to understand how great and real Mras the soreness in the Republic over England's lack of sympathy with the Northern cause in their great straggle. And the British Government seemed inclined ta think that a settlement could be efi(ected by payment of a" few individual xhdmribrdami^es, at a: time wheir the tJnited^ates was, in • -^ lealTty, eager for a national recompense for what they deemed a national wrong. lukriJai-'»> .1 . r-Wn.--. ite^ mk';'- I II V •30 LIFE AND WORKUP MR. GLADSTONR Thw difficulty was further complicated by English ignorance of Canada's semr;tTn th n' -''' '1 '\''^ ^"^'^' ^^*'- '' P-™°'« annexation- sentiment in the Dominion and to hasten the day of its anticipated union with tne great Republic. n.«^ /^^ United States h'a^veiy just and very heavy claim J. There wasno need for prolonged dispute ^ j"^'^fi^^ announcement that Her Britannic Majesty has authorized her High Commissioners and Plenipotenuaties to express, in a friendly spirit, the regret felt \>y Her Majesty 8 Government for the escape, under whatever circumstances, of the mlttlT r ;«^fJ« from Brit sh ports, and for the depredations com- mitted by those vessels." But there is now no do^At that the arrangement T::^Z "^ "^"t^"- f ^^"^^ -bmission-tfAmerican demTnd™ was desirable from a Bntish standpoint. Private correspondence recent^ ^b^l uf the ^gfial Cominis8ion«?r8 was peace, and a settlement of the vexed >S"n i A 't f^f>-' ^^J»f±^?ffS *ft?#f¥^A*^ Si; ^t-" '.'/"WW^K^ • f TWI -**' THE LIBERAL PARTY AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS. -m a$i ^^ionT'' *' '^°'' '''^'"'*' '** Oma^ interests or damage to British Shortly after the signatures had been affixed to' the treaty, the United States with remarkable sud/enness. presented what were called L '• indTrect claims/' for consideration. 7 When examined, they were found to include a demand for almost limitles^ damages. Losses from transfer of trade to English vessels, from increased ra^es of insurance, and from an infinite number of odjr matteirs connected with the extension and duration of the war. were involved Mr Justm McCarthy declares that "the indirect claims were ^ot only ab urd but even nionstrous and the English Government had not for one moment the slightest Idea of admitting them as part of the case to be laid beTore the ^^T^7t^l^"''.7u ^^'l "'" ""^ ^" ^"S^^' -h° ^-d been demoted irr aflat: w'^t^lSniwr^ ''' ^^^' '-'''''' ^'^'^^ ^'^^ ^"^^-^'^ ^>a- Since that time Mr John Russell Young has told us of President Grant's admission to him that it had never been intended to press the indirect claims wTr^ T''^^' '" ^""' ^"^^ P^^^^«^^^ them.'^T^e treatrwfs neaX wrecked before they A^ere withdrawn, and the debates in the British Pkrliament became veiy warm During the discussibns early in Februaiy. 1872 Mr Disraeh declared that the Government should speak out clearl/ and frankly upon he question. The treaty appeared tp him to e^^ude all in'^irect S and tLs should be msistgd upon. Mr. Gladstone warmly defended The negotia ions, the treaty, and the Ministry. He stated that the Government ^ Ta^u ^°'^'^'^^'^''^^' were absolutely responsible for the treaty and admitted that large concessions had been made to the Republic fiit he thought ^ey were fully justified by the circumstances. Referrin/to the new complication, he declared" that "it amounted almost to an inZretat on of insanity to suppose that ai^y negotiatoi^ could intend to admit, in a peace fu" negotiation, claims of, such a^i unmeasured character. . . Claims tmn scending every limit;4ii^rta known or hea.d of-claims which not e^en^h; last extremities of war tod the lowest depths of misfortune would force a people mth a spark of spirit, with the hundredth part of the traditions of the people of this country, to sulmiit to at the point of death." ^ ^ He added that under no circumstances would the Government allow aZ ^V. ^ r^"" ^^^^ '""'^ '"^^^^ ^"^ P^^^-°""' d"ty to the countrT As^jight have been expected, such forcible language had an immediate resuh'"' In May a supplementaty treaty #as drawn up. in which both nations agreed to m fixture abstain from claims for indirect losses. But the Unitl StateY4nted ^^"^^',^^ S^^a"^d,^newed di^ssion, both diplomat ic a n ^ - rpopnter. rjnaiy, the claims were referred to theifceneva tribunaJ, which met &om June to September, 1872. It promptly thpTout all indirect claims. Tut /' "V V - -f*?.-^—. — j..^ 1 1'* ^4 ' - V ■3» LIFE AND WORfc OF MR. GLADStONE. eventually, awarded the United States damages amounting to $15,500,000 in gold. This sum was irtimediately paid over, and several years later a com- mission at Halifax awarded Canada five and a half millions compensation for ten years' American use of its Atlantic fisheries. With this event, and a British guarantee given to an Intercolonial Railway loan in Canada in return for the withdrawal of the Fenian raid claims, a great international question was peaceably settled. It had not been a pleasant or easy problem to solve, an^ the result was far from popular. Canada accepted it from patriotic principIes^^Si in order to avert war. But in England it made the people feel very sof^and angry, and Mr. McCarthy states, In his " History of Our Own Times,'/that "it is certain Mr. Gladstone and his colleagues suffered in public esteemiby the mere fact of their having accepted the arbitration, which went so signally against England. They were somewhat in the position of a Government who have to submit to vigorous and humiliating terms of peace." > There is, however, no doubt that the policy of accepting the arbitration and the award was just and honourable. Where the dissatisfaction properly arose was in the matters which were submitted, or not submitted, to arbitration. Had the British Commissioners at Washington been more stiff-backed, they would have probably obtained a different arrangement. But Mr. Gladstone very rightly felt that the United States was the injured country, that reparation was really due, and that war was so dreadful a thing as to be worth some sacrifice to avert. /It was, however, unfortunate that all the saciifice should be on one side, though certainly the American Commissioners are not to be blamed for getting whatever was possible out of the negotiations. Mr. Gladstone's motives were of the highest and best. He anticipated and hoped to advance the time " When love unites, wide space divides in vain, And hands may clasp across the spreading main." If he had really succeeded in warming the hearts of the American people towards England ; if his career had helped to remove the hostile dust of Revolu- tionary days, which still blinds so many patriotic and otherwise clear-sighted citizens of the great Republic ; if the prejudice against British institutions and British countries, such as Canada, had been largely alleviated or abolished; Mr. Gladstone's policy would have been great and successful, even though immediate interests might have been disregarded and unpopularity gained. But though his personality and views have helped towards this end, there is sth) far more to be done than has yet been achieved, before England and the States can _be_t|h^ sincere friends they oui^tlo he- War is now almost out of the qaestios ^■': *i * >.•. ^ '■^, ~6at real friendship between the masses of the people must still be worked for. One "^it fi?i(1ixli*^ t-Ait^v*^N i^^^^^-^^k^ ^U :- ^ll^ THE UBERAL PARTY AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS. m thing, however, is certain. Mr. Gladstone, for the last twenty years of his pohtical hfe/ has been, throughout the United States, the greatest and most representative and popular of all British statesmen. Speaking in the House of Commons on June i6th, 1880, with reference to the general question of arbitration, he d ^ ► -f .6^. -i^,-- m« ?:-./^ 9JV '■■^ > Kfif -yfr ^ ^ \r f ffmiW 4k»n »34 LIFE AND W'ORK OP ICR. GLADSTONE. >;* \. \ i For England, therefore, to go to war single-handed in defence of a treaty clause in which all Europe ^as interested, but for the moment unable to act, would have been folly. Lord Granville did the best he could. He protested, and in a prolonged diplomatic correspondence tried to uphold what the speech from the throne in this year described as ♦' the sanctity of treaties," and to remove " misapprehensions as to the binding character of their obligations," Had the Russian Emperor cared for argument, the British Foreign Secretary's reasons were logical and strong to a demonstration. But it was a period of doubtfifl national diplomacy and shady national transactions. The negotiations between Count Bismarck and M. Benedetti regarding Belgium had been cynical and disgraceful in the extreme. The attitude of France after the Spanish throne settlement was aggressive and unscrupulous to a degree. The subsequent seizure of Alsace-Lorraine by Germany does not admit of any very strong defence, except upon the principle that might makes right. The qapture of Rome by the King of Italy's troops after the French occupation had ceased could only be excused on the ground that the end justifies the means. And Charles Sumner had only recently suggested to President Grant that " the first condition of peace with England should be the withdrawal of her flag from the North Americaiycontinenti^and the consequent acquisition of Canada by the Republic. ^^-.^_^^-^'" Amid this general tendency to take something from somebody else, it can hardly be wondered that the Russian Emperor should have joined in the diversion by repudiating an undoubtedly humiliating treaty. He succeeded, of course, in his aim, but it had to be done under the graceful international fiction that Europe had been consulted, and had been charmed to give itV consent. Lord Granville, assisted by Count Bismarck, called a Conference in London^ which met on January 17th, 1871, to consider the wishes of Russia "without any foregone conclusion." And after passing a resolution Wt it was an essential principle of the law of nations that no State could release itself from the engagements of a treaty without the consent of the other contracting powers, the Conference proceeded to abrogate the Black Sea clause of the Treaty of Paris. Then the members adjourned. It was an unfortunate position for the British Government to be in. Here was a principal part of the treaty, which had been won at such a terrible expense of life and money, torn to shreds, and thrown to the winds of heaven. Mr. Gladstone and his Ministry could do nothing. To have gone to war over the matter would have been madness, and yet the situation naturally added another to the growing list of causes which were making the Government unpopular. There was really nothing better to do, but a Government which had to do it necessarily aroused antago nism and dislike in many directionfi^_ anJ deserved commiseration in others. Mr. Gladstone was himself entirely / :ee^'^^ri?f^f.' v~« THE LIBERAL PARTY AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS '35 consistent in the course taken. During the debated in Parliament after th« Crimean war, and wh e the terms of near#» ur^r^ k^; •^'"^ment alter the freely attacked the Palmerst^n Gotnment To t^^^^^^ froni Russia, and for putting that Empire in a ;oS^ ftom wh^ch^r wTuld mevitably try at some future time to escape. which#it would ' ^^ ^""^TA"* '^^ ^^^' """" '^^' this'neutralization of the Black Sea was more than could be permanently enforced. Speaking in th. !,^'^^'' ^^^ ^as in 1871, he drew attention to this fact. " In the yea 18^ Commons early confident conviction that it was impossible /o"mt^rn\ !^l erttj^^^ "^I do not speak from direct communication with Lord:tlarenHon K f i u been told since his death that he never attached vabf to thl.' ^\^ ^"^^ Again I do not speak from direct communication but hive be~;r; Lord Palmerston always looked upon it as an arran Jn^.nf u u . *^^' maintained and held together for a Lited numberryrar buttht h^'' >' character it was impossible to maintain as a permaL'nt "il^t^ settlement of Europe." The accuracy of the^se opinions fZ St^^ and Lord Palmerston were denied by Mr. Disrae i Tnd tlrr^^^^, Y^"^°" the latter would have continued, the war iHs^lherth' "°-^°'^' '^^' particular clause. But it does not foiw'haj he 'mii^no a,so"hr "' ''!! a future effort at amendment or abrogation InT^f ""^ expected , this as a natural tholght. ^'''^^g^*'^"- '"deed, common sense indicates Such were the leading questions of foreign policy durincr Mr r^ a . , ■ first ^^ministration. THey «.ere not of a kind^o s eLthen \^ r ^'^^ * and th^ey were of a nature ^ich required peclkr aSation to tTT^^^ exigencies of international rivalry. In this parLlar'SnT Mr n hT'' never excelled, and he would be the first to admit the fac He lo ^ °"^ too well to be a great militant influence in times of war and ..^f a f -^^-^ certain that Lord Granville did not possess thrqual tfes whl h "hi ffl^'j' and which in Lord Palmerston had been so prominent' d^l^ o her H ""^J m Lord Rosebery were destined to be maLd arlfuturume h''' '"^ " was that the good.i«tentions of the Qovernment and ts .L ^ 1 "'^ '^ policy in at least two of these critical eventsToduced •^^^■^^^^"^^'^^"^^^essary at home and some discredit abroad. Whe^trdecdon? ^"^ brut discontent 1874. Mr. Disraeli denounced the Goverrmfn I^Z: :ZTZIT'^/ foreign policy, and went all over the globe in search of ,nl 1 °' ''* of his speeches. Mr.^Ghdstone replied Lh cZZ7rl:[ZT'M^ZZ: that his opponent had carried them to the distant Str-„>; «f J^"^"^ ^'^''"8 claimed that the Goverpmentyhad committed n^T^Ll^Z^^^^ or fol ly in.n.uy other parts ^ of W^world, he went on to^lTt^l 'f^l;^ ^'■ \ -...^t * f*Y . dt^^ ' ■*?»(.-"'■■ ^v" «36 LIFE AND MllORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. " The farmers of Aylesbury gathered to dine. And they ate their prime beef, and they drank their old wine. With the wine there was beer, with the beer there was bacca. ^ The liquors went round, and the banquet was crowned With some thundering news from the Straits of Malacca." Some years later— August, 1 878— in an elaborate and singularly able article in the Nineteenth Century, Mr. Gladstone summed up his views of Foreign policy : . . ' "England, which has grown so great, may easily become little: through the effeminate selfishness of luxurious living; through neglecting realities at home, to amuse' herself everywhere else in stalking phantoms ; through putting again on her resources a strain like that of the great French war^ which brought her people to misery, and her throne to peril ; through that denial of equal rights to others which taught us so ssyere a lesson at the epoch of the Armed Neutrality. But she will never lose by the modesty in thought and language which most of all besfeems the greatest of mankind ; never by for- wardness to allow, and to assert, the equal rights of all states and nations ; never by the refusal to.be made the tool of foreign cunning, for ends alien to her principles and feelings ; never by keeping her engagements in due relation to her means, or by husbanding those means for the day of need, and for the noble duty of defending, as occasion offers, the cause of public right, and of rational freedom, over the broad expanse of Christendom." A^ This is a characteristic and a Christian-like summary of policy. Unfor- ^nifitely, however, modern diplomacy is so very human in its conception, and so very selfish in its practice, that the attempted application by any ofte nation of lofty and cosmopolitan principles is all too apt to end in failure, if not in .disaster. One more quotation, from a speech at Greenwich, November 27th, 1879, will give a glimpse of the place which Mr. Gladstone would like external relations to hold in the national polity : " Pericles, the great Athenian states- - man, said, with regard to women, that their great merit was to be never heard of. What Pericles said of women, I am very much disposed to say of foreign aflFairs. Their great merit would be to be never heard -of." This remark ^ illustrates very clearly his life-long view that foreign policy should be quiet, peaceable, non-aggressive, and subordinate, while domestic policy ought to be the central theme of public discussion, the great subject of public eflFort. m^ ^f^ IW- ■-f',"''^»''i'>'» <1J-^. -« ji_i« > ♦ CHAPTER XIX A REFORM ADMINISTRATION. Y^HE first three years of Mr. Gladstone's first Goverament constituted the golden age of EngHsh Liberalism. Never before and never , , , 01 leg.slat.ve reforms. The strong and compact majority in the House the defimte mandate of an aroused electorate, the intei.se convkUon of an to JZS*^tt V'T"'"- '° T ""'"^ ""= P='"y ■■" - «traor^ taary efr« to grapple with a whole senes of great questions. Each of these proUeris v^s apparently enough for a single administration to.deaI with successLnfy^^^^ the WshZd" * ' ^^»™""!; *e Irish Church had been disestabH hed, and the Insh land tenure system reformed. Then tame the abolition of Purchase moment his enemies were his footstool. No shadow of fcigTcomplfcation: as yet rested upon h.s popularity. Other great, and more geLrairfdmU ed reforms jere about to be consummated, and, flushed w?th vfco,^ M of Z^. T^'r f '" ' ™ °°ly a t c m perarr and iiatarat reaction ftoir tKr "E^t&l physical strain of forcing so vital and complicated a measure Zagh 338 UFE AND A^RK OF MR. GLADSTONR the Houses of Parliament. He qaickly recovered, and during the r^st of the session following the Irish Church legislation a lot of minor, but none the lesi important, reforms were carried. The baBkraptcy question was at lelkgth settled in a fairiy satisfactory manner. ' The abolition of imprisonment fdr debt, and the establishment of imprisonment for fraud, was arranged after a' struggle which had" lasted many yttrs. A measure dealing with cattle diseases, and one which totally repealed the fire insurance duties,Twere also enacted. . During the next session, which began on February loth, 1870, greater questions were taken up. The intense activi^ of the" new Liberalism, had to be maintained. And the first great item on the fist was legislation to improve the laws relating to the occupation and acquisition of land in Ireland. » It was duly announced in the speech from the thVone,. and, five days later, Mr. Gla^tpne introduced fats first Irish Land Bill. An immense crowd was present in the galleries, and wherever a foothold could be secured, to hear the gifted orator make his proposals for the settlement of a question which all sides ilow believed to require consideration and treatment. He commenced by declaring that the course of legislation during the past fifty years had been detrimental^ the tenants or occupiers, though intended, upon the whole, to be the reverae. The Encumbered Estates' Act, for instance, by not protecting the improvements of the tenant, had really operated as a confiscation of property. And he thought it a mzitter of serious doubt whether the occupier was now in, any better condition than he had been before the repeal of the Penal Lawsf * The great difficulty to be faced was insecurity of tenure, which interfered with the tenant's industry, limited his desire for improvement in position and ability to better himself, while making him dependent to a greater or lesser extent upon his landlord. This Mr. Gladstone wished to remedy. At the same time he denounced perpetuity of tenure as converting landlords into mere recipients of rent-charge, separating them from their beneficial responsibilities, and relieving them of practically all public duties. He divided his measure into tyto parts. Under the first, and dealing with the acquisition of land, it was proposed to increase the limited power of owners as to sale and lease, while assistance would be given by Treasury loans to tenants desiring to purchase the cultivated lands they then occupied. Provision would also be made for loans to help in the reclamation and purchase of waste lands, and for the assistance of landlords who wished to compensate tenants in a voluntary surrender of* their holdings. i Under the second part of the bill, he proposed to establish a special Land Court— from which there would be an appeal to the Judges of Assiz^ 5"^^° g''Yg^^J^^ Ulster tradi tionary customs, as to thp holding ^iPand, the fojce of law. Under the latter system, the tenant had a sort of admitted, though not legal, right or partnership in the land he occupied ; could not be evicted so long fv ''I' "' ' •. V.' A REFORM ADMINISTRATION. 23* Q as he paid his r^nt; and was entitled to sell the good-wiU of his farm for what- event would^bnng. And this tenant-right-which Lord Palmerston had once_ ^ termed landlord s wrong "-was made applicable, by this bill, all over Ireland. ^ as well as in Ulster. In a word the measure endeavoured to secure the tenant <>n his land so long as he paid h s rent, and to give him a substantial interest m the soil by securing him thk value of his improvements. Mr. Gladstone concluded his speech in the following words :. • ^^frhLi^"'i^'Y\^^t^ \^^^ ^^ '*^^*^* ^y ^^'' ^'"' ^ "^^^"ly hope we shall effect a Srln h^ J ""^ '' ^V ^°^' '^'°' *°^ <=onfidently believe. thatVh is change will be effected by gejtle means. Every lifte of the measure has been studied with thf Wnest fSLi'Il 'TT ""'^ ''^^^•"' ^^^^^^"^ - ^i«»-t *lt«-t'^n into any sngi anangement nowex.st.ngt,etWeen tenant and landlord in Ireland. There is. no doubl much ofS^iri:^irshL.dt;rr.'°"'*;!^^ of this bill should be like the work oTNamre herself, when on the face of a desolated land she restores what has been laid wast( by th^d and savage hind of man. Its opeJati^^^^^ ZZ;^ I r '*"''• '''^^"^ th"« h^ been despondency, there shaU be hope" r„d Lte :>, he«n m.str«<7here shall be confidence; where there has been alLaln and hate, there shall, however gradually, be woven the ties of a strong attXenJ ' between man and man. This, we know, cannot be done in a day In ord!! ofl^rovTo?^^^ ""T/"'' '"*"f """^' '* ^'""^ ^'"^ '""^^ ^« pasL. noia; a triumph ot party over party, or class over class ; not as the lifting up of an ensien to record tL love and good-will to the common good of our common country. And my hope atTeast LttZ/'K-'w ''"i "' ^'^ ^'^^ *° ''' ^"^--•^ pros,2^iuour hLd^^aud ^lat n that Ireland which we desire to unite to England and Scotland by the only enduriL ties- those of freewill and free affection-peace, order, and a settled and cheer^fulTndustry w^ ear«r- >. *4. SMK''. ^-':^' 'ikiK TT"^ 1^^^ ^^^ 'mm'-h i ■■A «40 Uf£ AND w6RK of MR. GLADSTONK. A little later he wrote to Earl Russell, who was then in Paris, that they had been having a most anxious time regarding the Bill, and added : " Often do I think of a saying of yours more than thirty ye^rs bapk which struck me ineffaceably at the time. You said that the keynote to our Irish debates was this : that it was not properly borne in mind that, as England is inhabited by Englishmen, and Scotland by Scotchmen, so Ireland is inhabited byjrishmen. The fear that our Land Bill may cross the water creates a sensitive state of mind among all Tories, many Whigs, and a few Radicals." This curious letter seems to hint at a certain development of the Home Rule theory of separate local interests, and is for that reason important. Another great and useful measure, and one which ran through the House almost concurrently with the Land Bill, was an elaborate scheme for reorganizing the elementary education of the country, and establishing a national school system. It was badly needed. English statesmen seen;Led to have been afraid to face the question; education was largely in th^ uncontrolled hands of denominations and private parties ; two-thirds of the children were destitute of proper, or any, instruction. The Church of England and other religious bodies had done their best, bflt- the best wks limited. On February 17th, therefore, Mr. W. E, Forsler, Vice-President of the Privy Council, and the shrewd, honest, rugged statesman who afterwards became famous in connection with Irish affairs and the Imperial Federation movement, introduced a measure by which elective school boards were to be established in England and Wales, with power to frame by-laws compelling the attendance of all children from five to twelve years of age and living within the school district. The existing Church and other schools were to be included in the grant o( Government aid upon the condition of maintaining a certain standard of educa- tional efficiency, submitting to the examination of State inspectors, and admitting a conscience clause in their regulations by which all and every religious convic. tion should be respected in the secular instruction giv6n during school hours. The funds were to be raised in part from Treasury grants ; in part from the fees paid in the great mass of the schools. Free schools were to be provided in districts where the poverty was considered by local authorities to make it necessary. At first the consensus of opinion seemed decidedly favourable. Then suddenly there arose objections which made the measure one of the most bitterly contested of all Mr. Gladstone's proposals. Some concessions had necessarily been made to the diverse religious principles of the schools, and this brought out the most vigorous and bitter opposition from the Non- conformists, who had hitherto constituted the very backbone of English Liberalism. Mn Forster Br aftime becamOntiBiwe^^^ this feeling the Premier was included. Upon the conscience clause and the ^' ^>^*^i>if3,!ii^tlb '^^fi^ ilU^^iS^A^Z' «. «4^"AliifiK!teiiyd%i^. .... L-ii^J_ i't A REFORM ADMINISTRATION. •41 pnnciple of State aid to denominational schools they broke away in a bodv and over and over again Mr. Gladstone had to depend upon ConservatS^ support agamst his om. followers. Upon one occasion, durinrthe debat™ he House witnessed a rare and notable occurrence. Mr. Edward Miall. an uncom- promising and stern Nonconformist of the old-time Puritan type, had denounced • Ind h'd"'''"'. ;T!-'^ '^' Liberal party '.through the valley of humiliation " and had conclu4pd his speech by declaring that "we can't stand this sort of thing much longer." It was more than Mr. Gladstone could stand. Pale with anger, and almost trembling with excitement, he jumped to his feet and in tones vibrating with scorn, declared that : ' J i' '" "is leet, and, in "We have been thankful to have the independent and honourable support of mv honourab e fnend but that ^pport ceases to be of value when accompanied by Coaches such as these. I hope my honourable friend will not continue that supjiTto Jhe ' Government one moment longer than he deems it consistent with his sense S^dut^ »„J nght. For God's sake. Sir. let him withdraw.it the moment ie thLsTbeUe^^^^^^ cause that he has at heart that he should do so. So long as my hono^Sb 1 Wend hinks fit to give us h.s support, we will co-operate with him for everj purpose that we haveS common; but when we think his opinions and demands exacting, when we think thlt he ooks too much to the section of the community which he adLs. and tooTttle lo the mterests of the people at large, we must then ^.collect that we. whi have aiumJ^ he heavy responsibihty of the Government of this great country, must endeavour ^?oTget the This spirited and remarkable deliverance had a decisive effect for the moment It crushed Mr. Miall, though it left a bitterness in the minds o1 many, which had a strong influence when the general elections came on. But they were a long way off yet, and meantime this vital measure became law and one of the great legislative successes of the age. The school boards attracted ' men of the highest position and ability, and soon established an efficient and mcreasmgly popular basis of national education. The London Board for instance, had Lord Lawrence, the eminent former Viceroy of India as its chairman, and numbered Professor Huxley amongst its numbers. Women work e^eiSf "Membership, and soon took a pronounced share in the Other minor measures and changes were carried into effect-notably an Order-in.Council mabng entrance appointments to all the State departments except the Foreign Office and those requiring professional knowledge, sS tLT ^rP«^'*'°" ^"d «^";.'n-tion. The Queen also voluntarily sur endir^ the Royal prerogative by which the Commander-in-Chief of the Army wm recognized as a direct a g ent s t he Cr o« n, an d that o ffic ial i.as made sn^ A. Ki^^ ^ Minister of War. An amendment to the Foreign Enlistment Act enabled any future Government to control the building or escape of ships! '"f/.-^Cfi^Xe r^t;^#f, J. ,;T,; . 4^xy^-^ sfn-i^^J f'i'- ai.a'iJ»Ba*ir!KS-iSSfS*!JiS«Si! tiSr?*7?v^'' a4a UPE AND WORK OP MR. GLADSTONE. such as the "Alabama." Four remaining^rotten boroughs were disfranchised; an Act "MK passed removing disabilities fro^m clergymen who abimdoned their profession; the half-penny postage for newspapers was established* and the half-penny — of one cent — post-card was introduced. Mr. Gladstone also arranged for the release of the Fenian prisoners in Dublin on condition of their leaving, and not returning to^ the United Kingdom. Considerable dis- cussion, and some strong ciiticism, resulted, but the Premier believed tlie step wise and warranted, and therefore carried it out. During th6 session of 187 1, the spirit ^ ^^.. A REFORM ADMINISTRATION. •. . . '"43 triumphant Cheers, that, as the system of Purchase had been originallv est-^b^ tfy.^^-^7f ^^"°'' '""^ Government had advised Her^ Mafesty' t abohsh ,t m th6 same way. This had been done, and or> the ist of Nivember ^sumg Purphase « the army would be at an end. This settled the master His opponents could do absolutely nothing. If the Army Bill ^s not ac"em^^^^ hy he Lords, the holders of commissions would get no compensltln ^and would consequently suflFer irreparable injury. The Upper ?rousrther;fo^e passed a vote of censure upon the Government, and^ also passed '1"^!' Tins summary method of settlement was. however, variously and greay The Tories, of course, denounced it as a high-handed expedient declared it part of a conspiracy against one of the Houses of Parliament and natural^ disliked the use of the Royal prerogative by a Uber!! ader '^^ Radicals were strongly opposed to any use in any eventuality of such a prerLtlve And that opmion was voiced in a powerful speech in the'^House b?Mr Hen^ Fawce t. who was now rising in repute as k keen^nd vigorous iLder of thiJ wing of the party. M th6 moment, if had appeared as a great oartv triuh,nh the\Tt^:hts±"^r.^^^^^^^ !f-'',^ ^^^^'^"^ ''^ To'rss?; the Act. the Liberals and the Radicals were ^o less baffled by the application of^pnncple of I^oyaUnterventioij. to whiclf the/ had long'beeii ^o^ ^"""^ber of otherimportahtmatt*!^ came up during tfie session ^nn,- slight opposition was aroused m the House by the ^s^d gr^r^^^^ Lord LoT'^'m ^'rr.°'r ^-^'"^ ^"°^^" Louise'upon her n^arriageTo Lord Lorne. Mr. Gladstone stro^Iy defended the grant, eulogized the economical management of the RoTal, household, praSed the Teen for ' maro^ing her daughter to a subject of the realm, and i>oke of the stSy of the dynasty and the necessity of supporting it with da-gnity. The op3^^ ^irf 'At.r fr"u' '^^^^^ "^^ ^^- P- ^- ^aylor. showed a m^or^f 350 to . A httle later, the prevalence of l^lessness and Ribandism in Ireland generally; the fact of an agrarian conspiracy in Westmeath; andThe incre^e of murder^nd oUler c^es ul that courSiy ; made some action necessa^" ment otrGorn'ml^r; "^ ^'''' ^T'"^' "'^^"^^^"^ly moved the Appoint- ment ofa Committee to inqmre into the lamentable state of affairs A hot ' debat, ensued, which was made memorable by Mr. Disraeli's denuncTarionbf?^ Government m general, and of Mr. Gladstone in particular. He deSed tS _nejther^time,n o r labou r, nor devotion had been grudged^^^ improve the a>«ntiy's condition : " Under his inTu^. td IfhSSf^ i^lltfrf confiscation, consecrated sacrilege, and condoned hightell we have destroyed churches, we have sh^en property to' its foundationnd '> J <' M \ V* M \ 'fXfJ '^•^m Hh. ■ » ■.^ . Hh:. ft mv 844 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. have emptied gaols ; and now he cannot govern the country without coming to a Parhamentary Committee." This was singularly unjust, of course,' but it was also smgularly briUiafet, and.it was one of those clever— if somewhat un^crupu- lous— summaries which are bound to be widely circulated, and to be, consequently effective and damaging. Mr. Gladstone defended his course, and the Committee ^vas carrie<^by a large majority. Speaking a. short time afterwards at Aberdeen on receiving the freedom of that city, the Premier referred warmly tOrthe ingratitude now being shown by the Irish people. " Jhere is," he declared, " nothihg that Ireland has asked, and which this countiy and this Parliament have refused. This Parliament has done for Ireland what it would have scrupled to do for England and for Scot- land. There remains now a single grievance— a grievance with regard to University education, whicb is not so entirely free in Ireland as it has now been made in England— but that is an exceptional subject. Still, I regard it as a subject that calls for legislation." Then he denounced Home Rule in words which have become historic. It would, if established, necessitate the application of the same principle to Scotland and Wales : " Can any sensible man, can any rational man, suppose that, at this time of day, in this condition of the world we are going to disintegrate the great capital institutions of this countiy for the purpose of making ourselves ridiculous in the sight of ill mankind, and crippling any power we possess for bestowing benefits, through legislation, on the country to which we belong?" *" , -^ Events now followed each other in quick succession. A Ballot Bill was introduced in the Commons; keenly supported by Mr. Gladstone, and fiercely opposed by the Conservatives; discussed for six weeks, and finally passed with very great alterations. THe Lords, however, at once threw it out. An impor- tant measure, which ultimately went through both Houses, was the University Tests Bill, introduced by the Premier, for the admission of lay students of any religious creed, and upon equal terms, to the Universities. A bill was presented, giving the franchise to female householders, and, though it was defeated, Mr. Gladstone created a sensation by declaring in favour of the principle, subject to the ballot first being established. Mr. Miall also caused a .long debate by his motion asking that the Irish Church precedent should b6 followed in England and Scotland. It was rejected by 374 votes to 8g, but was important as producing a very emphatic declaration from the Premier that the Church of England was not a foreign Church, but an outgrowth of national history and traditions : -^ 1^^ J'^^ V' "if ^ *^^ number of its members or the millions of i ts feveniii.>> ; it iii^4he^Qae= -IB wMeU it has been,Trom a period shortly afier the Christian era, and has never, for i 300 years, ceased to be, the Church of the country, having been, at every period, ingrained irith thehearts and the feelings of the great mass of the people, and having ftUct-twined itself iX 'KP -:=:r -^-^ ■/' A REFORM ADMINISTRATION. »4S With the local habits and feelings, so that I do not believe there lives the man who could either divine the amount and character of the work my honourable friend would have to undertake were he doomed to be responsible for the execution of his own propositions, or who could, in the least degree, define or anticipate the consequences by wliich it wouFd , be attended." . After the adjournment of Parliament, the great domestic event of the year was Mr. Gladstone's address, in October, at Blackheath, before an audience --pirtly hostile— of somQ 20,000 persons. By this time the first flush of popular success had passed away, and the immense mass of varied legislation consunimated m ^o brief a period, coupled with unfortunate complications abroad, had necessarily estranged some interests, aroused considerable antag, onism m many directions, and lessei^ed the popularity of the Government and of Mr. Gladstone ^o a perceptible extent. Upon this occasion the vast crowd was ready with all its passions aflame and all its party spirit aroused on botfe sides. For a brif moment it looked as if the Premier would not be heard, but gradually the mafeic music of his voice made for itself a place not only in the hearing, but ultiifiately in the hearts as well, of the chiefest part of the throng It was a sustained and magnificent defence of his party, of his policy, and himself. For th^ time being it checked a flowing tide of reaction, and that is ■ the highest tompliment that can be paid a single oration. «^ ^ . ^5^.rf ^^^ "P^"^"^ "^'^^ popular rejoicings upon the recovery of the Pnnce of Wales from his severe illness, and by the exhibition of a most remarkable degree of general attachment to the throne. ' The chief poKtical feature of the time was the growing unpopularity of the Government. This feehng seemed to be personal as well as public. Some disliked Lord Hatherley many Nonconformists denounced Mr. Forster, the brewing interests menaced Mr. Bruce, others positively hated Mr. Lowe. The appointment of Sir Robert Collier as a Lord Ju^ice of Appeal brought some warm criticism upon Mr Gladstone. To fill this post it was necessary, under th^ law, to have held a previous judicial office. The Premier accordingly appointed Sir Robert, who was then Attorney-General, to a position in the Court of Common Pleas and two days later transferred him to the Judicial Committee— thus obeying the letter of the statute, but not exactly its spirit. A similar case was " the Ewelme scandal." The appointment in this instance was that of the Rev. W W Harvey to the vacant rectory of Ewelme. The law required that the holder of this office should be a member of Oxford Convocation, and Mr. Harvey was made a member of the Convocation in order to meet the statute. Mpch ado ^s made about these appointments, and, in th^ case of the first one, a vnte o f censttre was only defeated by twenty-seven majority. Mr. Gladstone's excuse in the Collier matter was that he could get no first-^plass judge to take the place, that it had to be filled, and that the Attomey- 4.. ■"if ^.ihA, A-*: rav-T ''''"■ '"JS^li!^ s -f* •46 *w <. -"^r .^"nfrV'* *-y f*st hearty members 1 risen to in Noes, Hot Act. ice 1833, Irote, the Chartist )rd John jton was ly others, rds, now, purifying rocedure. ty it the es under tals; the creased ; and was powerful o reform nd able» > results. :ation in f^at thi» A REFORM ADMINUTRATION. % ' M7 ant; the ndurable cLw bv^.S r u^/; P^^d«'°-"« P'-^P^sed to reconcile all "conflicting ^ir ^ JiT'''*^ °^ '^^ '^^""''^ ' 8^^^"e H teaching as well as examining ^d th.' r °.1.^®^?"^ "^^'^ '' ^"^'^^ ^°"^Se. the CoUeges of Cork and Belfast! and^the Catholic Umversity, a body supported by private funds, and without a .U. 1 ^^"^ "^""^ University was to have ho chaire for moral philosophy. metsf;rT ^r ''°T^"^^^' '° ^ ^"PP°^*^^ ^^ prop6rtionate allot! ZT.t ?^^^^ t'°"; '^'^ consolidated fund, from the fees of students, and [rm.t,>r7 f ?t . '^'^^'^^^'^^^ property. It is in^possibleto describe !w« ^T • K°! ' s<^heme-one which seAned to involve not only innumer- «!J!lar Ih ^".^Vr""°^""'^^ subject in connection with religious, secular, and national education. Mr. Gladstone concluded his speech hi saying, in part : . , *^ •' «.mnn J3^ JlT r* ?"'"* '^^" ^°^ application in the preparation of this certainly complicated, and. I venture to hope, also comprehensive, plan. We have sought to prov.de a comp ete remedy for what we thought, and for wh^t we have long mS and wf hZ n^oHh ' rfKT' "" * ^^'P*'''* grievance-a grievance of conscience. But we have not thought that m removing that grievance we were discharging either the ™d"it': "Tk '? of o„ duty. It is L thing to clear obstruction! from the ground ,t .3 another to ra.se the fabric. And the fabric which we seek to raise is a substantive, organized system, under which aU the sons of Ireland, be tl^eir profession.! be their opinions, what they may. may freely meet in their own ancient; noWe. hstoric University, for the advancement of learning in that country." It was a noble aim and a great effort. But the opposition was too intens* and varied to permit of its success. Mr. Fawcett. Radical as he was, opposed It m a speech of bitter strength. Mr. Lowe defended it in a surprisingly able speech, and, dunng the debates which ensued, Mr. Gladstone did his best Upon the second reading, however, defeat came-though by|he narrow majority of three-and the Premier promptly subpiltted his resignation to the Queen. His opponent, however, very wisely for himself, refused to take office under existing circumstances, and the Liberal leader had to re-assume his post. Mr Lowe, having resigned his office-largely on account of the famous attempt to T v!^ r^!u ' t ?*l consequent unpopularity amongst the-,,many poor who lived by the sale of those useful littfe articles-the Premier took the Chancellorehip of the Exchequer. Mr. Bright came in as Chancellor of the Duchy of L^caster. • " r T ^"°??iJ important event of this much^isturbed session was the passage of Lord Selbome's Judicature Act — Sir Roundell Palmer had recenlfe ^come LoM^ancellor under that title. A biil for the abolition of Tests kT Dublin UiiJfersity was also carried, and a notable declaration made by Mh Gladstoji^against the delivery of sermons in churches by Dissenters or laymen Si • J .<^ h^ 5»*>'$W^»-*',f ^t.il*-i'ia-:a .;ai|i^i*^-Maa4^^- 'iL4 r / MNJAMIN DISRAELI, EARL OF BEACONSFIEI.D. , ..^ Prime Minister of Greal Brirain, 1868, 1874-80. (249) Ww HUGHENDEN MANOR, Seat of the Right Hon. the E^l of Beaconsfield. (250) ili^^i'J* Jet.* ,v . . t- ■1 N ^itiS-'ji-feSUAi ^*T ' jt^-* zi^rrrr^i ;^^"^f'. k<. iinSi- (•■"JstoJA. i^ CHAPTER XX. VIVIAN GREV BECOMES PRIME MINISTER. >, fecto abilitiei been a I J- ■ ■ IN that sparkling creation of genius— Vivian Grey-^Mr. Di^aeli had, in the third decade of the century, made his hero sayjthat " everything was possible." THere can be. no doubt that the statement voiced his own feelings, and foreshadowed his! own fctise. He possessed, during hisj^rhole career, that invaliiable -self-confidence— and the comMSation of this quality with high I the final victory over many a^^iverse difficulties. But it had ( f '.uc , /*™!^'^' ^?*^ one which he Had fought almost single.h"anded. A few faithful fnends, such as Lord John Manners, he had always with him, but ^ the bulk of his party had been cold, public opinion had been more than • uncertain and society, while charmed ^nd fascinated by his personal qualities, had not beenover-cordial in Its political support. , All these things were now changed. The ^reat rival of his Parliamentary * life was defeated ; the country had given him the largest Conservative majori^ since pre-Reform days ; the House of Lords was, of course, at his service ; the aristocracy looked^ upon him as the guardian of their rights ; the Church as the probable -saviour of its State connection. An assured position, a safe' majority. a somewhat demoralized Opposition, a great opponent about to retire from the field— this was the situation when Mr. Disraeli proceeded to form his second ^ and great ^dministration^ord Cairns again, and na.turally, became Lord Chancellor. His effectivppating powers, his marvellous skill in unpremedi- tated argument his high character and legal reputation, made him a most valuable and indispensable member of any Tory Government. He filled, indeed, the place, 4nd almost reached the power, of Lyndhurst. More need not be said. Lord Salisbury, who had shown much administrative ability in his short tpnnre of the Indian Office during the last Conservative Government, wa?; given the same post ; and it reflected not a little credit upon Mr. Disraeli that he was Willing to associate with himself, more and more closely, the rising career of a statesman who had. not so very many years before, been f th<^ Excbequet^and, if notJariUiant, wa»- ***u u'. .1^ -^"^ ** ^^ j«st as well, perhaps, that not more^than one leader withbnlliant qualities should hold high place in the same Ministry. Mr. JCichard A. Cross, hitherto unknown to fame, was made Home Secretary, in .K,. ' ■% :^ '.'. .<^« jiqi^. ?'px .^1 -."-X-l^i^'.-tj^y^j ■'.i«,fS,J^J^^ ps; \r^fx' i P" TsSiif "Sf*5i?*'^ *?■ aS» LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. IS If: I. which difficult position he was destined to- win a marked success. Lord Caraarvon, a type of English statesman exactly the reverse of Lord Kimberley, assumed charge of the Colonial Office, and, wherever possible, showed his Imperial sympathies. Lord John Mariners, who, as a matter of course, formed part of any Government in which his life-long friend was a leader, became Postmaster-General, and Sir Michael Hicks-Beach took the tr>ing post of Irish Secretary, with the Duke of Abercom as Lord-Lieutenant, ^he Duke of Richmond, ^ cautious, highly respected, old-fashioned Tory, >ecame Lord President of the Council and leader in the Lords. The new Government was in a most favo|ira^ position. It had suc- ceeded to a surplus of nearly six taillion pounds, it found the country fairly pros- perous, and was able to congratulate Sir Garnet Wolseley upon the spl^did skill with which he had brought the Ashantee war to a victorious ending. The Opposi- tion, on the other hand, was in a decidedly despondent condition. To quote a writer of the time, they had nothing to oppose. And, it may be added, they had nothing to propose. Rumours of the most disquieting kind were also current as to Mr. Gladstone's intentions. He had declared, in one of his campaign speeches, that if the country did not express confidence in the Liberal administration, he would consider himself entitled to limit his futuye services to his party. And, shortly before Parliament met, in a letter to Lord Granville, dated March lath, he made his position clear, and, it must be admitted, placed his party in somewhat of a predicament. In the course of this document, Mr. Gladstone announced that : " For a variety of reasons, personal to myself, I could not contemplate any unlimited extension of active political service, and I am anxious that it should be clearly understood that at my age I must reserve my entire freedom to divest myself of all the •responsibilities of leadership at no distant time." • He went on to say that only occasional attendance at the House would be possible for him during,f|ie coming session, and that he should be glad to lay down the leadership, either at once, or at the be^'nning of the next session. The Liberal party accepted the provisional arrangement, and made the best of a position which laid it open to no little Ministeris«| pleasantry and political difficulty. Of course, there was a great deal of grumbling in the ranks, and con- siderable comparison between the unfortunate action of Mr. Gladstone and the unwearying patience with which Mr. Disraeli had led his party during so many hopeless years. But the Liberal leader had a peculiar te|iperamen#. It was one which admittfi^ extreme susceptibility to external influences, and there can be no doubt that the overwhelming de^t of his Ministry had' deeply wounded him. -He bebeved that bit Government and party had dose great servicesHto the^ country since i868, and prob^ feltHhat^he people wftjre guilty of something I \\ VIVIAN GREY BECOMES PRIME MINISTER 25s more than mere ingratitude in refusing a reward and recognition. No doubt his depression of mmd affected his physical system, and crystallized the first impulsive desire for retirement into a settled, diiflnination. His great rival now had his opportunity. Let him use it, and kt the people see the result of his pohcy and the consequences of their own folly. It will not be difficult to believe that some such reasoi^ influenced him in this curious line of action— or inaction. ■ w During the session of 1874, however, Mr. Gladstone took, upon occasion a vigorous and prominent part. Theoretically, the Liberal position was that of the cast of Hamlet with the Prince of Denmark withdrawn. Practically the Pnnce was still on hand at given intervals in the play. For a brief period the proceedings in Parliament appeared the very embodiment of harmony Mr Gladstone, in the debate on the Address, mildly defended the late Government's course. Mr. Disraeli, a little later, mildly defended his opponent against a proposed vote of censure. Sir Stafford Northcote confessed the^ correctness of Mr. Gladstone's last Budget; and announced the realization of his expectations regarding a surplus. But this happy condition of affairs did not last long. In the House of Lords, the Duke of Richmond had introduced a measure which was brief but important. It proposed to entirely abolish the system of lay patronage in the Established Church of Scotland, and make it over to the congregation. The male communicants were in future to control the patronage. Looking at the proposal calmly, and after a lapse of time, it is not easy to see why it should have been opposed. Many Liberal peers, such as the Duke of Argyle, supported the Bill; but when the second reading came up in the Commons, Mr. Gladstone reappeared, after an interval of absence, and rose, amid ringing cheers, to speak upon an amendment which asked for delay, in order to make further inquiry and obtain further information. The ex-Premier handled his subject with all his usu^l facility and eloquence, but the arguments advanced must be considered as disappointing. The principal reason given was the injustice done to the Free Church which had left the Kirk so many years before on this very question of patronage' There was flo arrangement made for the return of its adherents to the Church of their fathers; and this measure would practically and naturally strengthen very considerably the State Establishment^ to which the Free Church had been so long, and so strongly, opposed. But, to an impartial student of the subject. It is difficult to see why the reform was to be condemned because it came after the great secession instead of before, or how the Government dould do more for the reunion of the churches than to remove the original cause of their separation. The real gilcvaiice, however, lay in the probable strengthening of the Establish* .- •>•»., ment, and here Mr. Gladstone could have taken logical ground by declaring v; a^b^u^-^ £^:::ssss 11 •l-. «54 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONK himself opposed to the State Church of Scotland as such. This, however, he did not do. He was " not an idolater of Establishments." He was quite willing ' that his character should, in future, be tried "simply and solely by the proceed- ings, to which I was a party, with regard to the Irish Church." But he believed that the Kirk of Scotland, though the Church of a minority, was still, " justly and wisely," tolerated by the people. • He could not, however, consent to legis- lation which helped that Church at the expense of the great Presbyterian communities who had been driven from its ranks. Mr. Disraeli replied briefly, welcomed the Liberal chief back to his place in the House,^efended the proposed legislation, and expressed the hope that Mr. Gladstone*fe epitaph would not include the disestablishment of any more Churches. The second reading of the bill was carried by 307 to 109 votes, and it finally passed into law. A fat more important measure, and the resd event of the session, was the introduction of th^e Public Worship Regulation Bill in the House of Lords by the Archbishop of Canterbury. It provided that the Bishops of the Church of England should have that directory power as to forms of worship which, by the constitution of the Church, would seem to have been intended. Subject to the advice of a board composed of clergymen and laity combined, each bishop was to have authority to deal with ritualistic practices and ceremonies within his diocese. An appea4 would, however, be permitted to the Primate, whose discision — if in harmony with the opinion of another board of advisers — was to be final. It was really a measure to check and con- trol Ritualism. In the opinion of the Archbishop of Canterbury, it was time to put an end to the substitution of " a spurious Romanism " for the doctrines of the Church of England. After passing the Upper House, the measure cjtme down to the Com- mons, and its second reading was moved by Mr. Russell Gurney. At first, Mr. Disraeli took a non-committal attitude, but finally supported the bill with all his force and ability. Mr. Gladstone contributed the sensation of the hour by his fierce onslaughts upon it in principle, object, and detail. Sir William Harcourt defended it with energy, and the House was soon to witness the spectacle of two Liberal leaders fighting on opposite sides. Meanwhile, Archbishop Tait, during the months of struggle which followed, used all his tact and influence to help the measure he had fathered, and from which he expected great results to the unity and ceremonial purity of the Church. Mr. Gladstone proposed six amendments to the bill. They dealt with the variety of current interpretations concerning Church rubrics, and the diversities of local custom ; declared in favour pf liberty in opinion and practice within the Church, and against any inflexible rule of uniformity ; acknowledged the devotion of the clergy, and jclaimed^a wiiHngness to provide tfecurities against any real change^ in the~" spirit or Substance of the established religion ; and expressed high appreciation V -I'ji.i V* At ^4 iS23S Xf'T^* |j!ff^"/^/\ VIVIAN GREY BECOMES PRIME MINISTER. »SS of the concurrence of the Church authorities with thp Government in any legis. lation concerning the Church which might, at any time, be required. Mr. Gladstone made a strong speech, and was replied to by Sir William Harcourt. 1 he passage-at-arms was a keen one between the two leaders, and like the similar difference of o^nion between Lord Salisbury and Mr DisraeH created considerable political interest. It was in dealing with this question thaf the Conservative Premier described the Marquess of Salisbury as " a great master of gibes, and flouts, and sneers." And, naturally, any proposal which endeavoured to control Ritualism at a time when the whole country was watching and debating its growing influence, was well calculated to stir uq personal feelings, and*create a situation * • A. i> "When, sharp and stinging, ^ The angry words flew daily to and fw Friend against friend the polished mis^ffe flinging, Each seeking who should launch fce keenest blow." fiut th^pinion of Parliament was all in favour of the measure, and Mr GladstonI consequently withdrew his Resolutions. The bill finally became law' though it was never to any marked extent operative or useful against the practices complained of. Another proposal which the Liberal leader hotly contested was contained in Lord Sandon's Endowed Schools Amendment Act Amongst the changes suggested in this bill was the restoration to the control of the Church of England of a number of schools which had some ecclesiastical antecedents, but were not now denominational. Mr. Qlodstone declared the proposals to be retrogressive and unwise, and eventualliy^^position became so keep that the P||mier deemed it wise to drop themr^^iih this important omission, therefore, the bill passed. ^ '^ Before the second session of the House met, his resignation of the leadership was announofed by Mr. Gladstone. For the moment he had become tired of politick The reaction from the intense strfin and rushing movement of his six years' administration made him desire a ch,mge of arena, and he had indeed, already choseif^the ever-congenial field of ecclesiastical discussion and argument. During the latter part of his forty odd years of political struggle he had more than once hinted at retirement and rest. Writing in ifili'he declared that "e>'ents are not wholly unwelcome which remind me that'my own public life is now in its thirtieth year, and ought not to last very many years longer. In 1867 he had told Earl Russell that he did not desire hia political life to be very much prolonged. On May 6th, 1873, Bishop Wilber- forcerecords in his diary : " Gladstone much tal king how littl e real good wnrlr -jmyPremter had ndohe^fter sixty ;Peel ; Palmerston, His work all really done" before; Duke of Wellington added nothing to his reputation after." On May -*4?' vW-. I H.1 ^^. \iL-bt ''^^^^Sm'"^!^!^/^^ A M ^ ;-' - ,x. a -A^TSfrfi,^' \- •s« .- /^ UFE AND WORK OF" MIL GLADSTONE. loth, the Bishop adds : " Gladstone again talking of sixty as fall age of Premier." And now he wrote decisively to Lord Granville in reference to his previous partial retirement. In this letter — dated January 13th, 1875 — Mr. Gladstone ? observes that he had made a careful review of the circumstances of the day, both . public and private : " The result has been that I see no public advantage in con- tinuing to act as the Jeader of the Liberal party; and that, at the age of sixty-five, and after forty-two years of a laborious public life, I think myself entitled to retire at the present opportunity. \ This retirement is dictated to me by personal views as to the best method of spending the closing years of my life." As it turned out, this action was a mistake. Although the Marquess of Hartington was chosen as head of the party in his place, and made a careful and efficient leader, Mr. Gladstone possessed too great a personality to render it possible for him to sit in ^rlianient and really serve in a Subordinate capacity. At the time when he resigned there were no vital problems bpon the national horizon, but when they swept in sight, as was soon the case, it became clearly out of the question for the lafe leader A remain quiescent and let his life-long opponent carry matters with a high hand. And there is no doubt, too, that, in a moment of depression, he had i^nderestimated his own personal vigour arid power of mental and physical fork./ . ' . "^ Hence a retirement which it is not unlikely he afterwards regretted ; which, for the time being, hampered his party ; and which such an authority as the Times accepted as a final departure from the scene of his conflicts and . victories. Mr. Disraeli, however, was more far-seeing, and, meeting a friend inv Piccadilly not long after the event, observed with quiet emphasis, and in reply to a query : " There will be a return from Elba." The expressions of regret were general, and many papers voiced the hope that the resignation might not be really permanent. Mr. Forster, in a speech at Bradford, was especially sympa- thetic : " It is difficult for any one," said he, "who has not beten brought into close contact with him, and seen him under occasions of difficulty such as those in which a colleague has seen him — it is difficult for any one who has not been in that position to realize what an example .of purity, of self-sacrifice, and of disinterestedness he has set to politicians throughout the country, and to what an extent he has raised the tone of political life." There were, of coufse, able men to take his place, but there was no great national figure such as Gladstone himself. Bright and Lowe, Forster and Harcourt, Goschen and Hartington, were ,all discussed, but the final choice of Ih^ latter was probably the^ best selection which could have been made. Mr. Disraeli was now the do minant figure of the House of Commons, He had his opportunity, and it cannot oTtHe Government, and of the country. be denied that it was fully used. The air became alive with the inspir«,tIon of '}J^- ; ■,'*':, . V t5'«ii^ •■*>t*' ^^^^] ■ f , ^ '^1 '^- ^1 k ^1 11 age of 1 s previous I Gladstone ,^ ^' 1 day, both. 1 ;e in con- 1 sixty-five, "fl d to retire I )nal views 1 , it turned ■ gton was 1 ■■ ^, nt leader, ^ ■ *■ 4 or him to ' 1 ime when 1 but when fl ■ question 1 ry matters v ■ epression, H i physical H « regretted ; H thority as ■ flicts and . H friend inv H in reply to H igret were H ht not be I ■'f ly sympa- fl >ught into H 1 as those H i not been H :e, and of H 1 to what H V ufse, able H Gladstone H artington, H • « the" best H Commons* ^B /' it cannot ^m 1-*— — — - - r )ir«,tiOn of -^m .i if'^^^H » •4- t "^^1 » ^^^'iB t. -V VIVIAN GREY BECOMEa PRIME MINISTER. ■57 EnTnH* ' ^^^ claimed greater state of things. The Impenal destiny of England was tTe Tory watchwoM, and the cause of unbounded enthusTasm S' popular meetings; the Imperial interest^ of England were'to be the great ^^^^^ of the new Government ; the England of Elizabethan days was to be fnceXt a fact, and Great Britain was to find itself in the highest p ace amonl^he nations of Europe The policy soon began to tali kect. The Self Wales went on a visit to India, and made a tofir of go^eous and impressive lXu wLTad'^' ^ susceptible Eastern subje'cts^of EnglaT Sd Lytton who had won fame as a poet under the signature of " Owen Meredi4 " and before his distinguished father's ^eath had obtained some experience a^'a diplomatist, was despatched as Governor-General experience as a M^^n^ile the Queen bad been created Empress of India, and, amid seines of Oriental magmficence. Lord Lytton had the privilege of proc a^rnrHe Majesty s assumption of what appeared to the Eastern World^not onwl new th^Khl' T'"*^^''"'''P°"^'- ^^^ S"^^ Canal shares were bought from the Khedive for $30,000,000. and some six years later were admitted by M™ Gladstone to have doubled in value. Thp purchase gave' Englana the com aTdlnttre^irS ^^^ ^f'.^^^ -'^^-tally Leaselh^er InLTol ■ and interest in Egypt. The Colonies were given an unexpected amount of attention. Lord Carnarvon tried to effect the confederation of South Zca Mr. Disraeh. m more than one speech, referred in flattering, and at that tTme unusual, terms to Canada ; closer Imperial unity came to be 'ivocated^n many quarters The Conservative leader went to the Upper H^Ld of Beaconsfield. Then came the long battle over the E^LsterTquestbn the drawing upon the vast reserve fund of troops in India m «Th S> '^ Aaeffort was^e to strengthen the frontier * India against Rmsirrt'L TrLL'"""^'r**'"'""iib*"'' *' Transvaalwa. anLed fo T^o™, The Marquess of Lorne andlpPrinceSs Loui^gi. sint toJivem CanX" tWd to promote statfnrtherX Impen*a) sent^VichSol dS" ^' silvery eloquence had been inspiring. >• ^n^ora Duae Such, in a word, vras the Imperial policy/ arid '|^. were the ■s?r««t„TK°'"'''° »''"i"8 ya"- Much wasTdeniablv do»£ strengthen fl>e Empire; much good was e&cted in. pfomoting British orestiM abroad and enhancing the real external pqwer of Eoeland But HomS ^gslatio.was.argel^,.yle^ Ume to have been overtooked. For some years the former consideratipo^ not greatly regarded. There had. pj|«ps, being a surfeit of reforms W *l ' ; M > .^J u ^i ti^i .€? LWIP AND WORK OF MR. % there'was r>o exc elj>^tience was ^li. ^'^. :^N < % ;v^. ^e foi^iiinderestimating the infla^i|i^^PMrJ^]a#||||A, His ^ _.__ r'great^'s ever, higl^Yestlfches8p|ilr';|i^^||^^M arious eontr^ersies w|b world-^<|^? and^here. c^d li?iY<5 beetfj^fe doubt, two l^ars after his noni^l retirftqp^, tha^^^ politics was .possible at '^ny moment. J§*he Buflgp^n qufisHon s^ffordedlhe occai|«pn,. and ^fvfill be dealt with, mo^e ■tu11>v eisey/^ie^^ %A^^' ^?J^®^^"^,«*| ^ "ontest of t^ period, Mf.* 4j|if?want any 4M not believe m icifere^MF burdens and respon- f additional influence in Egypt, "or the acquisition of pri'of the ipransvaal. He^ipposed the purchase of the t. Disraeli declared that "in the great chain of fortresses whU^h lt»^.^»es8^ alK^OBt from the metropolis <3|. India, the Suez Canal is a mean^ of SfeC^ring the free intercoui^e of the wattjis^ — is a great addition to that a^ctfttty, ana one we should prize:" Mr. Gl^ltone thought that the step in<^ksised Ehjglish responsibilities without equival^t benefits. " If war breaks out,"'!^ observed, at Glasgow, in 1879, '• and if tht channel of the Suez Canal beconl^s vitijl or material to our communication with India, we shall not secure lit one bit the better because we have been foolish opough to acquire a certain toumber of shares in the canal. We must secure it fay the strong hand." He opposed the motion to make the Queen Empress of India. Mr. Disraeli introduced hie I^oyal Titles Bill on February 17th, 1876, and sum- marized his reasons for the proposal as fd^ows : " We have feason'lo feel that it is a step which will give great satisfaction, not merely to the princes, but to the nations of India- They look forward to some act of this kind wiih intense interest, and by various modes they have conveyed to us their desire that such a policy should be pursued. I cannot myself doubt that it is one also that will be agreeable to the people of the United Kingdom, because they must feel that such a step gives a seal, as it were, &i that sentiment which has long existed, and the strength of which has been Increased by time, and that is the unanimous 'determination of the people of this country to retain our connection with the Inj answer to those mere economists ^nd those foreign dipj is to us only a burden or a danger." > There ^^mES^^ ^^^^ ^^ opppsiti upon the jniiopffr have gone since thi practical groand for it. filt. Lowe was pa plMftses, and gravely asked in one speech itj feel when the Eastern Epipire was style and to blot out India from the t^es Gladstone seems to have chiefly disliked the tl Empire. And it will be an, :s who anabunpe that India blicy, thoBgh, looking back a little difficult to s|ie the unfortunate in some of his arliament of a future day they "came to alter the^ jBnglish sovereign." Mr. Itself as having too many "^U.-iui'.i^ ., x^.vvA;.i4:^i. 1 * t •' ( / " '(.v -a,^ ,^« VIVIAN GREY BECOMES PRIME MINISTER, •59 <**■ <^>.r. '■'#. associations of ccviquest, tyranny, and ancient wickedness. This was the line , he took in the House, and in a letter to a correspondent, published' in the Times on March 27th, he sjams up his views very clearly : " In my opinion the ' project was conceived in error, brought forth in error, and, like all e^r, only ^ requires open, publia exposition and investigation to b6 shown m all its imperfections as shallow, baseless, and absurd. |n my opinion, th6 word Imperator can only be properly, understood when taken in conjunction with mpenum. According to Roman usage, if not actual law, the title Imperator was conferred upon a conquering general, and imperium meant 'the power he possessed of compelling the fulfilment of his behests by the use 6f physical force. In its correct, historical, and classical, sense, thetitle Imperator belongs . to Ghve; it never cguld or should h6 tacked to the &wn of Uifr ^mineijtly ^ humane and august lady who reigns over this realm." ' Eventually, the measure passed by a veiy large majority, the Premier taking occasion to announce that the title would not be assumed in England itself or be permitted tcHn any way derogate from the supreme and traditionary honour of Her Majesty's designation of Queen of Great Britain and Ireland Mr. Disraejij^ best answer to all general objections was the simple statement that "The amplification of titles is founded upon a great respect foK^ocal influences, for the memory of distinguished deeds, and passages of interest in the history of countries. It is only by the amplification of title? that you can <)ften touch and satisfy the imagination of natiohs; and that is an element AJjFhich governments must not despise." There is much in this argument, and, • wl^% Mr. Gladstone's opinion regarding the European associations of this par- ticular title were correct, the development of events has, since then made it lose force, if not become in itself changed. The imaginatioft of the Eastern peoples w^s, in fact, touched beneficially ; and the growth of the Queen's Colonial dominions has brought a new and greater meaning to the old-time, word ** Empire," and its corollary designation of Empress. / . The years which immediately followed the def elopmentj of this triple "* li^HJohcy by Mr. Disraeli— the 9uez Canal purchase, the visit of the Prince ,., W^^ ^"^ ^^^ ^^^"ge »" the Royal title— were years of intense activity and work for his jreat rival. As soon as he had temporarily exhausted the wide field of ecc|siasti9al, controversy, Mr. Gladstone plunged into the Eastern question, and madeiiEngland ring with his denunciations. The fiery fcross of agitation was raise^. aloft and never lowered until his name and influence triump^d at th^|K>ll8 in 1880, Yet. it was, in many ways, a peculiar and uhique strug^e. His position as a private member, and not a recognized leader. :g a\ ^e.Qp p 0rt uffllua: to q^pon ents wh ich t hey were not slovrto^^^ the unpleasant f n«o to the glas^ door, calmly surveys the yelling mob. ' , ' " On the one side, the slight figure, drawn up to its full height, and the pple.'stern face steadfastly turned towards the crowd. On the other, the jeering, mocking, gesticulat- ing mob. Between them, the glass door, and the infinite space that separates a statesman from a mob." • • , And during these years it must also be remembei^ that Mr. Gladstone was forcing forward his own party. Its nominal leaders upon many occasions opposed him;^ its Parliamentary rank and file frequently refused to support him ; its members seemed to very often personally dislike him. \et, by the enthusiasm of 'his nature, the' eloquence of his speech, the intensity of his exertions, he broke through the bars of Conservative strength, crushed the wall of Liberal indifference, overcame the obstacles of private political position, a^d made the victory of 1880 the veritable apotheosis of a great personality. m v\ «^ •'m \fe- ..^^Ut/Miiff, ^ ^'t , CHAPTER XXI. ECCLESIASTICAL DISCUSSIONS AND RELIGIOUS VIEWS, CEW men have gone more deeply and sincerely into questions of religious controversy, religious belief, and religious action, than Mr. Gladstone. Had he entered the Church instead of politics; had he become Primate' of England instead of Premier- had he followed Manning into the Church of Rome and ultimately won the position of a P^l prince ; he could hardly have been more intensel^nterMted in theological questions, or more intent uporajlfyevelodment of religious life. Puring the first half of the ceM^,his caleer was marvellously intertwined with that of the Established Church When he entered public affairs in 1832, the Evangelicarmove^ ment was at its height. The principles taught by Wesjey and Whitefield without the Episcopal fold ^ere gradually penetrating withm It, and tlie religious activity of the Dissenters was in ever? direction weakening the influence of a Church which seemed for the moment to have lost even a semblance of spiritual strength. ^ Evangelicalism, in fact was a .a|^^eligious liberalism, which pro- posed o break down the exclusive bir»l# the State Church, as political Liberalism was already destroying the^ walls of aristocratic and exclusive government. It Was also a strong and determined reaction against the pre- vailing dulness of religious life, and aimed at an aggressive line of action and preaching such as had for. some time been absent from Anglican pulpits. It cared little for mere forms and ceremonies, traditions, or ev^n the sacraments of the Church. And it was essentially radical in aim and performance. ' Writing, m 1879, m the Bnitsh Quarterly Review, Mr. Gladstone says that, in la, life generally, it did not ally itself, with literature, art, and general Wh^^T'vV\ T?'''"^'^ ^'^ ^'" ^'^ the) money-getting pursuits. While tfre EvafagelicaT clerg yman was, almost of necessity, a^piritual and ^devMedmaiTtjgEVafl^elicsJ layman might be, and somerimesT^ but ^&ce wasfii Ms c^e far more room for a composition be -4tJ— ' ^W- tie same; the two J- \i' % if'^_ •H^-i;as: a6a ORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. worlds, which l?|f^3Pfff!i¥' mark of exclusiveness, and tended to a severance from society, wljl^^t securing an interior stands^rd of corresponding elevation." Mr. Gladstone was in early life, and has always remained, what is called "High Church" in opinion and practice. He had, therefore, in the yeais immediately following 1832, to facfi^i^MijgilP in which the apostolical authority of the Church was being disr^praf^fwh^ it^spedal functions were falling into some degree of desuetude, and i|s cetlbmonial observances were receiving less ani|t.less attention. Naturally, this condition of afFiirs induced a Qonslaer- able ^Pjant of free specjplation and rationalisti|t literature, aftd, dating from the appeafflpce of the famous •' Tracts for the Times," caused the development of maM.s ^''^^' \ w '■A-i ECCLESIASTICAL DISCUSSIONS AND RELIGIOUS VIEWS. •«3 " You have giveii me lessons that I have taken thankfully ; believe me, I do it in payment of a debt, if I tell you that your mind and intellect, to which I look up with reverence under a consciousness of immense inferiority, are much under the domijjiation, whether it bie known dr not known to yourself, of an agency lower than their own, more blind, more variable, more difficult to call inwardly to account and make to answer for itself — the agency, I mean, of painful and disheartening impres^ons — impressions which have an unhappy and powerful tendency to realize the very worst of what they picture. Of this fact, I have repeatedly noted the signs in you." Some months afterwards, as the mental conflict still continued, Mr. Gladstone wrote, in concluding a l^tte/Mated the second Sunday in Advent : V' And'ipw may the Ljord grant as heretofore, so ever we may walk in His holy house as friends, and know how good it is to dwell together in unity I But, at all events, may. He, as He surejy will, compass ybu about with His presence and by His holy angels, and cause you to wake up after His likeness and to be satisfied with it." All through this correspondence of many years with Hope — he had not yet taken the additional name — as well as with Bishop Wilberforce and others, a similarly deep religious spirit permeates Mr. Gladstone's writings, just as the ecclesiastical, idea- permeated his public policy. In 1851 the crash came, the Tractarian party split in two, and Manning, Newman, Hope-Scott, and thousands of minor men, went over to the Church of Rome. Mr. Gladstone felt the result keenly, and, writing to Hope-Scott, on June 22nd, said : " It is no matter of merit to me to feel Strongly on the subject of that change. It may be little better than pure selfishness. I hav^ too good reason to know what this year has cost me ; and so little hope have I that the places now vacaqt ever can be filled up for me that the marked character of those events, in reference to niyself rather (caches me this lesson — the work to which I had aspired is reserved for other and better, men. And if that be the Divine will, I so entirely recognize its fitness that the grief would so far be sinall to me were I alone concerned. 0^e pain, the wonder, the mystery, is this— that yoo should have refused the higher vocation i^&had before you. The same words, and all the same words, I should use of Mannin|| plMp P Meantime, and during succeedingyears, Mr. Gladstone became involved in the prolonged Puseyite controversy. As a friend and ally of Dr. Pusey, in earlier days, he stood — not always, but more or less often — by his side in recur- ring controversies ; and his votes at OxfordConvocatioa and in Parliam ent were generally alo^g the extreme High Church li nes. Lord Shaftesbury, in his diary., under d^te ofOctober 12th, 1841, records his own and the Evangelical view of this school : " The Puseyite object is to effect a reconciliation with Rome; ours wij^ Protestantism ; they wish to exalt Apostolical succession so high as to nijqike it paramount to all moitil purity and all doctrinal truth ; we to respect it sdas to shift it from Abiath|tr to Zadok." The theological contests of that period arej^^ioweveiTlJoo A-ioient and varied to be entered inter in dtjy detait- Suffice it to say that Sydney Smith, with his usual wit, hit off a certain popular -■r-oM-ff*- I fe'^teA^M.,&i?Alig^la*£ ':.V%ff^:'^^ ««4 LIFE AND WORK OF MR, GLADSTONE. fo^io^ng linel'''^°°^ ''^''^ ^""'^ Shaftesbury so vigorously denounced, in the "Pray tell me what's^ Puseyite? Tis pu^rling to describe This ecclesiastic genus of a pious hybrid tribe ; " At Lambeth and the Vatican, he's equally at home, Altho', 'tis said,, he rather gives the preference to Rome." «« u^H ^nu ^^f "P*'°"' t''^' a« 't is, hardly includes Mr. Gladstone. He H«h^if.H r '.?' h' """' never. really inclined towards Romanism. He behaved m Apostolical ^cession, but it w^s as an independent Church He gave many votes in diffei-ent quarters, which indicated friendliness towards Rome as a part of tha Christian community of the world, but he detested the H k'^^k T"^ °''V"^'^'"^"y' infallibility, or political power. c^He liked High Church services and ^ certain amount of ritualistic observance, but drew the hne at the. Confessional and other essentially Roman doctrines. In this latter connection, he wrotfe Bishop Wilberforce, March iith, 1867: "Yester day I saw, for t|he first time, the service in a Ritualistic church proper. There' :;r;Ser^irt " ''' -" "'^' '-''' "^ ^^^-^ - «-^' ^^^^^ -^^ - And a few years later he made very clear his attitude towards Ritualism the Public Worship Bill, in 1874. had made him the apparent champion of Heh'.riT"f °" -^° ^--«d to check its progress and limit its^wer He had xi^oi-ous ly opposed those proposals, but in reality not from love of the practices ^omplained of. His action was taken mainly upon the ground that s6rious m^ference with the clergy was „nwise, that too great |>ower was to be pven the B.shops. and that danger, therefore, of^rious iif^ort Si JdTo many loca usages and traditions which were in themselves haP^less or even bene! ficialin nature. /He had concluded his speech upon that occasion by urging the value of clerical independence. <' You talk," he said, "of the ol?serv4ce , Fnl^H^T* L^' '^'^""^^J^^ '"'^ "'«^' '^^ Plergyman of the Church of England, by /h6 spirit he diffuses around him, by the lessons he imparts, lays the nation u^der a load of obligation to him The eccentricities of a handfuf of r";^ .'. '"^"/r^^'^^^'^^^S"' '^^ illustrious merit of the services done by the mass of the clergy in an age which is above, all others luxurious / and, I fear, selfish and worldly. These are the men who holdiip to us a banned on which IS wmten the motto of eter^al life, and of the care for things unSeen, mortal Hfe!" ''™''" ^^^' °^ "'^ '^""^h all th« vicissit,Ses of hi^ AvrhhiSo' ""t'^ ^' defending Ritualism of not, his oppqsition to Mr. Disraeli and AYchbishop Tait regarding this particular measure mad e Mr. Gladstone " th^_ UcligUt and gloiy^of the mtualista- AlZoSmittee, appointed to defend the^ JUs^-iJU !^3m n; ,.y<.^,Vr ?:f^..fr gCCLBSIASTICAL DISCUSSIONS AND REUGIOUS VIEWa .«j Rituahstic Church of St. Alban's. Holbom. against the Bishop of London, passed a ppbhc resolution, at this time, expressing their "gratitud; for his nobfe^ unsupported defence of the right, of the Church pf England." whSemSy Churchmen r^hed. both personally and politically, to his side. MeaTwhile^e controversy went on with ever-increasing heat, as was natural XTa leader' it 2r ""i J^'"^""" " ™"«^ ^" masquerade '^ ; and Lord Houghton^^^^^ hi witty -way. called it "the Colorado beetle of ecclesiasticism." X Mr mintn^H f ^^ ^"^"^ *' ""^^'^ '^' ^^^^'^^ ^^^ the reasons ^^fdy ^ct^es o^ pennanently posmg as a wholesale defender of Ritualistic .^^^In October following the ParUamentary session of 1874. he therefore contributed to the Conlemporafy Review an essay entitled " Wha '^ R tua^^^^^^^ It was a curious article, and one which excited keen interest and in en e ^ L cussion. and. naturally, attained; a very great circulation. The author definS Ritualism m his own remarkable way: "It is unwise, undiscipiredreactfon^ from poverty, from coldness, from barrenness, from nak;dness ; Ft Ts departure .. from measure^and from harmony in the annexation of appearance to ScT of the outward to the inward; it is the caricature of the'^beauS it is the conversion of help into hindrances; it is the attempted subSi;>" if he secondary for the primary aim. and the real failure Ld para^s^f both" But he held to the orthodox High Church view that in many waysTt had been Lt^^r „r ;u !^ ^'V^ ""^^ "'^^"'>^ ^ '^'^'"g f°r ornament and ritual-a Rom! in .r K '"''• ^^''^ ""^ "° ^^^d«" '"--"ing or symbol sm of of all I'eS^Z^::^' - --'^ ^^ involved him in the keenest imodMS^ .> «^Lc *T ^''"^'t generally, which is more practical and of greater ^T^^^e^ 7Z Ch'ur;h "th .h" ^*^°°^« '^^-'"^ - the attention of the nSon are not7!^Sj„ Zf^Tj f° " *'"'''*'°° '^''***'«'" * '^^^dful of the clergy are or TSa pHaig his civil lovaltv uid .inhT.. .1, """""^ li»ii>«al amh raensl ftiedomv*- A ^V - - — J— 'J -».»», *.ui,jr ai lue me lepudiated modern thought anti ancient history.' \\ J.JU *-^ iJ ^ b6i6 LIFt AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONK Needless to say, such a declaration of opinion from a prominent statesman, and one who had himself aided in giving Roman Catholics liberty of education, ^ worship, and public position, created a furore of controversy. Criticism, con- demnation, and defence followed, and in July, 1875, he published a sort of general reply, entitled, "Is the Church of England worth Preserving?" He urged in this article the desirability of peace within the Church ; the danger of secession from its fold ; the fact that mutual obstinaey^in the two Church $* parties might result in a severance which would precipitate disestablishment. The portion of his first article referring to the Roman Catholic Church had been already elaborated and defended in the famous piimphlet, entitled "The Vatican Decrees in their Bearing on Civil All^iance; a Political Expostu- lation." He fiercely attacked in this memorable pamphlet the whole doctrine of Papal.Infallibility, and placed the position of affairs before the public in these strong words : , " Absolute obedience, it is boldly'declared, is du« t9 the Ppp^, at the periled salva- , tion, not alone' in faith, in piorals, but in all things which conceru the discipline and government of the Church. . . . It is well to remember that this plaim is lodged in ppen day ' by, and in the rei'gn of, a Pontiff who has condemned free speech, free writing, a free press, - toleration of nonconformity, liberty of conscience, the study of civil and phiUjj^ophical matters in ^independence of the ecclesiastical Authority, marriage, unlesi sacramentally •^ contracted, and the definition by the State of the civil rights of the Church ; whd'.jias dem'iH^ed foi' the Church, therefore, the title to define its own civil rights, together with a divine Ti^ht^o civil immunities, an4 a right to use physical force; and wlij^ivP^(>lso proudly asserted that the Popes of tl^e middle ages, with their councils, did not iny'iil^he. rights of princes ; as, for example, Gi^ory III.,ftf the Emperor Henry IV.; Innoo of Raj'mond of Toulouse; Paul III., in deposiqe Henry VIII.;, or Pius V'., in perfc the like paternal ofiice for Elizabeth." j|^ ' . Mri 'Gladstone went on to declare that the doctrine}, of Infambility, as * piOcIaiftiSd in i8;ip, was a menace to modern liberty, and a retunn^r attempted return, to the old system of ecclesiastical despotism. Romah Catholicism wds not .spreading in JEngland, he thought, to any great extent, e^^pt amongst sdme 'of the upper classes and among women. But none the less he cdhsidered tlie time to havie come for d, protest against these dangeipus pretensions of the Pope , ^ of Rome. The circulation of this painphlet was enolinous and absolut^ unprecedented.. At th% end of a £ew weeks, 120,000 copies had been sold, ahd . an imn^nse number of relies published. Archbishop Manning, Dr. Newman, » Bitihop I XJllathome, Bishop Vaughan, Monsigg||pur Capel, Lord Petre, Lord Harriet, Sir George Bowyer, Lord Robert Montague, Bishop Cfifford, Canon ^ Oakley, and many others, replied. They cle^l/ ^ijgivcated, in these eontribu- tions to the discussion, that Roman Catholics ^ifeiMfar from unitecf'- regarding ^ the Decree o( InMibility. Lord Camoys d^Apd that bistiuy, cotnmoQ sense, and his early instruction forbade hinoi t^, ac<::ept the, doctrine! Lord " 1^ \i ^■^ .>♦ ♦'.• =^ "^i-:, -k^ mm ' , *♦ ^ •?•-, .. %- ■. ^ 'r '\ ** ^ «^» .' «)Si ECCLESIASTICAL DISCUSSIONS AND RELIGIOUS VIEWS. . 367 *»iij^ Acton-now Professor of History at Cambridge-claimed that he could be an frthodox Romanist and yet resist the Vatican in this matter. The majority owever, accepted the doctrine. * Three months later, Mr.'^ladstone issued a second pari^hlet, entitled "^,at.canism : an Answer to Reproofs and Replies." In this he analyzed the argu^^ents used by his opponents. Dr. Newman's " Letter to the Duke of Nor- folk ' he declared to possess the highest and most singular interest : " the work * ' of an mtellect sharp enough to cut the diamond ind, bright as the diamond which It cuts." Newman's secession from the Churdh of England, he thought, had nev^r yet been estimated at its full measure of calamitous importance. The ecclesiastical historian will, perhaps hereafter, judge that this secession was a much greater event than even the partial secession of John Wesley " He ' accepted Archbishop Manning's declared rule of civil allegiance as satisfactory, but observed that the future Cardinal had not disclaimed the right to ^se' cute when.thete was the power, which had been advanced by a corrlspondent. Rome, he added had^now reproduced for active service (to;irines af.^lden times which it had been hoped were abandoned, while the pQ})e still clalfhed to - Qontrol the loyalty and civil duty of every convert and member of his Church. ., This cqptention Mr. Gjadstone reiterated and pressed. "And," he observed ^ even in those p&rts of Christendom where the.dftc;rtes and the present attitude - ^. °* *^i^/^P*' See do not produce or aggravate open broils with the civil power J by undermining moral liberty, they impair moral responsibility, and silently in the succession df generations, if not in the lifeUme of individuals, tend to emas- culate the vigour of the mind." This was pretty strong language, and it was repeated m a further essay of the most elaborate character, published in the Quarter y Remew, ofTanuary, ^875, and dealing with the speeches of Pope Pius IX. ,*MrGladstortPiow admitted, however, that the loyalty of the great mass of Roman Catholic tnglishmen seemed to have rejnained untainted, and he believed it to be still in the main secure, aUhbugh there wis always danger to be . apprehended, and interference to b%4readed^do long as t^ docjiipe of Infalli- Jbihty was maintained .at Rome. i V- ^rt Naturally suclr a strong and sus^ine«i and publiciJfenunciation of their ^Gl,^ estranged many Roman Catholics frttfo. his support, and e^n from old- time^endships Amcygst the fatter ,^s Carding Manning, who. in 18^, during he Ihsh Church b^ e, haAcbme to Mr. GIads#'s aid in a rather remkrkablf > if"eMhememoiy'bf which may be appropriately revived in tMsplace. If ha .„,'..,..- ■ ■ , , -1,-' ■ •i M t, V i» ^ «4|tv . .-f r"»-7, , y-^ "'1 y ^A~'^' ''■ " J'*' ''''v 36 a m^be arfc:' Upclanw that though the citadel of Christianity i. biSgal a!f^n„d "Hfe^t ' «. thtoe days of doubt and difficulty, yet «cl, dks day. mo™ .^Thi • H^J»^ . I (1 • - -~S!!S*ff^ W^,: •#- r / " I iff. ^ .970 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. Christian is "born into a new climate, a new atmosphere; and m that new atmosphere (so to speak), by the law of a renovated nature, the lungs and heart of the Christian life should ^pon1;aneously and continuously dnnk in the vital air." While, therefore, he consider! that the service of God should be an unceasing service, yet he recognizes that worldly conditions necessitate much time betng given to other objects. " ^' So tfie grace and compassion of our Lord have rescued from the open ground of. worldly life ^portion of tliat area, aAd have made upon it a vineyard seated on* a very fruitful hill, and have fenced it in with the privilege . . . of a direct contact with spiritual things." ; Similarly lofty is Mr. Gladsto'ne's^^onception of the value of the Bible in human life and every day action. In.a recent -preface to a Biblidal history, he asks: "Who doubts that, times without number, particular, portions of Scrip- ture find their way to the human soul as if embassies from on high, each with- its own commission of comfort, of guidance, ov of warning? What ctisis, what , trouble, what perplexity of life has failed 01; canJfail to.draw fronjthis inexhaustible treasure-house its proper supply? What -profession, -what position is not daily and hourly enriched by those -words which repfeUtion never weakens, which carry' with them now, as , in the days of their first utterance, the freshness of youth- and immortality ? " ' . ^' \ -n But quotations of tMs^ naturae ceu^d be found to fill volumes. Every branch of Christian life, and morals^^nd - conduct, and conviction, has been studied and dealt with by this man of many and intense ipterests.-. "Oirough it all runs a high and noble ideal. -Much time he has, of course, d^oted to ' strictly controversial ecclesiastioism'; and miJch attentionhas been giverV to the consideration of his own. fondly-regarded Church of England-. Perhaps, how- ever, in conciuiing this sketch ot ..religious discussion and personal views, nothing could be mbi^^ppropriate than an ^appeqlff^r Christian unity, written by Mr. Gladstone in his " Chapter of Autobiography ": -^ "Chrisjtianity has wrought itself into the public life of fifteen hundred years. ^Precious truths, and the laws of relative right, and the brotherhood of man, such as the wisdom of heathenism scarcely dreamed of and could never firmly grasp, the Gospel has made to be part of our cbmmon inheritance, common as the sunlight that warms us, and as the air webreathe. Sharp thdugh our divisibns in belief niay be, they have ,not ^ut so deepastoprevent.oras perceptibly ^o impair,' the re(5pgnition. of these great guides and fences of moral action. It 4s "far iJetter for us to trust to..the operation/ of these our com- mon principles a/dfeeliries. and to serve our Maker together in .that wherem we are at dBfcfce! tharf-inain^ng •fea standard theosetically higher, to set out with a breach of , ^ thTgTSt CommandiJieftt, Aich forms the groundwork of all relatiii^duties, and to refuse — . gfe^t C. to do as we wduld, be dow hy/' r.f' itiye.c vA* t-f &> ^^ -^9^ s-j .iVfti'- ■/■ *'3^.-tl n-ye^ V i-mhi that new ungs and ink in the uld be an ate much our Lord area, ai^d fenced it e Bible in listory, he I of Scrip- each with ' Hsis, what . from " this Hi. ion, -what repfetition . their first f *•" J js? Every has been rhrough it feioted to' vt^ to the haps, how- >nal views, ity, written ">» idred years. such' as the I Gospel has .rms us, and B not jf ut so : guides and ise our com- n we are at a breach of ^ ,nd to refuse •/■ ^. S »''^' > i^ '.^y •»' .''^' -'-ift' . . ■*^ v%'. i.«V > !• r»>v5 :-x- **". .«■ , .,^r ^-^f-A^^"^;.^ , I i 4 t( s r tkr M : 1 ; : .^ JOHN GEORGE DOUGLAS SUTHERLAND CAMPBELL, MARQUESS OF LORNE, Governor-General of Canada, 1878-83. (a7») •Ifai V^j.(i»^2^ 'jj/i! c m km wm V«^iS / CHAPTER XXII. THE EASTERN STORM-CLOUd! ' IlIE.revival Of ^he Eastern Question, in 1876, did not come as a surprise to the statesmen of Europe. With a despotic and unprincipled government sux:h as that of turkey; with various provinces under the nominal sovereignty of, the Porte, longing to be free froni its control ; with the constant play of cross-pur! poses and diplomatic intrigue amongst the Russian and Austrian • IT ' Ji "^^T' "^-d««'g"«d spheres of influence divided between -different European powers ; with Moslems and Greeks ^ Protestants and Catholics, in a condition of seething jealousy' distrust, and restlessness ; with Russia and England Austria and France, ookmg on with knxiety or ambition, as the case might be'; it was really marvellous that any de^ee of peace had been maintained dunng The twenty years of uncertainty and distur^nce which had followed the Crimean " ^ An ever certain factor in the poHtics of Tu*ey was the Russian Emperor ap^ Government To the Czar of all jhe Russias. whether it was PeTefthe .^''^ u ^t ' °' ^'^^"^^'•' the 6lavs seemed to>ver. stand upon the threshold of thtf morning, waiting for the sun to break'bver .the Russian fleet in the Golden Horn the Russian flag flying over Constantinople, and the Russian ships in the Mediterranean. It had always been a complex question forGTat Britam to deal w>A The Turks were never popular in' England The'r^ bravery was admitted, but so ^as their cruelty and bitter bigotr5^ The r usefulness as a sort of policeman for Europe upon the shores of the Black Sea andaround the walls of the Cityof\the Crescent was not disputed, but their barbansm, ignorance, and misgovernment were proverbial. Still, they remained a bulwark against the much-feared and really formidable power of the north Russia, m 1854, in 1876, and even in later years, A^as. to Englishmen" an object of mystery of alarm, and distrust. Her despotism.' which'eilaS'the 'Czar to strike at will, where and when he liked; her Vastness, her frightful * climate, and her brave, barbaric people, made reprisals always difficult, and had beaten Napoleon. at Moscow, as they had almost defeated England at Sebas- topol ; her large and greatly exaggerated military force; her constant expansion and acquisition of territory ; her supposed designs upon India, and' hostility to Englajid--al combined to keep aliVe British mistrust and ^British antagor ^ So. that while many, and perhaps the majority, of Englishmen dislikec Turk, they detested the RjBssian. %,yj> c4/^£l£<%y- v.'i> \w ^ -u_ ^..A^± A I Ti ll f tlii% ' ' r 'if- "r^ '"?SS. >^ , j^'a; ; ; I ', 1-1 S«TitJ*v'' " ,-"ri-^^^"'i •74 ajEjjfflnji'f r ?'"'.'* ff' :.n^i" \IFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONK Hence, it required the addition of stroiig Imperial sentiment or self- interest to turn the scale for or against intervention. In 1877, it became a con- test, primarily, between two men ; secondly, between a desire to prevent Rifssian extension arid a sentimental desire to punish Turkish cruelty. Genuine sympathy with either Russia or Turkey in the great conflict which followed could hardly be considered a factor. Apart from the remarkable duel between the Coniservative Premier and the man who still represented, and really led, the virile forces of Liberalism, the events which ensued mainly turned upon thfe question whether Constantinople should become Russian or should remain European. Turkey was, in any case, only the nominal possessor. What a place in history that city of domes and minarets, of mosques and harems, has held 1 It was once the capital of the rival empire to that of Rome. It has been the seat of Greek^ faith, and the home and centre of Eastern Christianity. It has been the source of the Moslem torrents which once swept over Europe, and has become the sacred fane oO^ahomet and the seat of the most powerful of Eastern religions. " Constantinople," muttered Napoleon, " is tl^e empire of the world.** ** Constantinople," said I^eter the Great', " is the key of my street door, and I must have it." i" If Constantinople be taken," wrote the Duke of Wellington, " thp world must be reconstructed." "The Eastern Question," declared the Earl of Derby, " is the question of who shall have Constantinople," ;* To Great Britain the problem was ^ one of complicated importance. Russia in control of the Bosphorus meant a distinct menace to Egypt and the Suez Canal route to India, ^ussi^ in control of Constantinople meant thtf Black Sea established as a^ Russian lake, arid the sweeping of ^ new naval power into the Mediterranean, The falling of the great centre of Mah^m^dan faith into the hands of England's traditional enen;iy involved a tremendous turmoil amongst the 50,0001^000 Mahommedans in India, and at^ great loss of British prestige and power. (All these things had been felt, though in a lesser degree, during the Crimean war, and Mr. Gladstone had properly taken high ground in £sivoU)r of maintaining the Turkish position as an independent power. But he had also supported the Russian right to interfere on <(>ehalf of the oppressed Greek Christians within the forte's dominions. , ^ While, however, the Aggression of Russia in 1854, accompanied by duplicity and every evidence of a re^less, dangeirous ambition, was sufficiently great and unprovoked to deserve opposition from England, its action in 1877 appeared to him on the side of right and humanity. The cruelties perpetrated by the Turks in 1876 wer^ felt by the great compassionate soul of a man, who was sometimes a Christian first and a statesman afterwards, |o, demand instant panishment, and even summary ejection of the' national Criminals from Europe. The Bulf^an massacres were to him so terrible as to do away with all;Other ^ '.,.,■ THE EASTERN STORM-CLOUD. 1 \ V^ m^ «,nddera.io„a of intemadonal U,l,„ce, or fuUre menace to pos,ible Briti.h Bo^nia^a^'Hi^^^^tr'TSGr?''' « .875, disturbances began in expected and Tnvited Th'' '" t'^T"'^ ^''"'- f"™^ intervention was X^nlaTl la^t^oTheL^rln^^^^^^^^^^ donbt that secret sympathy, if no. .nd wodd tvlvt El"^an i:rrmr r'" ''"°""' f ''"'''' ™"'''^''' to the Portf> Aff«ro J J intervention, and more or less serious results rehalo^ Great Brftain^^^^^ ot Great fritain. Turkey made promises, but did nothing. C Then ca«e the Berlin Memorandum, proposed by the fhree. iLn^ri.l powers, and not fy ng Turkev thai- if ,> a',a „ 1 , Impenal not .shi;"tt^^^^^ I ?','"""«^V'\='/«"«.P»'>Iic property, it was never presented tb "he" orteThl' "Ba'shT-rotls' '"^rr,?""'" ^«'«-'^^-<•'>>e'nfl~:ssI^r: , nLc K : ^azouks. ^Thexrebelhon was soon suppressed. But eraduallv ;rd fTthTs y^"^ r"""^ "* frigh.f«idetai.s s to™: had been committed • ^A^lt i T ■', *="*«"'"'««mWe<:nmesof violence Girlianrwlen wek^ete^ ? . K »»^bea«tia district laid in ruins, .he most fS cISS!r^:tplt,£'"*" •""'' "> ^'"''' ^"^ ""Jl^^ "' ' saJ^re diadM tevl^n^*?''' '^'•*'='' "'■''' *^ details' jf the B»tak mas- people t^krewX^^HH ITSFu"^:.- '"' *'= <^»»=. =°™ t«*lye hundred • from'^^ouL^^teWhe"^ ,'"'i*°*= r"'" '"'■='«■ »" ^f""'''! b»™ it , tiles, aod threw eIK;„;I Bashi-Bazouks got upon the-,roof, tore off the ' the fetched Teelilr ?^^^ "°°''*"'^ '^- *PP«» i"blazing ,il, upon in.and.tlZffe^''""'"'-'^'^"''- At last the doo,.,were broL , ^ -4b(9-^i"w«^v / ^s^^s^i^^rwr^'f f'-^^ m i fT f« %, LIFE AND WORK OF-MR. G ■f; Bssri*"';.!; ONE. '-tV^-— .*-«Tr— f «in&«.. Jl Mn Disraeli tried to calm the rising tide of excitement and prevent u playing irito the hands of the ever-ready Russian. He poiiited put that official reports from Turkey did not yet verify the worst of these cruelties. He urged that, in any case, the perpetrators were not Turiyrs; but irregular Circassian'' soldiery — meq who had been driven from their inountainous homes by Russia and given room to live in various Turkish provinces. He deprecated undue denun- ciation of the Porte as an encouragement to that last great aggressive effort of, , Russiaiy^bition, which now secerned imminent, and pointed out that the Czar's pretended sympathy for the Christians of Turkey did not come well fr<^ the Jiead of a Governmen'f' which had given no mercy to the wretcl-ed Cliristians of Poland, and had nothhig but cruelty and oppression for the jews of its own country. *'' Events now moved rapidly. Servia had joined Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Bulgaria in the general struggle with* Turkey, and they were all more or less ba41y beaten. Debates in the HouSe of Commons became, fiery and frequent, and, in July, 1876, Mr. Disraeli announced that the British- fleet had been , , . ,.£^,. ^jj^^ g^y — ^^^ ^^ protect the Turkish Empire, but to gttard the British Empire. Shortly afterwards, the Premier made Irfs last :^ommons, and retired to the Upper House as Eari of /Beacons. Gladstone did not deem the Ministerial statements abpbt iTurkey k or satisfactory. He believed |hat fiijigland was really dupi)orting Turkey against the insurgent provinces^ and poetically condoning the/Bulgarian massacres. Hence the issue of his ^^famous "'pajiyjfelfttpentklfid^ Bulgarian Horrors, and the Question iif the East." This",fi:^rce onslaught upon the Turks aijd the British Government had an immediate and immense circulation, and it certainly spoke with no uncertain "voice. ^ The author urged that three great objects should be kept in yiew by Englana— first, the desolating cruelties, and misrule which characterized Turkish- action in Bulgaria; second, a prOv} ion against future outrages by removing Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Bulgaria frorn the controiof Turkey; third, the redemption of English honour, which had ^een marred by the recent.policy of its Government. " , " Let us .insist," he said, "that our Government, which has been working in one direction, shall work in the other, and shall apply all its vigour to concur with the* other States roughf against him as a statesman or a man has he been held free He , has been ^^ccused of the high crime of treason and the Ipw weakness of personal jealousy ; he has Jjeen descnl^d at once as a most calculating conspirator, and^a trifler of hysterical impulsiveness. Cynics have sneered at him ; scribes have attempted to write him down • mobs have hissed at him. But he^can bear wijhin his bosom a consciousness that may^ make his-hfcart swell the prouder because of those displays of unscrupulous and unfeeline hate." k . " i '. . * A few days after the publication of his pamphlet^ Mr. Gladstone went down to address his constituents on Blackheath. That speech stands out as one of his greatest. It was of that fervent, vivid, powerful, and yet solemn type of oration which no man ca^p deliver more than a few times in his life, and then only if he be hoiiestly permeated with enthusiasm in what he believes to be a noble .^nd lofty cause. It partook of the nature referred to by James RusselJ Lowell upon another ocdasion : " Every word that he speaks has been fiercely furnaced In the Wast of a life that has struggled in earnest. . His periods fill on you stroke after stroke, • -• Like the blowsof a lumberer felling an oak." Mr. Gladstone was deceived with enthusiasm by the vast mass of peoplel But the reception was nothing to the spontaneous expression of feeling which gradually and continuously rose from t^e multitude as they were swayed hither and thither by the impassioned eloquence of the speaker. At one point h© referred to the massacre at Glencoe, the atrocities of Badajoz, the re^h>f ' Cephalonia, the recent troubles in Jamaica, and then, with scorn and indig- nation depicted in levery tone and word and gesture, declared that •• to compare these proceedings to what we are now dealing with is an insult to the common sense.of Eurbpe. They may constitute a dark page in British history, but "if you could concentrate the whole of that page, or every one of them, into a single point and a single j^o't, it.would not be worthy to appear upon one of the pa^§s that will hereafter porisign to everiasting infamy the proceedings of the Turks in Bulgaria," - ; As to the future of Turkey— and here Mr. Gladstone's voice rang out with the clearness of a clarion and the power of a prophet of old—" you shall receive your regular tribute, retain your titular sov^gnty, your empire shall 1 more than ' nal qualities, arliamentary '^ tive majority service ; the hurch as the afe' majority, tire from the I his second ecame Lord unpremedi- him a most tiled, indeed, not be said. in his short It, was given that |ti5 was I career of a rerest critics, e reputation i Northcote, g under Mr. ttiUiant, wa» — 1 one leader nistiy. Mr. >ecretary, in o ..ijA ^ k fii: ' '■ ■* . . " \ . , / , ,«. ' ^ V. A .•-* f . ■ '' ' • ./' t •f " ^ i '■*■" \ ** ~,,r !- /'" .-..-^ „--.^.. -.---. - - " - -^ :i.^A'^,,. ^jjAjEgLJi- IV ■ ■ -.% ^, IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // fe A / /IV4. 4 ^J^ A, I 1.0 i.r liA|2.8 25 IM 11:25 i 1.4 20 1.6 . te; i».. Hiotographic, ^Sciences Corporation 23 WIST MAIN STMET WEBSTER, N.Y. I45S0 (716)872-4503 , ,j|.. -jtifiji i •• t, ' -.*v^.» JaiJ. .v 4' »--ni5 »-'>«'•»• 1 -< ^' i\,.>'-. t- -^,e'SJ?i»^v-»iK ..: / "•Tf- 1i 7" •VW»-T.( K I A 178 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. not be invaded ; hut never again as thie years roll 6n in their course — so far as it is in our power to deter^tiine— never again shall the hand of violence be raised by you, never again .shal|,the flood-gates of lust be open to you, never again shall the dire refinements of crufelty be devised by you for the sake of making mankind miserable." Then he outlined his policy in the premises. It was, in a word, the united action of the povrars of Europe, backed up and urged on by the special co-operation of England and JRussia. " I am," said the speaker, "far from supposing — I am not such a dreamer as to suppose that Russia, rriore than any other country, is exempfi from selfishness and ambition. But she has within her, like other countries the pulse of humanity. . . . Upon the concord and hearty co-operation of England ftnd Russia depends a good settlement of this question. Their power i^ immense. The power of Russia by land for acting for these countries as against Turkey is perfectly resistless ; the power of England by sea is scarcely lefes important." And, finally, he maintaine^d that the British Government should proclaim that not a man, nor a ship, nor ii boat would aid or co-operate with Turkey until atonement had been made for the BulgarianMtrocities ; until punishment had descended upon the criminals ; until justice had been vindicated. This oration proved the keynote of a prolonged pampaign, as well as furnishing an historic illustration of the powers of speech. Mr. W. T. Stead, who heard the remarkable deliverance, described it at the time in words which bring vividly before \^s both the man and his appearance : "Mr. Gladstone is not tall, neither is he stout. He is the contrary — spare and somewhat wiry. But it, was difficult to think of his body when looking at his face. Such a marvellously expressive face I do not ever remember to have seen.. Every muscle seemed alive, every inch of it seemed \p speak. It was in perpetual motion. Now it rippled over with a genial smile, then the smile disappeared, and'the horror expressed by his words; reflected on his countenance, and then again his high-wrought feelings gleamed out from his flashing eye, and the listener might have imagined he was hearing the outpourings of one of the prophets who brought the message of Jehovah to Israel. A benevolent face, too, it was ; one from which the kindliness enthroned in the heart looks out upon you through the eyes, and leavens eVery feature with such mildness and sweetness that it is difficult to conceive that he whose face rivals the tenderness of that of a woman has proved himself the best man upon tlie field, not upon one occasion, but upon hundreds, whenever in the halls of St. Stephen's the signal has been given for bat^." Lord Beaconsfield soon after replied at Aylesbury, and, in a speech' which showed how warm the struggle" was getting between the two rivals, admitted that, for the moment, his policy was unpopular ; declared it, however, to be none the less patriotic and honourable ; denounced the conduct of his opponents as worse^p^that of the Turks; and condemned the "designing politicians who^t^^jj^^vantage of sublime sentiments and apply then) for the ,AriJbjKin ce,oLl ini8 ter ^nds^", AJittlft l ate r, a Conf e rence of t h fr Pow e rs was^^ '■■M'. .iJn.:. THE EASTERN STORM-CLOUD. •7»> held at Constantinople to discuss measures of settlement, and to this Lord Salisbury _^ was sent on behalf of England. While it was being arranged, a great gathering had been calkd, on December 8th, at St. James' Hall, to discuss the Eastern Question, or, in plain English, to denounce the Government. Lord Shaftesbury presided, and addresses were delivered by Mr. Gladstone, Canon Liddon, Mr. — afterwards Sir G. O. — Trevelyan, Mr. Henry Fawcett, and Mr. E. A. Freeman. \ The Conference, after long discussions, closed with the final presents^tion to Turkey of two prop9sitions — the appointment of an International Commis- sion, nominated by Europe, without -executive powers; and the selection of Governors-General of the Christian provinces by the Sultan for five years, and with the approval of the guaranteeing governments. The demands were, how- ever, rejected by the Porte as contrary to its " integrity, independence, and dignity." During the Parliamentary recess which followed, early in 1877, Mr. Gladstone spoke, at a number of places, and freely declared the failure of the Conference to be the result of Turkish confidence in the support of the English Government, and claimed that in giving such an impression to the Porte the Ministry was defying and opposing the public opinion of England. In the House, after it met on the 8th of February, he repeated his views, and urged that, as the Crimean war had practically established Turkey in its position of comparative • independence. Great Britain, through that event, had become involved in the responsibility of punishing what had recently occurred, and preventing it from happening again. On April 24th, Russia, which had announced itself ready to intervene independently, before the Conference at Constantinople, now declared war, and gave as its reason the Porte's refua^ df guararitees for reforms, and the failure of the Conference. On the ist df May, England, France, and Italy issued proclamations of neutrality, and six days after Mr. Gladstone commenced a great debate in the House, by moving resolutions which denounced the conduct of Turkey in relation to the massacres in Btilgaria, and declared that country to have forfeited all claim to moral or material support. He reviewed the situation from his frequently proclaimed standpoint, alleged that the Govern- ment was still giving Turkey a " moral support," denounced anew the cruelties in Bulgaria, claimed that the Crimean war had made England partially respon- sible for the Christians of that Empire, and wound up with one of his most si^stained and eloquent perorations : " Sir, there wer* other days when^England was the hope of freedom. Wherever in the world a high aspiration was enteri^ned or a noble blow was struck, it was to Eng- land t^at the eyes of the oppressed were always turned — to this favourite, to this darling home of so much privilege, and go much happi ness, w here the p e ople that ha d bu ilt up a Dbble edifice for themselves would, it was well known, be ready to do what in them lay to^ / ^ / ^-i y \ lf:^m}W f '^ ■■K-Tll [. Il' III II SI 1 ' l'<%-j^ / . tSo ■ LIFE ANt) WORK Of MR. GLADSTONE. - secure the benefit of the same inestimable boon for others. . . . There is now before the world a glorious prize. A portion of those unhappy people are still as yet makine an effort to retrieve what they have lost so long, but have nOt ceased to love and to desire I speak of those m^Bpsnia and Herzegovina. Another portion— a band of heroes such as the world has rarely seen-^tand. on the rocks of Montenegro, and are ready now' as thev have ever been during the four hundred years of their exile from tljeir fertile plains to sweep down from their fastnesses, and meet the Turks at any odds for the re-establishment of justice and of peace in those countries. Another portion still, the 5,000 000 of Bulgarians, co^yed and beaten down to the ground, hardly venturing to look upwards even to their Father m heaven, have extended their hands to you; they have sent you their petition ; they have prayed to you for help and protection. They have told you that thev do not seek alliance with Russia, or with any foreign power, but that they seek to be delivered from an intolerable burden of woe and shame-the greatest that exists on God's - earth. The removal of that load is a great and noble prize. It is a pri^ wqH worth com- peting for. It is not yet too late to try and v^rin it." But no power of speech could break through the ranks of the Govern- ment majority. The debate lasted five days, and proved the House to be satisfied upon the whole with Ministerial declarations in favour of neutrality And Mr. Gladstone found himself unable to carry his own party entirely with him— the support given bemg, in many cases, cold and limited. In the end he obtained only 223 votes to 354. Towards the close^the session h*^ spoke in Birmingham upon the Eastern Question, and thaijfefhe Nonconformists for the support they were giving him. Shortly after V^aiip was elected on a strict party vote-as is the frequent custom in Britisk universities-Lord Rector of Glasgow yniversity, by a large majority over gir Stafford Northcote and in succession to Lord Beaconsfield. Meanwhile the Russo-Turkish war was P''°8''f f'"S' ^"^ '^ •""«* ^^ said that the Turks won more liking in this their . day of bitter adversity than any number of the most brilliant successes would have made possible. The splendid bravery of Osman I>asha, the steady and sustained courage of the troops under most unfavourable circumstances the cruelties and even atrocities of the Russian irregular soldiery, all combined to ettect somewhat of a revulsion in. English popular opinioii. Then came the fall of Kars and Plevna, the fcssian capture of the Schipka Pass, the advance upon Constantinople, the, meeting of the Peace Commissioners, the Treaty of San Stefano on March 3rd, and the practical partition of Turkey under pressure of Russian guns bearing upoh its historic capital. For two months prior to the signature of that treaty, however it had become evident thai matters were in a critical condition, and that Russia intended to exact, not only her full pound of flesh, but much more than it would be wise for England or Europe to permit. Pariiament was called eariy in January, 1878, and a few days afterwards it became known that the British ^fleetfead been ord«r»d to the Dardanelles, and Ihattlie Government p^opos^^ 1,1 ^ w^~^^^^^. p^^«jf%n'-/.:j. THE EASTERN STORM-CLOUD. tsr to ask the House for a war credit of $30,000,000. The air immediately teemed with rumours, and the excitement became intense. Lord Beaconsfield declared his policy to be one of prevention, rather than attempts'at a cure which might be too late, and asked the country for its support at a critical juncture. To a certain extent it was given, though Mr, Gladstone came to the front again, and, speaking at Oxford, on January 30th, declared that " his purposSvJiad been, to the best of his power, day and night, week by week, month by month, to counterwork what he believed to be the purposes of that man." - ^ , In Parliament, he vehemently opposed the vote of credit, and was greatly kided in his opposition by the retirement from the Governnfent of Lord Carnarvon, followed, a little later, by that of Lord Derby. The vote, he declared, was not needed, would not strengthen the hands of the Ministry, and was unwise, upon the verge of a Conference. It was, however, ultimately granted by the large majority of 328 to 124, the lack of unity amongst the Liberals being -^wn by the abstenllon of Lord Hartington and other party leaders from the division. The Conference to which Mr. Gladstone alluded was ||ot yet obtained, and it soon became apparent that Russia would resist any, practical European intervention or any genuine reconsideratiqp of the question which she had taken it upon herself to settle. The treaty of San Stefano, in March, of course, brought ipatters to a crisis, and showed that all Russia intended was that the Berlin Congress should be a sort of international court to register approval of Russian policy. It was even proposeci tliat England should be excluded from the' meeting altogether. . Lord Beaconsfield's answer was short and sharp. On the ist of April the Reserves were called out by a Royal message, and a little later it was announced that a Ikrge contingent of Indian troops was on the way to Malta from England's Eastern empire, and that a million more would follow, if required. This was sufficient, and , on June 13th the Congress met in order tp consider and revise the Russo-Turkish Treaty, and arrange the Eastern Question. The Premier and the Marquess of Salisbury attended as British repr^lrKatives, but, before leaving for Beriin, made a secret arrangement with Turkey by which it was agreed that, if the worst came, England would protect, the Porte against further aggression. In return, the Sultan promised to introduce necessary reforms to protect the Christian populations, and to cede Cyprus to England. A month later the Congress was closed, and the Treaty of Beriin signed. By this memorable measure, the Balkan mountains were to form the southern frontier of Bulgaria, and to Austria was given the task of occupying Bosnia and Herzegovina on behalf of Europe. Montenegro received the seaport of Antivari and a considerab le accession o f terntoiy. It was of 4his ly avc race Tenayson not long before had sqng : • ( \ 7 t8t «• LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. " O smallest among peoples i rough rock-throni 'v Of freedom ! warriors beating back the swarm Of Turkish Islam for .five hundred years. Great Tzernagorai never since thine own Black ridges drew the cloud and brake the storm Has breathed a race oi mightier mountainecrb.' Servia's frontier was enlarged ; Greece extended ; and Silistria and 1 Magnolia were to be ceded by Russia to Roumania. In retWn, Russia was to receive a portion of Bessarabia, and Batoum, Kars, and Ardahan, together with a war indemnity of $230,000,000. Lord Beaconsfield and Lord Salisbury were received with the most unusual acclamations on their return home. From ^over to Downing Street the Ministers were cheered with unfailing enthusiasm and by an almost continuous multitu(^e — one portion of which, in Accordance with some street rumour, ecstatically hailed the Premier as Duke of Cyprus Speaking from the Foreign Office window. Lord Beaconsfield declared, in now historic words, that they had brought back peace with honour, and on the 27th of July following, at a banquet in Knightsbridge given by the Conservative members of both Houses of Parliament, he described Mt Gladstone, in equally famous words, as " a sophistical rhetorician inebriated with the exuberance of his own verbosity, and gifted with an egotistical imagination that can at all times command an interminable and inconsistent series of arguments to malign his opponents and glorify himself." Lord Salisbury, in following the Premier, delivered a speech which is interesting as not only^giving the Conservative side of a complex question,!but as showing the harmony of sentiment which existed between Lord Beaconsfield and his future successor. He declared that the Government, in the long and critical period now ended, had been compelled to submit to every species of calumny, misconstruction, and abuse. At moments whenJt was of the mos| vital importance for England to appear united and to be in earnest, every n«jrve had been strained by their grea^ opponent "to make England seem infirm of purpose and impotent in action.- He summarized the negotiations and the policy of the Government in the following words : , "They have felt that, however imperfectly, we were striving to pick up the thread —the broken thread— of England's old Imperial position. For a short time there have been men eminent in public affairs who have tried to persuade you that all the past history of England was a mistake, that the duty and interest of England were to confind tersdf solely to her own insular affairs, to cultivate commerce, accumulate riches and not, as was said, to entangle herself in foreign politics. Now, it seems * small answer to these men to say that even for their own low purposes their policy was mistaken The commerce of a great commercial country like this wiU only flourish— history attests it again and again— under the shadow of empi re, and those who give up empire to mai,> -commen:eprcwiwrwiif end by losing both." "X.' '" n^t^'^.-vxr^js^ \ -.i.^ ^^■^f THE EASTERN STORM-CLOUD. 'H Amid the ^pplaus^ and laughter raised by his sarcastic description of Mr. Gladstone, the honours conferred upon him by the Queen, and a sudden wave of intense popularity. Lord Beaconsfield had now reached the acme of his career, the apotheosis of his Imperial policy. It was, at the same time, Mr. Gladstones season of deepest unpopularity. But for him it was the darkness before the dawn. He had opposed every branch of the Government's pohcy, and especially the* bringing of Indian troops to Malta, and the Cyprus Convention. The former action he considered a dangerous abrogation of the Constitution, and the power of bringing masses of Indian soldiers from the east to the west without leave from Pariiament to be a source of grave appre- hension to all lovers of English liberty. The latter a^mngement was an •' insane Convention," apd the^romise to defend Turkey was-as might be imagined — characteri^isuhogt unmeasured terms. " During July, a remarkable debate came up in the House over Lord Hartington's motion of censure upon the Government fdr not having done more for Greece; for having guaranteed the integrity of Turkey in Asia; and for having entered into- undefined engagements without the knowledge or sanction of Parhament. This, of course, brought up thfe whole mass of problems and policies included in the phrase " Eastern Question." It was memorable for a speech from Mr. Gladstone, %hich a keen observer and listener— Mr. H W Lucy— has described as one of his four great orations. And it was also remarkable for bringing into line behind the Speaker— for almost the first time since the dark days of 1874— almost the whole of the Liberal party Amid a cannonade of cheers from the Liberals, such as he had been for some time unaccustomed to hear in the House, he launched into a strong and fierce indictment of the Ministry, the whole policy of .the previous years, and the Berlin Treaty. ;. When the Government had tried to do something for liberty he declared that they had really done the reverse ; when the Slavs of Turkey had called for help from Russia, they had obtained it ; but when the Greeks of Turkey cried to England for support, they had been thrown over. The cession of Cyprus he claimed to have violated both the letter and spirit of the Treaty of Paris in 1856; while the Government had in many ways systematically and steadily d^rog^tgd in Its policy from the dignity and rights of Pariiament. He con- eluded his speech as follows : " First, we have the setting up of British interests, not real, but imaginary. Then we have the prosecution of those supposed British interests by means of strange and unheard-of schemes, such aa never occurred ev^^ to the imagination of statesmen of other days. Then we have . .. those schemes prosecuted in a manner which appears, js I conceive, to indica te a very defla«iht regard to the authority of the law of EnS-= and to that initt n^siwt ^ht^U :. A«^ t.^ -11 r i_ T> -:. . "* curope. and to that just respect which is due to aU foreign Powers. Then we have associat^ U h- 4 P iiS\ I ^.'T LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONK with this grievous lack a disregard, a neglect — it may, perhapsieven be said a contempt— for the rights of Parliament. Lastly, along with all this, we create a belief that the result of those operations of the Government, so unsound in their foundation, so wild in their aims, is likely to be an increase of responsibility, with no addition, but rather a diminution of strength ; a loss of respect abroad ; a shock to constitutional instincts and practices at home; and also an augmentation of the burdens which are borne with such exemplary patience by a too confiding people." '' The motion was, of course, rejected by the unbroken, and, indeed, triumphant, Ministerial phalanx. But Mr. Gladstone was now about to appeal from Parliament to the people, and in the succeeding year he commenced his memorable Midlothian tour. Lord BeaconsfieUI: had, indeed, missed the golden moment of possible triumph at the polls ; Mr. Gladstone during two succeeding years of arduous campaigning prepared the way for his own great success in ib8o. V CHAPTER XXIII. MR. GLADSTONE'S SECOND MINISTRY. 'HE Midlothian campaign and the electoral victory of i8So was a triumph of oratory. Great prin- ciples v/ere involved, many and impqftant issues were thrown into the fight, but the result turned in the end upon the marvellous speeches and personal oratorical influence of Mr. Gladstone. For three years he had carried on a fierce and aggressive wa,r against Lord Beaconsfielji. Right into the heart of the Enemies' camp he haBMenetrated with p'^ssionate protests against the foreign policy of the Conserv'sfive party. Sometimes aided by others, but oftenest alon^V be had borne aloft the banner of the Christian cause in Turkey — as he bfelieved it to be with all his heart and soul — until at last depressed Liberalism had become inspired with some of his own confidence, and its former leader had again become the dominating and popular power in its counsels and policy. /" But it was in Midlothian, which he had resolved to take from the powerful control of the Duke of Buccleugh and add to the Liberal column, that Mr. Gladstone put the crowning touch upon these great efforts. And to appreciate' his enthusiasm, his versatility, his courage, and uncompromising determination in this struggle, it is not necessary to take the partisan line, or share in the partisan feeline which has marked so many of the memoirs of that time. There was then in England, and there will be for a prolonged period in the future, two distinct schools of thought and.policy. The record of the preceding yrfkrs has indicated this, but it may be well to point it out once more. Lord Beaconsfield and ^e Tory party believed in Turkey as a necessary barrier against Russia. V ^^^SfKiP^S^'Ft^^'IS^^'^'lM^ ' >86 LIFE AMD WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. m :\' M - ! Mr. Gladstone and his followeri thought that Turkish cruelty cried |o Heaven for punishment, and favoured the renunciation of all responsibility. The interests of England in the Eait were paramount with one party ; the conscience of England as a Chrigtian power wa« paramqjunt with the other. The crimes 6f Turkey were to one party all important ; the ambition of Russia was to the other a main consideration. , Looking back now it is reaionably clear that Lord Beaconsfield was the statesman of the moment. Mr. Gladstone the great mora! crusader. The latter had been all on fire with personal convictio,n and energy,; the former had sat in his room at Downing Street, and handled the situation with the keenness and calmness of one who moves the pawns upon a chess board. Both were in a sense right, but their points of view were hopelessly apart and distinct. So with the unfortunate war in Afghanistan ^ whfch arose in 1879, and for which the Beaconsfie'ld Government received such severe handling and caustic criticism from the great- Liberal and his followers. In treating it as he did, Mr. Gladstone was consistent and righl. He did not believe tljat Russia at that time was aggressively ambitious regarding Afghanistan, and in secret association with Shere Ali, the Ameer and chief of its turbulent tribes. In later years— during the Pendjeh incident — he found that Russia was Russia still, and occasionally required a strong hand and a sudden check. — ' But L,ord Beaconsfield, in sending a British mission to Cabul ; in /esenting the refusal to receive it when Russian emissaries were openly received; in declaring war and winning the Peace of Gaudamak ; was surely carrying out a policy susceptible of praise as well as blame. He felt a profound distrust of Russia, and was naturally anxious to prevent Afghanistan from falling, through wile or force, into hostile hands, which, as Lord Napier of Magdala had lately declared, could then so easily " deal a fatal blow at our Empire." A lover of peace, however, could very properly say, as Mr. GJadstone in effect did say, that there was no overt acrion on the part of either Russia, -or Afehanistan ; that a small power cannot really " insult " a great one ; and that war should never have been entered uponftwith a restless, disunited people, who were best left to their oivn strong love of independence and vague ideas of national, or rather tribal, coherence. But, of course, hit denunciation of the policy was much more severe than this. It was declared to be part of a general Imperial scheme which was ending in bluster and blunder. It was a guilty and unjust war, caused by the ambirion of the English Government for more territory and greater prestige. It was altogether unnecessary, and the proposed scientific frontier was a reversal of the past policy of the greatest of Indian Viceroys. It was, in short, a probable repetition of the lamentable events of 1841 in Afghanistan. In a farewell speech to his constituents at Geenwich, on November 30th, 1878, and within twelve •i*.-. . , < "''f ■"?,''" ^' *^''\V''>^'' !'"■ MR. GLADSTONE'S SECOND MINISTRY. 487 — V, months of his memorable speeches in MidlothiiJ^Mr. Gladstone dedared that "It is written in the eternal laws of the universe of God Vhat sin shall be . followed by suffering. An unjust war is a tremendous sin. . . . The day will arrive when the people of England will discover that national injustice is the surest road to national downfall."- ' ' This was followed up by an equally vigorous speech in Parliament. He maintained that Russia should have been called to account, and not Afghanistan, that the diptomatic part of the matter had been grossly mismanaged, and that Lord Lytton was not fit for the high»place whicji he held. And then came a^ powerful peroration : ° ^/'"^^ " The sword is drawn, and misery is to come upon that unhappy country again. The struggle may, perhaps, be short. God gr^ntjJthat it iriay be short ! God grant that it may not be sharp I But you,'having once entered upon it, cannot tell whether it will be short or long. You have again brought in devastation, and again created a necessity which, I hope, will be met iy othqr men, with other minds, in happier days ; that other Viceroys and other Governments, but other Viceroys especially— such men as Canning, Lawrence, Mayo, and North brook— will undo this evil worK in which you are now engaged. It cannot be undone in a moment, although the torch of a lAadman may burn down an edifitffe which it has taken the genius, the skill, the labour, and the lavish prodigality of sjges to erect." But the Government's majority of a hundred rendered ajl ^rliamentary appeals and eloquence useless, and Mr. Gladstone, in the autumn of 1879, transferred his protests from the forum to the platform, from the I^puse of •Commons to the people. Here his oratory made him absolutely supreme. On the 25th of November, the first gun of the Midlothian campaign was heard in the Music Hall, at Edinburgh, by an immense audience. The day follow- ing he spoke at Dalkeith, in the very heart of his Ducal opponeht's territory. At the Corn Exchange, Edinburgh, a little later, he addressed nearly 4,000 persons, an^jjte representatives of over a hundred Scottish Liberal associations. Then came 1 speech to over 20,000 people, in the vast Waverley Market-^an audience which had never yet been approached within the walls of a Scotch building. Here sixty or seventy addresses were presented from various admiring organizations. « From Edinburgh, Mr. Gladstone ^went to Inverkeithing, Dunfermline, and Perth; thence to Dunkeld, Aberfeldyrand Taymouth Caitle ; and, after rousing Speeches at each place, arrived, on December 4th, at Glasgow, where on the following day he addressed the students at the University, upon assump- tion of the position of Lord Rector. In the evening he spoke to an immense audience of about 6,000 persons, dealing chiefly with Cyprus, the Suez Canal, I India, and Afghanistan. After one or two more visits, and the receipt of innumer-^ abl^ deputations, ^e closed a campaign of two weeks, during which 70,000 persons had heard him speak, and half a million had taken some part or other in the accompanying demonstrations. | r V. \t ' i i k \ a^ LIFE AND WORK ^ .'V MR. GLADSTONE, ( \ It had been" a memorable effort, ^nd when in March, 1880, Lord Beaconsfiehd announced the ^dissolution of ParlianjeA^ Mr. Gladstone went down and once more pobred out a flood of»oratory upon the constituency which he had determined to win. His opponent was the Earl of Dalkeith, ^ eldest son and heir of the. Duke of Buccleugh, whose whole influence wa-s, of course, thrown into the contest. The speeches of these two Midlothian tours will long live in history. They Were so vigorous, so hopeful, so impassioned, so full of contempt and scorn and invectiye, that they rang through the'Uijiited Kingdom with all the force of assumed victory ; all the power of a dominating and irresistible personality. The sound of tfioscorilliant appeals" seemed ^q find an echo everywhere, and the watchword-^" Gla^tone " acted upon the hosts of Liberalism as had happened in days of ohl with another name and in a very different cause : ^ "Press where you see my white ^lume shine amid the ranks of war, « And be your oriflamme to-day the helmet of Navarre." What mattered occasionkl mistakes, or extravagances, or statements which had afterwards to be retracted! The speaker reached down to th? hearts of his hearers, touched the Nonconformist conscience, and stirred up the Scotch fears pf foreign complications. Perhaps also Lord BeaconsfieJ^'s inability to take a similar part in the contest contributed to t^ie success of^he campaign. He was not a platform orator in the popular sense, though a great debater. and speaker, and his health was now poor. There was,^n point of fact, no living man who could compete with Mr. Gladstone, unless it were John Bright — and he was fighting upon tlie same side. Mr. G. W, Smalley,^ the talented' and usually fair-minded correspondent of the New York Tribune, has described the orator's appearance during one of these memorable speeches : "It is the face which will rivet your gaze; the play of features, alike delicate and powerful, and the ever-restless,, far-searching glance. Never was- such a, tell-tal6 countenance. Expiessiqn after expression sweeps across it, the thought pictures itself to you almost before it is uttered ;■ and if your eyes by chanceMneet his, it is a blaze of sun- light, which dazzles you. Nor do the little blemishes really matter. What masters, what impresses you, and what you will carry away with you as a permanent and precious memory, is, above all things, the nobleness of presence, the beautiful dignity, the stateliness of bearing, the, immense sincerity, which are visible to the. eye of the most careless spectator, and which fill the hall with their influence, and place the great multitude wholly at the mercy of the one fellow-being who Stands before them." ' The result of the contest was a painful surprise to Lord Beaconsfield ; a delightful response to Mr. Gladstone's unceasing and eloquent 'efiForts. InJ the country generally, 354 Liberals were elected, 236 Conservatives, and 62 Home Rulers^ — a Liberal majority, of 56 oyer the possible combination of antagonists. Mr. Gladstone was himself chosen for Midlothian by a majority of 211. The ^ii^.^ ;i«^' ;ft^:.i '•^w^jy; MR. GLADSTONE'S SECOND MINISTRY. 189 3/ Premier promptly resigned, and tlia^reat'est and strongest Conservative Govern- ment sirtce the days of the Reform Bill passed into hist9ty. Mi*. Gladstone was his only possible successor. His voice, his policy, his personality, had been the central and chief cause of the victory, and the Liber^f party throughout the country had already liailed him £^s the coming Pi^iigr* But, constitutionally, he was still only a private member in the Liberal ranks, and the Queen— follow- ing coqstitotional precedent — called fir^t upon Lord Hartington as leader in the Commons, and then upon Earl Granville as leader in the Lords, to form the new admhiistration. Neither,_jpf course, could do so, but both accepted , the summons as a grztceful compliment, and recommended Mr. Gladstone to Her . Majesty."^ ■ v , , The three leaders, durmg these negotiations, and in the preceding years of dflliculty, and at times of unpleasant C9mplica^n, appear,, as a whole, to have kept on terms of personal friendship. Mr!*'Gladstone, in his trying position of forcing the party of which he was no longer leader along a line -of pol'cy which maqy of its chief membeics thougljt dangepofis, if not desperate, had striven to' avoid; the offence which would be given by the making of his own personality too prominent. In October, 1879, a "^birthday banquet had been offered him, but declined in a letter to Mr, John Morley. ". The necessi- ties of the period, from 1876 onwards," wrote '\fr. Gladstone to his friend and earnest follower in many future struggles, "have forced me into a constant activity; while I/remain as desirous as heretofore -to do nothing wiaich could appear to compromise, or tend i to alter, my position as a private rtjember of the J-iberar party. 'i \^ " - y But the inevitable had now come, and he was Premier once moi'e with a great majority and a united party. ' With the exception of a struggle dver the places. to be allotted the Radicals, who had worj such marked electoral successes at Birmingham, Manchester, Newcastle-on-Tyne, and other great towns of the north, Mr. Gladstone had little difficulty in forming his Ministry. There were plenty of able ipen, and many who had avowed dislike of the new iVemier during his days of struggle now found the sunshine of success a very melting influence 'in his favour. ; -_ The new Cabinet was constituted as follows : ^ First Lord of the Treasury, Premier, and - ^'^ . Chancellor of the Exchequer . . Lord ChauQellor ' " - . President of the Council > Lord Privy Seal First Lord of the Admiralty Secretary of State for Home Affairs Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs - Secretary of State for War Ekrl Gladstone jrd Selborne Spencer ke of Argyle - ■ Earl W Northbrook Sir Wmiam Harcourt EarlGr^ville Mr. H. C. £. Cbilders •' ,i*x a9o LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. Secretary of State for the Colonies Secretary of State for India Chancellor, Duchy of Lancaster President of the Board of Trade President of the Local Government Board Chief Secretary for Ireland Lord Kimberley Lord Hartington Mr. Bright Mr. Chamberlain Mr. J. G. Dodson Mr. W. E. Forster / Minor, but still important, appointments were those of Sir Charles Dilko as Under-Secretary for Foreign AflFairs ; Mr. Henry Fawcett as Postmaster- Genepal ; Mr. Grant-Duff as Under-Secretary for the Colonies, Lord Cowper became Viceroy of Ireland; the Marquess of Ripon, Viceroy of India; and, in 1 883, the Marquess of Lansdowne became Governor-General of Canada. In Aug- •ust, 1881, the Earl of Rosebery became Under Home Secretary, and, in 1885, a member of the Cabinet. Such was the general composition of the new Ministry. Its members were, as a rule, men of ability, and tiie majority of them had obtained ample executive experience in previous aldministrations. The most notable exceptions were Mr. Chamberlain and Sir Charles Dilke. Of the latter it is not necessary to say much, although he appeared to have, at this time, a great career before him. He was one of the dstrlings of a somewhat limited democracy, and apparently a force which had to be reckoned with in ability, in popularity, and in growing influence. But he has since passed as utterly out of political possibilities as though he had never been bom. Mr. Chamberlain, on the other hand, has steadily risen in political power, although in a direction, and through the operation of causes, which, in 1880, would have been scouted as utterly beyond the^cope of possibility. For the moment, however, he was a leader of the Radical^ s^nd a comparatively young man in politics ; impetuous in some respects, but, above all things, shrewd and tactful. And, as the next five years rolled on, he gained greatly in reputation as a strong, sarcastic speaker, and a probable Radical Premier of the future. With, therefore, a fine ship, a full breeze, and apparently a prospect of fair weather, Mr. Gladstone's second Government was launched. The first storm which it encountered was the Bradlaugh controversy. Parliament met on the 29th of April, and on the third day following, Mr. Charles Bradlaugh, an infidel lecturer and editor, presented himself as the choice of the people of Northampton, and asked permission to make an affirmation or declaration of allegiance instead of taking the oath. After some wrangling and technical dis- cussioflfe, a committee of the House was appointed to deal with the matter, and it promptly reported that Mr. Bradlaugh did not belong to the class of persons who are exempted by law from taking the usual oath. Then, on May 21st, the member for Northampton, offered to take the oath— which he did not believe in, and which he had publicly declared to be utterly meaningless. This created an unprecedented situation, and one which no one — not even the 'Kmwmmnr^jfva^.^- 4"' / v. MR. GLADSTONE'S SECOND MINISTRY. 395 Colonies concerned that their interests had been sacrificed; the British citizens in the Transvaal left without due protection ; and the natives handed back to their halfd taskmasters without any protection at all. In one place, the British flag wai publicly buried. Eventually, of course, matters fonnd their level, and the discovery of gold is now making the Transvaal British, whether it will or not. 1 Apd, in ,1892, Lord Randolph Churchill, who had been one of the Premier ij most violent critics in this connection, visited the Dutch Republic, and declared himself to have been formerly mistaken, and Mr. Gladstone to have belen, in the main, right in his policy of surrender. AsyP^* meanwhile, had been assuming its place as the centre of dis- turbance and diplomacy. England and France were now the joint controllers of Egyptian finance, and each claimed an equal interest in its affairs. They had lent its Khedive money, through private parties, until the whole country was held under a practical mortgage. Lord Beaconsfield's policy had certainly been one of active intervention,, including the purchase of the Suez Canal shares, the dethronement of Ismail, and what Mr. Gladstone has called " a solemn engagement " to maintain his successor on the throne. The last-named obligation was the egg from which burst the defence of Tewfik against his rebellious general, Arabi Pasha ; the bombardment of Alexandria ; the interior campaign ; the battle of Tel-el-Kebir ; and the practical placing of Egypt under British protection. The refusal of France to join in the war had compelled England to carry it on alone in defence of a Government which had been established by her joint assistance, carried on almost under her control, and which was obviously depend- ent upon her against enemies aroi^sed by the presence of British officers in the Khedive's Ministry. So far, the troubles had been inherited, the policy had been reasonably clear and strong, the war brilliantly successful in its principal details and events. Out of it, however, came the disasters of the Soudan campaign. The British Government had not the slightest intention, at first, of doing anything in the great Nile regions and the vast deserts which had so long been tributary to Egypt, but were now in the full tide of rjebellion, and falling rapidly under the control of the Mahdi. True, it had occupied Egypt, and was the real ruler and master of that country, but there was no thought of going beyond its immediate boundaries. The first serious difficulties arose through the maintenance of a fiction that the Khedive, and not the British Government, had control in Egypt — even while British troops were patrolling the streets of Cairo. Acting upon this assumption, the Khedive sent Hicks Pasha with a >mixed army of Egyptians and other races to overpower the rebel leader. The !p)nglish officer and his entire force were annihilated. Immediately, the whole .Soudan became aflame with excitement, and the Mahdi invested Khartoum^ Sinkat, Tokar, Berber, Dongola, and Kassala, which were all garrisoned with V I I 1 1-: ; Ah m 396 UFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. Egyptian troops. He soon appeared to be carrying everything before him, and promised to eventually menace Egypt itself. ^ Meantime, the British Government, hampered by French suspicion, and by the angry feelings of a large body of its supporters in the House who did not like the continued occupation of Egypt, refused all appeals for assistance, and for a long interval did not attempt intervention. Finally its hand was forced by the defeat of Baker Pacha at Teb, Und the massacre at Sinkat. Mr. Gladstone and, his Government decided to take steps to bring ' about the Egyptian evacuation of the Soudan, and its surrender to the Mahdi, or to whatever inde- pendent government might be formed or hereafter organized. To carry out this policy, Major-General Charles George Gordon wa^ selected, This man stands out clearly as one of the most remarkable characters in all history. Distinguished as an engineer before Sebastopol, he had afterwards put down one of the greatest rebellions in Chinese annalis and saved the Empire, with a few undis- ciplined forces which he had moulded Into an "ever-victorious army." For many years he had presided over the Soudan itself as Egyptian Governor- General, and, while suppressing the slave trade with an iron hand, had made the people love him with Oriental intensity. In his own nature he combined the best attributes of the days of chivalry and adventure with the noblest and highest Christian qualities. Of him it might well have been afterwards said : " His work is done. But while the races of mankind endure, Let bis great example stand ; Colossal, seen of every land. And keep the soldier firm, the statesman pure Till in all lands, and thro' all. human story. The path of duty be the path of glory." He did not like the policy ot evacuation, and especially disliked the idea of giving the/ Soudan up once more to slavery. But he was the only man who could even hope to have any influence over its wild tribes, and it was just possible that he might be able to arrange the matter peaceably. So he took his life in his hand, and crossed the deserts as swiftly as camels could carry him, and as straight for Khartoum as an arrow from the bow. In that lonely ride, and during the many months of intense anxiety which followed J^e investment of Khartoum, his solitary and gallant figure became the centre of England's regard. An adequate history of that year would fill a volume. Suffice it to say that, though welcomed at first in the pity of the desert, Gordon soon found his influence circumscribed by its walls, around which the Mahdi steadily massed his forces. The garrisons of Sinkat and Tokar were massacred, with British forces twenty miles away, at Suakim. Eventually, British troops, under A^^^£^*^i^i}ti/'^k^^i*J\f^i^^£L^±^A^^^i^ -^J^^'^Se «l«J!S5"i'tt ..Sa&m^ £ii. V^.^e'sSS'liiilSErf'.-'-'^ 3fEpnrf.w5.5ye;' 3Sr!SW«iW»ai ■^ ■CV.-a .'/ ' V- ■ ■■■■ ••-' •-■.;'■-• .v^- MR. G^DSTONE'S SECOND MINISTRY. ^ »97 General Grahanrv, relieved Trinkitat after a gallant march over the desert and victories won against great numerical odds. But instead of pressing on to the more difficult/task of relieving Khartoum, they were then withdrawn. Meanwhile the Goverhrhent was bombarded with votes of censure at tiome. One was moved on May 13th, 1884, by Sir M. E. Hicks-Beach, and was defeated by 28 majority ; another was lost by 19 votes, and still another by 17. Mr. Gladstone defended Jhe Government in speeches of great ingenuity. He denied that Gordon was in serious danger, and, speaking during the debate in May, asserted that "we had reason to believe, from his own state- , ments, that it was in the power of General Gordon to remove himself and those immediately associated with him from Khartoum by going to the south." On the 5th of August a vote of money was asked for, and the relief expedition decided upon. From that moment, as the Premier afterwards said, " military preparations were never relaxed. The operations were contintjous. I believe it would not be found possible to 'say that from that date forward any delay that could be avoided occurred." Dn August 23rd, General Wolseley assumed command of the Nile expedition, and on the 28th of January, 1585, Sir Charles Wilson arrived in sight of Khartoum with a rescue party. But it was two days latc;^ — and Gordon was dead. v *Vi This Soudan policy of the Gladstone Government has never been * adequately defended. Friends avoid it, and foes delight in it. It is the .one thing in Mr. Gladstone's great career which his warmest admirers do not like ; it was, in truth, a stain upon his statesmanship, a$ it was upon England's honour. It is true that hq had long since pointed out the danger of inter- '"-■■ ference in Egypt, and couM therefore claim to have warned the country. But that should not have prevented a firm policy of non-intervention ; early withdrawal of its forces by Egypt at England's command; a vigorous and successful eSdrt to relieve the garrisons when they had finally been left there too long ; or an earlier effort to save Gordon after he was once known to be in a trap at Khartoum. Let Mr. Gladstone's own words, in his Manifesto to the people on September 17th, 1885, draw the curtain upon this unfortunate episode : " Lord Hartington has lately and justly, stated in general terms that he is not disposed to deny our having fallen into errors of judgment. I will go one step further, and admit that we committed such errors, and serious errors, too, with cost of treasure and of precious lives, in the Soudan. . . . Our mistakes in the Soudan I cannot now state in detail. That task belongs to history. Our responsibility for them cannot now be questioned. Yet its character ought not. to be misapprehended.- In such a task miscarriages were inevitable. They are the proper and certain consequences of under* takings that war against nature." * . ^ ^. The Penjdeh incident was one more foreign complication of these greatly "burdened years. England was now responsible by treaty for the defence of the . ^^^^%%fe^^^^l 'm 'Hi I •y. tgS LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. Ameer of Afghanistan with money, arms, and men, against any foreign aggressor — which, of course, meant Russia. In accordance with ah international arrangement, British and Russian commissioners were engaged in delimiting the,Afghan frontier, when, on the 30th of March, 1884, the Russians — who had not long before occupied Merv — advanced on an Afghan post called Penjdeh^ and drove out its defenders with considerable bloodshed. Instantly, all was commotion in London, and panic in business circles. With what had gone before, this looked like war. Twelve days after the announcement had been made, the position became so critical that Mr. Gladstone asked Parliament for a Vote of Credit of $57,000,000, which was at once granted. In the course of his speech to a crowded and excited House, he said, with solemn voice : ' " We have la^ured, and we will continue to laboar, for an honoarable settlement b^ pacific means. But one thing I may venture to say with regard to the sad contin^ gency of an outbreak of war between two great powers such as Russia and England — one thing I will say with great strength of conviction and great earnestness in my endeavour to impress it upon the Committee— that we yill strive to conduct ourselves to the end of this diplomatic controversy in such a way as that, if, unhappily, it is to end in violence or rupture, we may at least be able to challenge the verdict of civilized mankind, upon a review of the demands and refusals, to say whether, we have or whether we have not done all that men could do, by every just and honourable effort, to prevent the plunging of two such countries into bloodshed and strife." A |ew days 'later/'in concluding another speech upon the subject, he declairedihat a blow had been strpck at an ally who had committed no offence, and then added, amid ringing cheers from all sides of the House : " We must do our best to have right done in the matter." Finally, Russia withdrew from Penjdeh, and settled the disj^ute amicably. Whilst these external storms were blowing upon the ramparts of Liberalism, domestic events oiifcurred which, though hardly less difficult to manage, were not of such a prominent nature. Mr. Forster introduced an Irish Compensation Disturbance Bill in i88o, which was intended as an amendment to the Land Act. It passed after prolonged debate, but was thrown out by the Lords. In June, Mr. Gladstone brought down a supple- mentary Budget, which included a penny additional on the income tax. Early in August he was taken ill, and during the period of confinement which followed was deluged with telegrams of sympathy and inquiry from all parts of the Empire and Europe. A little earlier jn the summer he had been present when Mr. Herbert Gladstone was presented with an address by the Liberals of Middlesex, for whom he had made a strong fight in the recent general elections. The event took place in Hei^ Majesty's Opera House, London, and was presided over by Mr. W. E. Forster, Shortly afterwards, the Liberals of fc^«^'^^^^^£S.^« MR. GLADSTONE'S SECOl^ MINISTRY. 199 -rt*- Greenwich presented the Premier with an illuminated address and a carved oak chair, as pleasant souvenir^ of his former constituency. The session of i8^( was an Irish session, and its legislation was mainly devoted to the troubled and lawless condition of •' the green isle.." Mr. Foister introduced a strong Coercion Bill in January ; the Premier brought down his Budget on April 4th, and three days later presented an Irish Land Bill in a speech which was as great in its mastery of detailsas it was in the power of dealing with broad principles. It was an attempt to remedy certain defects in the Land Act of 1870, largely by the appointment of a Court to deal with differences between landlord and tenant. After considercitple discussion and a period of dispute with the Upper House, the measure becaVne law in August. Other notable events of the year were the death of Lord Beaconsfield, and Mr. Gladstone's eloquent eulogy of his great rival ; the Premier's visit to Leeds, for which Mr. Herbert Gladstone now sat; and his visit to the Guildhall on the 14th of October, to receive the freedom of the City of London. Much useful legislation had been proposed for the session of 1882. But events disposed of the expectation. The Procedure Resolutions for the checking of obstruction — mainly Irish — were the subjects of long discussion, and were eventually carried ; as was a stringent Prevention of Crime Bill, consequent upon the murder of Lord F.j,Cavendish and Mr. Burke in Dublin. During the session, Mr. Bright resigned from the Government on account of the Egyptian war, and Mr. Forster, because of the attempted change in Irish policy known as the Kilmainham Treaty, and afterwards voiced in the olive branch held out by his successor, and so cruelly received by the Invincibles. In May, Mr. Glad- stone introduced and eventually carried his Arrears Bill, by which deserving Irish tenants who were unable to pay their arrears of past rent, should have one- half paid for them by the State — out of the Irish Church surplus — and the balance cancelled. His Budget did not contain anything remarkable ; the e^ipenses of the Egyptian war being met by an addition to the ever-useful income tax. On the 13th of Deceipber, the Premier celebrated his political jubilee, having just fifty years before been first elected for Newark. During this month a Ministerial reorganization was effected by Mr. Childers relieving the Premier of the Exchequer ; Lord Hartington taking the War Office ; Lord Derby — who had some years before announced his conversion to Liberalism — becoming Colonial Secretary ; and Sir C. Dilke, President of the Local Government-^Board. Mr. Trevelyan had already succeeded the murdered Chief Secretary for Ireland. The session of 1883 was remarkable as showing how little real use the closure was against steady obstruction. Its main practical results were the passing of Agricultural Holdings Bills for England and Scotland, |l[jkBankruptcy B^, and the Corrupt Practices Bill. That of ii^^nc 1884 was stirrii^^ough to mawMip for half a dozen quiet sessions. On the .^r:;\;. V ' "'■'■' ■•tt--.'- ' -<^ 300 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONK a8th of February, Mr.' Gladitone introduced his Franchise Bill. It was to complete, or nearly complete, the work commenced in 1832, and carried on in 1867. It was, m fact, the redemptidn of a Liberal pledge to the country, and was mtended to satisfy a general desire. . ^ Without going into details, it may be' said that there was a general lowering of the ^ounty or rural franchise, and the creation of two or three million new votes. "I take my stand," said the Premier, "on the broad . principle that the enfranchisement of capable citizens, be they few or be they many-and if they; be many, so much the better-gives an addition of strength to the State." .He concluded his speech with words of characteristic eloquence : fh. p f' ^ "^ u V^^^°T "'"' '?? '* ***'' '""""•' *" *'"' ^'''"^' P^^ty •" ^8.31 looked on the Reform Bill of that date, and determined that they would waive criticism of minute i u ' . * ^ ^^ ^°"''' '^''^''* particular preferences and predilections, and would look at nn .u'u^^ ^T^f\ ''^'"'* °' *''* •^"""'«' ^° 'I'** "P^" this occasion. It is a Bill worth haymg, and, if It is worth having, again I say it is a Bill worth your not endangermg. Let us enter into no byways which would lead us off the path marked straight before us. Let us not wgnder. upon the hilltops of speculation. ' Let us not wander into he morasses and fogs of doubt. W^lare firm in the faith that exifranchisement is good. Jat the people may be trusted, that the voters under tl?e Constitution are the strength of he Constitution. What we want in order to carry this Bill, considering, as I fully believe. th« the very large majority of this country are favourable to its principles- what we want in order to carty it is union, and union only. What will endanger it is disunion, and ' disunion otfly. Let us hold firmly together, and success will cr^n our effort. You will ' as much as any former Parliament that has conferred great legislative benefits on the nation, have your reWard, and - . • Read your history in a nation's eyes.' You will have deserved it by the benefits you will have conferred. You will have made this strong nation stronger still ; stronger by its closer union without ; stronger within by union between class and class, and^by arranging all classes and all portions of the communitv in one solid compact mass round the ancient Throne which it has loved so well, and round a Constitution ftow to be more than ever powerful and more than ever free." This strong appeal against ^he menacing discussions upon matters of detail within the Liberal ranks, wa^uccessfui: But there was nl> mention made of the redistribution of seata^which would have to follow an increa^se iw the franchise Around this omission a great Parliamentary conflict raged. The Opposition and the House of Lords wanted the two measures to go together ; the Government refused to.introduce the latter, or to make any promises as to its terms frT^^u^' T'''"' ^^o^P^n^'W W" eflfected. a special session was held, and the bill became law. In the autumn, Mr. Gladstone went down to Midlothian and at a moment when the clouds of dissatisfaction were threatening to over' whelm his Ministry made another aeries of wondlrftil speeches. For a time ^ pp^"t • JMp ^^i^^m-ii m/'-' ^R. GLADSTONE'S SECOND ^INISTRY. 301 he was the guest of Lord Rosebery at Dalmeny Park, and afterwards stayed at Haddo House, the beautiful home of the Earl of Aberdeen. The Premier's reception at a great meeting in the Corn Exchange, Edinburgh, was perhaps the most enthusiastic of this remarkable tour. It furnished fresh and striking evidence of the power of his oratory. But the end was approaching. The Premier appeared, when the House met early m i885,»to be very much worn and wearied, although nothing seemed suffi- cient to daunt his mental defiance of the Opposition. As the session proceeded, however, the position of the Government grew obviously weaker, until, at lasti 4 Soudan motion of censure was beaten by only fourteen votes. An onlooker describes Mr. Gladstone as speiking, not long afterwards, with an ashen-gfey tinge on his face,adistinctH^situde in his manner.'a broken voice, and the general appear- ance of a man weary to^^th. Still, his sentences were perfect inTconstruction, his play of fancy as free.^ and his sarcasm as keen, as they had ever been! On the 6th of June, and quite unexpectedly, defeat came. ,It was on aii '' amendment to the Budget proposals moved by Sir Michael Hic|cs-Be^ch, and condemning the increase in the beer and spirit duties. What*" followed has been graphically described by ^ special^ correspondent of the Pali Mall ''Budget: ' . \ 1 uere was no expectation anywhwe of a Government defeat. It was only is the ; division was approaching its end that some 'suspicion of the truth began to dawn upon the- J'ories. At once, a state of unusual and fierce excitement supervened. Lord Randolph Churchill was particularly vehement. It was seen that the stream from'the Government lobby was getting thinner, while that from the Opposition was still flowing in full tide- and each successive Tory, as he got into the House, was almost torn to pieces as he was asked his number. There were hoarse whispers, and eager demands, and a slight and tremulous cheer. It was soon known that the Government was really beaten, and then the flood gates were opened. Lord ^Randolph Churchill took off his hat, and began to wave it madly, and soon he had actually ^ot up to stand on his seat, and from this point of vantage kept waving his hat. The Parnellites burst out into a deep, wild note of triumph 'Coercion ' ! ; Buckshot ' ! ' Spencer ' ! rose from their thick and excited ranks. Through^ out !all this mad tumult— one of the maddest ever seen in the House of Commons— Mr Gladstone remained outwardly untroubled, unheeding, even unhearing. He sat in his usual seat, with hi/despatch to the Queen in the portfolio on his knees, writing apparentlv with undisturbed swiftness the account of his own defeat. He never once looked up "At last the numbers were told; then more wild cheering; . then Mr Gladstone rose. He had his despatch to the QueeQ and the portfoliojn his hand, and his face was quiet, and j«st a trifle sad and meek. There was a burst of enthusiastic cheers from his followers. It was answered by loud shouts of triumph from the other side and the storm went on for minutes, cheer answering cheer, and exclamations answirine exclamations. Mr. Gladstone stood calm amid it all. He looked over h*is despatch and when the tumult grew loud, even affected to cross its ' fs ' and dot its ' i's.* But at last! he was allowed to move the adjournment of the House." - , ' ^ ^^ « "kl I, ^m s< m > w t i A JO* LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. *-X ( ' ■*•'■ . Thus fell Mr. Gladstone's second Government. The 1%emier announced , /IPTt day that he had resign**!. After some days of doubt, in connection with ail ^vlmittedly difficult situation, Lord Salisbury undertook to form art adminis- "' tration — one which was destined, however, to be of very brief duration. W (3)*% ^ W' 'announced* tection with art admin is- WILLIAM EVVfART GLADSTONE, Prime Minimi of G(eat Britain, 1869-74, j 880-85, 1886, 1892-jM %■ # _j!43i£fei! *«v-^,- d.M^it ^-%tijb ^S — 1-— .^eVi •^'"■^ '«AA.--i— - J, ■■:r^ 5 (.-■ •w *• ■ i 'V ^> ■"■■■-I / 4■'^ .'■ >,•: ■/.- (V. ■, ly..' «■■, ¥ ,..»«-- ,,-. v> " -iin-nrf ^^ ^^^^^^^^ mP^nn *" ■■■* ^. • •■ i , » (■ ■» 1 1 , , ■ *-*i » « T • ' 1 - ^ ■, ■*■ ■ /:y.~''Wl0!^Wf^w' m -.^■t I X w HAWARDEN CASTLE, FLINTSHIRE, Seat of the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone. » f . ■'■• „ (3«H) iL ..>-■.. I l^ J-i (. > _.--...., - 3^Jis,_ J* ' ) 1 ' 1 .-as . *^.. ,/ *-•< !«,^1 ^*ni.i CHAPTER XXIV. Ill" MR. GLADSTONE IN LITERATURB. -"•"^^ !HE position of a writer in the wide world of modem literatnre depends upcb so many considerations that it is often more than difficult: to define his place or describe his rank. We cannot speak |or posterity, or anticipate the verdict of history. In the case of iMr. Gladstone, the obstacles to a just decision The glamour o| a gr^eat.nape, the political feeling which sur- dealt with i^ some of his most remarkable articles, the so much that he has written, the technical nature of ^re very many rounds the events controversial tone of many of his subjects, all combine;to limit judgment and control conclusions. But there still remain certain standards by which we may be guided. Apart from the political issues themselves, there is the obvious fact that Mr. Gladstone's writings'upon the Bulgarian and Turkish question exercised a very powerful eflFect upon :i;ontemporaneou8 public opinion. History will have to admit that. His writings upon matters conn«rc^ed With the union of Church and State hiive had an equally importan^^effect upon the politics of half a century, while his pamphlet upon the Vatican Decrees raised a controversy which has done much to clear the religious air, and place tKe issue between the Church of Rome and the Protestant Churches upon a basis which all can understand. These contributiojis to literature, like his letters upon the Neapolitan prisons and Government, must be considered by history in their bearings upon the public mind and public development. r.; The influence wielded by his pen will, therefore, be admitted. The versa- tility of his literary work will also be freely conceded and admired. Whether dealing with the ancient Olympian religion, or the modern gospel of wealth ; the progress of free trade, or the "Impregnable Rock of the Holy Scriptures " ; the relations of Russia and England, or the ancient beliefs in a future state ; the Irish question, or the views of Colonel Ingersoll ; the poetry of Tennyson, or the constitutional position of the Monarchy ; the translation of some beauriful Italian hymn, or the latest novel by Mrs. Humphrey WaM; the influence of the Wedgwood pottery upon the cultivation of a refined |j^ste, or the position of the United States amongst the nations of the worid; Mr. Gladstone seems to be equally at home, and equally fluent and interesting. Here, also, his high position in literature will be conceded, As a scholarly writer he is remarkable. His works upon Homer and ancient Greece =h«ve been already referred tirst length, and it is needtess to say TtraTTlrey" display the very highest elements of scholarship, and the most marked evidences '^'^ * * I i ?j-»r-r 4 ♦ ^^t 306 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. Of prolonged study From earliest youth, mJ. Gladstone has been devoted to the work of the student. If much reading maleth a full man. he musMndeed be a learned one. And of this, in many branihes of literatu;e wrha;™ proof. It may be truly said, in the words of tie poet, that he \ " Was fashioned to much honour.! From his cradle \ He wa^ scholar, and a ripe and good one ; Exceeding wise, fair-spoken, ancf persuading; ' Lofty and sour to them that lovrid him not, But to those that sought him, sieet as summer." His scholarship and versatility have, of co^^|. gone hand in hand, and helped to produce the great mass of writings, thj kenitude of which surpasses the product of many men whose whole lives are^^voted to literature. '^T h..n .if" "?"t y"'^'!'''^ T^ ""°'' honourable characteristic of hisw^gs has been their high moral and Christian tone. Exceptions, of cou^s^S are No one could engage in so many and varied controversies without brumes' makmg bmer. and possibly inaccurate, statements. No one coTldfight so many pohtical battles with his pen. as well as upon the platform, without So^aUv iWcddef ^^^^^^^^^ °^t"''intheimputatfohpf m;ives.Tnd7^^^^^^^^ ing the Oolden Rule in dealing with ppponents. Bat, npon the whole and apart from purely partisan contribution,, his wirks breathe the m^t' lofty jentiments. and inculcate the purest moraUty. \ these days o7 poS decadence in moral tone, this in itself merits honour and appreciation ' ^ ™.rH„„r^^T"! T" ^J^ >«=^ay growing market with ware, which would n^t have been tolerated-to say nothing of being read-a decade ^ he craWng for sensational literature grows with every f«sh producTof a^^ .magination; and just as French plays and weak comedies have 4p ureS a stage once devoted to the masterpieces of Shakespeare, so the modem literar^ «hool of diluted ditch-water is struggling to usurp the field still held tH «r^n exten by Scott and Dickens, by Charbtte Bronte and George E^L But to Mr Gladstone, as Monckton Milnesonce said, in some other coSe^tt^ "90 intensity of literary starlight can make a moral noonday," and he c^nno genius may exclude aU goodness of character or life, and a little brilliancy o •tyle make beauty of thought and principle utterly unnecessary. This fa« ta Il^^eTcernd .:r " """"^ '"'""""' ~""^'"'- '- '^»« '» «"<">'" f. . " ^k"'"'/",' °"^'"' *■'" *•■'• Gladstone has won a high position in literature through the influence which his writings have had upon naSai^S mtemational events; through the versaUlity and scholarship dispuZ ^d because of the hig h princi ple. «, often inculcated in noM. Irf. Bm ]^U iK«agre«»»mor. To come up to that .tandard, it is neceiaary ,opredu«" 4; - t'.»^t^i£^ jv^^-t^e^^Sti^ J » ^ •i;.ti-i?^-i^i,'" v*'*-?' i'->?1 MR. GLADSTONE IN UTERATURE. t'iJ^'j ~4.^'.a.i*ijSjfc4.i 307 work which stands out f/om and above all others in some particular direction H.S studies upon Homer^ come the nearest to that requirement, but they are Too unequa^, too httle known to the world at large, too likely fated to live chieflv upon the dusty shelves of the scholar's library. ^ f.r. ?!' '"''^^"^"^0"« writings exhibit vast industry, and ^ fluency which is fortunately more restricted by considerations of space than has. at tTmIs been the case in some of his great orations. But the infinity of subj;cts consMered preclude the possibility of distinct originality in each'^r manfoAhe "^^^^^^^^^^ while he very multitude of words required to deal with these mLy topicfhtve 00 often prevented the presentation of really great ideas. His phrlses al! frequently vigorous, and sometimes trenchant ; his language ^always 1^^^^ though at times, too diffuse; his sentences are very ofter^ eloquent and beautiful As some one has most truly said, his essays remind ?hereader more of the flowing eloquence and declamation of a Burke thaTof the L!d ness. the dignity, and the majesty of a Bacon. the massive- In 1879, Mr. Gfadstone published, in seven volumes, a collection of hi., various writings, under the title, " Gleanings of Past Years •' He enH^^ ^ a to exclude from those selected all essays ofa strictl7con"overSl o'^^^^^^^^ nature, and the result was a publication of great popularity and pub^c iiUer st In the W volume were four articles dealing with the liLnd pol W ^ Prince Consort; several treating of the County Franchise questWn and inchd :ieleftr^^Th^L^^^^^^ upon the merL or^Vopula;^^^^^^^ wiae electorate , and his splendid essay, entit ed " Kin bevond «?m " Th^. articles really give a condensed descriprion of his views upon the Con stitlti^n the Crown, and- the place of the people in controlling or modifying this sysZ' oIlTaTeran wTo^'h:^^ 'd '^ ^'^ 'T'T ^"' ^^^^ "^^^ PersVufl^ernTe ^rvice I """'^ P°''''"^' ^^^'^'^"^ ^«^» much Cabinet ^■'•Gladston^greatlyadmired and respected Prince Albert T^^ ,.,.a^. stood something of his bright character, and in these pages f weH as^Ln p e vious political occasions, testifies strongly concerning theLbility and beneficen 'e' of his all too brief career. From what the author says, we are ena^d "o obt"^ MtT'/K^n ^''^'P' T"''"" " S""^P^^' °^ *^« ^— « which made H r Maje ty thfe Queen mourn her husband's loss so long and so sadly. To quote a sentence m the first essay of this volume: a o quote " In his well-ordered life there seemed to be room for all thin^-fnr «„«. 1 exercise, for the study and practise of art. for the exacZg cart o a^s7l n^^^^^^^^ minute attention to every domestic and paternal duty, [or TlZe^ir^f^J^^I''^ .manacuve pbilantbropv: onft dav in RnnnMor «« th. i...« r i-.^vr . ... J^ y"^^ of an flctiifA nhil^nfiv. J » .^.^ .>....», »uu lor me eung tne voluntary calk, =^^H^^fa„tbro,^rw^,n consiaering the best form for the dwelling ofX^ people, another day in bringing his just and gentle influence to bear on the relafions of / M[mi"nytiiri'''iii>iiilT'i 'i'i~r fm' iiii"^'ii 1 w^^ _j,jiii wjiiil.. i l' '^WMMjMM 1 II »■' ^ m'^" ^ \ ' ^^ 1 1 )< ^ ft 1 ■' - /^ . i\\ ' ' ; 308 r >i -w UFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. fe. master and djmestic servant; another in suggesting and supplying the means of culture for the most numerous classes ; another in some good work of almsgiving or religion." ^,„ , He goes on to point out the example which the silent witness of an f earnest, manful, and devoted life, such as that of Prince Albert, affords to all 'who strive after better things. The Prince had always shown " an untiring sense of duty, and active consciousness of the perpetual presence of Him who is its author and its law, and a lofty aim beyond the grave." In another eloquent paper dealing with the Court of Queen Victoria, the author has a 'Characteristic passage of further eulogy: "As even a fine figure may be eclipsed by a gorgeous costume, so during life the splendid accompaniments of a Prince Consort's position may, for the common eye, throw the qualities of his .jnind and character, his true humanity, into shade. These, hindrances to effectual perception are now removed ; and we.can see,^ike the form of a Greek statue, severely pure in their bath of southern light, all his extraordinary gifts and virtues ; his manly force, tempered with gentleness, playfulness, and love ; his intense devotion to duty ; his pursuit of the practical with an unfailing thought of the ideal ; his combined allegiance to beauty and to truth ; the eleyation of his aims, with his painstaking care and thrift of time, and methodizing of life so as to waste no particle of his appliances and powers." Apart from the literary interest and merits of these articles is their special importance as giving many revelations of personal political opinion and the bases of past political events. In the one which originally appeared during January, 1878, as a review of the Prince Consort's career, is a statement regard- ing the Aberdeen Government's policy in opposing the Sebastopol Committee, and the intention of Lord Palmerston's Government to carry on the same line of resistance. Eventually, however, the pressure became too great, and the Ministry succumbed. " Jhe Peelites," says Mr. Gladstone, " adhered to their text ; and as the minorityl they, in form, resigned, but in fact, and of necessity, they were driven from tlii?ir offices. Into the rights of the question, we shall not enter ; but undoubtedlijr they were condemned by the general opinion out of doors. Moreover, as in the letting out of water, tl^e breach, once made, was soon and considerably widened. They had been parties in the Cabinet, not only to the war, but to the extension, after the outbreak had taken place, of the conditions required from Russia. But when it appeared that the demands were to be still further extended, or w«re to be interpreted with an unexpected rigour, and tjiat the practical object of the Ministerial policy appeared to be a great military success ip prosecuting the siege of Sebastopol to a triumphant issue, they declined to accompany the Ministry in their course." lAoiB^w.o uavc, pciuaijja, a. piuusu cxpianauon oi tne reeiiteo later policy of ODDOsition to Palmerston. A few pages further on Mr. Gladstone expresses Ij !iy^^ ,v5m»i^^?T'-'T^*01i|?^r- • MR. GLADSTONE IN LITERATURE. i3la*J- ^ 309 his sense Of ''the great incidental evils which accompany the breaking un of ™rL""^T"^ ^' 'A^'^ '"^ ^*^°"^'y °^S-'-^ -holes! our known politka parties. To deal with h,s papers on the Franchise is impossible in any hS ^d^s of^h: wb^^^^^^ te Parliamentary Constitution of Lgland L on'eoT the nt^ibidi^t^Lre]^ z:^':^2^T:;'r'' :f-T lungs of liberty in play." Mr Lowe is Lt^.!^^ / . ^''.^" *° ^^^P ^^e with as much'fear'as'he luldTni:: sal m^^ ^f^^^ modern qualifications for winning favr^n'":!^^^^^^^^^^^ ^' the two circumstances which strike m^ m^o^ f ui / declares tnat firs, the rapid and constan.tro:^,': " eTon ;™'^er'"lr„V/^^^^^^ tioa, almost to zero, of the chances of entrance into Parlf,m?„, /' T have nothing to rely upon but their talent a^d thdr ^hrit^"" "" """ "'"' Kefernng to the few occasions where a nation has reallv h,^„ ,Kt. . control tts rulers, the author says that ■■ it is written inXw'cha^cters and with a pen of iron, on the rock of human destiny, that within th.d!!' . practid.1 politics the people must, in the main, K paSvT " Th,l ^ \ representatives but they cannot manage .hem:tc"rare fnlres^t its paper on ■■ Km Beyond Sea," published first thLgh the columns of tt North Amencn Re.„w, Mr. Gladstone rises to a high fevel of li™aA elwl lence. One extract may be given • "lerary excel- it is sustained by those of our nst.tuSns which ^ T' '"^ '"''"'"'"^ ^" "^^^^ ^'^^^ intellectual andLrai ^^::: :^':^z^t^r.^;:z r aIu'""* 'r '^l been some forgotten article in the bills of lading thai made ud th.ir ' *' % '* ^'^ combined with liberty, and renewable at each deilnffr ^ .''"^°^'- ^'l"^"*^ a lease with stipulate^d breaks. :i'^';^^^Tl^ 'iZ ZS^^ " -°*^-' "^« . The second volume of the " Gleanings " is devoted entirely to literarv ' review^articles upon Blanco White. Giacomo Leopardi. Tennyson Wed7 wood Bishop Patteson. and Dr. Norman Macleod. The melanTo^v'lifc InH marvellous intellectual struggles of Blanco White; the beauties of ItaH^n urorBilVp\t'"'^ power of Leopardi; the n;is:tar;\tra:d dtn- -Uh skill and discrimination. But the central artS^s. from a lUe^dpo^^^^^ ■i. -^:- .• '"•^v. , v"»„«. . 'U^i SmJ*^ '"^•"f^f'V fli^Ej'*''' «"'?■■ ''''"y*^^!^^ $10 UFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. I ' A^ 7=^ are those on Tennyson and Macaulay. The former was written in 1859, just after the*" Idylls of the King" had appeared; and the latter in 1876, as a review of Mr. Trevelyan's " Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay." Tqe first thing in the Poet Laureate's writings which seems to have impressed Mr. Gladstone was the boundless and beautiful tribute accorded by •' In Memoriam " to his old school friend, Arthur Henry Hallam. The essayist speaks of his early death as having removed one who would have left a great and noble name, an'd adds that he had himself, more than half a century ago, been in a condition 1^0 say : ' ./ ■ " ' ' • -^ ■ " I marked him As a far Alp ; and loved to watch the sunrise Dawn 6n his ample brow." Mr. Gladstone quotes at length from this great poem, and states that by the •time it had sunk into the public mind Mr. Tennyson had taken rank as the chief of living English poets.' " From his? very first appearance," continues the essayist, " he has had the form and fashion of a true poet ; the delicate insight into beauty ; the refined perception of harmony ; the faculty of suggestion ; the eye both in the physical' and moral <«rorld for motion, light, and colour ; the dominance of the co'nstructive faculty, and that rare gift — the thorough mastery and loving use of his mother tongu^" Tennyson's war p6etry he does not consider, as a rule, comparable to his poetry of peace, though the '• Ode on the Death of the Duke of Wellington," written as it is from the heart, and sealed by the conscience of the poet, ts" worthy of that great and genuine piece of manhood, its immortal subject." Adffl in this connection the author-statesman ^ presents his own view of war,^ and. his own hope for the time when we can " Ring out old shapes of f6ul disease, Ring out the narrowing lust of gold ; Ring out the thousand wars of old, Ring in the thousand years of pe^ce." • He admits that peace has its moral temptations and perils for degenerate, man : " It is, moreover/not less true that, t^midst the clash of arms, the noblest forms of character may be reared, and the high^ acts of duty done ; that these great and precious results may be due to war as their cause ; and that one high form of sentiment in particular, the love of country, receives a powerful and general stimulus from the bloody strife. But this is as the furious cruelty of Pharaoh made place for the benign virtue of his daughter ; as the butchering sentence of Herod raised, without doubt, many a mother's love into heroic ^ublimity^; as plague, as famine, as fire, as flood, as every curse and every scourge that is wielded by an angty Providence for the chastisement of man, is an appointed instrument for tempering human souls in the seven-heated furnace of affliction up to the ■tandard of angelic virtu e . " . ^ i^*\ ^i»j'"--' #■-»', MR. GLADSTONE IN LITERATURK Su |^H'■ This is strong and effective language, and strikes at the root of the question in a style which embodies the highest degree of literary skill and beauty. Mr. Gladstone's analysis of Lord Macaulay's life and writings is also the product of a thoughtful, cultured mind. He enters into an elaborate study of his work from the personal, the literary, and the historic point of view ; describes him as "a prodigy, a meteor, almost a portent in literary history"; commends the marvellous range of his abilities, his famous memory, his rare power of illustration, his command of language. " Behind the mark of splen- dour," says the essayist, "lay a singular simplicity; behind a literary severity, which sometimes approached to vengeance, an extreme tenderness ; behind a rigid repudiation of the sentimental, a sensibility at all times quick." But he had faults. " Amidst the blaze of glory there is a want of perspective, o| balance, and of breadth." In all his works, the sound anJ. the unsound parts are closely dovetailed, and the ordinary reader has little chance of distin- guishing between truth and error where "all is bathed, and lost, in one over- powering blaze and flood of light." Mr. Gladstone takes issue with the historian upon many points. He boldly challenges his general statement that the reign of Charles H., when the influence of the Church was at its height, was the most immoral in our history ; and declares that it would be impossible for any people, j^nd especially the English, to descend, almost instantaneously, from the pinnacle of Puritan purity into the lowest depths of immorality. " Macaulay," he adds, " has mistaken the Court, the theatre, and the circles connected with them, which may be called metropolitan, for the country at large." He declares the picture of the Restoration clergy to be a romance in the form of a history, and points out that Penn, and Marl- borough, and Claverhouse, and every one else who opposed William of Orange, are thrown into a common cauldron of condemnatiori. "That William, that Burnet, that Milton, should have personal embellishments much beyond their due is no intolerable evil. But the case becomes far more grievous when a great historian, impelled by his headlong and headstrong imagination, traduces alike individuals and orders, and htiris them into a hot and flaming Inferno of his own." Incfdentally, the author scorches Buckle, to whom Mr. Trevelyan had appealed for corroboration of some statements made by Macaulay : " Quote if you choose, publicans on liquor laws, or slave-drivers on the capacities of blacks; cite Martial as a witness to purity, or Bacchus to sobriety ; put Danton to con- duct a bloodless revolution ; or swear in the Gracchi as special constables ; but do not set up Mr. Buckle as an arbiter of judicial measure or precision, nor let the fame of anything that is called a religion or a clergy depend upon his nod." ''With all his diff erences in opinion and ^ticism, Mr. Gladstonef^owever, ^ " upi-etaes sincere admiration for the great historian, whose course in life he -\ •Mi*i •• 1 ''% 3" LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. 'V declares to have been pre-eminently laborious, truthful, simple, independent, and noble. And he returns in full, through the pages of this really splendid paper, the kindly language used toward himself and his first literary production nearly forty years before. He concludes by a comprehensive summary of Macaulay's position: ' - *' His works are in many respects among the prodigies of literature ; in some they have never been surpassed. As lights, they have shone through the whole universe of letters, they have made their title to a place in the solid firmament of fame. But the tree is greater than its fruit ; and greater and better yet than the works themselves are the lofty aims and conceptions, the large heart, the independent, manful mind, the pure and noble career, which in this biography have disclosed to us the true figure of the man who wrote them." In his third volume Mr. Gladstone deals with a number of historical, speculative, and religious subjects. He treats of the Erastian theory and the Scotch Established Church ; reviews Professor Seeley's famous work, " Ecce Homo"; writes on "The Courses of Religious Thought"; surveys the whole wide field covered by Sir George Cornewall Lewis' profound work on "The Influence of Authority in Matters of Opinion"; and compares the sixteenth century with the nineteenth in a most comprehensive study of the Reformation and its results. The fourth volume deals, with foreign affairs, and includes the " Letters to Lord Aberdeen " upon the Neapolitan question ; a review — ^written in 1852 — of Farini's History of the Roman States; the celebrated article upon the relations of Germany, France, and England, contributed to the Edinburgh Review in 1870, and declared by the author, in a footnote, to be the only one he had ever written which was meant from the first to be anonymous in substance and form. Some few of his myriad articles upon the Eastern Question are also giyen — one on Greece, one dealing with Montenegro, and one on the affairs of Egypt. He uses for the first time in the Edinburgh Review article the now famous phrase, " that streak of silver sea," as a designation for the English Channd. and in the one dealing with Egypt— written in 1877 — declares that "the territorial appetite has within the last quarter of a century revived among us with abnormal vigour." As for himself, he believes that " every scheme for the acquisition of territorial power in Egypt is but a new snare laid iti the path of our policy." The next two volumes of the " Gleanings " are mainly ecclesias^ tical in their -nature, and deal exhaustively with Church history, Church laws, and Church ceremonies. A powerful paper on " Divorce," written in 1857, is republished, as also one penned in 1875, and dealing with the Italian Church. This latter article apparently involved the knowledge of an immense number of Italian authorities—historical, religious, and controversial. The last volume of Jthe s e ries incl u des chiefly thfrauthoc's^geU-kaowfrM Chapt er^f- ^1 .,. ^I^s^^#^4%>"'*'^^'''^"^^' ' ' ^•,' -'vr v-^v^- ^'V i'.$^.^V-|^ffV'>'^?r'^^^#^ MR. GLADSTONE IN LITERATURE. 313 or defence of his consistency in disestablishing the Irish Church ; and articles upon the work of universities, the Evangelical movement, and ancient Greece. These contributions to literature cover an immense range. Perhaps the first thought which comes to the reader is the eloquence of style which characterizes the greater number of them. The command of language seems almost illimitable, and at times becomes too copious for perfect clearness and comprehensibility. The second quality, and it permeates everything, is the intense earnestness of the writer. There is no such thing in all these pages as a jest; there is an utter absence of frivolity; there is never an attempt at persiflage. Mr. Gladstone is never flippant, though often facile. He is never feeble, though frequently one-sided, and sometimes, as all very earnest men are, a little narrow in view. But, upon the whole, his ideas are of the most elevated type, his language is usually noble, and his strong religious sense and conviction runs like a golden thread through every article and every line 6f thought. In earlier days, Mr. Gladstone had aimed at poetic excellence, and at Eton had written a considerable amount of poetry. Some reference has previously been made to this fdct, but in view of his life-long devotion to Homer's poetic power, and his fecent translation q£ Horace, it will bear further consideration. His first effort was written in praiS of Canning, and at the age of fifteen. It concludes with the folloyving verse : ^ "The helm of England needs his guiding hand, * . A nation's wonder, and a nations joy. * V- He is the pilot that our God has sent To guide the vessel that was tos't and rent ; Exalt thy head, Etona, and rejoice, Glad in a nation's loud acclaiming voice ; And, 'mid the tumu't and the clamour wild, Exult iq Cannings-say, he was thy child." Other poems written in the two or three years following this included one called "The Shipwreck"; another, "The Ladder of the Law"; another entitled " Guatimozin's Death Song"; and one final tribute to Canning, called " Reflec- tions in Westminster Abbey." They were all of sombre hue, especially tha latter, which concluded with the words : ,■ -^ . " Again th^ tomb may yawn — again may De^th Claim the last forfeit of departing breath ; Yet ne'er enshrine in slumber dark and deep A nobler, loftier prey than where thine ashes sleep." Some lines upon another topic may also be given as illustrating his lighter mood, and which^ s o far as k nown, marked his last effort at original verse. It catted ••A^Sonhet 10 a Rejected Sonnet ": ~~ ~ "...•->i;7' ■-».'■' "J-; ,"'•>'■ :<-■'• j< ■, ->'■;»'■ --r-^"- "--iw '•■■./» v'jf^'-'k ' yy m U7t AND W6RK OF MR. GLADSTONE. i*V . " Poor.child of Sorrow I who didst boldly spring. Like Mpient Pallai, from thy parent's brain. All » m'd m mail of proof I and thou wouldst fain Leap farther yet, and on cxaUing wing ^ RiM to the iummit of the Printer's Press I But cruel hand halh mpp'd thy^buds amain, Hath fixed on thee the darkling inky ^taiti, Hath soil'd thy aplendour, and defil'd thy dress I Weep, gentle Sonnets I Sonnetters, deplore 1 /And /ow— and keep the vow— you'll write no morel " But though Mr. Gladstone did not write poetry afterv leaving Eton, he none the less was devoted—and passionately devoted— to 1it»«ature of a poetic nature. His love for Homer hae become historic, his admjj^bn Cor Tennyson was intense, his aflfection for Dante has been such that h(# somewhere declares It to have influenced his whole career. In his " Studies on'kpnier," the com- parison instituted between that great poet and Virgil and Tasso, Dante and Milton, are hot only beautiful from a literary standpoint, but wonderfully effective from a critical point of view. He states in one place that " In diction, Virgil is ornate, and Homer simple; in metre, Virgil is uniform and sustained^ Homer, free and varied; in the faculty of inyAi||on, Homer is inexhaustible, while Virgil gives ground to suspect that he w^pobr, at least by comparison." He declares it very difficult to institute? a just Comparison between Homel- and Milton : J " Perhaps the greatest and most pervading merit of the Iliad h its fidelity and vividness as a mirror of man, and of the visible sphere in which he lived, with its infinitely varied imagery, both actual and ideal. But that which most excited our admiratioc in Milton IS the elasticity and force of genius by which he has travelled beyond the human sphere, and bodied forth to ui new worlds in the unknown, peopled with inhabitants who must be so immeasurably different from our own race." In addition to Mr. Gladstone'* love for poetic thought and ancient culture, his presentation of the religious principle throughout the great mass of his writings is remarkable, for its beauty and force. In his beautiful address, for instance, to the student! of Edinburgh University, he dealt with their battle for life and fame, and told them that " difficulty is the rocking cradle of every kind of excellence"; that it i^ the life of faith which "lights up for you the cheerless world, and transfigures ahd glorifies all that you encounter, whatever be its out- ward form, with hues brbught from heaven." And he went on to say that " an enduring fame is one stajmped by the judgment of the future ; of that future which dispels illusions and smashes idols into dust. Little of what is criminal, little of what is idle, can endure ^en the first touch of the ordeal ; it seems as though this purging power, following at the heels of man, were a witness and a °^rP^.Pger"Eon earth of the ^reat and final aceoaa t. " .j4 -v-^T-tr tfrjJ^JCiKfc SiMn^-o^ M ■■■■ . y^y :"r . ; I ,,A .. ' MR. GLADSTONE IN LITERATURE. / 3«5 During the debates upon divorce in 1637, ^is article in the Quarterly Review expressed his ideal of womanly charact;^r and excellence, his cpnception of her high place in a (^hristian community, and his belief in her great oppor- tunities for good under Cljristian law. The English law of marriage, as it had been, '^established woman upon the very highest levels of our ndoral and spiritual existence, for man's benefit no less than her own." But this, he thought, was threatened by the divorce code, against which he pled so long and earnestly. In one of his volumes upon Homer, Mr. Gladstone described the place of woman as having been slowly and laboriously elevated by the Gospel, unlil it furnished the purest and most perfect protest that the world has ever seen against the sovereignty of force. ■ Apd then he went on ifl somewhat remarkable words : ^ . | " For it is not alone against merely physical, but also against merely intellectual, strength that this protest has been lodged. To. the ^ery highest range of intellectual strength known among the sons of Adam,; woman Seems never to have ascended, but in every, or almost every, case to have fallen somev(rhat short of it. But whejn we look to the virtues, it seems probable both that her ayerage.is higher, and that she also attains in the highest instances to loftier summits. Certainly there is no propf here of her inferiority ^to m^n. Now, it is nowhere written in Holy Scripture that God is knowledge, or that God is power, while it is written that^Gpd is love ; WArd^ which appear to set forth love as the central essence, and all besides as- attribut s. Woman, then, holds of God, aod finds her own principal development, in that which^'is m6st GodUke. Thus, ' therefoiej when Christianity wrought out for woman, not a social identity, but a social equality, not a rivalry with the. function of man, but an elevation in her. own function reaching as high as his, it made the world and human lif^ in this respect also a true , image of the Godhead." / ' , f ,' ■^»*— ^ There is in this single paragraph a whole voluijie of condienjsed thought for the modern school of woman's rights, and for the believers in, npw and fantastic and ever-varying methods of proving or Vin4ic~atirfg woman's so-cafle^ mission. But this is one of the great qualities of Mr. ,^ Gladstone's literary work. Everywhere there is food for thought, whether it be in stroi^g agreemeat or in the intense opposition which earnest writing always creates. ■[ And though' • he may not be considered by history to have been a great author, yet the - contributions to English Kterature, which fill in varied form afxk degrees of'. excellence more than twenty-two pages of the printed catalogue in the British Museum, constitute a monument of industry, of^eloquence, of high ability; aindi of lofty principle. . . ,> ' He will rank high in the list of English statesmen who ha^e also he^tt- authors. His first political hero, George Canning, .has been described as' "steeped in literature to his lips" ; and in his day he wrote prose ancjl poetry with equal point and charm. Mr. Gladstone, also through his long career, has done .4' 4 ■\ -~^aucb^t**;,• m ■7 $i6 UFB ANP WORK OF MR. GLADSTONK SO much to create— that statecraft and literature do not go well together. In this he has been helped by Macaulay, and still more by Pisraeli, while in latter days the idea been finally dispelled by Morley and Bryce, Lytton and Trevelyan, Balfour and Rosebeiy. And not the least pleasant page in the personal retrospect of a remarkable Englishman must be the feeling that he has written much, and that— aside from f trictly controversial and political produc- tions—it has been in the main permeated with the hijghest -id^ls and filled with the no"blest thoughts. \ ^ ^M ^' ^ ? J * *■* ' Lt^_j?-', ■Jt'K^^l.-',^*^^'^,^.^ CHAPTER XXV. DEATH OF LORD BEACONSFIELD-THE GREAT RIVALS. •yHE April morning in 1881, which witnessed the passing away of Lord * Beaconsfield, changed the whole face of English politics, extinguished the light of a great personality, removed from Mr. Gladstone's pathway his most powerful rival, and closed a chapter in English history and European : statecraft which is marked in every line by the opposing principles and clashing policies of two men of unique character and striking intellect. And the national ieeling at the moment was probably voiced, as well as a personal sentiment of deep sorrow, by the Queen's remarkable letter to Dean Stanley, recently pub- lished in the latter's memoirs : Dear Dean.- Osborne. April 21st. 1881. Thank you v€iy much for your sympathy in the loss of my dear, prtat friend, whose death on Tuesday night completely overwhelmed me. His devotion and kindness to me. his wise counsels, his great gentleness combined with firmness, his one thought of the honour and glory of the country, and his unswerving loyalty to the Throne, make the death of my dear Lord Beaconsfield a national calamity My grief is great and lasting. I know he would wish to rest with the wife he loved so well, and not in West- mmster Abbey, where, however, I am ai^xious that a monument should be erected to his memory. y-Ever yours affectionately. V. R. & I. Boththe rival Statesmen were great men. Lord Beaconsfield has some- where said that such a designation can be properly applied to " one who affects the mind of his generation ; whether he be a monk in his cloister agitating Christendom, or a monarch crossing the Granicus and giving a new character to the P^n world." And he, in his time, had guided Parliament, mastered and jonlded a great party, controlled his^wa countty^^changed the system an d styl e of ~ vr .-^^!K"3 1 J"„«j^ '"*"-,'< ' i. ^^t¥„ ' ■ o <{>,;/ r^e- ^ "^v4^.4,!?/»f^^^,5*^^%'' /-'T f^M^^^M.r^W^^fni'-^^'^:;^^^ 3i3 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. [•*w I'fclf ^government in a vast Empire, altered the course of European history, and, after forty years of struggle, had stood upon the pinnacle of national popularity. Mr. Gladstone had risen in other paths to equal or superior greatness. He had managed the finances of England with a master hand ; he had led his party into office and carried a mass of varied legislation unequalled in British history; he had made his marvellous voice and oratorical power ring into the very hearts and minds of a grg^t people during a prolonged series of years. There were Some few points of resemblance between the two leadef Bome curious similarities in character and career. But, upon the" whole, history will proclaim them to h^ve been diverse in personality,"antagonistic in principle. They were as opposite as" the poles in origin and early envirpnment. Mr. Glad- stone, bom and reared amidst wezilth and commercial surroundings ; trained in the great aristocratic school and university of his day ; accustomed to political debate and study from his eariiest childhood ; enwroned by every care and attention, and possessed of friends in the highest circles of the land — stepped into Parliament as into a drawing-room, and enterejd^i/^biic life as a matter of course. Lord Beaconsfield, born in circumstances of only moderate comfort, and amid surroundings cff literary labour at a time when literature was not highly thought of; trained in small private schools, and resting under the stigma of an alien and hated nationality ; forced to endure galling distinctions and to accept boyish inferiority, and even persecution; without influential friends or reasonable means for advancement ; articled for some time to a London solicitor — ^fought his way into Pariiament after three severe contests, and in the teeth of much severe external criticism and considerable contempt. Mr. Gladstone was a younger man by three years, and he entered the House of Commons five years sooner than his. rival. His first speech was a success, and, although his connection with the slavery question somewhat hampered him, those first years in Pariiament were eminently prosperous. Mr. .Disraeli's first speech was a failure, and his early years in Pariiament covered a period of prolonged struggle. In a letter to his sister— for whom he entertained so deep an aflfection — is found, under date of December 8th, 1837, the following : \ "I made my maiden speech last night, rising very late after O'Connell, bat at the request of my party, and with the full sanction of Sir Robert Peel. As I wish to give you an e^act idea of what occurred, I state at once that my dibut was a failure, so far that I could not succeed in gaining an opportunity of saying what I intended ; but the failure was not occasioned by my breaking down, or any incompetency on my part, but from the physical powers of my adversaries. I can give you no idea how bitter, how factious, how unfair they wer«." But he told the House that it would yet listen to him^and it did. In these yeajjs Mr. Gladstone held many offices. He had the good fortune to obtain a &/• ' skx'AM. ^i» ^ ^./K^flTt I'ij'it. ,-iJ.i»ke-'«l.sr' K-JJs--** * e< Jf-n^K''^^ •&» /. DEATH OT^KJRD BEACONSFIELD— THE GREAT XlVALS. TR^r 319 thorough^^administtative training before taking the great post of Chancellor of theJE^hequer. Yet for fifteen years Mr.. Disrieli was never in a Government, rnd not until he assumed the Chancellorship, in I1852, did he hold office. From a literary standpoint, the two men possessed slkht resemfejances and immense diflFerences. At about the same early age both essayed p^try. Gladstone wrote his sombre memorials of Canning, and some clever eftbrts at sarcasm. Disraeli detenitiined to rival Dante and Milton in "A RevolutioniKy Epic"— and naturally faiUd. A little later, both wrote largely in defence, and in glowing eulogy, of the British Constitution, its glories and its dangers. But here all affinity ends. At nineteen, Disraeli had produced "yivian Grey," perhaps the most remarkable and brilliant novel of the ea^ century, and certainly one of the mostf singular pro -' "K <^< * "^ 320 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. tr» J« been able to condone and defend its practice. It was, however, a part and parcel of his domestic training. And this very sensitiveness of disposition seems to have had the effect upon him, that it so frequently has in other cases, of producing a certain seriousness of appearance and gravity in manner. Where Disraeli was gay, witty, fascinating, openly anxious to please, arid very popular in society, Gladstone, at this period (1839), is described by an onlooker in the House of Commons as "cold, serene, haughty, and intensely ambitious." Mr. Gladstone possessed a charm of manner which was very great in its way, and due, perhaps, chiefly to an old-fashioned courtesy which never forsook him. But he was too much wrapt up in great aims — it may be great thoughts — and too intent upon the all-absorbing subject of national import at the moment, to give way to the lighter topics of daily life, in the handling of which Disraeli so marvellously excelled. In after years Mr. Gladstone became noted for his skill in talking, but it was always more or less of a monologue, and full of value as it might be, instructive as it usually was, it naturally did not afford room for that play of wit and rivalry of intellect which makes clever conversation so fascinating. But in addition to temperament, Mr. Gladstone had for many years to struggle with religious ideas and ecclesiastical convictions which were not in harmony with his party, or with the age in which he lived. Only great ability — and in the highest degree — could have won for % man, who seemed cut out for a student and a divine, fame as a commercial stafilbman and a political orator. So with his rival, who seemed specially framed by nature for a society wit and a popular novelist. During their long career in the House of Commons — for nearly forty years they faced each other in limited or unlimited antagonism — no two men could present a greater contrast. Mr. Disraeli, with his remarkable, almost oriental, face, his absolutely impassive and self-absorbed demeanour, his fine dark eyes, and single curl of black hair hanging from the crown of his head, exhibited in the later and more famous years of his life a personality of unique interest. In Parliament he allowed no vestige of the social lion and brilliant wit to be. seen by the public. Expression and intelligence were alike concealed from view behind a face that had become a perfect mask, while the statesman himself would .sit for hours with his head bent, his arms folded, and his legs crossed — alone, and apparently unheeding what passed around. Sir T. Wemyss Reid has described in grapnic words that wonderful face and manner, drom which neither friend nor foe could ever learn anything. *' It was the face of a sphinx, the most inscmtable, unfathomable &ce in all England " — and in all English history. -Mr> Gladsto a e ^ iwts^ entirely different in^jippearance, man n er, and 8tyle»^ In early days he ikd been called " handsome Gladstone," and, though the decades passed and brought many changes, they still preserved a noble face ; SiSV'^'f-' DEATH OF LORD BEACONSFIELD— THE GREAT RIVALS. 321 pallid, it might be, with years of toil, and with the dark hair thinned, and the dark gyes caverned under a lofty brow ; but still retaining an aspect of nobility. His nervous lineaments were incapable of concealing e^notion. One could watch the blending of generosity and scorn even in the play of the nostrils, and an alternating severity and sweetness in the mobile mouth. A close observer has said that "It is the most mobile and expressive countenance in the House of Commons; it can no more conceal the thoughts flitting through the brain behind it than the mirror can refuse to reflect the figure placed before it ; it is incapable of reserve or of mystery; hope, fear, anxiety, exultation, anger, pleasure, each of these in turn is writ large upon it] so that the spectator watching closely can read it like a book." A complete change seems to have come over the personal manner of the two men. During his first years in Parliament, Mr. Disraeli does not appear to have used or developed his famous impassiveness, and tendency to loneliness and assumed abstraction. He had gathered around him a number of high- spirited young men who believed that they possessed a mission to regenerate » England, revive patriotism, and re-establish the aristocracy in its old-time position. Lord John Manners, Henry Hope, Monckton Milnes— afterwards Lord Houghton, and a Liberal in politics— Alfred Tennyson, George Smythe (afterwards Lord Strangford, and a man of great culture, wit, and fascination) were the leading members of his " Young England " party. Those of them' who were in Parliament certainly did not find Disraeli unwilling to utilize his brilliant qualities. On the other hand, Mr. Gladstone seems to have stood very much alone. He had no special followers— at least until Peel's death in 1850 Hand even then appears to have maintained a reserved and somewhat distant manner. But as time passed this, became changed, and when the two men faced each other as party leaders Disraeli had grown strangely silent, and seemed to prefer solitude— so far as conversation was concerned — while Glad- stone's face became niore and more speaking in its expression, and his liking for conversation with colleagues and friends more and more marked. ^ In force of conviction and earnestness there was a strange difference between them. Yet it was more apparent than real. Mr. Disraeli has shown in that remarkable trinity of novels, Coningsby, Sybil, and Tancred, a degree of enthusiasm fully equal to that displayed by Mr. Gladstone in his books on Church and State. Only, the former is devoted to the revival of a certain phase of life and opinion in England ; the latter to the maintenance of a united Church and nation. Where the one. loved Homer with a deep and fervent affection, the other earnestly ple d for and praised the Jews at a sacrifice of personal popularity, and in iM teeth^ of pbpulaTprejVdiVer CarlyTe, w^ neither leader, and Joved no one, has made a most entertaining comparison, which may be given in this connection : 4; ^«im&r*>Al>' . 49t UFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. " I h^ve oiften been amused ^t thinking of the contrast between the two men. There is Bebcpnsiield — he hasn't got a conscience at all, and he knows he hasn't got a conscience, and very well pleased he is that it should be so ; but as for that other one — that Glads|!6i^e — eh, mon, what a conscience he has I There never was such a conscience ' as his. He bows down %> it, and obeys it, as if it were the very voice of God himself. But, eh, sir 1 he has the most marvellous Realty in the world for making that conscience say exactly what he wantsf Carlyle, with all his rugged genius, is often far from just, and this was one of the occasions. Mr. Disraeli had once flirted a little with Radicalism, but it was in very early political yoiithfulness, and, once his opinions had been formed, never really swerved or changed. He, in fact, never held dffice in anything but a To^^ government. K^r. Gladstone, on the other hand, changed his views steadily, deliberately, and pubKqly. And for doing so he cannot properly be blamed. But " Vivian^ Grey " gav^ -Disraeli a reputation which he could never escape from entirely, and his famous sentence, written at nineteen, will long live in history: "A smile for a friend find a sneer for the world tis the way to govern mankind, and such was the nilotto of Vivian Grey." Thijjire iS littje doubt, also, that he rather affected thijs/sort of thing In^ society 4uring his younger days, and that fact has helpedi/to widen and deepen, an impression which was neither just nor accurate. ' , . The political views of the two leaders were vast in their differences. Mr. Gladstone's are, in some degree, expressed and voiced throughout these, pages ; let Lord Beaconsfield's find voice in the following extract from his preface to " Lotl}air." He declares it to include his policy and national aims during many years: " To change back the oligarchy into a generous aristocracy round a real throne ; to infuse life and vigour into the Church, as the trainer of the nation, by the revival of Con- vocation on a wide basis ; to establish a commercial code on the principles successfully negotiated by Lord Bolingbrdke at Utre^t . . . and triumphantly viji^icated by his political pupil and heir, Mr. Pitt ; to govern Ireland according tolthe policy of Cbafles I., and not of Oliver Cromwell ; to emancipate the political constituencies of 1830 frorp se'ctarian bondage and contracted sympathies ; to elevate the physical as well as the moral condition of the people by establishing that labour requires regulation as much as property; and all this rather by the use of ancient forms and the restoration of the past than by political revolution founded on abstract ide^S." Mr. Gladstone represented from time to time the national desire for change, or modification of institutions and policy. He tried to voice the pbpular will, and in his last great political effort endeavoured to guide and mo uld opinion, as well as to express it. But popular opinion is a very fluc- tnating quantity, and a party whose fbundations rest upon desires foFrefonn, or alteration in what exists, and has existed, for perhaps centuqes of historic .- ^f,. V »T' -wpimf9mn>i^'79S!- > DEATH OF LORD BEACONSFIELD— THE GREAT RIVALS. 3*3 growth, must necessarily have many struggles of a nature which seems to be nncea-Sing, as well as unsatisfactory. For change is in itself unending, and he who ministers to the popular appetite in that direction can. rest assured of having a complicated and continuous conflict during his whole career, Mr. disraeli, on the other hand, was a sincere believer in the efficiency and greatness of the British Constitution. When he died, in 1881, he was almost in this respect where Mr. Gladstone and he had stood in the Parliament of forty years before. Not that he would refuse all change or amendment in the country's institutions— his policy during the Reform Bill struggles proved the contrary. But he had a profound aversion to change for the sake of change; to needless or experimental interferences with the . Constitution which had made England powerful and kept her free. This feeling is well represented in an extract from one of his greatest speeches in Parliament — delivered May 8th, 1865 : " There is no country at the present moment that exists under the same conditions at thef people of this realm. You have an ancient, powerful, and richly-endowed Church, ..and perfect religious liberty. You have unbroken order and complete freedom. You have landed estates as large as the Romans, combined with a commercial enterprise such as Carthage and Venice united never equalled. And you must remember that this peculiar country, with these strong contrasts, is not governed by force. It is governed by a most singular series of traditionary influences, which generation after generation cherishes and 'preserves, because it knows that they embalm custom and represent law. And with this you have created the greatest Empire of modern times. You have amassed a capital of fabulous amount. You have devised and sustained a system of credit, still more marvel- I0U8, and you have established a scheme of labour and industry so vast and complicated that the history of the world affords no parallel to it. And these mighty creations are out of all proportion to the essential and indigenous elements and. resources of the country. If you destroy that state of society, remember this : England cannot begin again." Here rests the diflference between the two parties ; the natural difference between the two leadere. Disraeli regarded the Constitution and governmental •ystem as part and parcel of the popular greatness and -external strength of England, and, therefore, dreaded serious change or vital amendment. Glad- ' stone regarded the people as superior to any Constitution, and looked to them as being the real strength of the nation. Disraeli wanted the people to act through the Constitution in building up and strengthening the Empire ; Gladstone desired the people, upon more than one occasion, to act over the Constitution in promoting their own domestic interests. As the history of the century now appears to us, the Conservative party and its leader seem to have acted as brakes upon the wheel of progress — but only so far as to prevent rash innovation or ^QQJ^^^y ^^g^^j^^^o"- ^j^'^ j-j*^ra^ P^rty and leader, on the other ha nd, apppar _______ = a^E _. ___ . . -■■ ■ - — ■ -■ — ---- ^ _ ^ ^ _ ^ ^ ■ f — — -F , 11 ■ ■■■ ^ y ■■ M- M-M M» aa liEe pioneers of progress— the champions of change which, at times, might be dangerous, but was, in the end, beneficial. Gladstone impelled the wheel of tha I'jm. *' ,A. ^■r • ^lf» "i^J^i'S* _ : ** *i , /t^f ■ "'-, ' 324 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. carrikge of State up hills and over obstacles. Disraeli controlled it upon the down-grade, and guided it safely through dangerous places. Such, at Jeast, may seem, in a general sense, '"to have been .the mission of English political parties and leaders during many past years. ' To those who rerjrember or have iseen Gladstone and, Disraeli struggling over Reform, battling like gi^an^ over the Irish Churcfe, fighting each other, in the eyes of^ all Europe, upon the Eastern Question, wrestling in the political arena upon a thousand and one subjects, it is almost wonderful to think of their ^approach towards union in the early •' fifties." Had the Earl of Derby's fond ambition been realized, and the. Peelite and Derbyite -wings of the party been reunited, the. destiny of England would, perhaps, have been altered. But it was clearly impossible that the two men could work together : v, "Ttvo stars keep not their motion In one sphere." - . ■ If they had joined hands in harmonious action, what could they not have done? Beaconsfield would have contributed the imagination, Gladstone the enthusiasm ; Beaconsfield the love of empire and the masterful foreign policy, Gladstone the brilliant finance and donjestic legislation ; Beaconsfield the sarcasm and wit of oratory, Gladstone the depth and fervouf of eloquence. The former, it has been said, was a keen judge of m^n ; the latter, a good judge of mankind. Some time in or about i88o, Mr. James Knowles, the editor-' of the Nineteenth Century, gave a dinner party, at which the talk turned upon this veiy point, when Lord Houghton proniptly put the epigram in a bright and rather clever verse: * "'We spoke of two high names of speech and pen, How each was seeing, and how each was blind ; Knew not mankind, but keenly knew all men ; ' . Knew naught of meA, but knew and loved mankind." The personal relations of the two statesmen were not particularly friendly. Sometimes they were very much the reverse, especially when Mr. Gladstone was ca,rried away by one of his white heats of passionate eatnestness. But Lord Beaconsfield was not a man of strong antipathies. The Rev. Malcolm MacCoU tells us that he was talking with the Liberal champion about a fortnight before the first Midlothian campaign, when Mr. Gladstone, somewhat to his. surprise, expatiated upon Lord Beaconsfield's debating powers, "his splendid Parlia- mentary pluck," and other qualities which he admired, closing with the state- iweicit ttiat the Tory leader was 1 not a man of strong animosities: "I don't believe, for instance, that he hate^ me at all."^The probabilities are that, at that moment, Mr. Gladstone had worked himself up into a condition when he -was Ijimself not fttf from having that feeling for his antagonist. But it would not last long. ■*ilv'4^.*'«>f 5^'- ' - ."^■■^ ^9 f ; • ■' upon the ;ast, may . political - tniggling other, in ! political * • ■ k of their . ay's fond v arty been . But it DEATH OF LORD BEACONSFIBLD— THE GREAT RIVALS. 3*5 In connection with their personal relations, Dean Stanley has recorded «n incident which is very characteristiic. It was during the summer of 1874, when Mr. Disraeli had jijst reached the Premiership and the high places of power. A State luncheon was being given the Czar of Russia at Marlborough House, and Disraeli naturally occupied a post of honour near the Emperor, while Mr. Gladstone sat Icwer down, and next to the Dean. When the gather- ing rose,. Disraeli walked dowh the line of guests, and, as he passed where his rival was standing, stoppec , and said— in allusion to his temporary absence from ParliameiJt— with a mixture of comedy and tragedy expressed in his face: "You must come back to us ; indeed, we cannot possibly do without you." Mr. Gladstone, with more than usual severity, according to the Dean, answered : "There are things possibl; and there are things impossible; what you ask me to do is one of the things that are impossible." Upon this, Disraeli turned to Dean Stanley, and said : " You;see what it is— the wrath, the inexorable wrath of Achilles." a ' — ^*»3» TgiT p^jft 3t6 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. But those days of rivalry and alternate power are "gone forever, though the memory of great men who served their country honestly, if antagonistically, can never be forgotten. And perhaps one of the most graceful compliments ever paid Lord Beaconsfield, and one of the most creditable and gracious of Mr. Gladstone's oratorical efforts, was his brief eulogy of the Conservative leader in the House of Commons, when moving — May gth, 1881 — the erection of a monument in Westminster Abbey to the man whom the United Kingdom was mourning, and against whom, he had so often marshalled his party hosts,. and all the forces of political invective : 4 \ " His extraordinary intellectual powers are as well understood bywners as by me. But there were other great qualities ; for example, his strength of will, his long-sighted persistency of purpose, reaching from his entrance on the avenue of life to its very close, his remarkable power of self-control, and his great Parliamentary courage. Sir, I wish to express the admiration I have always felt for those strong sympathies with his race, for the sake of which he was always ready to risk his popularity and influence. It is impos- sible to withhold the sentiment I feel with that brotherhood to which he justly thought that he was entitled to belong^ — the brotherhood of letters. There is another feeling — his profound, devoted, tender, grateful affection to his wife, which, though, as may be the case, it has deprived him of the honours of public obsequies, has in the public mind raised for him a more permanent regard as for one who knew, even stmidst the temptations of public life, what was due to sanctity, and the strength of domestic affection, and who made himself an example in that respect to the country in which he Uved." ■ ■^"fhi^^jtif^y '''^■V"'"*''.'"^'.''"'^-''''-V^--'**-'?P'''^SK3T ^ \ ■ '■ ^^1 - .• ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^1 ^ ^H ^ ^' " -^^ _^ . J ^^H A . 1 f'' \ 1 \ 1 ^^^^^H 4"^::-:^".^- c..^-'->^^\ . \ RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN, M.P., • ■ - Secretary of State for the Colonies, 1895. '. -i (327) ' ' ■■ ■t]; « ' \ ,i> ,■♦& ».i.' leader, and so prominent a Liberal as Sir Henry '- -lea-declined the I^rd Q»neellorship.Y^ir Farrer HerecheHr howevei^ Nj accepted it with the usual peerage, and Mr. Chamberlain joined the Ministry '>. ' ,„^„ ,__V; f ^S'^'^ ^''■^■*;-*"5!i. V'S - jgT'^'iw.-gri' ' 330 UFE AND WORK QF MR-; GLADSTONE. V Mr. Gladstone Lord Herschell .Earl Spencer Sir William Harcourt Mr. H. C. E. ChUden Lord Rosebery Earl Granville Mr. H. Campbell-Bannerman Lord Ripon Mr. John Morley Mr. G. O. Trevelyan Mr. Mundella Mr. Chamberlain under certain conditions, which were revealed afterwards. As principally com- posed, the Cabinet stood as follows : , Premiet, First Lord of the Treasury, and Privy Seal Lord Chancellor President of the Council Chancellor of the Exchequer ' Secretary of State for Home Affairs Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs J Secretary for the Colonies Secretary of State for War Secretary of State for India Chief Secretary for Ireland Secretary of State for Scotland President of the Board of Trade President Local Government Board Outside of the Cabinet, the Earl pf Aberdeen became Lord Lientenant of Ireland, while Mr. H. H. F«wler, Mr. James Bryce, Mr. Jesse CoUings, and Sir Charles Russell WfSre amongst those holding subordinate, but important, posts. For the moment there was a lull in the political storm, and every one seemed waiting to know what the new Premier intended to do with Ireland ; 4nd how he proposed to manage the band of triumphant Parnellites and the few cKssentient, or rather hesitating, Liberals j^io as yet showed themselves on the surface of affairs. " But," said Mr. ]om Morley at a Liberal meeting, " I am not sure that it is not the calm of the glassy waters on the edge of the bend of Niagara." It was a perilous and unpleasant position for Mr. Gladstone. Whatever he did, the charge would be made that his action was guided by political contingencies, and not by per6onal convictions. The Campaign -just over had, indeed, produced many such allegations, artd the campaigns to come were destined to make the hills and valleys of England ring with denunciation along this Very line. It is, however, not necessary to be a Home Ruler in order to feel that this charge is unjust. Something had to be done with Ireland. Coercion had been tried times without number. Conciliation had been attempted by Mr. Gladstone in his Irish Church policy, in his Land Law policy, in the brief and unsatisfactory olive branch held out by Lord Frederick Cavendish in 1882. To a statesman who had been in a continuous condition of political evolution from his youth upwards, it wa^not so very strange or difficult to take one mbre step in this Irish policy, and try the panacea of Home Rule. And tb a leader who had during many years consistently and continuously laid stress tipon the force which really popular demands should have upon national leaders, the Ireland askit^ for a certain lin e oL V -m^^f^^^. n-'^^ '^Ts^^^^w^^i''"*^-'';^ i THE IRISH DRAMA. 331 action must have had a great and natural effect. It ought to be remembered also that while Mr. Gladstone had frequently opposed Home Rule leadfers, had frequently denounced and legislated against Irish lawlessness, had opposed Pamell, and even depicted his policy as involving Imperial disintegration and national weakness, he yet had the right to look upon a vast question of this nature as one which has many sides, and is capable of varied treatment in accordance with constantly changing conditions. Home Rule, like Imperial Federation, is, in fact, what you make it, and Mr. Gladstone thought then, and afterwards bellWed, with passionate sincerity and earnestness, that he could make it practicab'e, honourable, loyal, and beneficial. Speaking on March 5th, 1886, Lord Hartington clearly absolved . his gre^t leader and future opponent from this charge of adopting Home Rule in order to^etain power : - "I think,^9ftid be, ^ The third point in considering the subject was that of Irish loyalty. In the main, Mr. Gladstone does not seem to have opposed Home Rule from fear of tins contingency. Stirred up by outbreaks of lawlessness, he had, at times, denounced the agitators, or the advocates of national independence, but their "Parliamentary policy was, in addition to the above reasons, opposed because they had presented no practical scheme, and had proposed that, while deaUng exclusively with Irish affairs, they should also have the power of dealing with English matters, through representation in the Imperial House. As far back as 1872, he had asked Mr. Butt to formulate a plan, and then opinions might be irrapeflylbrihed and expressed. Bemring this in mind, and also the fact that his - fitst Home Rule Bill was to exclude Irish members from Westminster, the follow- ■ „^. ing extract from a speech at the Guildhall, in October, 1881, is significant : ,» »,» ^ » ' *.(, jit»««5;. .- . ^ J ^ ""••'Li. J. '■* ^ ' ^'^w f*"'^"-^ ^^3^*^ .l.'^T ■*■ *^*"'lS'hL^' * '* '^' THE IRISH DRAMA. 335 M- of dividing their proposals regarding Irish land and an Irish legislature into two separate and distinct measui^, he proceeded to deal at length with the general question, and with the past relations of England and Ireland. He declared repressive legislation to be no longer possible : " Our ine£fectual and spurious coercion is morally worn out," and^ quoted with approval Grattan's sentence regarding the Irish Legislature of 1782 : "I demand the continued severance of the Parliaments, with a view to the continued and everlasting unity of the Empire." He proposed, therefore, to establish this legislative body sitting in Dublin, with power to control purely Irish affairs, and under bonds for the security of the union with England, and the protection of the Protestant minority. In this latter connection, he observed : " I cannot allow it to be said . that a Protestant minority in Ulster or elsewhere is to rule the question at large for Ireland. I am aware of no constitutional doctrine on which such a conclusion could be adopted or justified. But I think that the Protestant minority should have its wishes considered to the utmost practicable extent, in any form which they may assume." Continuing, and in glrfet detail, the Premier dealt with various other features of his scheme. But while Ireland was to have a domesticlegislature, it was not to have Imperial representation. '• I have thought much," said the speaker, " reasoned much, and inquired much, with regard to that distinction. I had hoped it might be possible to draw a distinction — and let Irish members come here and vote on Imperial concerns. I have arrived at the conclusion that it cannot be drawn. I belifeve it passes the wit of man ; at any rate, it passes not my wit alone, but the wit of many with whom I have communicated " He vigorously denied that his policy would involve danger to the Empire and its unity. '• Have you," he asked, '.' a braver or more loyal man in your army than the Jrishman?" He eulogized local or national sentiment: "I hold that there is such a thing as local patriotism, which, in itself, is not bad, but good. . . . Englishmen are eminently English, Scotchmen are profoundly Scotch, and, if I read Irish history aright^ misfortune and calamity have wedded her sons to her soil. The Irishman is more profoundly Irish, but it does not follow that because his local patriotism is keen he is incapable of Imperial patriotism." And then, a little lat^r, his concluding words rang out through the House with a quiet intensity of conviction : " I ask that we should apply to Ireland that happy experience which we have gained in England and in Scotland, where the course of generations has now taught us, not as a dream or a theory, but as practice and as life, that the best and surest foundation we con find to build upon^ia the foundation iJorded by the affections, the convictions, and the wilt of the nation ; and it is thus by decree of the Almighty, fat more than by any other jsndeavour, that we may be able to secure at once social peace, the fame, power, and permanence of the ^mpire." ^^^.IjSk;^ i.M'.^SfJ'l'^i^! sal .0 i "T *> -r. wer, and with a voice which lux % * * *'** ' i-'v THE IRISH PRAMA. 317 of its ol retained much, of its bid, ringing cleainiess. When he heared the end, the interest became intense. Let Mr. G/W. Smalley's words of eloquent de'scrip* tion, as sent to the l4ew York Tntme, speak in this connection : " Everything else was forgotten in the peroration. With a sustained splendour of % diction, and dignity of thought and feeling, Mr. Gladstone held the House for, perhaps, a quarter of an hour completely Iq his grasp. As sentence followed sentence, each in the same lofty key, each seeming to reach the oratorical climax, which still risceded farther and farther, the hearer thought each sentence must be the last. But on and on went the orator, his voice more melodious, his manner more impressive, his eloquence even more .• pathetic. He silenced his Tory opponents. Not one of them cared to Igse a bote of that incomparable voice as it rose and f^ll in musical cadence amid the deep hush that ' had come upon the House. The oldest member had heard nothing equal to this; ^he youngest cannot hope that it will ever be heard again." Then came the first verdict of Parliament upon the. prdposed policy. The bill was rejected by 341 votes to 311, and, amid ,^ild Tory cheers, faint Liberal echoes, and angry shouts of scorn and defiance from the Irish members, every eye turned to where sat the leader in this great political 'drama. Witnesses declare that Mr. Gladstone was visibly affected by the majority, that he had counted on ten, perhaps even a score mofe, but that the actual majority staggered him, and shoojc his confidence tp the earth, and made his. appearance that of a man suddenly aged by some severe blow or seri6us loss. Peel . had broken his party in twain over the Corn Liws, but he had won a great victory, and carried a measutie of signal importance, djadstqpe had not carried his whol6 party with Him upon the Reform BJII, and his great rival succeeded where he , had failed. But since that time he had won victory after victory, had dominated Parliament and the people, had carried Bills of the utmost import, and had forced the Liberals — ^as in the Eastern Question — to follow him whether they would ^r not. And now his party had failed him &t this tritical and vital moment. ^ But the veteran's /<^irit quailed before, the storm for only a brief moment. It was not without causfe that so many people had called him the Grand Old f "^an ; and perhaps he/had never given better reason for that designation than in the gallant way in /which he endured this signal, rebuff. On every side friends were changed to enemjles. Against him in the division list were men whom no height of imagination conld have conceived; in such a position one year before. John Bright and Joseph Cham^rlain, t^ jMarquess of Hartington and George J. Goschen, Leonard H. Coui^ney and Sir Henry James, Sir John Lubbock and George Ottq/Trevelyan, Sir Donald Currie and Edward Heneage, voted and worked against their old leader, while in the Lords, veteran Liberals, s^ph the ©uke^tjj' Argyle and^ the Earl of NortlibrSo ■ M it«i -J.5 '.'ii le Unionist lat It was a Lib^^ Waterloo, and about too members in the House had oppoted»w the measure, to 338 who voted for it. - ,dl ^ .jt kV 340 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. years in any practical form. Boundless personal enthusiasm there would at times be, and personal expressions of regard and admiration, which, no doubt, Mr. Gladstone appreciated. But, except ih isolated cases, and under the cool management of Parnell, there was not the energetic, united, intelligent co-opera- tion, which the Liberal leader deserved, and had a right to expect. His object was quite difhcult enough of accomplishment as things stood. To engraft a federal system upon a legislative union, and to apply it in one part of the United Kingdom without using it in the others, was one of the most complicated pieces of constitutional labour ever undertaken by a statesman. But he had now made one gallant and d^ermined attempt in that direction, and^ despite party disruption and popular disapproval, he proposed to continue until fortune, with its proverbial fickleness, should once more favour and smile upon his cause. A) r ' ''.«F iJ JiK^ii'^ /^ ** *-^ * 'j&Tt ^ t >^ %~ i. .^.^ M ^^iif%* % ^^M^-' i* .•f -I •- Jl^l.TJ.. V ould at doubt, the cool )-opera- { stood. : in one he most in. But on, zndy le until le upon CHAPTER XXVII. THE SALISBURY GOVERNMENT. T ORD SALISBURY soon formed his Administration. What little delay there was resulted from an effort at coal(tion with the Liberal-Unionists, who had contributed so greatly to the defeat of the Home Rule proposals. The Conservative leader offered to serve under Lord Hartington as Premier, but the overture was declined, and for this Parliament the two sections of the Unionist party remained distinct in name, though, ultimately, very much united in policy. Lord Randolph Churchill, whose rapid ri^ had been so phenomenal, was appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer and leader of the House, but was destined to hold office for only a few brief months. In the succeeding January he abruptly resigned, and was replaced by Mr. Gbschen at the Exchequer, and by Mr. W. H. Smith in the leadership— the latter taking an honorary post ia the Cabinet instead of the War Office, which he had at first held. Sir Stafford Northcote became Earl of Iddesleigh, and was, for a short time, Foreig^n Secretary, until the somewhat tragic incidents Surrounding his death occurred, when Lord Salisbury took charge of the department for fl^u he was so pre-eminently fitted. -ord Halsbury (Sir Harding Giffard f~-. -r^ ** ■' , ^■^ 5' T ■ Ha ,^ V ''- -sY-^, '^%yn_.'«i»'")Y.'_^»,?if' '. "^ Un AND WORK O? MR. GLADSTONE. of other days) became Lord Chancellor; Mr. H. Matthews, Home Secretary; Mr. E. Stanhope, Colonial Secretary. The latter was succeeded in 1887 by Sir H: Holland— afterwardf Lord Knutsford. Viscount Cross took tHe^India Office; Lord Geortfe Hamilton the Admiralty; Lord Ashbourne became Lord Chancellor of Iceland ; and, for a brief period, Sir M. Hicks-Beach took the Irish Secretaryship, When he resigned, in 1887, owing to ill-health, Mr. A. J. Balfour accepted the difficult post, and leaped to the front with a bound which exceeded in speed and iucceis the rise of even Lord Randolph Churchill. Lord Stanley of Preston — shortly afterwards Governor-General of Canada— Lord John Manners, iLord Cranbrook, Lord Cadogan, and Mr. C. t. Ritchie, were also included in the Cabinet. Lord Salisbury was now Premier with a large majority in his favour, and a disorganized Opposition against him. He had become, during the last few years, a powerful, as well as a picturesque, personality, and had won the r^pect of his party not only for staunch', old-fasl\ioned Toryism, but for able and care- ful management. The feeling of alm,ost collapse which' had existed for some time after Lord Beaconsfield's death was gone ; the great chieftain's masterful spirit seemed to have inspired and filled once more, the ranks of thei party he had practically created. I'he Primrose League had revived the enthusiasm, of Con- servatives at the izme time that it kept alive the memory of their former leade^r ; and not the lesMt of the influences which had defeated Mr. Gladstone in the English constituencies was the organization which thu^ commemorated the life and policy of his oid'time rival. ' Curiously enough, too, one of the last speephes in the House against his Home Rule Bill had been, made by Mr. Coningsby Disraeli, a young man who, in language thoroughly characteristic of his great uncle, had d&clared the measure to be "bom in deceit, nurtured in concealment, swaddled in the gag, and now forced upon the country without the consent of the people." . The new Premier, at the age of fifty-six, was thus to have a full and fair chance of governing the Empire. Ireland, it "^s true, might block the way somewhat, a£hd cause more or less of difficulty, but the obstacle was not insurmountable, nor was Lord Salisbury the man to fear any force or any foe, if the path of duty ^fpeued clear and distinct before him. And he made the "mbst of his opportunity. In a Pariiament and a party which boasted Lord Randolph Churchill, and saw the rise of Mr. Balfour, he stood pre-eminent for strength of character, and for a sort of massive ability which suited well^ with his powerful and imposing physique. His speaking is described as remarkable for clearneii, vigour, keenness of argumient, and a commingling of jcynidgm and aarcasm which Add greatly to. its interesL, Lor d Lyt t on, in 'his^ poem, •• Glenaveriel," has a clever verse descriptive of the Conservative leader as he appeared at this time : ~ . ilK^iLuiii ,'ii^lihiL.i,. JiH, 1*5. 1 1 m . ;i ■ ''] ^ A % '\. ^ 1 ^ ^. • 'j r J / ''^^■'' " *^ v ^iF"^ . t ■•:r ; 1 ~ 1 « J ^ -. V ■ ''' :■/ 1/ < I < - . ' V 1 « ■' '. ■ « :■""■. , '3 1 ,. ■♦ *. ■■■ ■- t ;^'. : I ^.L^ 4 .^f^fv®?W^-|F^f^l!%^ •/ y-f} ':- THE SALISBURY GOVERNMENT. " What Btatdy form in that historic hall, Now rising as the expectant cheer ascends, Stoops the swayed outline of its stature tall, And o'er the box ;upon the table bends Brows mighty with stor'd thoughts about to fall In unpremeditated speech, that blends Slow-gathering forces in its wave-like spell ? Behold CscUius, and obsisrve hini well." 343 f Mr. Gladstone, ibr the Moment, was, perhaps, not considered a very important factor in the ^nation. As in 1874, .Conservatives were prone to think that hi had fought bis last fight, and that the " Grand Old Man " had been finally and decisively beaten in a cause which could never be revived. The Times declared that it was impossible for him to ever jigain bring his Irish :&^y to the front, and he himself wr6te to Mr. Arnold Morley, the Liberal i«?hip,^that " Even apart from the action of permanent ca^uses, the strain of the last six years upon me has been great, and I must look for an opportunity of soBje change and repose, whether in or beyond this country." Yet within a brief period iie had inaugurated with voice and pen, in Parliament, in the press, and upon the platform, a vigorous and exuberant campaign on behalf of his defeated, but not abandoned, idea. And from the opening of Parliament until its close in 1892, when he stood upon the threshold of his eighty-fourth year, this marvellous struggle was steadily maintained. The'achievements and really important events of the Salisbury Administra- |^i«P-~|. tion may be quickly summarized. Foreign and Colonial policy was a naturally important feature. France and Egypt, the United Statfes gind the Behring Sea question, together with complications in, Central and Southern Africf , were dealt with strongly and firmly. Nearly two mill^n square miles of territory were added to the Empire in the Dark Cofltineiit, and, by the Colonial Conference of 1887, an impetus was given to 4he practical unifitati^n of the Colonies and the Mother Country. A memorable event in this connection was the celebration throughout the British worid of the Queen's Jubilee. It was indeed a most remarkable manifestation of loyalty, and the evidence of a senti- ment of union which seemed to permeate every portion oiF the vast territory now peopled by 350,000,000 subjects owning allegiance to Her Majesty, and living under the sheltering folds of the British flag. And not the least interesting feature of the time was an oration upon the Queen's beneficent reign, delivered by Mr. Gladstone late in August, 1887- A little l»ter, a new Land Act was carried in connection with Ireland, and Mr; Ritchie ^succeeded Ja px eg 5ntiDg..andcarr)dng-through^e House of^X^mm o ns an elab 1 I 'i^^^. ?^^«^^s^^i^i^#^^^^A 346 UFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. approach at an accelerated rate. Coining slowly, or coming quickly, surely it is coming. And you yourselves, many of you, must in your own breasts be aware that already you see in the handwriting on the wall the signs of coming doom." And a little later a dramatic event occurred. Mr. Asquith had just concluded one 6f those strong felicitous speeches which were fast winning him high place in the list of coming Liberals, when Mr. Parnell entered the House and took an obscure seat. A storm of Irish cheers announced his presence, and Mr. Gladstone, standing up before the House, tulrned with a welcoming countenante towards the representative and leader of Home-Rule Ireland. In a moment the other Liberal leaders, with the exception of Lord Hartington, stood to the right and left of their chief, and the resounding cheers of an English party (greeted an Irish leader for the first time in English Parliamentary history. 'erhaps the mutations of life and politics were never better illustrated than iii( what had preceded this crowning event in the career of Charles Stewart Parnp, and by what followed it not long after. Some eight years before this mompent, he had been hopelessly trying tq address the House, had been several timek'* named " by the Speaker, had declared himself "subject to menaces from mferabers of the House," and had even moved that •' the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Gladstone) be not heard." To-day, he was received with public acclaim by the Liberal party in the full face of the political world. A year and a half afterwards, the disclosures connected with Captain O'Shea's action for divorce had damaged his personal reputation to such an extent as to make it necessary for him to consider the question of resigning the leadership of the party he had so long and so ably managed. Naturally, a man who had won for himself the name of " the uncrowned king of Ireland " hesitated. He would have been more than human had he not done so. And the more he hesitated, the more awkward became Mr. Gladstone's position. The offence which had been charged and proven against Mr. Parnell wa« of a kind particularly unpleasat^t to the Nonconformists, and to the bulk of the Liberal party. An^i ni(ore important still, it inras of a character almost unendurable to a deeply religious and moral nature such as that of Mr. Glad- stone. But action on the part of the latter would probably — as it in the end did — break up the compact and aggressive Irish partjf, which now promised to be of great service to him. And it might delay the realisation of Home Rule by raising up mons of those faction fights which had already proved such a curse to Ireland, while, at the same time, affording an excuse for the abandonment of constitutioi^ agitation, and a return to those methods which had ^Iso been, to so je^reat an extent, the bane of his cause and a fatal hindrance to English eflfort.- j\fte r c areful consideration, hgwever, h% took the course outlined ip the following letter, dated Noyembe*24th, 1890, anti addressed to Mr eain . Jonn Morley : ♦'' • ::•.; *'* ^i^^m, W^f^ v*^*^'T*''*'"'^ r$'^^yf,^f$r^W^;t^^>'^??^^^T^-^4^^^^^ THE SALISBURY GOVERNMENT. 347 r. " While clinging to the hope of a communication from Mr. Parnell, to whomsoever addressed, I thought it necessary, viewing the arrangements for the commencement of the session to-morrow, to acquaint Mr. McCarthy of the conclusion at which, after using all the means of observation and reflection in my power, I had myself arrived. It was that, notwithstanding the splendid services rendered by ^ii^%nell to his country, his con- tinuance at the present moment in the leadership would be productive of consequences disastrous in the highest degree to the cause of Ireland. I think Tmay be warranted in asking ^you, so far to explain the conclusion I have given as to add that the continuance which I speak of would not only |)|^ce many hearty and effective friends of the Irish cause in a position of-fgreat embarrassment, but would render my retention of the leadership of the Liberal party, based, as it has been, mainly upon the prosecution of the Irish cause, almost a nullity." Then ensued the historic scenes in the Irish Committee Room, when Parnell, refusing to resign, was faced by a furious majority of his followers, and jy the sudden news of Mr. Gladstone's final decision. For the moment, his unique power of dictatorship triumphed, and the question of retirement was adjourned. But ultimately the party broke into pieces, and, after a spasmodic interval of intense effort to, retain his old ascendency amongst the people of Ireland, Mr. Parnell passed away, and closed in death his strange, chequered, and memorable careen That the fall of the Irish leader was a blow to the Liberal party at the time there can be no doubt, but Mr. Gladstone's chief comment upon Parnell's desperate and pathetic struggles to recover himself were: "Poor fellow, poor fellow." For the moment, however; as the Times triumphantly remarked, " the solid phalanx of Nationalist votes, which has been Mr. Gladstone's steadiest backing since 1886, has been shattered to pieces." And there were not wanting those who declared that the Liberal leader was so disgusted as to be meditating personal retirement from the field. His speech on the second reading of the Religious Disabilities Bill in December, 1890, was a sufficient answer to any such thought or statement, even if the everyday life of a public man, who seemed to live at a continuous white heat of varied labour, had not in itself been enough. The proposal which he thus presented to the' House involved the removal of the restriction by which Roman Catholics are excluded from the Woolsack and the Lord Lieutenancy of Ireland. It was not accepted, but the occasion was remarkable for a speech which in i^s qualities of voice, dignity of delivery, and vigour of argument, ranked with his best utterances. A listener has since said that it was alono enough to establish a Paiiiamentary reputation for any other man. And when it is remembered to have been merely an incident of a busy session, a sort of pleasure excursion into the realms of oratory upon a personally congenial theme, the striking nature of the octogenarian effort may be appreciated. Apart from passing political troubles and the ordinary exigencies of a leader's Parliamentary life, this seems to have been a pleasant, and even placid, % i*- ;>. itiii;^ V 'S^;^ -.«,-.' . ^. 4>K'^>j«^te|uWi<^l^b^^^^|^^ irWi^sW % 348 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. period for the Liberal chief. Mr. Gladstone would at this time do a large amount of miscellaneous work before he came down to the House, then devote himself to the routine work of leadership and perhaps deliver an important speech, winding up the evening at some dinner, where he would be the centre of a circle of listeners, and deal easily, fluently, and pleasantly with almost any topic under the sun. After dining, he would, as a rule, walk home at a swing- ing pace, in preference to rolling lazily along in his carnage. The House he rarely attended at night, leaving the duties of leadership to be divided between Sir William Harcourt and Mr. Morley, A lieen critic of men and measures in the Commons has declared that at this period his personal preponderance was as great, if not greater than when he was in possessi^ of an irresistible majority. While differences of political opinion remained as acute as ever, there seemed to be a distinct change in the personal relations existing between himself and the House. " If he is enthusiastically cheered by his partisans," said this observer, " the Minis|brial majority sit in silent, respectful, attentioh, now and then not withholding the tribute of a cheer. Liberals, Conservatives, Unionists, whatever they be, the House is all one in admiration of the genius of the great Parliamentarian." A striking personal incident of the session of 1889, and one which clearly evidenced this state of affairs, occurred through the passing away of Mr. Bright. News of the event reached the House at a moment when Mr. Gladstone was absent, and it was at once felt by every one that it would be an irreparable loss should the great Liberal orator not be given an opportunity pf paying a last tribute to his former colleague ; one who had been his comoanion in so many and such memorable conflicts. Mr, W. H. Smith, as leader of House, suggested, therefore, with great consideration and good taste, that the observations naturally called for by such an event sl^ould be postponed pending the arrival of Mr. Gladstone. The latter had been attending the funeral of his eldest brother. Sir Thomas Glad- stone, but hurried up to town, and two days afterwards oflFered a fitting and eloquent tribute to the memory of his old friend and associate. He commenced by making a brief and tactful reference to the cause which had sundered the two in work and political thought. Mr. Bright, he observed, " had lived to establish a special claim to the admiration of those from whom he differed through a long political life by his marked concurrence with them on the prominent and dominant question of the hour. And while he had in that way additionally opened th«u minds and the hearts of those from whom he had differed to an appreciation of his merits, I believe he lost nothing nr any portion of the party with which tff Had been so Tongasso^^^^ the admiration and the gratitude to which they felt him to be so well entitled." J "^ •• I V «^. .S.M' -WL ^ i ^^ ,^k* ', l^ l^^^^'f"M^' •' ^ '. THE SAUSBURY GOVERNMENT. rv-f-Ji-* 349 'r*^^' 4> Mr. Gladstone then referred to the purity which had characterized Mr. Bright in motive, speech, and action. He mentioified his conduct at the time of the Crimean war, when, with Cobden, he had faced the vast majority of the people, and, though nurtured in an atmosphere qf popular approval and enthusiasm, had unhesitatingly opposed and denounced the conflict. " Up to that time,^' added the speakeftt"we had known the great mental gifts which distinguished him ; we had knoWn his courage and consistency ; vfe had known his«eplendid eloquenc^ which then was, or afterwards came to be, acknowledged as the loftiest that has sounded within the walls of the House of Commons for sevei^l generations. But we had not known till then how high the nioral tone of those popular leaders had been elevated." Altogether, the eulogy was one befitting the subject and the orator — ^and lio greater praise can be given. It has indeed been sai* that during maqy yea!rs preceding this period IBt^ght and Gladstone were the tjvo men of all others whom the House liked to hear upon jgpqiRsions when memorial words were required, and ijtOis also a curious fact that the latter was never more eflFective than in dealu^with those who had been his special opponents — as, for instance, in his^loquent references to Lord Besftensfield lll(||tanwhile, -several interesting occurrences had taken place in connection ■with Mr. Gladstone's popularity in the United States. Ever since he had taken up the Home Rule cause, the Liberal leader had been assured of a large follow- ing in the Republic ; and the Irish people, living there in large and increasing number^, came to look upon him with enthusiasm, if not affeciion. One result was the presentation, on July 8th, 1887,. of a silver trophy by a deputation from New York, rqiresentative of a number of American admirers. Amongst those attending we^p Mr. Joseph Pulitzer, the well-known foiitider and proprietor of the New York World; Mr. .^Perry Belmont, then CWa|^^ of the House of Representatives' ^mmittffe on Foreign Relations ; ^ll^ P. A. Collins, a prominent New York I^shman, and others. Mr. Pulitzer, in making the presentation, said that i|D,68g people of the first city in America asked the first citizen of £nglan4 «tt*accept this gift "as the offering of their sincerest sympathy, as\ token of their personal admiration, and as a tribute to his great public services in tihejCauSe of ciVil and religious freedom." He went on to say that " the»testim»niarwas tendered in the spirit erf peace, not by the enemies, but by the friends of England's best interests." In his reply, Mr. Gladstone spoke warmly of the help Ireland had received in days of famine and want from the United States; of the aid which had sipce come so copiously to the friends of Home Rule; 'of -Ore^TfflW persOTllT Sppreefatidii he had Tiimsplf always received In^ Republic. And he concluded in words expressive Qf the most assdred hopefulness : ^ "t^: %M 1 f»w^ , ,'-.■ ' ., , .fe'.'-.,' II it&^it ■^h^ ^ ' «(, 1 ^SS ^H 1 jifc' .. '.';%.. ."-'''.. ' . ^ M 1^ m- »,• J .f-d,.ti,'.:,£,idi^iyt: J50 LIFE AND WORK OF MI^. GLADSTONE. " We mast fight it out among, ourselves as we have fought these things 'out before i and every struggle manfully engaged in has but one ending. The essence of things is not changed. The flame in the lamp of liberty is an undying flame, an(l wheHier it be to-day, or whether it be to-morrow, be it this year or be it next, you, gentlemen, and your great countiy, and the cause which you are assisting with your sympathy, and I believe also, as ' * ^ave said, with some portion of your alms for the assistance of the people of Ireland— that cause is on its way to a triumph at which mankind at large, and British mankind most of all, will h^ve reason to rejoice/' " A little later, in September, 1887, an interesting correspondence wa§ made public with reference to the celebration of the American Constitutional Centennial, and thcTiqvitaJion sent to Mr. Gladstone to be present. Early in the year arrangements had been niade to celebrate at Philadelphia the hundredth anniversary of the American Constitution, with all suitable display and ceremony. The President of the United States was to preside, the chief memorial address was to be delivered by Mr. Justice Miller of the Supreme Court, and it was unanimously decided to invite, as the only foreign guest outside of^e Diplomatic Corps at Washington, the English statesn^an who had at one time' declared the Federal Constitution to be «' the most wonderful work ever struck off at a given time by the brain and^urpose of man." At' the meeting from which the invitation emanated, Mr. Johp A. Kasson, formerly member of Congress, and United States Minister at Vienna, said in the courses of his speech r "We believe this communicationcannot he without interest fat the statesmen and people of England, from whom We sprang, and whose noblest principle* of popular right and personal liberty were embodied in our great charter. In extending an invitation to be present to the Right Honourable W. E. Gladstone, we desire the presence not only of a very eminent English statesman, but of one whose attendance will be .a representation of that sturdy and persistent race of which our people are a part." Mr. George W. Childs, the Philadelphia publisher and philanthropist, offered to provide all expenses of whatever nature and amount in connection with the proposed visit, and Mr. Gladstone was assured that he would be entertained as no man had been since the memorable reception of Lafayette. In his reply to the formal invitation, Mr. Gladstone expressed his warmest appreciation of the com- pliment paid him, with all its accessories of kindness and hospitality, and thus continuejd : > . . . " Had I i*al option in the case, I could not but accept it ; but the limitations of mygttength and time, and the incessant pressure of my engagem ents, from day to day. make me^too well aware that i have nooe.^Sa far as I am able to fgresw; or free S^ decide, the #hole of the smaU residue of activity which remains at my command in con- necticii with State affiurs, is dedicated to the prosecution of a great work at home I ,>vM^S "■m ei^^*A™W» ■V-o3^ ^ 1 .> ^i ifylf^^ra^S 'r" ■"'-' » I •^ UFE AND yfOKK OF MR. GLADSTONE. -O. ,!.y' ' g »' fe! !! ^l •■^'' of opinion was absoIuMy essential ; that it wi individual freedom, ana^a hardship to many who long^ hours thakthe li^it specified. On June i waitfed upon him, repr«^entative of many]&ades him, to take lip the question favOu^gbly. %Jt, art||aigh it was 'iM of a {general election, and SUie chief / ' atidn woul^ mean many , 1r ;v< C)B with to work ation sought verge ;esman «i,ajii|uri^ him thatt.such a^i^^*?^^^' sed to- mOvf from the posiu<|n just ;ocds whicl^ eve|(,||^rMii^ai||^ointed iiai|qhe QL^toe flv,|li]P^t duties of . ^ini^f;^ 19 tp^^pbew ftod to Y^ exiOf^ what they know they'*cAn fulfil. ' Therefore, I say y life, I appeal to what I have hithertb viewed as my duty to itng them in ^be position of standing up for their oi«n right, and 'ij|!(£ I have you must judge by.the past. Beyond where I can see ibW' ho^ things are to b^ done, and jwder what conditions, I must not tations, even if I believed I could fulfQ.f|iiem, even if I held to the hope that J could fulfil them." % *^ . Speaking >t West Calder, on the 23rd ofOptober, 1890, Mr. Gladstone •maaek^o important reference to the great industrial and world-wide struggle of (he da|r: "I like to look at the instruments which labour possesses for the ^purpose of carrying forward its competition with\.capital — I -say, gentlemen, Ks competition with capital, not its conflict with capital. I think the word conflict, which one might be tempted to use, conveys an untrue impression. Labour and capital are ia some respects opposed to one another — ^that is, they are partially opposed as t6 the division of the profit of production^ but they are essentially and profoundly allied. I think it is very just to compare them to people rowing in a Boat which has an oar on each side. . . . Their separate interests are little as compared with those in which they are United," . . But his greilt speech during this period was that delivered at Newcastle on October 2nd, 1891.'^ It was, in fact, a fresh and personal declaration of prin- ciples upon a great variety of subjects — a mianifesto for the general elections of the succeeding year. Some of the propositions very general terms, and not with a view to their i such subjects was the proposal for shorteliei readjusting taxq^bas between difierent dealing with tl^aMise of Lords, shohld th "i^at, as^uord'blSfwiiy had etearlyiSdicate Ha- Mr. Glaidstone then expressed the earne s^le means of " relieving us from the embari roved were referifed to in :e application^, Amongst nients, the question of erty, and' the necessity of row out a future HomeJRule ent speech mi^t ler t thfe Premier would find d burdensome occupation ,^, :! •«fl,'><>^2^^T.^j- ■ THE SALISBURY GOVERNMENT. .l.^xii '\- of Egypt," but went on to express general and generous satisfaction with th« . foreign policy of the Government as a whole : '^ ■ "We have striv^p to make the work of the present Administration in its foreign politics easy, because we think, as far as our information went— and we have been so tranquil on the whole subject that our information, I adjmit, is most partial— that it« spirit has undergone a beneficial change, and that appeals to passibn and to pride aM no longer sent broadcast over the country, but that, on the contrary, a mofe just,Jiiloro genial, and more kindly spirit Ras dictated the activity of Lord Salisbury. So, ladies and gentlemen, we have endeavoured to make his work, not difficult, but easy." Such a tribute to any portion df the^ policy of a rival party is unusual,, even in England, and it really marked the commencement of one of the most important events of modern party warfare— the recognition by both great national organizations of a common and continuous policy in the directing of foreign relations. And in the political changes which have^curred since thia utterance , took place, LoM SalisBli^^fid Lotd Rosebery have practically agreed to each carry on, in' the main, the line of action previously adopted by the other. Mr. Gladstone then outlined the party policy in remarks which may be summarized under the followidg heads : " I. Home Rule arid an Irish Parliament. ^ II. Reform of the laws regarding the liquor traffic in the direction of Local Option. III. Thejijl^iple of one man, one vote; reform of the registration, and of (he existing Lodger franchise. * > IV. *»ayment of members of Parliament, in order to promote labour representation^ V. Extension of the recent Conservative policy of County Councils, so as to establish District and Parish Councils, i • . VI. Reform of the land laws, and abolition of the system of entail. This was a tolerably elaborate programme, and the speaker did not even ^^retena to hope that he would himself see the proposals all carried out. Indeed, writing to Lady Sherbrooke in August of the next yeaiv upon the occasion of her husband's death— the Robert Lowe of miny earlier struggles- he declared that " it cannot be long before I follow him." But he did hope to first carry Home Rule, and that policy was proclaimed in this speech, as it had ^^"LSI^""''^^^ deliverances since 1886, to be the pivot upon whioli every- . tljy|flp»4i^rned, and the central object of all his hopes and exerti<«is. But events h^een moving rapidly, and the general elections were soon imminent. LorffSahSbury spoke at Hastings in May, and hinted at protection as a possible Conservative polgy in the future. Tkere and at many places he and the other Unionist leaders^oinedirveftlogiiing Ulster for its stand against Home Rule, ^d t o a certain extent presented the quesrion as hfiing hPtw^en a religioua minority and a religious Majority. Protestant interests and welfare in Ireland • ^i as against ftbrtian Coolie domination, wa:s to be, therefore, one of the chief '^' issues 6f the cam^gn* ^ ''. ''■'. H& 'j*i Iff •n- 1 I I ! ■^ Ik if ' r: y!i ■If. ll if >i !f i\' ■ I I f-'I »•-■■.' ■ 354 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONK Parijament was dissolved on June aSth, 1892, and Manifestoes were at once issuefd by the Premier and Mr. Gladstone, by Mr. Balfour, Lord Randolph Churchill, and others. Lord Tennyson promulgated a unique one on his own account:, and in the form of a brief reply to a correspondent : . - ..;^, " SiR,^ — I love Mr. Gladstone, but hate his present Irish policy. " Yours faithfully, 1 ' ' ' "Tennyson." It was short, but to the point, and wag used to good purpose by the Conserva- tives. Mr. Gladstone's Manifesto consisted, as usual, of an address to the electors of Midlothian. He defined the Liberal policy as " a proposal to set both Parliament and Ireland free — Ireland for the management of j. her own domestic affairs by a local legislature in plose sympathy with Irish life; and Parliament for the work of overtaking the vast arrears of business, and stipplying, with reasonable despatch, the varied legislative wants of England, Waies, and Scotland." Home' Rule, the alleged ihiquity of the original Act of Union, the necessity of social reform, and the danger of Conservative coercion, Were the main points discussed. Lord Salisbury, in an " Address to the electors of the United Kingdom," pointed with pride to the Government's various reforms — the establishment of local government in Great Britain, the gift of gratuitous education, the relief • of chronic suffering in Ireland. He claimed that the historic troubles of Ireland were due, not to bad government, or the union with England, but to dififerences in origin, race, and religion. And then he ur^ed the people al a whole not to abandon th»' Loyalists of Ireland, and especially the Protestants of Ulste^, " to the unrestrained and absolute power ol those wit4*|whom they have b^en in conflict for centuries." The issue was tl^us placed ^arly before the country, and Mr. -Gladstone went down to Midlolthian and delivered another series of addresses in that historic constituency. . Tl^ final result of the struggle was ' the selection of 269 Tories, 46 Lijjeral-Unionists, 274 Liberals, and 81 Irish Home Rulers. This gave ^ not very large majority of 40 against the Government, which was defeated by e^^actly that number as soon as the House met \n August. Lord Salisbury ab once resigned, and, for the fourth time, Mr. Gisidbtone became Prime Minister^ His Boccess in the prolonged struggle thus en4ed was, in the main, due entirely to his own vast personal influence. His entihusiasm ; his overmastering energy ; his conrinuous eloquence; had obtained a Home Rule m3,joritf from Wales, Scotland, and Ireland— though not from Ehgland— iq the face of Irish disi^- sions, and of repeated blows to the cause from those who jhodd have been the source of its strongest support, and, individually, his most useful allies. It was IHdVieiSrpTtfionp in the end a fruitless oqei of a great personality ov^many^ and powerful obstacles. j ^ , , U.-4 --'H '^~. 3toes were at >rd Randolph e on his own illy, Tennyson." le Conserva- dress to the oposal to set : of 1. her own ish life ; and id s^ipplying, ., Waies, and f Union, the ion, were the i Kingdom," bUshment of on, the relief es of Ireland i.^ diflferemces whole not to 'Ulste^-, "to lave b^en in the cotuntry, :her series of ig Tories, 46 3 gave k not ed by exactly 3ury at* once inister^ ^ His le entirely to iring energy; ^from Wales, trish dist<^- ive been the Hies. It was - jS-A,.. 'wfw^^f'- i>i f^ 'V % IJi. JUDLUIUI— <« :Tlr # :'»:/:. (356) ii *' .tii ■tin u'**''ii^i . />1 \F' ♦ ("■-^ r, *■«,( tc ^1-|i^"^Vt4!%'* V/Af*. -. T^' , .^ ,^-. *-5^J^- «, CHAPTER XXVIII. MR. GLADSTONE'S FOURTH PREmERSHIP llE new Ministry was formed with prospects not altogether pleasant. Another Home -Rule bill was to be brought in as the first and foremost part of the Government's policy, and the majority in hand was small and disjointed for the carrying of so great a measure. An^ itNiras not a majority which would eitfer awej^r compel the Lords into accepting the bill, should it finally pass the^Comnions.. In order to appreciate what afterwards happened, it must be borne in mind that the Conservatives and Liberal-Unionists combined had a majority of seventy-one in thfr constituencies of England, while the Gladstonians, or Liberals proper, and the Home Rulers generally, had a m^ority of twenty-six in Wales, thirty in Scotland, and fifty-seven in Ireland. The House of Lords could, therefore, claim, as they afterwards did, that the chief countiy in the United Kingdom was opposed to .the Government's Irish policy. */ Under these circumstances, Mr. Gladstone undertook the task, unique and without precedent in English history, of forming a fourth Administration. When finally constituted, the Cabinet stood as follows : First Lord of the Treasury ted Lord Priyy; Seal Mr. Gladstone Lord Herschell Earl of Rosebery Earl of Kimberley Marquess of Ripon Mr. H. H. Asquith. Mr. H. Campbell- Bannerman Earl Spencer Sir Wiiliam Harcourt Mr. Jo'hn Morley Sir George Trevelyan Mr. A. J. Mundella Mr. H. H. Fowler Mr. Arnold Morley Lord High Chancellor Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Secretary of State for India Secretary of State for the Colonies Secretary of State for Home Affairs Secretary of State for War First Lord of-thf^ Admiralty Chancellor of the Exchequer Chi^f Secretary for Ireland Secretary for Scotland President of the Board of Trade President of the Local Government Board Postmaster-General Vice-President of Committee of Council on Education Chancellor Duchy of Lancaster First Commissioner of Works Mr. Arthur Acland Mr, James Biyce Mr. Shaw-Lefevre labtnet Ifil ffioSt notable appointments were those of Mi*] Marjoribanks — ^afterwards Lord Tweedmouth, and one of the ablest "whips" w nf^x:.. • f :r 31^4, ' :./J^i^^^.,'^U'^^^Y- '■^H*, A ^,&£l'^jS ¥' M- fi^«- ■. - •■■ ~ -4- .,,v,,. 358 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONB. the Liberal party has had for many years — as Patronage Secretary bf the Treasury; Sir Edward Grey, as Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs; and Sir Charles Russell, as Attorney-General. In forming his Ministry, Mr. Gladstone had encountered two obstacles — one vitally important, in the disinclination of Lord Rosebery to take any offipe ; the other, insignificant, but very amusing, in the desire of Mr. Henry Labouchere for an affice of some kind. There are few instances in English annals of so rapid a rise in power and popularity as was exhibited in the position of the Earl of Rosebery at this time. He had held a minor post in Mr. Gladstone's Ministry of 1880-85, and only in the last-named year had become a member of the Cabinet. And for a few troubled months in i8i6 he was Foreign Secretary. But during the intervening period he seems to have grown in political stature, until a large portion of the Liberals looked ppon him as the future leader, and, in the meantime, as ah absolutely essential Foreign Secretary in any Liberal Cabinet. , This was a very quick development of chjiracter and reputation, but it appears to -have been anticipated by Mr. Gladstone hiijiself. Writing to the Midlothian Liberal Association, on June 37th, j8S^ and during the general elections of that year, he said : " I rejoice that you meet under the presidency of my friend and colleague, Lord Rosebery, who is yet to play, if his life be spared, an important part in the politics of the United Kingdom." Speaking a year later at Manchester, he introduce^! the young Peer — then only thirty-nine years of age — as the youngest mcinber of the Cabinet, and " the man of the future." Lord Rosebery's rise seems to have been due, first of all, to his skilful*, and delightful oratory ; secondly, to his influence in Midlothian and in Scotland , generally ; thirdly, jmd perhaps chiefly, to his wide Imperial sympathies and intense devotion to the idea, and ideal, of British unity. His spelkking was of ' a peculiar character. The language was polished and inclusive to the utmost extent, and fairly sparkled with metaphor ar^d epigram. Hi^ manner was very genial, but composed ; his voice, round, resonant^ and eflfpctive. " Possessed of great wealth and local popularity," he ^had made Dalmieny Park a centre of Scotch Liberali pi during the years beginning with 1879, and Mr. Gladstone's first great Midlothian tour. It was there that the Liberal leader usually stayfed, and from thence radiated the piersonal influence which so . long kept Scotland devotedly in- the party ranks. But the central point in; Lord Rosebery's career had been his Imperial enthusiasm. F'or half a dozen years " he was President of the Imperial Federation League, and his numerous speeches upon the desirability of close relations between England and her Empire have - become classics in the literature of the movement. Speaking at Leeds, on October nth, 1888, he pointed otit that the foreign policy of England was now -y f actically controlled 4ayvand ^B^€egae ction wi &, Colonial matters, and was to the interest of the mother country to act in tipie, aitd in such ^ way, ai ife^:.'t«/.t^fe fJJIP'l^'T^ '. -"{ ' ;y * <^" MR. GI-ADSTONB'S FOURTH PREMIERSHIP to prevent any possibility of Colonial secession. If, forinstance, Canada should desire to leave the Empire, and sucpeed in doing so, all the leading Colonies. would soon follow its example. And then the speaker added, in characteristid language : " If you wish to remain alone in the world with Ireland, you can do BO." The speech concluded with words which give a keynote to his policy and aspirations: "You cannot obtain the great boon of a peaceful Empire, encircling the globe with a bond of commercial unity and peace, without a sacrifice. You will have, && I think, to admit the Colonies to a much larger share in your afiairs than yoti do at present. . . '. The cause of Imperial Federation, for want of a better name, is worthy not merelyof the attention of Chambers of Commerce, but of the devotion of the individual lives of the people of this country. -For my part, if you will forgive me this little piece of egotism, I can say, from the bottom of my heart, that it is the dominant pdssion of my public life. Ever sindB I traversed those great regions which own the sway of the British Cr0wn out- fide these islands, I have felt that it was a cause which merited all the enthusiasm and energy that man could give it. It is a cause for which any one might be content to live ; it is a datise for which, if needs be, any one might be content to die." ' , But Lord Rosebery, despite the positioi^ he had vfori in the country, did flOt want to take office at this juncture. His health was affected by that most disastrous complaint— insomnia— and it required all the party and popular pressure which could' be used to finally persuade him to fake tip the onerous .duties of the Foreign Secretaryship. The other incident mentioned in con- nection with the formation of th^ Government was Mr. Labouehere's claim for consideration, and his ludicrous assertion that his omissjpn from the Ministry was due to the personal intervention of the Queen. His Jbsition and his views alike rendered him unavailable for Ministerial office. The paper which he edited, and knew so well how to advertise, was a sheet which held high place as a purveyor of social scandal and political puerilities. He himself had for years flirted with republicanism, denounced royalty, misrepresenfed the Colonies, and scofiFed at loyalty. Yet, personally, he was, and is, a man of assured reputation as a wit, ai clever and charming companion, and. Si popular personality. So, while all England was laughing at his tilt with Mr. Gladstone over an invitation to join )the Government which never came, it was done in a good-humoured way, and cjune^s^aturally as did the convulsive merriment of the House of Commons later i|/lb_fl!^Bsion, wljen E)r. Wallace, a witty Scotch Liberal, congratulated "the PKriiJimentiy Teetotum," as he called Mr. Labouchere, on the fact of hia devotion to Mr. Gladstone being so great as to " require a special interposition / of the Sovereign to prevent him firbm following the Prime Minister on to the/ Treasury Bench." » The iicw iSoryenr^nein:, fi(£Wi^ev(6f; was now^^^ X893, commenced a session which will be famous in history for itai' stormy V. A cr; a i'.€"- JA3 1^ ■^'l J- ^■^',^- m^^m: :?* .1 u 1 1„ >iib ciifeeringjhft commenced a speech which was remarkable for devotion^ business- like explanation and close anilysis, rather than to the use of oratpti^^^j^por- tunities and power. Bi|t towards the end he allowed his eloquence ful The speaker began by^laimina that now, as in i886„the Houl the epuntr}' had arrived at a point iqL the relations with Ireland where, two Toad^inet — the one leading to a limited Irish autonomy, the other>|to coercion. He .'1;jabk tlie «distiillot ground that "a perrtianent systetn ^.repressive' law ' inflicted upon or attached to a country from without, and in'^eftance of, the voice, and the judgnjent of the vast majority of its congilitutional representa-^ tJves," constituted a -state of affairs which made harmony and gQod government ' impossible. In the^ second place, he stated that such a line of action was aii . absolute breaph of the promises upon which the Uni^n was priginally obtain^ and based. He then dealt with the fact of England having given a majority against Horfie Rule, and pointed out that while, iri*i886, that country returned - 127 ia favolir to 338 against his policy, it nowtgaye 197 to 268. And yet LoM . t Har/ington had^ declared the foriner an " jrrcJfbcable verdict." - In other words, ^the majority Kad declined from 2ti to 71, andibe asked, the House what guarantee th^re was that even that majority '%M< remain. If Eijgland refused ■.■'"i4f^''T'y^''.- 'j'V- , ■» • / * MR. GLADSTONE'S J-QURTH PREMIERSHIP. 3«i the United to4o justice to another partner in the Kingdom, he feared she would ultimately find her strength appreciably exhausted^ and her work rendered more or less impracticable. But he desired to make no menaces : " I confess thptt, in my opinion— it may be an exaggerated opinion— the strength of England, taking its resources in connection with the substantive masculineness of th^ character of its people and their wonderful persistency in giving effect to thti^opinions they embpce, might maintain, if England were so minded, a resistance to the voice of all her parsers— might maintain it for a time almost indefinite— spending her immeasurable energies' in the manful, though disastrous, pursuit and sustentation of a bad cause." , : Mr. Gladstone then went into the details of the bill, and the differences between it and the one presented in 1886. The important changes i/^ere : I. The retention at Westminster of the Irish representatives. II. A substitution of a Legislltive Council and a Legislative Assembly, after the Colonial model, for the somewhat vague "Orders" of the previous measure. Both Houses were to be elective, though by differently planned cotistitueitcles, and were to sit separately. ,< III. The Customs duties were to remain under Imperial control, and be^- collected t at Irish ports by Imperial officers, thus avoiding the complicated provisions of the previous bill relating to internal taxation for Imperial purposes. ^ .„>- , M '^ ' • ■ \ '!- '**" '■ ' '"*> ■ But while the mejisure provided for the retention of Irish mfembers in ., the Commons, Mr. Gladstone refused in his speech to favour the proposal. He <^^' specifiedi its difficdties, dnd then threw the matter c^en for the House to pass upon. In concluding what the Times referred to"ds " a marvellous effort for a ■*" man*m his eighty-fourth year," the Premier said, in deep, low tones, which grew stronger itnd stronger as he neared the end : ^ ♦ ' . , . ' " It wQuld be a misery to me if I had forgotten or omitted in these my cloging years any measure possible fA me to take towards upholding and promoting the cause,., which I believe to be the cause, not of one party or another," d'f one nation or another, but' *' of aH^partieS and all ^^ons inha&iting these islands ; and to these nations I say, viewing them, as I do, with ^fl their vast opportunities under a living union for power and for ~ happiness, I do intreat you — if it' were with my latest breath j I would intreat you — to let the dead bury the dead, and to cast behind you e^ery recollection of bygone evils, and to • cherish and love and sOstainjOi^ pother througli^'jyi the vicissitudes of h»mai»>a|fairs in - tfre times that are to come.*' , '* , ¥■ Then came the other side- of thekqii^stion in a st^qP^ anahttical speech f^Jwi Mr. Balfour. -This measure, he claimed ^ was "'a bastiarcf cmld of three • different forms of ggjycrnment— fedeml, colonijvl^^iand imperial." It mts a sop to disloyalty, a dim to ever-incrieasing sepaiwfbn between the interests of N. - England and Ireland, fi.menace to the future p^ce and unity of the Ernpire... The speech was a fighting effort worthy of the Uader who now sit ill the Seat of • Disraeli. 'Mr. Chamberlain, Lord Randolph dhuifchill, and Mr. Edward 3l4ke ^ =4^ vi. "♦'tl i-; 9 w <".". Si^ '^' .if- > ? u -^- f ;."•« ^f ft': 'v "^^ !^ . . . ^ *-aws»^^r"i» tj mm- ii^m>-f ''''-'- J ' |^^^^f?--.^4^4ti'5.^^"''-v^-jr'f^^ MR. GLADSTONE'S FOURTH PREMIERSHIP. 363 P. of the inferior State. The second proposition was that the incorporating unions which had really or^ partially flourished were those which had been specially favoured by incidents of histor^, geography, language, and race, and in regard to which, jf force entered into the original combination, it had soon ceased and given way to harmony. Thirdly, he contended that no concession of Home Rule, unless made under c " The Prime Minister calls black ; they, say it is good. He calls white ; it is better. It is always the voice of a god. Never since the days of Herod ^ has there been^such — -." What he >vas going to say was never exactly known — though it is , understood that some one heard the word "subserviency" following — because of the volume and strength of the yells which arose from ibe Irish ranks, and were concentrated in the single word "Judas^" The scene that followed is indescribable, nor is it necessary to ne more enthusiastic ovation. 1Chen came the straggle in the Upper ^ House, it was" short, shatp, and deciaiit^iB. On September -5th tlie deGate". began, in the gdrgeqlis chamTjer of the P^ers, and with eveqj possible^cce^s^pjry of interest and splendour. Nbblertien from all part^of the UrTited J^rigdom - z ,^ '■^- ^ - - V -TT w A' ^^^..:^^^c,•,;^m |f^"'H'^^^^«f|^V^f|f-1vVi^" %^-^p 4. -aT4 .h..>. ^^4 •f.' \ l£i^ GLADSTONE'S FOURTH PREMIERSHIP. 3^S rtrooped down to Westminster to record a vote against legislation which their body was almost unanimous in believing to be dangerous and disastrous. The sight \vas a striking one. As the 'debate progressed, it became known that not more than forty out of nearly 500 Peers would support the Government bill. And the men who intended to thus express themselves in opposition to the measure were of the most varied types. Nearty all of them had during^ their lives served the people or the Crown in some capacity. Hundreds had at one time sat in the Commons; others had served in different Ministries, or distinguished themselves in the army or the navy; some had acted as diplomatists, or won high position in banking and business ; others had attained their rank in various ways, perhaps in literature, like Lord Tennyson ; in manufacturing, like .Lord Masham; in science, like Lord Kelvin; or in engineering skill, like Lord Armsl^rong. Men were there, such as Lord Ebury aged ninety-two— who hM entered tltfe Commons in 1822, and been a Pri^ Councillor when the ^fcen came to the throne ; or the Duke of North- umberland, who had held a seat in the old unreforme^ Parliament of 1831. But whatever their services or records, there they were, bent upon punishing Mr. Gladstone, and defeating the labour of all these ye^s. For that purpose ^hey had come \t. '♦ From theibnds of the earth, from the ends of the earth, Where the tiisrht\has its grave, and the morning its birth." ( J . , • ■ A Earl Spencer, the form V^ Viceroy of Ireland,'* who had once so strongly practised coercion, and now, after a long and serious experience, preached conciliation with fervour tnd sincerity, mdVed the sef fey/' .A If, pp^^v S66 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. >?: . 4i 1.11 't-^ "TT"- w'as merely academical, the result known beforehand": "There is no' equal division of parties in this House — there is only one party, and the percentage of another." The arguments they had listened to reminded him of Mark Antony's words, " I come to bury Csesar, not to praise him." ^e concluded, after an interval of serious argument, with the assertion that thtf pblicy of Home Rule was a leap towards the light, and as such-it should be accepted. • » Lord Herschell then spoke, and was succeeded by Lord Salisbury, vyrhose rising became the signal for a storm of Conservative and Unionist cheers. 'His speech was strong and sarcastic. He accused the Lioeral speakers of haying avoided the bill and its details entirely^ and Lord Roseb^tyi was told that his problem," as showp during his address of an hour^^^jad beeiy to speak • so as not to commit himself for the future. Then came a sneefing-reference to *' the time I when the Liberal party was in the hands ^statesmen, and not of deserters,^' and finally the peroration : " If England sayfe that this horror is to be. consummated, I agree that the situation i^ changed. But, as things stand, if you pass this bill, you w^JKbe untrue to the duty that has descended to you from a splendid ancestry, yoa will be untrue to your highest traditions, you will be untrue to the trust that has been* bequeathed to you from the past, you^will be untrue to the Empire of England." The leader of England's peerage, as well as of the Tory party, had thus thrown down the gauntlet ; and the response came in a division that is unparalleled in English history : For the Home Rule Bill 41, against it 419, majority 378. In the majority were nearly all the Peers whom Mr. Gladstone had himself created, or recommended fof creation, during his three previous Ministries — men who were more or less distinguished by long service to the Liberal party, and who, in many cases, had- served in his own administrations, or with him in those of other leaders. And the measure was now dead, leaving the Premier to face a situation in which he might well feel the keenest disappointment, mingled with considerable satisfaction. His scheme, it is true, was rejected, and his long fight, for the moment, had been rendered fruitless. But he had carried his proposals through the House of Commons after an historic contest, and he had, in that sense, won the battle of seven years. The conflict had indeed been a bitter one. During April a mian had been arrested in London who was so stirred up by the controversy that he proposed to mnrder the Premier. In Jiis Ulster campaign Mr. Balfour had used the strongest language regarding the Protestant question, as had Lord Salisbury in a similar visit a few weeks afterwards. The Bishop of Deirry had made himself more than notorious by declaring at a meeting in London that, " in bidding farewell to ^his imbecile caricature of a constitution for • Ir^and, I ask you to carry away with you this brief summary : Morally, it is the ^reat betrayal ; logically, it is the great fallacy ; religiously, it is the great e j'l ^ommoRS / MR. GIJVDSTONE'S FOURTH PREMIERSHIP. ^ 367 sectarianism ; socially, it is the g^eat break-up ; and, imperially, it js the great ^ak-down." But Mr. Gladstone was neither disturbed nor discouraged. During July, when the measure was going through the House, and the result in the Lords was already expected, he wrote the" President of the Midlothian Liberal Association that : " I will not anticipate a victory of prepossession over foresiglit ;. but whatever be the estimate of the bill in that assembly, its passage through a House of Cpm- mons elected fess than a year ago for the very purpose of trying the jssue is a 4 cardinal fact which immensely Advances the measure, and, coming after seven years' closely sustained conflict, is decisiveof its ultimate sucCjfss/'^ Shortly after the Bill had been thrown out by the Upper House, the Premier went down to Edinburgh, and was enthusiastically received. Speaking on September 27th, he denounced the Lords with considerable indignation : " They have raised a greater question than they are probably aware of. I am not so entirely sure . that they knew that there might be before them another question — namely, that of their own independent and irresponsible existence." He admitted the abstract rif^ht of the Upper House to throw out this or any other bill — butside of financial measures-^and declared, very truly, that, " if there is on one side a determined nation, that nation will not be baffled by a phalanx of five hundred Peer$." He would not, however, Vge any definite action against that body, other than a persistent continuance of the agkiftion for Home Rule. Eventually he ' ■ believed it would prevail. But the terror of the, speech was aggressive, though no/T^ommittal in terms,, and it was used by the Radicals in a strong effort to ifiake a^new issue — the Lords versus the people. Unfortunately for the attempt, the former had the best of the argument, because of the simple and undeniable fact that they represented, in this particular case, the sentiment of a majority of the English people. Meantime, Mr. Gladstone received many evidenqes of personal affection and regard. In the middle of Aagjis^ a eulogistic a^ess Was presented to him, signed by 3,-5^ Irish Presbyterians. Immediately after the passage of the". * the Bill through the Commons>..came a long telegram of congratulation from the Irish National Federation of America, while messages from many other similar bodies were received. At a geeat liieeting in New York, Mr. Bourke Cockran — A most eloquent Irishman — said, with characteristic intensity of language : it"- i \ i " Let us turn our backs upon the unhappy past as we turn our faces to the smiling future. Irishmen, and the sons of Irishmen, will ever chertsh in their bosoms the memory of the illustrious statesman who stands to-day before the eyes of the world crowned with imperishable glory ; under whose heel we see the extinguished torch, the broken fetters of coercion ; in whose hand we see the charter of liberty ; on whose head descend the blessings of two nations. His enduring memory will lie in the hearts of the people who have learned to forget that England was the home of Cromwell because Ebgland is the home of Gladstone.' ^ Xr nmm^M I I 1 1 4UI1 3(58 ^^m LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. ■V Well would it hjave been, for the cause he championed had' the Irish admirers of Mr. Gladstone always ibeen as moderate an^ as conciliatory as they were f\i\e this measure was pending. On DecemberJ3i;d preceding the presentation liis Bill to Pairliament, the Premier had visitea the city of his birth, the home oC his childhood — Liverpool. His aiiJdress to ^ great audience gathered for the purpose of seeing him receive the freedoni of the city — that traditional English honour, which has no counterpart on the American continent — was full of interesting reminiscence and local, history. ^ During this period Mr. Gladstone's eyesigjht began for the first time to trouble him. A cataract had commenced to forra, and, to complicate matters, his hearing became worse and worse. Yet he Ihad clung to his work with an energy which may be teriped unique. Besiclesithe Home Rule battle, much legislation had been attemptied or consummated during the session. A labour department had been created, factory inspecto|^— ^including some women — appointed, administrative changes ^ade in the Education Act and Poor Law regulations. An Opium Commission, and one to inquire into the agricultural depression, were appointed, and the Parish Counqil^ Bill was carried. The Established Churches in Wales and Scotland were threatened, and Sir William Harcourt endeavoured to carry some temperance legislation. But ever}'thfng had been subservient tp the Irish policy of the Premier, and, so far as could be judged, its defeat in the Lords, ^nd hjs own physical troubles and age, had not broken his will or his enthusiasm. Writing on September 2nd to Mr. Edward Blake, who was about to deliver an address during the Irish day celebration at the Chicago World's Fair, he observed : 1 ^ ->^' " You are in a condition to point out two things : ^ "\. The distance which has-been ^tually travelled over between the physical misery and political depressio4''*which marked the early. years of the century and the victory recorded last night (in the House of Commons) is immeasurable.^ \ "' " IL T&e distance between that victory and the final investment of Ireland with full self-governing control over her domestic affairs is not only measurable, but short. Yet the last struggle still remains, and, like the former struggles, it will be' great, and it will demand ^he friendly effort^ of all those, wherever- placed, who, under God, have lifted this great cause out of the abyss, and put it on anXemin^nce from which there remains but a step into the promised land." " ^ / ' • • r, ' ^ \ t- M ^^ 111 1! > ^ i p-r m. f. f* "'j'f"**'' i " 'i 'jOi. -n^' CHA:PTER XXIX. ,1 *' ■ THE QUEEN— MR. GLAdST6NE /JiV THE MONARCHY. | THE pbsition of Queen Victoria in English history, and in constitutional develop- inent generally, is of a nature absolutely unique. Her personal qualities and char4cter, her wise views and womanly conduct, her domestic life of ming;led joy and sorrow, have endeared her to the nation^ and the Empire in a way which alone would have proved a potent influence in the peaceful evolution of calm and settled government. And in addition to these purely personal matters and their influence, (is the fact that Iler Majesty's reign inaugurated and has continued a period thei mos*- important in the annals of English progress towards poplar liberty, and the development of^a 6®m- plete and more or less harmonious system of Parliamentary freedom; During this prolonged period of legis- lative change, and while the practical creation of a n^w form of constitutional monarchy was proceeding, t,he Quejen has been at the heart of the varied movei^nts of the time, with her hand upon the valve !.'■!, I'K' .*■ fl ■>-'■ ^ # AUD WQRK OF ^R. GLADSTONE. -i—^. ~f ,*,■ ]&mpit%i and in luchl ic«nef of vivid splendour as thelpehing of the Indian and Colonial Exhibition^ or of the Imperial Institute ; in the marvellous social, in^oral, material, and intellectual progress of what is justly termed the Victorian Age. ; > . \ Such a proldnged enperience has naturally giyert the Queen a Avide ; ' knowledge and an acquaintance wj|Ji the affairs of »>--.lt-j i .( i^-i.,- wiped out of public recol- B appointment of a Parlia- ns, but the proposal was lonths the question dragged sion until the appointment g in the Courts of Justice the nigws flashed through less upon whom 'the Times charges against the Home forger. An amendment to »y Mr. Morley, in terms of policy, and a speech was s therefore felt in what he he apparent collapse of the ed in their leader's manner B avoided reference to the sersonal attacks upop Mr. ly. But he made a t^trong and the adoption of £ bold oncbding, he said, with an feeling of confidence now ayjie priye of its grace aM- ivert that act you cannot, your power. It seems to 'a ^-^ I . ^ , ; ■ ■. , .; • ' Ci ** t * '.{■ ■'-: " - 'I" » /' ,. »■ ■> " r ^ . '" * -' . <: .* '■' ' ^ > fi . K . ' T , ....... ♦ ■ " ■9 ' ■ I ■in — ~ rtHHiiHHHaiiiBMIiili IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) h } // {./ ^ .^. ^Jt^ A* C A» % ^.% :A i/.A Zt ^ j(~'i ^ 1.0 I.I 11:25 i 1.4 2.5 M 1.6 Photogr aptoc^ a>^ V V \ c\ Sdeices Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14S80 (716)872-4503 ^ ■"e* ^V"***.*" ,j£isu > u 'III l! I ' r ' V ■ 37« LIFE ANP WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. the life, of the State. The august personage who, from time to time, may rest within this fence, and who may possess the art of turning to the best account th? innumerable resources of the position, is no dumb and senseless idol ; but, together with *' real and very large means of influence upon policy, enjoys the undivided ;r)^erence which a great people feels for its head; and is likewise the first, and by far the mightiest, among the forces which greatly mould, by example and legitimate authority, the manners, nay, the morals, of a powerful aristocracy, and ^a wealthy and highly-trained society." Mr. Gladstone concluded this elaborate study of an important subject with a reference to the wisdom of the Brutish Constitution in lodging the personality of its chief at such art altitude thjLt no one can vie, or dream of vying, with it ; and by the further statement that this '• elevation of the official dignity in the monarch of these realms has now for a testing period worked well, in conjunction with the limitation of purely personal power." Upon several occasions, in which the Liberal leader was personally interested, the Queen has taken a share in the settlement of important questions ; and, in diplomatic matters, she has insisted, and insisted success- fully, upon being consulted, and her views considered. In the Irish Church disestablishment controversy, there is little 4»ubt that her intervention greatly helped the solution of the difficulties between the Lofds sfhd the Commons, and it is understood that during the prolonged crisis which arose after the rejection of Mr. Gladstone's Franchise Bill by the Upper House in 1884 Her Majesty had something to do with the eventual compromise. How many other disputes of the kind she has helped to smooth over, and how greatly her experience and tact have kept the wheels of State running quietly at critical times, we can only guess from Mr. Gladstone's quoted remarks, and from hints in the correspondence of many public men. We know of the difficulty between the Queen and Lord Palmerston, when the latter, able and sagacious, but hasty and passionate, statesman was Foreign Secretary in 1850-51. He was disinclined to submit his despatches upon important foreign matters before sending them oflF, and, in spite of remon- strances, fell into the habit of submitting them afterwards— when too late for amendment. In one case a reference was made which Her Majesty insisted upon being withdrawn, and the whole despatch, much to Palmerston's morti- fication, had to be recalled and altered. Finally, the Queen considered some definite action necessary, and on August loth, i85o,tJ|rrote from Osborne a memorandum in the following terms, and in order, as she first stated, to prevent any mistake in the future: " The Queen requires from the Foreign Secretary : " I. That he will distinctly state what he proposes in a given case, in order that thi't^aeen may kjp;»r»s distinctly to what she has given her Royal sanction. ^* eSKspgs*-^' #tfi; ,V Jig .1 I to time, may ng to the best > and senseless :e upon policy, its head ; &nd J which greatly the morals, of society." Mr. iubject with a the personality of vying, with ficial dignity in irorked well, in was personally of important sisted success- ! Irish Church irention greatly the Commons, irose after the 5e in 1884 Her !. How many d how greatly ling quietly at 1 remarks, and Imerston, when in was Foreign ispatches upon pite of remon- len too late for [ajesty insisted erston's morti- >nsidered some om Osb'orne a Lted, to prevent ise, in order that on. / HER MAJESTY 1 HE QUEEN AND EMPRESS. 373) 1 Mc44~#^* ■.ft.- V 1^: r ■ IV ^■:t^ ^t-.r' % ■r ' n HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS ALBERT EDWARD, PRINCE OF WALES / ^■> (374) , S. _ -^ ^,1 t -t jiJt,«(«..«05^(*4».i.r-*.*j.iA^fer« / • THE QUEEN— MR. GLADSTONE AND THE MONARCHY. 37S - " l .»! -«- " II. Having once given her sanction to a measure, that it be not arbitrarily* altered or modified by the Minister. Such an act she must consider as failure in sincerity towards the Crown, and justly to be visited by the exercise of her Constitutional right bf dismissing that Minister. She expects to be kept informed of what passes between him and the Foreign Ministers, before important decisions are taken, based upon t^at intercourse ; to receive the Foreign despatches in good time, and to have the drafts for her approval sent to her in sufficient time to make herself acquainted with their contents bcforefithcy,must be sent off. The Queen thinks it best that Lor(i John Russell should show this letter to Lord Palmerston." For a time after this decisive action matters ran wi^more or less smoothness until, in i8gi, Lord Palmerston recklessly infringed the instru(;t ions, and at a critical moment wrote a despatch which practically reco;:;nized Louis Napoleon and his Coup d' Etat before the British Government had decided upon the course to take. Perhaps his prompt dismissal from office which followed, and at a moment when he happened to be exceptionally popular in the country, indicates the real influence of the Queen as reams of studied argument would fail to do. Though Mr. Gladstone was not at the time a member of the Russell Government, if is interesting to note tha^ he thought H.e Majesty's action thoroughly right and justifiable. Mr. George Jacob Holyoke, the j^ell-known Radical, in his Remini cences, states that he personally asked an ?** expressipp of opinion upon the subject in 1879, and that Mr. Gladstone, in reply, "Explained to me that the Crown did, in the case of Lord Palmerst^n's conduct, what the people would have, done. The Queen deserved* very high credit for l^er action in dismissing him." It is how an historical fact that in 1861, and upon advice of the Prince Consort, the Queen strongly suggested an alteration in a despatch written during the most critical period of the Mason and Slidell dispute with the United States^ and that this modification averted the war which then seemed inevitiible. Mr. Gladstone was, at the time, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and has since frequently voiced his admiration of the wisdom shown by Prince Albert upon so many.occasions. And he must have appreciated this particular instance. It induced Lord Palmerston to afterwards write the Queen : " There can be no doubt that, as your Majesty observes, tftj^jilterations made in the despatch to Lord Lyons contributed essentially to the satisfactory settle- ment of the dispute. But these alterations were only one of irinumerable instances of the tact and judgment, and the poyver of nice discriniination, which excited Lord Palmerston's constant and unbounded admiration." Lord Malmesbur>'r who, as Foreign Secretary in several Conservative Ministries, was much behind the scenes, tells us that it was Her Majesty's strong aversion to war which, during a certain stage in the Schleswig-Holstein compli- cations, prevented England from being dragged into the contest between 1 '<-.m wp'W'mm^m p t W- ' IJ'^ mm M n ■■*/V i. ;!. IS'-; .r'f I'h lii Pill T ^' ■ \ " ■■ ■ ■ ■ ■ A' 376 LIKE AND WpRK 0^ Ur. GLADSTONE. Denmark and Prussia. And that the Queen still feels an interest in external relations as great as when she was Writing lengthy letters to thg' Emperor Napoleon, or' the King of Prussia, or tlie Em|>eror of, Russia, at the time of the Crimean war, is evidenced by a s^yn^athetic. note sent' to Miss Gordon— 17th February, 1885 — upon hearing of heif brother's sad death at Khartoum: " How shall I write you, or how shall I attempt to express what I feel I To think of your dear, noble, heroic brother, wh0 served his country and his Queen so truly, so heroically, with a self-sacrifice so edifying to the world, not having been rescued. That the promises of support were not fulfilled— w/iJcA / so frequently and constantly pressed on those who asked him fb go-~^iB to me grief inexpressible." There is an old and oft-repeated story that Her Majesty disliked Mr. Gladstone personally* It is an jissertion which, of course, cannot be abso- lutely denied, but at the same time there does not seem to be any substantial foundation for it. She may have, anjd the world knows that she did, disapprove of his policy at tirnes, but so she did with regard to Lord Palmerston, and upon, at least, one occasion in the careei: of Sir Robert Peel. It is probable that Lord Beaconsfield's courtly manner, inimitable wit, and social gifts, pleased and attracted a monarch who was alsd i&, woman, and for that\ reason, as well as because <,of his wide Imperial sympathies, she may have jWeferred the Tory leader to the absorbed, earnest, and enthusiastic Liberal. Bkt this feeling was certainly not shown in public action, and forms no real bsiW -for the belief that Mr. Gladstone was ever, an object of genuine dislike. His own language, as already quoted, and as found in a hundred speeches, Ml^ould appear td indicate his sincere personal admiration for the Queen, and such a sentiment could hardly exist snless it were to soni^ e*tt nt reciprocated. During the Jubilee demonstrations ot 1887, Mr. Gladstone made a number of sympathetic and loyal utterances. On August 30th of that year, before a local audience and some two hundred visitors, he delivered an address at Hawarden which reviewed the Queen's reign, and expressed very fully his opinion of its beneficence and his regard for Her Majesty's qualities and policy. Towards the end of the speech, he said : " Under her no form of evil has been permitted within the august precincts of ^yindsor Castle, or of her other palaces, to present its, possibly to some, seductive, but yet loaths me and abominable features ; and the people have been able to say that, in their various lines, and walks, and works of duty, those who have a humble lot and a contracted sphere have been able to borrow encouragement and instruction from the example of her whom it has pl.ased God to place at the head of society. ... I beseech you, if y^o owe the debt of gratitude to the Queen for that which I have described, for her hearty concurrence in the work of public pi ogress, for the admirable public examp^. which her life has uniformly set, for her thorough comprehension of the true conditioi^^f^he great! covenant between the Throne and the people— if you owe her a debt of gr^^ude for thesa^ things, may I say to you, try to acknowledge that debt by remembering her mjour prayers." •^ "#= ijlS., 8jt« r>&r^j^yi ^ THE QUEEN— MR. GLADSTONE AND THE MONARCHY. 377 And it must not be forgotten, as Mr. Gladstone mentioned in this speech, that the Sovereign's relations with her Premier are very close, and that he is, therefore, well qualified to give an opinion. He is frequently, and upon all important occasions, summoned to Windsor. He^is in daily communication with the Queen by telegraph, and the proceedings of the Cabinet, as well as the particulars of foreign policy, are instantly advised to her. Daily, during the sitting of Parliament, the leader of the House of Commons writes Her Majesty a confidential summary of what has transpired ; tells her of victory won or defeat' suffered, and records the progress of legislation or debate. There are at Windsor Castle, in handsomely bound volumes, the manuj^cript letters written during all these stormy and varied years to. Queen Victoria by the great political leaders who have come upon the surface of events and then passed away. Elsewhere, stowed away in some secret vault of the Royal castle, are the letters written by Pitt and F9X and Liverpool to George HI.; by Canning' to George IV.; and by Greyand . Melbourne to William IV. What a mine of private history and wealth of public interest there must be in those silent memorials of the past! n /x Some day, perhaps, they will be rhade available. Sir Theodore Martin was allowed to use a few written by Mr. Disraeli when he first led the House, and their v^tty, sparkling tone gives some indication of that statesman's personal power of pleasing. Mr. Gladstone, during his many years of leadership, used to write his daily letter oti his knee, with the assistance of a bl6tting pad. And on more than one critical occasion, when the fate of his Government was hang- ing in the balance, the epistle would be commenced with the usual formula : " Mr. Gladstone presents his humble duty to the Queen," and would end, perhaps, amid the cheers and counter ^€ers announcing his own defeat, and ringing the death-knell of some cherished measure. An interesting incident occurred in i865, when Mr. Gladstone had just assumed the leadership of the Commons in succession to Lord Palmerston. It was of international interest also, and illustrated the value of the influence which the Queen has so often wielded in those semi-personal matters which are yet of considerable national import. Mr. George Peabody, the eminent American millionaire an^ philanthropist, had spent over two millions of dollars in founding and endowing the Peabody Institute in Islington, for the benefit of the London poor. Pjjblic honours and compliments were alike refused by the donor, but on the 28th of March, hearing that he was about to sail for America, Her Majesty addressed, him a personal letter of sincere appreciation. It was dated from Windsor, Castle, and read as follows : "The Queen hears that Mr. Peabody intends shortly to return to America; and she would be sorry that be should leave England without being assured by herself how deeply she appreciates the noble act of more than princely muniiicence by which he has Vi .\ •^ ! % tiwrp "/rf-^^^ '■v^' vV^ h^^^ij'^-f^ >.;ta -'. \ >dA^i£^^ 378 m^^f^i0W^^n^^m^ LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. ^ sought to relieve the wants of her poorer subjects residing in London. It is an act, as tho Queen believes, wholly without parallel; and which will carry its beit reward in the consciousness of having contributed so largely to the assistance of those who can so littla help themselves. " yhe Queen would not, however, have been satisfied without giving Mr. Peabody some public mark of her sense of his munificience ; and she would gladly have conferred upon him either a baronetcy or the Grand Cross of the Bath, but that she understands Mr. Peabody to find himself debarred from accepting such distinctions. " It only remains, therefore, for the Queen to give Mr. Peabody this assurance of her personal feelings, which she would further wish to mark by asking him to accept a miniature portrait of herself, which she will desire to have p^inted^fgr him, and which, when finished, can either bp sent to him in America, or given to him on the return which, she rejoices to hear, he meditates to the country that owes him so much." Needless to say, this letter was greatly cherished, as well as the Royal portrait which eventually came to him massively framed in gold. The incident illustrates the force of Mr. Gladstone's frequent references in his constitutional writings to the personal influence which the Sovereign may possess. As the fountain of honour, she indeed holds a powerful prerogative, and, even though it be largely wielded by the Premier for the time*;being, it is none the less her own. And upon certain specific occasions Her Majesty has used it, notably in proffering peerages' to several of her Prime Ministers. But although Mr. Gladstone could appreciate such e^tpressions of international sympathy as this episode produced, and could greatly admire Americans and American insti- tutions, he seems to have remained as strongly opposed to Republicanism in constitfcition or practice as was the young Tory who lived under the influence of Canning, or the leadership of Wellington. During the two or three years following 1870, when the idea hadj^^ brief and sickly revival in England— as one result of the momentary dommance of the Manchester school— Mr. Gladstone struck the blow which finally crushed it. In .the first- named year, the triumph of Republicanism in France led some of the theorists who belonged to 'the class of cosmopolitan Englishmen tb form a Republican Club at Cambridge, with Mr. Henry Fawcett and Professor Clifford as officers, and with rules which defihed its po^^yas^ hostility to the hereditary principle as exemplified in monarchkaHm^ristocratic institutions, and to all social and political privileges depen^nt upon difference of sex." A little after the formation of this club— which never exerted ai:y particular influence— Mr. Fawcett acted up to his principles by being one of the three members of the House who opposed the grant to the Princess Louise upon her wedding. And, about the same time, Sir Charles Dilke undertook the task of converting the country to their views, speaking at a number of places, and attacking the Queen and the Prince of Wales with some freedom. All that is necessary to say here is that his reception was of so unsavoury a S-^k..-^ :»«*aai»!w^¥? • '-"fV- THE QUEEN— MR. GLADSTONE AND THE^MONARCHY \ 379 nature as to^nduce Jiim to abandon the effort, and to attempt a transference of the question to the floors\ of Padiaihent, where he hoped to be, at least, safe from personal violence. Op the igih of. March, 1872, he, therefore, moved for certain returns in connection with the Civil List, with the evident hope of obtaining something to prove his unsupported charges against the Sovereign and the Monarchy. Mr. Gladstone, in refusing, on behalf of the Government, to grant the particulars asked for,f dwelt warmly upon the advantages gained by the country in its financial arrangement with the Queen upon her accession to the thrort^— - when the Royal property had been given up in return for the permanent Civil List grant — and the honourable, qonscientious manner in which Her Majesty had carried out her part of the compact. He went on to assert that Sir Charles Dilke, in a recent speech at Newcastle, had cast aside the dictates not only of loyalty and respect, but of the commonest prudence. And he declared that the member for Chelsea had apparently endeavoured " to repre- sent the Crown as needlessly and wastefully consuming the earning3 of the people ; and has thought it necessary to liberate his conscience by delivering his opinions in favour of a change — an essential change — in the form of the government of this country, and thereby, I think, with most unhappy impru- dence, pointing to a change most repugnant to the minds and views of a great majority of his countrymen." The speaker added that " the whole notions entertained (in some quarters) about the enormous accumulations by the Crown — ^whether from the Civil List or from any other sour'ce^are utterly visionary and groundless." The disorder which followed when Mij|Auberon Herbert atten||fted to speak from the 'Republican standpoint was cSlrdusive of the intenae hostility felt by the House to the idea, though it might not be very conclusive evidence of its courtesy to the- individual. But, outside of Sir Charles Dilke and Mr. Herbert, no support could be obtained for the motion after Mr. Gladstone's remarks ; even Mr. Fawcett declining to aid any practical effort in the direction of Republicanism. Mr. Gladstone appears also to have been upon such terms with the various members of the Royal family as befitted a national leader. One of the most interesting of all his published letters was the fcfilowing, which he addressed to Prince Albert Victor, eldest son of the Prince of Wales, upon the attainment of his majority : Sir, — Hawarden Castle, Janaary 7th, 1885. As the oldest among the confidential servants of Her Majesty, I cannA allow the anniversary to pass without a notice which will, to-morrow, bring your Royal Highness to full age, and thus niark an important epoch in your life. The hopes and intentions of V. T i^ j.^ " V '■ V ^ ^ j'**;'"T7"*^ 1, --K"**- Xf/v^ li- «. - ^-^^ u J •* f ^if* f t*>' ^"W- J >^ * *' 380 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. those whose lives, like mine, lie in the past are of little moment ; but Jhey have seen much, and what they have seen suggests much for the future. There lies before your Royal Highness, in prospect, the occupation, I trust at 4 distant date, of a throne which, to me, at least, appears the most illustrious in the world, from its history and associations, from its legal basis, from the weight of the cares it brings, from the loyal love of the people, and from the unparalleled opportunities it gives, in so many ways and so' many regions, of doing good to the almost 'countless numbers whom the Almighty has placed beneath the sceptre of Enghnd. • I fervently desire and pf?iy, and there cannot be a more animating prayer, that your Royal Highness may ever grow in the principles of conduqt, and niay be adorned with all the qualities which correspond with this great and noble vocation. And, Sir, if sovereignty has been, by our modern institutions, relieved of some of its burdens, it still, I believe, remains true that there has been no period of the world's history at which successors to the monarchy could more efBc^ciously contribute to the stability of a great historic system, dependent even more upon love than upon strength, by devotion to their duties, and by a bright example to the country. This result we have happily been permitted to see, and other generations will, I trust, witn ;ss it anew. Heartily desiring that in the life of your Royal Highness every private and every personal desire may be joined with every public blessing, I have the honour to remain, Sir, Your Royal Highness's most dutiful and faithful servant, ' W, E. Gladstone. In this eloquent and evidently sincere letter lies one of the best and truest conceptions of the British Monarchy and the Sovereign's duties, which has ever been penned. It is sad to think that the amiable young Prince to whom it was addressed, after having commenced to perform the functions ol his high position ; receiving the title of Duke of Clarence and Avon^le ; and winning a bride in the person of the Princess Maryyof Teck ; should have been cut off early in 1892 upon the very verge of his marriage. When the event occurred, Mr. Gladstone was out of the country, but\he promptly wrote to' Sir William Harcourt, asking him to offer suitable expressions of regret in the House, and adding, for himself, that "the incidents of public Jife had given me some opportunities of estimating the high qualities of the Duke of Clarence, He had exhibited many characteristics^which made his life one of great value and promise to the Empire at large." This deep loyalty of the Liberal leader to monarchical principles has more than once annoyed many of his followers, and antagonized the Radicals, Such was notably the case during the debate upoi;i the Royal Grants^ in 1889, when Lord Salisbury's Government had taken the question in hand with the view to a final settlement for the current reign, and in preference to making Par- liamentary provision from time to time, as might be required. A Committee of the Flouse of Commons was appointed, of which Mr. Gladstone was a member, and, after it had been informed, under a pledge of secrecy, as to the total value of Her>Iajesty's investments, it came to the conclusion that provision should ,i.-' ht to the conferred ; le." ^ / • * ■< >*^ - / V 1 /■ ' . ,w,-:. -■' 9'M' "Va^uSB J ■ >- Hi N J- / FREDERICK TEMPLE HAMILTON BLACKNyOO^D, 1ST MARQUESS OF DUFFERIN AND AVA, 1 Governor- GeneraJ. of Canada, 18J2-78. (383) I'+ig '"i\ hM m ,- < — .V :m ^^^s .il « it' "Mpillf Jlli-' ,1 iil! ».. HENRY CHARLES KEITH FITZMAURICE, 5TH MARQUESS OF LANSDOWNE, Governor-General of Canada. 1883-88. (384) V->-. '.;-.-»-i»-il.*<-.'i''.» ■■'' ' •'' ; W't' LANSDOWNE, ' (^ .^ ';^ "v^ ^ ^ iJ^*;^-^ CHAPTER XXX) MR. GLADSTONE AND COLONIAL DEIVELOPMENT HEN the history of the British Empice in the present ■^ centuiy comes to be written witn clearness and authority, it will be found, so far ^s relations with the externg.1 depeindencies are concerned, to owe its present unity and! future cohesion tojgood-luck, rather thajj to definite statecraft. In isc^latpd cases, men have risen in the Colonies, and governed in England, who were Sible to see ahead, and to^ruide their policy inaccordance with the Imperial power aijd greatness wfiich was destined to mark tl^plose of that hundred years of marvejlous development which followed upon the, destruction of th6 irst English Empijre in America. But, as a rule, matters were allowed to drift, aijji durinig the first haii of the century constitutional self-government was given by the English Liberal party fo Canada, to the majority of the Australian Colonies, and, in a modified form, to- Cape "Colony, without any definite declaration of policy for the fiiture> * and with a general impression, which increased as the years rolled on, that independence was the ultimate object, and would be the most biheficial result^ of^ Colonial freedom in government and legislation. Mr, ^f^A, Froude, the eminent historian, goes so far as to say in a letter! to the TimeS^ April 25th, 1893, that " Constitutions were granted to Canada and the other gr^t Colonies with a distinct view towards their separation from the Mother Country." While, therefore, the Liberals did a great se|rvice to the Colonies in aiding the development of their earlier constitutional systems, they also, or a part of them, committed the grievous error of promoting ideas which could only end unless otherwise checked — in disintegration and disaster. But they were not alone in this mistake. The Conservative party seems to have been, up to 1870, almost equally indifferent. Sir Robert Peel voiced a school of commer- cial legislation which came to look upon all sentiment as dangerous, and his views soon permeated both parties, and controlled, to a great extent, the expression of their opinions upon Imperial questions. Mpantime, however, the Empire grew and flourished. In the East it expanded with giant strides, until India became the greatest dependency ever held by any nation. In the West a congeries of scattered colonies became a strong and united Dominion. In Australia countries seamed to grow up in a night and develop in a day ; while South Africa, through much war and trouble^ laid broad and deep the foundations of what will yet be another Hindostan in extent and population. As a poet has eloquently and truly said : i--.^»i tt J^ASi^jfSS^'^'^tf n*^ m .' \ r- 386 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. " We tracked the winds of the world to the steps of their very thrones ; The secret parts of the world were salted with our bones ; " Till now the name of names, England, the name of might, Flames from the Austral bounds to the ends of the Northern night ; " And the call of her morning drum goes in a gir^n^f sound, Like the voice of ^e sun in song, the great globe round and round ; " And the shadow of her flag, when it shouts to the mother breeze, Floats from shore to shore of the universal seas." Yet it was all done in a haphazard, unpremeditated sort of way. More than one English Ministry has annexed territory almost by accident, certainly by chance, and* afterwards found it to be invaluable. Again and again great Colonies have'Hjeen told by English statesmen that the sooner they went the better it would be for all concerned. In this view Mr. Gladstone never shared. Me was not an Imperialist, in the modern sense of the word, nor was any one else in the practical, public life of that period, but he seems to hav6 been always much interested in Colonial matters. liis first speech dealt with the question of slavery in the Colonies, while Canada, in the years between 1830 and 1840, was the subject of many remarks by him in the House of Commons. In 1836, he was a member of the Committee appointed to enquire into the different modes in which public lands were acquired and disposed of in the AustraliaM Colonies, the Cape of Good Hope, and the West Indies, with a view to ascertaining a method which might be made mutually satisfactory to the Mother Country and the Colonies. He was also greatly interested in the colonization of New Zealand, and in 1838 strongly urged the House to initiate some system of control in that country —where, by the way, Sir Robert Inglis, a typical Tory of the time, declared England had no more right to settle people than she had to colonize in France. Two years later, Mr. Gladstone was member of a Select Committee to enquire into the whole subject. About the same time he took up the cause of the settlers at the Cape, and in a letter written October i6th, 1837, referred to them as having "jriade some use of me in Parliament." In the succeeding summer, he called the attention of the House to a petition presented by himself from the people of Albany, a frontier post at the Cape, complaining that t\e Home Government had promised them protection and support, but had left them to suffer much loss from a barbarous enemy. It is curious to note that one result of the neglect which Mr. Gladstone brought to the notice of the House, was the "trek" of many Dutch settlers into the far interior, and the formation of the Boer republic, which afterwards became such a source of trouble to himself, to England, and to the Cape. He was beaten a little later by a majority of nine votes in an effort to have this migration of the Dutch investigated and checked. j.twikit\*L,«ANt^'^ w ' ^ ,-• »^ j<£t !.w*i^v«« t MR. GLADSTONE AND COLONIAL DEVELOPMENT. 387 As time went on, Mr, Gladstone's views upon Colonial topics underwent a natural change. He fell into the swim of Sir Robert Peel's commercial policy, and shared in the removal of the preferential duties, the accomplishment of free trade, and the subsequent development of that cosmopolitan sentiment i. which found its milder and wiser exponents kf leaders like himself, and Earl Grey, /and Lord Palmerston, and its definitk, separatist advocates In Bright and Cobden, and, in a less influential degree, i|[ri'6oldwin Smith. To the coming Lib^al chief, the spirit of the times mea^nf England first, the Colonies secotid, the rest of the world third ; while it did not appear impossible to him that the interests of England might be such upon o\jpasion as to place her in antagonisn^ to bdth the Colonies and foreign countries, the Manchester School, which developed out of the free-trade idea tl^at a CQlony was no better than a foreign country, and to which Mr. Gladst(^e nev^ belonged, thought that the interests of En;,'land were permanently — not possibly — hostile to th* Colonies, and that the separation of the latter from the Empire would be distinctly bene- ficial to both. But the force of growth, the influence of Colonial loyalty, and the practical demands of each passing year, became too strong for these theoretical arguments, and eventually created the revulsion which has made the policy of to-day a public recognition of an absolute identity in British an4 Colonial . interests, as agaipst even the world in arms. Circumstances have thus made Mr. Gladstone's claim, in one of his addresses to the Midlothian electors, an historic fact A. "As to the Colonies, Liberal Administrations set free their trade with all the worid, gave them popular and responsible government, undertook to defend Canada with the whole strength of the Empire, and organized the great scheme for uniting the several settlements of British North America into one Dominion, to which, when we quitted office in 1866, it only remained for our successors to ask the ready assent of Parliament. It is by these measures that the Colonies have been bound in affection to the Empire; and the authors of them can afiford to smile at baseless insinuations." Yet it remains true that tlie whole under-current of British polities between 1840 and 1870 was hostile to close or closer Imperial unity, was indifferent to Colonial development or loyalty, and was not averse to the thought of eventual separation. It is greatly to Mr. Gladstone's credit that while many leaders, in both parties, were seriously affected by this stream of tendency, and even went the length of urging " emancipation," as it was called, he always adhered to the opinion that while separation might come, if earnestly desired by the Colonies, yet nothing should be done to hasten it, and ^sveiy- thing in the way of free government and conciliatory treatment should be done in order to avertji^ As ^o defence, English honour was bound up with the adequate prote^^ of the Colonies. But he was never aggressive in his views "•S^J^J' Aj-^rZK^ IJa**/* tAlt.*?i .ju It, •1 fiV- . t»«. r«"> ;>Yf-.s>,Vfl 'm. m T" ■^"'" 388 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. Upon the subject. Had he been so, English sentiment would have changed sooner, and much serious difficulty in the government of the Empire have been prevented. A part of the trouble was due to ignorance regarding Colonial feelings and Colonial views of self-governmdnt. To most people the latter seemed impossible of accomplishment without independence, and, as Colonial freedom in legislation was clearly inevitable, separation in the future seemed also an apparent matter of course. Writing Sir Edmund Head, Governor- General of Canada, on the 6th of August, 1848, so shrewd a thinker and statesman as Sir George Cornewall Lewis declared that a recent speech by Sir William Molesworth against Downing Street rule, meant, if carried out, " the abolition of the influence of England, and the grant of independence to the Colonies." Writing on April 5th of the succeeding year, he expressed the following- definite opinion : ' " I agree with you that responsible government, though it may be defective in theory, may nevertheless be worked in practice. But it cannot be worked unless people in this country see that, pro tanto, it is a concession of virtual independence to the Colony. . . . Altogether, our Colonial relations are in a very unsatisfactory state just at present. There is a constant series of attacks on the Colonial Office, which can end in no good result, inasmuch as they are founded on no intelligible or consistent view, and, in fact,, imply that there is to be no interference from this country." But whether the situation arose from ignorance or indifference, or, as now appears, from a mixture of the two, there could be no doubt of the growing estrangement in sentiment. The correspondence of Lord Elgin, when Governor-General of Canada, shows this very vividly. In a letter to Earl Grey, who waa Colonial Secretary in the Cabinet of Lord John Russell, he said, on November i6th, 1849, that "when I protest against Canadian projects for dismembering the Empire, I am always told that the most eminent statesmen in England have over and over again told us that whenever we chose we mijght separate." He went on in this and other letters to urge that a different course should be taken, but without much avail. Indeed, on March 23Td, 1850, he draws indignant attention to a recent speech by the Prime Minister in the British House of Commons, and to his declaration that he '• looked forward to the day when the ties which he was endeavouring to render so easy and mutually advantageous would be sundered." And then Lord Elgin proceeded to very pertinently ask why Lord John Russell and the people of England should persist in assuming that the Colonial relation was incompatible with maturity and full development. " Is this really," he demanded, " so incontestable a truth that it is a duty not only to hold, but to proclaim it ?" Others, however, were even more explicit than Lord John Russell. Mr. Bright used his great gift of eloquence to- picture a future in J%'t '^ tK^i - - s -(■'■■ MRi GLADSTONE AND COLONIAL DfevELOIMENT. 389 in which British America should be detached ftom the Empire and added to the United States: "It maybe but a vision,"/said he, on one occasion, "but I will cherish it. I gee one vast confederation stretching from the frozen north in unbroken line to the glowing south, and froih the wild billows of the Affantic westward to the calmer waters of the Pacifi^ main ; and I see one people, and one language, and one law, and one faith, atVd, over all that wide continent, the home of freedom, and a refuge for the oppressed of every race and of every clime." ° / The beauty of such a word-picture/ is undeniable, but it is questionable whether Mr. Bright and his followers ever understood the one central fact which stands out from the pages of all /English history— that neither distance by sea, nor separation by continents, nqt an environment of savages, affects the national feeling of a British subject, or tihanges the loyalty of a true Englishmia to the flag of his fathers, the country 0f his birth, or the home of his ancestors. Too many leaders in those days weri^, however, narrow and cramped in their view of fexternal matters; and, then, it is always easier to destroy than to build: " A thousand years scarce serve to form a State ; An hour may lay it in the dust." Mr. Bright, with hi^ eloquence, might greatly contribute to dismember the Empire which .required so much time and blood and treasure to create. He could do much to destroy protection, and Mr. Goldwin Smith to bury it, but neither of them could have constructed a new tariff, as did Mr. Gladstone, or negotiate an intricate commercial treaty, as did Cobden. But even the departments of the Government and the pe|manent staff of officials seem to' have become permeated with this policy of separation. In the Autobiography 7 of Sir Henry Taylor, we are told by that gentleman, in the most cool and utter/ ignorance of the real nature of his conduct, that in 1864— he was then holding a high position in the Colonial Office— it became necessary for him to send a certain paper by Sir Charles Elliot, dealing with Colonial defence, to the Secretary of State for the Colonies— the Duke of Newcastle. In transmitting it, he states that he expressed his own views to his official superior in the following language: "As to our American possessions, I have long held and often expressed the opinion that they are A. sort of damnosa hereditas; and when your Grace and the Prince of Wales were employing yourselves so successfully in conciliating the Colonists, I thought you were drawing closer ties which might better be slackened if there were any chance of their slipping away altogether. I think that a policy w^ich has regard to a not very far-off future should prepare facilities and propensities for separation ; and I therefore agree entirely with Sir Charles Elliot's preference of a 1^ and indigenous military force. So long as there shall be a single Imperial battalion in the provinces, the whole- Imperial army and exchequer will be committed to its support under difficulties; and •»»• -. It',', ^„, .<^ 3 390 >f U¥E Wd work of MR. GLADSTONB. C^rHruou:5'"s.a.«v. i^rr Tinvo>.„g .«. A-.-. -.. «- no"- American provinces in closer relktions and a common cause. Perhaps nothing could better indicate the dead leVel of opinion upon thU 1 subiect than the fact that such an impudent epistle coul4 be written by one of tSe'; ™t Downing Street officials without in^j4ay affec^.n^ h.spc«,t^ or Drosoects. Yet Palmerston was at this time Prendier, and C.w Bnlanntms 5»rXn foreign affairs the motto of his Government. The same valnaMe S^Itof the Empire goes on to tell us that Sir Pidenck Rogers Pem-anen uX-Secretary for the Colonies, and afterwards ileated Lord Blachford for Ws s^^l^l^te to him in ,865 in a somewhat similar strmn : " I go very far w^^^hy"uta the desire to shak. off M nsfon^iUygov^d Colon... :^nd. ^^ o •^rth Wca. 1 thlnlt if we abandon one, we h,d better abandon a 1. I shou d whX abhor b^ing left with a pitiful remnant on my hands-say, Pnnce Edwaid .-S:S or -NeSdLd. I afso go with you in hating the talk about P^es,^-"' The arguments used by these men and by othere, such >» M'- G° <™'" Smith, were sufficiently simple and narrow. Colonies they cla.m«^, *d - W- They were useless for commercial purposes, and too costly for P">T°«« ■»• oow« The days of discrimination had passed away; all ""aAe's were now ^^It illing British goods in ; while only the cheapest were desirable for the Durcha^ of priiucts which the home consumer could use. Hence, probably, the fendenc^ of U parties, and of leaders, who did not share the extreme view^ diS. to check wherever possible the extension of the Empire, and to crush S mefof ambitions organization which might ^"^^ ^'<> ^'Z^'!^f^^ ■ Thus the mission of Mr. Gladstone to the loman Islands r^'f Consen^ive auspices had resulted in their being handed over to Gre«c« m '859: S-r George • G«y was recalled from South Africa by Lord Derby because of bis efforts to confed^te the/ Colonies there in a union which rt wis feared would be ;«lta,^ary to wider Imperial complications -ther than to local .ndep«.den- Hence, also, in some quarters, the encouragement given Canadian Confederation Ucause of the opposite reason-it might really result in independence. In Mr. W L. Rees' biography of Sir George Grey is the statement that during the ten years following that official's recall &<>.■» *t *^*PTil* lonLrvative Government, it may be remarked^" the d.sn.e"»be™™t;«"« had spread far and wide. Some, indeed, among the leading mtellecte of EitlaTd were awakening to the danger which threatened her greatness from AU direction, but Mr. Goldwin Smith and his friends and admirers . . .had ^^dedalargeportidnof the talking and writing public that it won d be Cr for Engfand to^l^t off the Colonies altogether." Mr. Froude, in his uuL rf Lord Beaconsfeld." also analyzes the situation at this Ume with i^-S»- ir-< - .>T- n • y MR. GLADSTONE AND COLONIAL DEVELOPMENT. 391 admirable distinctness. After pointing out that the external Empire was sup- posed to contribute hothing to the national wealth which would not be equally available under independence, he proceeds to describe the too common feeling that Colonies were only a caCise of embarrassment and weakness, and a source of possible danger and of increased responsibilities. He had known a distinguished Liberal statesman to say that the only objection to parting with the Colonies was the fact that, without them, England would become too strong and aggres- sive, and might even be dangerous to the rest of the world. These and similar doctrines had been acted upon for a number of years by the authorities at the Colonial Office. "Constitutions wdre granted so unconditional, so completely unaccompanied with provisions for the future relations with the Mother Country, that* the Connection was obviously intended to have an early end." And these tendencies were encouraged, and even practical steps of serious import taken, without, as he truly says' "that consultation with the nation which ou|ht to have preceded an ac'tion of such large consequence." And, as late as 1875, Mr. W. E. Forster, in addressing the Philosophical Institute of Edinburgh, told his audience that Sir George Campbell, a most successful Indian governor^ had recently informed him that, in his opinion, "the sooner the Colonial connection was severed the better." Is it,- therefore, any wondei: that the reaction should have commenced about this time to show itself, or that Tennyson should have so nobly breasted the swimming tide of separation with those historic lines : " We lately heard A strain to shaiDe us : |Ceep you to yourselveS ; So loyal is too costly f Friends, your love Is but a burthen ; loose the bond and go. Is this the tone of empire ? Here the faith . . That made us rulers ? This, indeed, her voice And meaning, whom the roar of Hougouraont Left mightiest of all nations under heaven ? What shock has fooled her since that she should speak So feebly?" The Manchester School, which was the heart and centre of this antag- omsm to the Colonies, boasted Mr. Bright and Mr. C^bden as its leaders, and Mr. Goldwin Smith as its literary mouthpiece. The latter tells us in a recent article— March, 1895— that it rose out of the free-trade movement, and, he might have added, flourished upon the baser element which is to be found in all commercial policies— the greed of gold. Trade became to its disciples the only thing m this world worth cultivating, and, as the Colonies did not at the moment conduce to that end, they were to go. As war was disastrous to commerce and the accumulation of wealth, peace, at any price, was added to V'^. \ f^j :;!' 1'h 39» UFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. -yttite Dlank^ o^e policy. As active intervention in foreign affairs whether on ^Sr^t^^^^^^ or for the protection of British "at onal - h^^^^^^^^ ^British subject!, was liable to distract public attention from the noble pur=ut of trade/and tr^e alone, non-intervention became another portion of the plat- ^°""' So for a couple of decades, the Manchester School flourished like a green bay tree ' That it did not break up the Empire is due to tl>e innate patriotism and the practical common sense of the average British citizen at home and abfoad Th J majority accepted the theory, but failed to practise it; so that whUe the airVs full of talk about independence and separation the men who were not taJrs.but workers, went on about their business, ^"d calmly steadily, and surely built up the fabric of Imperial power. As already stated, Mr. Glad- ^onedTd notU'-nthe extreme school of thought But. unfortunately he ^s!n dose politic^ relations with its leaders, and the fact that the most act, e I^ongst them were Liberals in name induced a very common belief that he ^ also in sy«yf>athy with them upo^these coUateral issues. He was known o C peace and to hate war ; he had been a great commercial Minister ; and. m the early "seventies," he was instrumental in having the Imperial troops removed from Canada, New Zealand, and Australia. Hence the vigorous language used by Mr. Disraeli dunnga great speech at the Crystal Palace on June 24th, 1872. The utterance is important as markL the turn of the tide, and the beginning of the end which soon camj to Te Imperial negation idea. The speaker declared that for forty years " there has bTen no effort so continuous, so subtle, supported by so much ener^, and carried on with so much ability and acumen, as the attempts of Liberalism to effec the disintegration of the Empire." If he had said "a section o Liberalism," he would have been absolutely correct; and, 1 he had added that A^^n was aided by the indifference of the Conservatives, he would have ' covered he whole ground. But, as it was. the protest did good. He concluded Xan exi^ession of belief th^t the disintegration movement had entirely failed * i " " But how had it failed ? Through the sympathy of the Colonies with the Mother. Countrv They haS decided that the Empire should not be destroyed and no Minister m S f^'«.™,lf do his dutv who neglected any opportunity of reconstructing as much as STs^K ct^^^^^^^^^^^ distant sympathies which might become the source of incalculable strength and happiness to the land. From this time forward a new linetof thought became visible and com- menced to operate, feebly and vrithu^^^^^^^^^^ l::^''^:^^^^!'^^ . «rf naget'upon every possible occasion, to say a word for general Impenal i^"' ?-3r^*c-'SSr:v r-s,^ ifflwa^'^Tto? vkf a>J^ i*'' * *«lu»uai^&ti ^J ■■'^^^■^ '^''^"'-r *'-'*'*' MR. GLADSTONE AND COLONIAL DEVELOPMENT. 393 unity. The idea spread quickly. After all, it was really at the heart of the average Englishman, and only nfeeded a crisis which migfht shaw separation in all its nakedness of desertion, disintegration, naval weakness, and dishonour, in order to arouse the dormant sentiment, and make it a political power. And the removal of the troops from the Colonies, which Mr. Gladstone favoured from motives of economy, and because of the desirability of inculcating Colonial self- reliance, but wjiich was widely represented as |ieing a great practical step towards independence, had constituted the critical moment. . But, from 1872 onwards, a Very different tone commenced and continued to develop in public discussions. Writing, in September, 1878, to the Nineteenth Century, Mr. Gladstone elaborated in one of his most brilliant articles his views upon the general question of " England's Mission." The gist of the whole argument is that he wanted to maintain the Empire, but not to extend it. This is where he had always parted company with the Cobden and Bright section. They neither wished to maintain nor to extend the external possessions of Great Britain. "' The central strength of England," declared the author, " lies in England." Her fi|;st care should be her own children within her own shores, the redress of wrongs, the supply of needs, the improvement of home laws and institutions. The source of England's vigour lies, he reiterated, in the heart which has so long propelled the blood through all its regions, and in the brain which has bound and binds them Jnto one. Still "the Sentiment of empire may be called innate in every Briton. If there are exceptions, they are like, those of men born blind or lame among us." And then he continued in words Sufficiently striking : " It is part of our patrimony, bom with our birth, dying only with our death ; incorporating itself in the first elements of our knowledge, and interwoven with all our habits of mental action upon public afTairs. . . . Energetic efforts have been necessary to Velleve the Mother Country from military charge -for the Colonies in ordinary years of peace ; and these have been largely, but not as yet uniformly, successful. Still, whatever be in those respects the just balance of the account, it is felt that the Colonial relation involves far higher chains of consideration ; and the founding of these Tree, growing, and vigorous communities has been a specific pArt of the work providentially assigned to Britain. The day has gone by when she would dream of compelling them by force to remain in political connection with her. But, on the other hand, she would never suffer them to be torn away from her ; and would no more grudge the cost of defending them against such a consummation than the father of a £unily grudges the expense of the food necessary to maintain his children. " ' Put the whole world's strength Into One grand arm, it- shall not force ^^This lineal honour from us.'" At the same tirHPIiowever, he d^^unced aggressive Imperialism, and the idea that the Colonies could ever be induced to take any larger part in the ^ 394 LIFE AND, Work of mr. Gladstone. i^i! Ill ! ill : defence of the Empire, or could beneficially share in its administration. Mutua^ affection, and social and moral sympathies, were^ the chief factors upon whiph ^ he relied for continued unity. But though the possibility df c^ser relations was only just dawning upon the political horizon, it was a great beginning, and an essential basis, tohav^e a leading Liberal statesman thus denounce separation, and declare his willingness to defend the Empire against all comers The rest was only a matter of time. In. his Midlothian speeches of 1879 and 1884 Mr, Gladstone made many references to the Colonies. In one, he spoke of the bonds of liberty and love by which the Liberal party had united the Empire, and added that "th% whole Colonial community, with one heart, one mind, one soul has proclaimed, in terms that cannot be mistaken,, its /undymg loyalty to the Crown and to flie Empire." He more than once exulted over the fact that it was a Liberal Cabinet which pledged England to defend Canada with all the resources of the Empire against any attack from the United States and he commenced his first speech in 1880 by reminding his hearers that he was a member of the Ministry which had sanctioned the annexation of A year later, and after becoming Prime Minister, he marked the new situation of Liberalism in this connection by declaring that there was no more idle conception amongst all the vain imaginings that fill the atmosphere of politics than the belief that there was in England a party of men who are ••insensible to the great dignity and the great duty " surroflnding the mam- tenance of the Colonial Empire. As Mr. Goldwin Smith has declared that his friends constituted a " school of thought," and not a party, and as its influence was already at the lowest ebb, this statement was reasonably accurate, though a few years before it could not have been made. And, continued Mr. Gladstone "there is no man' worthy of the name of a statesman who is not sensible that the business of founding and of cherishing those Colonies is one that has been so distinctly entrusted by Providence to the care of the people of. this country that we should almost as soon think of renouncing the very name 6f Englishmen as of renouncing tlj^great duties which, passing beyond these, are imposed upon us in regard to the more distant, but, not less dear, portions of this great British Empire." ,,^..,^ ,.. It is questionable if Lord Beaconsfield or Lord Salisbury could have spoken more strongly than this. But it took time for the niirtor leaders in both parties to come up to the ideals of their chiefs. The lessons oP disintegration had been too long plantpd in the soil to fail of leaving some weeds of doubt and delusion behind. Lord Kimberley and Lord Derby, who, in turn, held the reins of the Colonial Office during Mr. Gladstone's second Government, 1880-1885, ' were still more or less influenced by the old principles. Those pnnciples had made Lord Granville, when holding the same post in 1869, declare to the Gov- ■ <-» s-E- -".■Tf: MR. GLADSTONE AND COLONIAL DEVELdPMENT. jed the new emora of all the ^elf-controlIed Colonies— Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the Cape— his strong disapproval of, and even opposition to, any project for a •Oolonial Conference or Congress, either temporary or permanent. Lord Derby "seems to have been particularly antagonistic to Colonial extension and freedom of action. Yet his brother and successor, known in Canada as Lord Stanley of Preston, was a thorough Imperialist. One incident will suffice to illustrate his policy. Queensland, at a moment wheh Germany was exhibiting great colonizing zeal, annexed the neighbouring island of New Guinea, in order to prevent Germany from doing so, and in anticipation of 'expected Imperial approval. Lord Derby promptly disavowed and repudiated' the act, and after long andWless correspondence and controversy, Germany quietly proceeded to annex te*est portion of the territory. As might be expected, the Colonial Secretary was never forgiven in Australia for his short- sighted indifference, and Tfie Australasian, a leading Melbourne paper, well represented this feeling in its editorial of December 27th, 1884 : " No language will be too.strong to express the pain, regret, humiliation, and resentment which such a step has occasioned to Her IV^jesty's subjects 4n Australasia. Nothing could have occurred so well calculated to weaken the feelings of attachment which.bind them to the Mother Country." ^ Put this was one of the>last convulsive^orts of a dying school of thought A few survivors there still are. Mr. John Morley is the chief representative at the end «f the century of the philosophical Radicals of its middle years— MoTes- worth and Stuart Mill, Fa'wcett and Cornewall Lewis. He still, to a certain extent, stands by the old gospel of selfishness and narrow-minded inability to V comprehend the change in the nations around him, and in the construction and sentiment of the British Empire. 'Mr. G. W. Smalley, writing as an American of the Americans, but after many years, of residence and experience in England, somewhere asks, with considerable significance : " Why is it that men like Mr! Morl6y sometimes talk and write as if they cared little about the Empire?" Andhegoe? on to note that "their l;on«^;is, I must say, no^Tmlike the tone which was -but too common in the Northern States before the rebellion. There were, in those days, men of culture who yet cared little or nothing for the Union." So far as this anti-unionism in England is concerned, he expresses a very clear conception of its origin : «' It was perhaps to Cobden, and in some measurts to Bright, and in greatier measure to lesser men than either, that England was indebted for the birth and growth of an anti-In^erial sentiment." Even while the trouble was progressing in New guinea, however, a great change Itnpended. It was in the summer of 1884 that Mt. W. E. Forstes, Lord Rosebery, Mr. James Bryce, and other Liberal leaders, joined with Conservative opponents m the formation of the Imperial Federation League. Whatever may have been the practical work of this organization, there can be no doubt as to € / .^X-\ nm ■(^^^■'. ,■'.» >'-r •» ', ^ .".jf- LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLAlB&«:pNE. r r . A «^or^ The dorm**^ or floating sentiment of unity was edu- thevalue^.f^advocac^^^T^^^^^ cated KUKied. '^^^^Xno^rt^^^on of what Disraeli had once urged, and what ^^^;:::^C^^.that^.e^^ were many differences, especiauy u .^j^_ -nch as Lord Roeebery and SK„g e!::r C^Lord SalUbV »peeeh at Exe.er, in F.bma^. .8,^ : . ' " Wh*HSlt that gives to this little island its commanding position? Why »« »t that S^slbShmenToUs^rtof moderate Imperial proteCiye system H«e as " fft^„^r^ Mr Gladstone stood in finn opposition to any alteration or r.^fic'TtirS ^e p^inXle which he has for fifty y-V^^ » «-' -"^ ,, "^"'"Tdepntation «aited upon hifc April '3th, ^|^fee Fed^n ^ " -idered with prepossessions in its favour, and it was not periaf' Council of Defence might be evolved, and even a ►n estaMi&ed in time, by the working of many minds and munica^^of ideas. \ But upon one point he desired to be p^icularly clear and explicit: \ „ i , »• „ .. I 1 not think I should be dealing fairl^with you i^ I held out any expectation th t «, fL rimy^lf Vm co^^^^ is\ery unimportant, and further, so far^as *^yVuttl1riLa.' te concerned, that we should even he prepared to propose tl,e ^^^S^^■ -H^g0- wn-^ MR. dMDSTONS AND COLONIAL DEVELOPMENT. 397 consolidation of the Empire by means of reversing tlws principles of our jcomniercial legislation, land introducing preferences into the terms upon which commodities imMtleci hom oyer sea are received in the ports of the United Kingdom." ^^ ^ ;V1 So far as %. Gladstone is concerned this utterance is probably final, but ^^ JKpmmerce and trade requirements, ancl fiscial needs, assume such varied form> i^^n an Empire like thaj of England tH^it there is no possibility of holding the future in bqndsr Change is, inJYe?ility, the very basis of the existence and unife^ . of the British isalms. ^Ken Mr. DiSfaeli spoke at the Crystal Palaie, i inaugurated a new way of treating Impei;ial affairs. When Mr. Gladstone' sufi ported the acquisition of "Uganda, in 1893, against the ho^ile views of thirjty-six Liberals and a dozen o^her- members of the Hoi««. he revolutionized the old party principle of opposition to Ipiperial extension, ^hen Lord Rosebery took up Iqiperial Federation, he findily buried the Manchcstl^r.School, which Disraeli had wounded and reaction killed. When Mr. James Bryce, M.P., Pxesident of the Board of "^rade, wrote to Sir Henry Parkes, of New South Wales, in April, 1895, that " the present policy, the present spirit, of the Liberal party is not nierely to maintain the (rmperial) connection, but to develop it into forms that may more perfectly correspond to the alteredoircumstances df to-day," he was xeally singing an elegy over the grave of the disinte^rationist school, and offering the compliments of the present and the future to a few theoretic survivals of the past, such as Mr. Goldwin Smith or Mr. John Morley. The Uga«^a question was a very nptable and vivid illuistration of this change in opinion and po'icy. Lord Salisbury's Government in 1892 had prac- tically consented to take over the vast region in Central Africa whidi goes by that name. Lord Rosebery, when he can\e into the Foreign Office during the same year, endorsecjf the policy, and announced his approval of the process of "peg- ging out claims for posterity " which was going on there. Early in 1893, Sir Gerald Portal was despatched to make a report upon the. country, and to :>' /'•■- '♦ 7-""A.\*^-/ ■■ -: . '. '4 \ I -•» • l'^ ! ! ^ I?:- li 'l!''. I -!i!|. UFE ANP WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. 3^ '■: admitted franklv "the ,« n-.^"- J„^'^'' f;:;,!' ". i" ^^ t parts of, the wbtli and which have become not only »^a'y' b p _^ honour on the part of this country to ■""'• ^"^ I'erkl sentiments, and his debate wai Mr. Chamberlain's «P'^=7„°f ^^°"\'X",™Led to take their statement that he believed the people of E"^f ^ "f j^=™ ^^ „f civilisation lt"s1nd?o"nseL'^«:™tlng in fa'vour of what »as the practical annexat-on "'"t'^kinXrnow upon Mr. Gladstone's long career, and its direct Looking DacK now u^ ^^-^^ :. ^^v be said to present a curious or indirect c6nnect,on ^'^^.f^rT'^ln^e performance, of dangerous .ss"i£«arrer:hnrlf:^fu^^^^ falling as a united organ«at.o„ ■"'» *''e„^^„^'^,''^, %^„, he performed a "«rvt^=:uThr:rt!rj^^^^^^^ rr i^^s-r -i^ in a^:^nr:f '^:bu:':;^= - =» thi te^h of a prevailing s^ntiment-or lack of sentiment. ^ Gladstone, harmony, and say : " To all the loyal hearts who long To keep our English Empire whole I .*. ~ To all our noble sons, the strong New England of the Southern pole I To" England under Indian skies. To those dark miUions of her realm I / To Canada, whom we love and prize, ' X Whatever statesman hold the helm. Hands all round ^ ' God the traitor's hope confound I' To this great name of England drink, my friends. And aU her glorious En^)ire, round and round. i , £^ %. ij'iMiJrii^^^6i4'4 *>- CHAPTER XXXI. ' ' MR. GLADSTONE AND CANADA, GREAT English political leader must during a loiig career exert a necessarily strong personal influence upon the external states of the Empire. And as the mutual play of policies, the interchange of opinions, and the growth of knowledge and interests continue to expand, this force of character, or career, or reputation, or popularity, must increase in volume and power! In the development of Canadji„^ad^e formation of Canadian parties and political principles, Mr. Gladstone has therefore had no inconsiderable share. To follow the history of the Dominion during the last fifty years is indeed to trace in a general way the sometimes direct, but oftenest indirect, influence of^ English Liberalism, and the pro-> nounced growth of its leader's power and authority. That in- fluence has at" times been good, and at times evil, but it has always rs'r i-yf *>w , v r -..J- 400 LIFE (AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. ■^\.^ ThP extension of the Colonies during that penod has been been weighty. The expansion 01 ^n understand the word, equalled by the growth of English Liberahsm, ^s we now u Church, f ^"^^"5^^^^; ^ ^ T^i^g 3to, events in Canada appear to have matters between 1032 ai^ 1052. lucaiumv * ♦u^^ frr.m t>if> stroni? especially interested the joung politician. He ooked " *;"» .f ™ f'/'^^ Tory standpoint, saw dim possibilities of future secession '' *« ^»8»'^' .nt^r^ment were si«n by England to the Reformers of the day, and over^ rSTs diI-4 one eL in' the Imperja. P^-jJjf^^lTirt'e^'^ of the Rebellion of 1837. The Rev. Dr. Ryerson, in his Memoirs, ««'»"»_; amusLg ^tory of how hfonce "coached" Mr. Gladstone Jt was in, «iton. r836, U a certain Dr. Duncombe had brought ^»- ^i ^.^ Mackenzie's famous petition for reform. The tngisn Kaai Cobbett taken up the cause of the Canadian Y^t;::'iXlTtT^^'^^ and O'Connell, were in expressed and active sympatny wiiu ■""'■"Chig the consideration of the question which folWed in the House Dr Rvereln says • " I was requested to take a seat under the gall"y, and "hile Sr. H^ui^w: sVeaking as th'e mouthpiece of Dr. Duncombe, I "nished Lord Sandon and Mr. W. E. Gladstone with the material for a-^'^^^'^'-g^X's misstatements. Mr. Gladstone's quick ^'^^''"X^'^^l^fJ^^il, .„ be more astonished and confounded than Mr. Hume himself. But aside from this little incident, the young pohtician had At^Al^m di. ca^M ^^nriderationof the House foranything he ^g^'.-y "pon C^-^^^^ i?o"r- a^.?d\"v?rot^thrctr'^i»*; Xht; "z^ Toryism, and a view oi inc v. commenced afterwards remained a sort of gospe with the Lj*'^^^ ?„ ^V j. ^f self-govern- ^,,Li4 " k ^i . *jtd.'^ .1 ifi-.s »ii.. \ t ^ ^ ^IT" <^". >*'■* _» t - ~^ * '^^^»-"-'^#'.«v 4«» LIFE AND WiORK' OF MR. GLADSTONE. There was in this a certaiir concision to the general principle of self- government. Then the speaker went on to make an interesting comparison between the American colonists of earlier days and the Canadian rebels— whose numbers and influence were, by the way, so greatly exaggerated and misunder- stood in England. He pointed out that the grievances of the Americans, espe- cially those relating to taxation, had not been redressed, while of the Canadian grievances " there was none which Parliament had not removed, or which it had - not declared its anxiety to remove." The Americans had been willing to make greater sacrifices to preserve the connection with England than the Canadians had ever been asked to make. " We had negotiated with the Canadians to induce them to grant a civil list for seven years, while it would astonish the House to hear that Dr. Franklin had proposed to grant one for a centuiy." Such were Mr. Gladstone's views during ian early and critical period in Canadian history. They have since been greatly changed or modified, but haidly in as remarkable a degree as have the institutions, the position, the prospects, and the environment of the Canadian people themselves. In 1840, he aided the passage of the Canada Government Bill, which had been presented to the House by Lord John Russell, and which many of the Tories opposed as giving too much latitude to the Colonists. By this measure the provinces of Upper and Lower Canada were to be united under one legislature and government. In his speech, Mr. Gladstone reiterated his views upon the retentiol of the Colonies, expressed the belief that many of the difficulties in Canada were due to Lord Durham's " mistaken teport," and seemed to fear that British connection was becoming more and more unpopular. The bill, of course, passed ; the provinces were joined in a union which they maintained until the greater one of 1867 was formed ; and Mr. Poulett Thomson, to whose skilful influence as Governor- General the success of the scheme was greatly due, became Lord Sydenham. It is said, by the way, that he wanted his title to be Lord St. Lawrence, which would certainly have been both appropriate and picturesque. Shortly after this speech of Mr. Gladstone's — which the Newark Times declared should be "written in letters of gold and hung up over every Canadian hearth " he supported, by vote, a Ministerial measure in connection with the troublous Clergy Reserve question. It went against his Church principles to do so but he seems to have thought that conditions altered circumstances very greatly. During the prolonged controversy in Canada over this matter, the Conservative Churchmen theils appear to have expected strong support, rather than opposition, from Mr. Gladstone, in any legislation which might come before the Imperial Parliament. In a letter written March i6th, 1853, to the Duke of _ jq^wcq stiff— the Co lonial Secretary at the time — and just before the final s ettle-^ ment of the question. Bishop Strachan, of Toronto, refers to this feeling in language of characteristic vigour : 'V' I. , .^^ » r ,Ji SAi*«>ll :■■■;:.: yy.^i ; .riV- ":f \}r'': : tON---?;^^;^ *?^ MR. GLADSTONE AND CANADA. 4*3 "I feel bitterly, my Lord Duke, on this subject. Till I heard of your Grac«'i despatch, I had fully trusted in Mr. Gladstone and his friends, of whom you are on9, notwithstanding the present doubtful administration, and I still argued in my heart, ' though not without misgiTin'gs, that the Church was safe. I bad cherished her with my best energies in this distant Comer of God's dojoiiaions; and, after many trials abd difficulties, I was beholding her with joy enlarging her tent, lengthening her cords, and strengthening her stakes, but now the joy is tamed into grief and sadnes?, for darknepi and tribulation are approaching to arrest her onward progress." I Despite his natural and gloomy forebodings, however, the veteran Bishop was destined to see the arrangement turn out for the best. Meantime, Sir Charles Bagot had succeeded Lord Sydenham, and carried on, for a brief period, and to a certain extent, his work in the slow and weary development of Cpn- , v stitutional Government;. It is interesting to note in this connection that Sir Stratford Canning, afterwards the famous diplomatist, the " Great Eltchi " of Kinglake, and known to the world as Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, had been first offered the post of Governor-General. In 1846, Earl Cathcart was appointed temporarily by Mr. Gladstone, who, for the moment, was acting as Colonial Secretary in Sir Robert Peel's Government. A little later Lord Elgin came out with the avowed object, as he put it, of aiding "the generous endeavour ' a to impart to these rising communities the full advantages of British laws, British institutions, and British freedom ; to assist them in maintaining unimpaired, it may be strengthening and confirming, the bonds attaching the outlying parts of the Empire to the Throne." And nobly he redeemed this pledge in the face of opposition and indiffer- ence at home, and of tropble and misunderstanding in Canada. One incident of his administration may be mentioned here, not as directly connected with Mr. Gladstone, but as giving an interestmg expression of opinion by the Liberal leader in Upper Canada regarding views held by the Liberal Premier in England. It was early in 1850, when the Hon. Robert Baldwin was Canadian Attorney- General, and what would now be tejrmed Premier, that Lord John Russell made his reference in the Commons to an expectation of the future severance of | Colonial connection. Lord Elgin, in a letter to Earl Grey — ^written froni ' Toronto on March 23rd-^i-states that Mr. Baldwin asked him if he had read this speech, and, on being answered in the affirmative, said : '•' For m)r8elf, if the anticipation therein expressed proves to be well founded, my interest in public affairs is gone forever." Curiously enough, he did retire from public life during the succeeding year. 1 About this time, Lord Elgin was involved in the riots following his assent ^ to the Rebellion Losses Bill. The sad mistake made by many Tories in using violent language against the Govemor-General;~afi(l in allowing public or private «xaspers^tion to express itself in the burning of the Parliament buildings and the '..-.■'^m' .u'l I ii''!il rilli'ii t SI ii fc, * X V- ::'£;■' 404 LIFE ANt) WORK OF Mr\ GLADS'IONK mobbing of Ministers, naturally called Englisiiattention to the nature of hft SSlation which had caused such a turmoil. Vhat there was.weakness m the cfntdian Ministry's method pf explaining the b\ll. and that its final operation was ve"different'fr5m what was expected and \ndicated m Us ternis ,s nc^ evident and affords some exouse for the excitement of the times. Had it been clearly understood that men who had been rebels in 1837 were not to. be I Sed in the indemnity offered by the measur^ to those who had suffered losts during that period, the trouble might have been entirely averted. But the bill appeared to give the opposite impression. \ . ^, , , ^ When the, matter came up in the ImpeVial House, Mr Gladstone strongly supported the Canadian Tories in theijr vieW of the case, though not la any violnce for which they may have been indirectlj^or directly responsible. It was claimed by Roebuck and others that no right of iVterference existed, as the mony voted was purely Canadian .,.but Mr. Gladston^held that the House of Commons had a right to interfere in all Imperial Werns, and that this 'was Tne On the '4th of^June, 1849. he himself reproduced the subject, Tnd declared certain parts of the Canadian measure to involve the very foundation of all social order; to clearly demand Imperial consideration; and to be inconsistent with the honour of the Crown as Pp^Jttmg, by .ambiguities, the indei^nity and reward of persons who had^bee^ guilty of high treason^^ stated the intention of the fra^iers of the Act to be the admission of former rebels to its benefits, and at the direct expense of the loyal community and denied that the Canadian people desired its passage or had been allowed , to properly express themselves upon its principle. He, therefore demanded an assurance that rebels should not in any way be compensated, and that reasonable evidence should be required that the parties receiving public money under its terms had not participated in the rising of 1837. If the Government refused this assurance, he would ask the Hou^e to suspend the operation o the Act until the Colonial Legisfature had an omjortunity of amending it. Lord Tohn Russell promptly announced that the Government intended to al ow it to L into operation, and refused to give afiy assurance upon the subject. In a Subsequent vote, he was sustained by 291 to 150. Thus ended an incident which is curious as showing Mr. Gladstone's conception at that time of the nature of Colonial self-government. ,. 00^ • *u u * Speaking many years after^ards-May loth, i886^in the House of Commons, the leader of the Liberal party referred to this period in a rather interestin g and re miniscent way ; "I sat in Parlkment during tKe~w¥oIedrtlie Canadian controversy, ^Which began ill 1818 and I even took what was for me, as a young member, an active part m the dis- Mssioni on the subject. What was the Canadian controyersy-what was the issue m the ir ■», 1 ]J*"5f^» -^ifi" nvf"' "-!?'*<% »-■>■ e House of in a rather THE RIGHT HON. SIR JOHN A. MACDONALD, Prime Minister of Canada, 1867-74, 1878-91. r '. m art in the dis- le issue in the (405) *^\ ; . ^'uti^^'^i.^ii^^-si-'^ii^t^i-r ^•i^JkH*' mn -. 4l 3»L_#«i¥-i(iJ 4*^!f4^ u ^ r %> ' ^^ THE HQN. GEORGE BROWN, M.P., Canadian Liberal Leader. (406) 4^ ',«•>■ ^v. A ,^ I.J. J !►-(,' i < ■'V\j^.*t.'?^.¥ IR. GLADSTONE AND CANADA. 407 case of Canada? Government from Downing Street. These few words embrace the whole controversy. " What was the cry of those who resisted the concession of autonomy to Canada ? It was the cry which has slept for a long|f^ime, and which has acquired vigofir from sleep- ing ; it was the cry with which we are now becoming familiar, the cry of the unity of the Empire. ... In those days, habitually in the House of Commons, the mass of the people of Canada were denounced as rebels." He went on to tell O'Connell's story in connection with Papineau and the French-Canadian wing of the rebellion : •« The case was exactly the case of Ireland, with this difference, that in Canada the agitator has got the ' O ' at the end of his name instead of at the beginning." In 1849, Mr. Gladstone had commenced to take an interest in the Hudson's Bay Company, and the question of Its jurisdiction and usefulness in the vast Canadian territories under its con- trol. He had, in that year, moved an address to the Crown, asking for an investigation into the Company's rights and privileges. Eight years afterwards, he supported a motion by Mr. Labouchere— subsequently Lord Taunton— for a Committee of Inquiry into its affairs, and" this was carried. Speaking in the House on July 20th, 1858, he declared that "a great part of this country is highly valuable for colonizing purposes, and it is impossible to state in too strong language the proposition that the Hudson's Bay Company is by its very existence and its character tlie enemy of colonization. All its traditions, all its habits, all its establishments— the fruit of generations— all its purposes and arrangements, are directed to purposes the attainment of which require that colonization should be absolutely excluded." But the speaker was a dozen years in advance of his time, and, it was not until the new Dominion had developed that the rights of the Company were purchased, and the country really thrown open for settlement. The way in which financial considerations may affect a political leader's view of things is illustrated in Mr. Gladstone's attitude towards the Inter- colonial Railway project. In 1846, when Secretary of State for the Colonies, he gave instructions for a general survey of the route— the idea being to establish a military road. Then matters dragged until, in 1861, a delegation, composed of the Hon. Joseph Howe, of Nova Scotia, and Mr. (afterwards Sir Leonard) Tilley, of New Brunswick, were introduced to the new Chancellor of the Exchequer by Sir Edward Watkin, with a view to getting a loan guaranteed. We are told that they were received in a sort of working room or den, where placards, papers, letters, magazines, and blue-books were piled in every direction, until it looked as if "the window had been left open, and the contents of a '°"^^^*^°^°"j,ggyspape r and book sh blown into the^ apartmentr" Ut^ Gladstone was perfectly civil, but •• looked bored and worried." Referring to the Atlantic mail subsidies— which he described as " unsound "—and to general \- 3? H*v^ *»!* *f '^ "K-'T* T«. 1 )■ ,i'r- LIFE' AND WORK OF MR-'GLADSTONR IP!' n-.l;; 4ofr "iarantees or aid. ot thi, kind, he spoke of them ., "hdp. to other p«,ple who ought to help themselves. ^ deputation was not very Needless to say, the encouragement P»™ '° '"» . /^ „,_ Gladstone's great. Some sixyears after Confedera -on, how^er^d dnr^ngM first Premiership, the question ««s settled by » Bm«^gua^« -.^^ia, loan-of •»7.5oo,ooo, in «J^™ J^'^.f "^^f^^^ ^''±^0™. evidence before a claims at Washihgton. In i8^, Mr. Gla^'°"* JJ^ ^„ji„,„, ..garfing the Defence Committee which clearly ™"^'''' P"™„"i,^^^^ obligations of local defence, and P-^=«f^^, °T.Xllnity," J declared, in withdrawing the troops f"" *«'=°i°"^,^„^„ business of its^S^ defence, "which is not primanly charged with the o'dina^ ou ; .^he privi- is really, or caabe in f M' -«« °f "^'^^ Xt^as^^^ i°K«*"-" leges of.freedom and tb' •'"^«""'""'^°» "!f 7t . traism, but the general The carrectness of this statement has .^^ ">^' '^"J,'™ Ulves in that way views of the greater »«f " f ^^^J^^^^^l^JooTmany people, the "privi- are now greatly changed ^ I V^ra'attlv obtained ifter separation from the ieges of freedom " ^^.^^^^^^^:S^'^::tm ^^ are better; Xld To^'abundanlintnirn with the Empire th^ in any iK>smon of external isolation. , . .. n., mentioned conception taken hold of the at the time of the irent attair, ana 1. s , ,^^|,inK the Canadians capital opportunity for putting theory into PJ^^';" »»^^'^JJ„| ^ ^ .eading self-reliances But the Government of "''■<='' f'^;'''^; gritish America to member d«=lined^ take Ui^vpa^^^^^^^ ■ ::rhe'".:sitia"^^':i:o-dayLX^^^^^ .his general qu^tion odefendmgAeCote^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^_ "r'T the ExiTer • M cSonrb^Heved I ^L^ defence by the local cellorof the lixcnequer, mi. vj ^ k« f V,*» Tolonies in the event of authorities, but he was fully P«FT , H An Ullrti^n Ttiis difference of ■ war, and with all the strengh of England An "»;'^''^" "^^ ^ord Hartington -s^deXr:tt;"'Ld,s=r~^^ -^ ^"-^*frg^d':.i^^td'':^nter^^^^^^^ A lengtny ucu maioritv. During its continuance, Bnght wrote I Xi-p^A -••i^iia&^fi.'^'wji v-^- ■. \^ '■^ MR, GLADSTONjE AJJD CANADA. 409 and I think you could knock over the stupid proposttion to spend English money on the fortifications at ©uebec." A little while afterwards, on March aoth, he summarized, in another lettfer, his view 6( the general situation : ) "We are told, indeed, of the ' loyalty ' of the Canadians; but this it tn ironical term to apply to people who ne|ther pay our taxes, nor obey our laws, nor hold themselves liable to fight our battles ; who would repudiate our right to the sovereignty of an acre of their territory, and who claim the right of imposing their own customs duties, even to the exclusion of our manufactures. ... A sham connection and dependence which will snap asunder if it should ever be put to the strain of stern reality." Mr. Bright had apparently forgotten the war of 1812, and a good many other things, in writing this letter, but it is none the les^ interesting as showing the extreme English view of a situation in which there was also an extreme Canadian view. During the debates upon Con federation [ when, in 1867, the ^Bfffish North America Act came before the Imperial Parliaihent, the general question of defence was one of the chief subjects of discussion. The commerce of the Colonies was not much of a factor at a tiijie when England had just captured the carrying trade of the United States, and eVen entertained bright hopes of capturing its market also. And the othV point of debate was the future of Canada— the majority appearing to think ind«!f)e^dence extremely pfobable. The Confederation policy in Canada had been greatly encouraged by the Bnglislj Liberals, and by Mr. Cardwell, as Coloniar Secretary. \Vhen, in June,*i8i6, tbey left office. Lord Carnarvon and the Dufee of Buckinghami who, in turn, administered Colonial affairs in Lord Derby's Gbyernment, also gave it every possible aid. But this help does not seem to have.beeri offered in . the spirit of enthusiasm which would naturally actuate men who really felt that' they were building up empires, and legislating for future millions in a great State. - , . . ~ ^ . ' Sir John Macdonald, in a most important letter, published in Mf. Pope's " Life " of the Canadian Premier, tells us that the whole matter was treated as though it involved two or three outlying English parishes, and states that we . owe te Lord Stanley — afterwards the Earl of Derby, and the hero of the New Guinea episode — the substitution of the word •' Dominion " for that of " King- ' dom," which appeared in the original draft of the Canadian Bill, because it might " wound the susceptibilities of the Yankees." When a Tory politician took this line, it can be understood how near the Empire really came to disruption during those years! Mr. Gladstone, however, assumed a distinct * stand upon the question of defence, and did so in defiance of the Cobdenite wing of his party. Speaking on March 28th, 1867, shortly after leaving office, and within a year or 50 of becoming Premier, he declared that the purpose of Confederation was to increase the wealth and strength of the Colony, to make Vsetf-reKant, and enhance ityrewwrces fear defenccr > — ~~^ - 'l/Ly!-. ■*r*t h ',.u^?ft -T*'*'"' * •i- ■ 1 1 's^^^M*^M^:^^^^m^: «/r " ^J^.^^V'^'I^'-'/T^r'-s^ ^y':" S^-T^-^^^^ (! 1 -tf. if' K ' ^W^f ''y^-r''^,' '■_'•* 410 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. He added the belief that true defence must ^^^^y^ ^^^^P^ff.^^^^J* .n^rmrof afrefe Deople and that it waS impossible to combme Colonial self- rv2^m1n^t wUhE^^^^^^^^^ at the expense of the <^^-nt Motl,e^^^^^^^^^^^^^ And then he referred in strong terms to the f eman aggressions "P°« Canada as "a wicked outrage, hardly to be paralleled in the annals of piracy itself, and as being acl„a°ed by a desire to wound British honour and to injure Bntish intere ts. S^nddent he'thought quite sufficient to prove the necessity of Canada assum- ingi in an organized way, the defence of its own frontier. "It seems to me/' he continued, "to" be essential that British North America ?T «.nn the contrary every effort will be made by.thjs country, m connection with i r^K °Hh Ameri^^^^^^^ protect the colonists from aggressiorr; but that is a tciX dfffefent S^^^^^ a large ex'penditure of money to be paid out oMhe Brit sh Treasury, a defensiye force in Canada. So far from any tie being broken. I We^^ha thr^o^^^^^^ between the pother Country and the Cblomes ^.U be closer SSanTt would if w« maintained a standing army in Canada for its security. As the debates proceeded, the ignorance andandiflference in certain quar- ters concerning the great future before the new Dominion became painfully conspi^^^^^^^^^^ Gladstone had referred to the desire of Canadians to copy as doseW as possible the institutions of the Mother Country, when Mr Bright responded w the remark that •• if they should prefer to unite themselyes with he United States I should not complain." Mr. Chichester Fortescue-after- wards Lord Carlingford,- and member of several Liberal Cabinets^xpressed a Lske for the continuance of cordial friendship, "whether in union with this couh^^^^^^^ at any distant day separate.from it." Mr. Lowe '« deprecated our Sconsidered'responsible for the confederation in any way. or as having • erected it as a sort of rival to the American confederation. Earl Russell eSly had not forgotten his speech of some years before-when sitting in the S^mons-and declared that "this union will place the Colonies on such a fo^ang that, in the event ^^f their ever being desirous of severing the connection tClould be enabled to^choose thdr future position in the world regardless of any external disturbing influences." • All this talk, and much morp of the same kind, while not important ' taken individually, indix^ates. in theji^mp, a state of things m which the ties of uS weir very'^reatly attenuated: Lord Monck. who enthusiastically aided Sir John Macdonald and the other Canadian leaders In the earlier work of Con- federation, is known to have made unguarded references to a hope of independence as being the real reason of much English encouragement given to the under- .takmg.Ldm-£roud^^^the evidence o^ Taletter-April 25th, 1892-that " the tioveraor-GeneraT recommended-^ i. li'Wiyf'' y ff.- £••■ •' • -4"|?- •""'-'*■• :^'H^ MR. GLADSTONE AND CANADA. ■ ..^i^v*.^ ^'^r^aJ^-^ - 4" 5l\ Canadians to prepare for separation at an early period, and they were given to understand that if they preferred independence the Mother Country would not interfere." Looking back now, it seems wonderful that this stream of tendency did not have th? eflFeot of bringing about the result which so many expected. So far as Canada is concerned, it did create, in many minds, a corresponding sentiment of indifference to British connection. Had this Canadian feeling not been checked by the sturdy British senti- ment of Gebrge Brown, the Imperial enthusiasm of Sir John Macdonald, and the loyalty of Sic George Cartier, it might have really developed into a strong separatist agitation. And in this connection, Mr. Gladstone'? reiterated declaration of the intention of England to stand by the Colony in case of need rendered vital service by helping the loyal spirit in Canada, and checking those at home who were bent upon hastening in some practical way the end they desired. Then came the aggressive blows of Disraeli. The relative place of the two men in this matter may be briefly summarized in the statement that Gladstone held in check the separatist tendency in a rather cold, but practical, way, while Disraeli revived Imperial enthusiasm, and. secured the future by bringing back to the people's minds the real spirit of Empire. Mr. Gladstone has never been regarded as an Imperialist, but no Canadian can forget the historic fact already referred. to, and again mentioned in the following extract from one of his Midlothian speeches in.i^o. Nor should the environ- ment of indifference amongst English leaders of the moment, which made his attitude so important, be overlooked : " At that time, whether with or without cause, there was considerable alarm in Canada in connection with the great war that raged in America. There was apprehension that Canada might be attacked by America, because America, at that time, thought she had cause of complaint against us, and the Canadians applied, to the Government of Lord Palmerston to know. whether he should defend them; and tBe answer which we made — you may perhaps think even that it was a rash answer, but it certainly was a most decisive answer, and embraced the whole case — the answ.r made on behalf of Lord Palmerston's Government (and the persons specially employed to frame it were Mr. Secretary Cardwell and myself, Mf^h one other Minister) — the answer made Was that it would be the duty of Great Britain to defend Canada against external aggression with the whole strength of the Empire." . - After Confederation, Canada grew steadily in importance and influence. As its system of self-government became consolidated, its scheme of local defence perfected, its place in the Empire assured, and its peaceful development along* British lines more and more a matter of course, the old-time discussions in the Imperial Parliament regarding its internal a£fairs almost entirely and naturally ceased. During the Home Rule debates it came again to the front in this jspectr^^ot aside from that causey and the^ foreign complications which arosor 'i.^jya^» :/ V, Z^' o '■:{..:/ tm '-k^^ 413 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONB. '> 4 from time to time, there was little room or reason for Imperial mtervention, discussion, or assistance. A pleasant incWent occurred m 1884. when the Queei, upon Mr. Gladstone's recommendation, oflFered a most unusual honour to the Conservative Premier of Canada The former's letter stated that, " in acknowledgment of your long and distinguished. services, Her Males y graciously authorizes me to propose that you should receive the honour of a Grand Cross of the Bath." Sir John Macdona Id. m «ply. • >i> gratefully accepted the distinction, and added: "I am especially grabfied fia thi^ annLcement should be made through you. and the honour conferred through your kind intervention."; It is worthy of note that Mr. Gladstone had Vviously, in 187a, recommended Sir John for an Impena Privy CounciUorship-a compliment to a CoMal lead^^hout precedent at "when the Home Rule controversy commenced in 1885, Mr. Clalstone received a good deal of moral support from Cinada Without going into the political or other reasons for^the resolutions passed it may be fairly said that there was really a great deal of sympathy felt for him in his ™«™°^^bj« f °'^': On April 17th: after an all-night sitting, the Quebec Legislature adopted a resolution expressing satisfaction at Mr. Gladstone's attempt to solve the Home Rule question. In his reply to the Speaker of the Assembly, he ^P^^ssed hii deep gratitude for "the wise and liberal view" thus entertained. On May^oth the Nova Scotia Legislature recorded its warm sympathy with the J^er^ leader's eflforts to " secure local self-government, and alleviate the evils of the Irish land tenure system." The Manitoba Assembly discussed, but refused to pass, a similar resolution, on the ground that the matter did not Prje^y come With n their jurisdiction. On the 6th of May. Mr. Blake introduced a motion ^congratulation into the Dominion Parliament, which, after considerable amendment and discussion, was carried. ■ ^a^\w..^\ The Hon. Edward Blake has, perhaps, had more personal and political intercourse with ¥r. Gladstone than any other prominent Canadian. In 1885, and while still leader of the Dominion Liberal party, he was, for a time, the euest of Lord Rosebery at Dalmeny Park, and, during his stay, heard some of Mr. Gladstone's great speeches in the political visit he was then paying Mid- Idthian. At a banquet given Lord Rosebery, in Edmburgh. by the Scottish Liberal Club, and attended by nearly all the leaders of the party m that section of the Kingdom, Mr. Blake was present, and spoke at some length and with cha^cteristic eloquence. He afterwards retired from Canadian politics, joined thetrish party at Westminster, and helped the English Liber^ leader so far ^ it W i" >^ i« F»^ '^-arly in December, 189a. he presented a portrai^ of Sr GVstone. piinted by Mr, J. Colin Forbes-a Canadian, and und^ tEa au8picea\of C«madian Liberal»-to the National Liberal Club, - 0! t-t-ar' ->i'^;5s?;«jps^ MR. GLADSTONE AND CANADA. 4n The occasion was an interesting one, and the speeches of Lord Rosebery» Mr. Blake, and the Hon. G. W. Rosf, Ontario Minister of Education, were worthy of it. Mr. Blake was naturally eulogistic, and, in the course of his speech^ declared that " Canadians, for whom he was speaking} were filled with admira- tion when they observed an aged statesman, at a time of life far beyofid that allowed to tli6 majority of the hiiman race, undertake ifi task before which the bravest and most vigorous might have quailed, undismayed by the crash in his own party, undauntetl by the schism ^ongst those for Virhom he was especially labouring, undeterred by the timid anii nervous apprehension of some, and by the no,t unnatural desire of others to place in the forefront domestic reforms which they thought more pressing.) than the Irish questicm." Lord Rosebeiy, in his beautifully worded address, described Mr. Gladstone's courage and sympathy as beiqg his two most remarkable qualities. i' During the many and crowded years of which this^ presentation almost marked the active close^^Mr, Gladstone has, of course, c<^e into more or less frequent personal contact with Canadian public men. Sir John Macdonald met him frequently during the long Confederation discussions, and in later years. Mr. Sandford Fleming visited him at Hawarden mWe than a decade ago. The Hon. William McDougall bears with him in his pplitical retirement a similar memory.* Sir John Thompson was looking forvkrd to, and had •My Dear Mr. Hopkins: i. My acquaintance with Mr. Gladstone (personally) was very bkef. Having met him in London in 1873, he invited me to pay him a visit at his counti^ seat, Hawarden, where I spent a few days very pleasantly. He was then in his prime, a^ne specimen of the English conntry gentlemen, and at the same time a busy man of aSaii^. In our rapid walks — in his case for exercise, rather than the inspection of his fields — he wasimuch interested with my account of Canandian life in the backwoods, and especially with m^ description of the sugar bush and the process of " tapping " trees and converting the sa^ into sugar by the process of boiling in large kettles over a furnace in the woods. He was quite anxious to try the experiment with trees in his own park, but I dis- suaned him by explaining that only one tree— the maple — was known to produce sugar in Canada, and, as I had not yet seen a sugar maple in his park, I thoui^bt We had better wait till we found one. Being thwarted in the su£^r scheme, we reso^aed our discussion on the political relations of British America with the Mother Count|;y. I confess that his forecast of the future of Canada vtras not*'quite so assuring as I had expected, but I soon discovered that his apprehension of the inability of Canada to' maintajn her independence without constant, and probably costly, assistance from the Mother Country was the serious question to be dealt with. Nearly a quarter of a century has passed since my visit to Hawarden, hut I have never ceased to respect the great Imperial statesman, and, with few exceptions, to approve the measures he has suggested or helped to consummate. Ottawa, June 17th, 1895. Very fiithfully ^oara, «;)« mi Wif. McDougall. 'J-^t*! t-Sj '*,/■-* .ii. i'-} »:■' :pi' lii:^:;!'- \y.'Br^ 414 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. accepted, with pleasure, an invitation to meet him at his country home, when stricken down by death at Windsor Castle. The great Liberal leader had be n a schoolfeUow and friend of Lord Elgin, whose memory Canada has such reason to prize. He appointed Lord Dufferin Governor-General, and thus g^lthlt sutesman an opportunity to render the Dominion such signal service bv his speeches of silvery eloquence, and his subsequent interest m its progress. ' H^. sent ru L^^^^^ Lansdowne to a career of dignified popularity and 1. is warm f"end the Earl of Aberdeen, to a position which he has filled with marked '''*'' Bui ZrTL many considerations which cannot be more than touched upon in estimating the influence of such a career for good or evil upon the des- Unies of the younger countries of the Empire. Leaving aside certain political coTs derations, which many will deem to hav. had an injurious -fluence or tendency, and others will believe to be his highest glory and honour there can be no doi^bt whatever of the power for good which Mr. Gladstone m his personal character and Christian conduct has wielded in Canada as well as ^n Britain Sir John Macdonald once stated that, for instance, th. result of the establishment of a Divorce Court in England had fully borne out the Liberal leader^s conten tions in his long and historic fight against it, and he (Sir John) hoped tl^day would never come when the Dominion would have one. . ^ ^ . , Properly looked at, therefore, and with politics eliminated, there is much in the meniory of Mr. Gladstone's career to help Canada on its splendid path of development-with the beginnings of which he has had so intimate a connec tion— and towards the Imperial consummation of the future. 11; i;'i-! ni''» li m:' ' T -^ S- there is much splendid path late a connec- SPENCER COMPTON CAVENDISH. ;.„ DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE AND MARQPESS OF HARIINGTON. .^^^^^^' (4'5) l^oJ^sUvHkMi^lV. ^^a^ ■i N LORD JOHN MANNERS, 7TH DUKE OF RUTLAND. '<'' Ul6) '\ijnA i * 'J&'lM J' «&*,.'' ^.^m kitfi^^ t«< 'mai ■U'.. -*.- . -.v''-i-i^/? if^ CHAPTER XXXII. MR. GLADSTONE AS AN ORATOR. ,ORD MACAU LAY once described Parliamentary govern- ment as government by speaking. If this epigram were*true, and as a rule epigrams are only half truths, Mr. Gladstone would be the greatest master in the art of governing whom the world has ever seen. As it is, he stands pre-eminent amongst modern orators for versatility and copiousness of speech, for enthusiasm and vit^our of style, for facility of language and popular charm. Other speakers may have exceeded him in pure debating skill, in wit or sarcasm, in cutting words or " trilliant" invective, in clear analysis, or even in momentary power over the massesr But they have been very few. And in no single case have so many of these qualities or gifts been concentrated in one person. It is \this .combination of oratorical powers which has m^^de Mr. Glad- stone so great a speaker. When Sir Robert Walpole first spoke in the House of Com'monsl his manner was ungraceful, he stuttered and stammered, and seemed to Izick words to express himself. When Disraeli made his initial effort, his aprtearance was so extraordinary that the House latighed— and his enemies for the moment triumphed. O'Connell could hold a vast and stormy mob in the hollow of his hand, but his hapless vulgarisms marred the great .influence he might have wielded in the House of Commons : / " Pass by his faults, his art be here allowed — -^ , • Mighty as Chatham, give him but a crowd ; -' / Hear him in Senates, second-rate at best, / Clqar in a statement, happy in a jest." "^ Sir/Robert Peel, with marvellous powers of clear reasoning and lucid statement, wiiih a knowledge of Parliament — its business, debate, impulses, and character --i^nly equalled by Walpole. in a previous century, was not a pleasing or riopular speaker. Lord John Russell, with wide experience in debate, ^reat resourcefulness, and power of clear expression, had physical deficiencies /which would have kept most men from even dreaming of the oratorical / success which he really achieved. And this despite a cold demeanour, which made some one describe his speeches as " the British Constitution preserved m ice. Edmund Burke p oss ess e d an eloquen ce which h aa become anationjiJL; 1*. <® possession and treasure, but he had the strange faculty of speaking too long. 417 •>jf ■-? 418 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. Commons as a con-' or else at the wrong time, and of emptying the House sequence. In the words of Goldsanth : " Too deep for his hearWs/te went on relyimg, - '-^ ^^ , . And thought of convincing while they thought of dining.' During even his greatest speech-that on American conciliation-he is said, by a rn^emporaiy. to have driven the members out of the House Yet that utterance tea ma'ster^^ce and model of eloquent language. Lord Stanley,, afterwa da Eari of Derby and Premier, had a remarkable sweetness of voice, great debatmg ^powers, and boldness of languagp, but was rash to the verge of danger, and brought upon himself Disraeli's famous designation of "the Rupert o debate whose charge is irresistible. '.' But when he has driven the force directly opposed to him off the field, he returns to find his camp in the possession of the en6my. Robert Lowe had physical defects which made his success seem marvellous, and his powers of sarcasm were so great as to render popularity >«;Possible Bright was a great orator, but not a leader of men m any^higher sense than that of being a natural and gifted agitator. ' ' ' ' j r « „«„«. Mr Gladstone seems, on the other hand, to have been saved from most • of these defects, and to have possessed many of the ^reat 'qualities mentioned From the first, he had been successful in speaking, graceful in manner, cultured in style. As the years passed on he could hold an audienCe as even O Connell at his best, could never liave done, and excelled Peel in lucidness^of financial statement, while equalling him in knowledge of Pariiamentary P-^^^^^^ure From eariy days also, he possessed gifts of bearing, and appearance, and personal magnetism, such as alone would almost ensure oratorical success, while his r^r ovel the Commons became, in time, only equalled by his influence over ihe masses of the people. Though very copious in speech enthusiastic in advocacy, and. at times, passionate in debate, he could hardly be termed rash. And his mastery of English equalled that of Bright, while h; possessed a legis- lative faculty and political prescience which " the tribune of the people admit- tedly ^^^^^- ^j ^^^^^^y .^ ^ marvellous power. Its history constitutes the oolitical greatness and marks the national littleness of modern England. The mother of Parliaments has seen four great schools of eloquence, excluding, of course, the earlier and more scattered efforts qf Bolin|;broke. Hampden. Pym Hvde or Strafford. The first was markdcl~t>y the dominance of Chatham and Burke. Sheridan. Murray (Lord Mansfield). Walpole. Pulteney. and L^d Chesterfield. The second included William Pitt, Fox,. Grattan, VVindharia.. — ^Ming.inufiteek , and fi eiiiey . The th ii^^vasdominatedi^y^:^ Lvndhu^st, SheU. O'Connell, Palmerston, Gladstone, Derby, Lowe, Disraeli. Russell. Cobden, and bright. The fourth is the distinctly modern school k!» ,,. a^.,''sj- 4 4 tei. «. J «4fhi"^ I"' MR. GLADSTONE AS AN ORATOR. 419 represented by Gladstone, Chamberlain, Salisbury, Balfpur, Argyle, Selborne, Rosebery, Asquith, and others. Yet, strictly speaking, thi^re were only two great Ministers of th^ century who have held their position,' in part, or in whole, through the influence/ of oratory. The one was Pitt, the other Gladstone. .The one commenced the century as Premier, the other very nearly ended it in the ^me elevatioA. During the long interval between these periods, there were great Prime Ministers who were also reiharkable speakers — Canning, Peel, Russell, Derby, Disraeli,- Palmerston — but they held their places not so much through the power of oratory, though that at times might have great weight, as because of skill in Parliamentary debate, personal popularity, ability in party management, able administration, and other reasons of similar force. Pitt controlled Parliament by pure eloquence. And in days when that meant government — even, at times, against the will of a majority of the people — he vrais supreme ; although the King might occasionally furnish a check or put the brakes upon his policy. Mc Gladstone, on the other hand, dominated Parliament at a period when that body really represented the peopl^, and he did more than that, and more than Pitt, by the nature of things, could do — ^he dominated the popular will of Great Britain by the force of his oratory. And their speaking seems to have possessed many characteristics in common. Mr. Lecky's " H^istcry of England in the Eighteenth Century " describes the oratory of Pitt in a sentence which might be almost transcribed as a picture of Mr. Gladstone's own style and powers • - ; ^ ^ " Pitt had every requisite of a great debater ; perfect self-possession ; an unbroken flow of sonorous and dignified language; great- quickness and cogency of reasoning,, and especially of reply ; an admirable gift of lucid and methodical statement ; an extraordinary skill in arranging the course nd symn^try of an unpremeditated speech; a memory singularly strong and singularly acci^rate. No one knew better bow to turn and retort arguments, to seize in a moment on a weak point or an unguarded phrase, to evade issues which it was not convenient to press too closely, to conceal, if necessary, his sentiments and his intentions under a cloud of Vague, brilliant, and imposing verbiage." One important difference there was. Mr. Gladstone has always been more or less disturbed by hostile criticism — especially so in later years — and has permitted ^nen of infinitely less weight and minor position to torment him into exhibitions of anger, jrestlessness, and lack of self-command which were far from dignified, and which proved as gainful to his friends as they were delightful to his adversaries. But, once upon his feet, he was master of himself, his subject, and his audience. To win the highest rank, or even high rank, as f^in the British P arliam e n t^is^ however^oafr0^4he^aost^iffie«lt thingfr- in the world. The traditions of eloquence are so many and so varied, the qualities of its past leaders so admittedly great, that for a man to^ihold ii.^-.j_ ^•^'^%nift,'u \ ^ <"■ 'u,\.Vi^^^^ ^^.j^S^^Hk^iV^JCll ^ - 1 "W^ '?/*,'*"*>*'/''•'■ i*S'* LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. 420 ;Lrsiis an'almost unique tribute to •>« I«--'^^-^„_ ^.^ ,i«e„ed to th. The House of Common, dunng a ^^^^"^ ^ -■ ovarwhetaing stately, sonorous style of P'"' ^"''■°', ^/hi^self once, described as declamation of Fox, which was l.ke the flame *« "J^^"^^ brighte*d.as it reqairing fuel to feed it, and mot^n to ex^.te^.t, but wh. ^ J^jJQ ^^^ burned. It has enjoyed e loqu nt ™a„«y °^.^^.^^ „f Brougham, the magnificent, scorchmg, lava-l.ke mvectrve a . j^ ^^ ^,^y, wit of Sheridan, the finished and '':^"''™, '3''i,^,iji^3 „f. those claiming its been extremely sensitive regardmg the style and qnaliues o^ t^ 8 ^ attention, or making any o-torrcal pratens.ons J^^ ™^° ->"> commanding . multitude into tears; "f '"^ ""''..''ril, bv beau V of word-pictures and presence-, control an «d"- f^ .^^^^^."/riei^ i„Vaf a^embly of si. hundred imagery; often found h.mself Jo a^^^^^ ^preintatives of the cultivated =""'!'"*'''""'• ""7. '„ded from its leaders either power of people. The House m fa«. demanded t ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^^^ business-like P'^'^ ">" °^Jtu^ Disraeli, Stanley, and Glad- excelledm; or sWlm debate, uch ^^^^^^^^ po„er, founded upon r^ledgrandCr^ti. Ltain pLuar limitations, such as d.stmgu.shed Macaulay and B^f • -^ ^hjel and CoWe^^^^ ^.^^ ^ ^^^^^^^^ ,„^ Manyaman has come up to ^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ popular oratory, and has '>''«f '"'';' 5^^ Qne of the most striking cases ^r.nTwL"ToTw:Xia;1 hnlXx'" Atthegre^^ of this kind was that 01 vviiiwmj ^ supreme, the stormy period of agitation -^^^^^^^;^,]:rM been greater than and his power of swaying a Po^^^^^^^^^^^^ NonconLmisf minisL. and the that of Bright or Cobden. He ^/^^^^^ „ot only illustrates this influence. following sentence from one of ^^J^'^''^^^^^ ^ Q.^^k development: but affords an exquisite W;;j^„^^^^^^^^^^^ race/and shelter as .. There, arose the -"^/P^'J/^/^t ^7barbarism ; there, liberty first built her in a nest her gentleness ^^^"^ '^^ 'ly^^^^Z^, and shouted across them a proud defiance mountain throne, first called the waves her own danced around humanity, and to despotism's banded ™y"^dS' f ^^^^ ^jj^^ ^is path with roses, and bound his brows stored man'i home with comforts, and ^t--^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ ^ summoned him to temples of with myrtle and ^-^^f j°^.^^^^^^^^^^^ elegance, and threw over his final snowy marble, and charmed his senses wu ^^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^ slee7their veil of lovehness; there sp«ng ^^^'J^l^ ^^^^„, ^^at defy the assaults of .m th^teeming__mtell^g^^ g Jfa; "^^ _^ ^, ^^ I d a model of 4:^m th^teeming M^girj^t htne^ ;^^ ^ ^^^^ ^^"•l subdue *^;,]»^;ji:irntT^^^ and every passion of Tur ::^tu1eTra^e;r ^t r^^^^^ touch called forth at pleasure." ;, for many ned to the erwhelming escribed as iterted^as it -ShIiW the lugham, the has always claiming its oald melt a ;ommanding « ictures and six hundred itives of the ST power of i Gladstone r, and Glad- unded upon distinguished j eputation for le House, or striking cases js held during 3od supreme, I greater than ster, and the this influence, lopment : !, and shelter as ty first built her I proud defiance 1 humanity, and bound his brows im to temples of ew over his final ddess, mature at y the assaults of world a model q£= -iij GLADSTONE AS AN ORATOR. 431 j^ every passion of And so he would go on in beautiful, but rather ornate English, and aj)parently without any limit to his ability of painting pictures in words. Yet he made no mark in Parliament. Macaulay spoke essays, but his ability was so great as to maintain his position and reputation despite that fact. Bulwer Lytton and Robert Lowe, in certain great efforts, attained fame, althdugh they failed to increase it, or make it more than a memory in following years. . But the remarkable point in connection with Mr. Gladstone is not that he excelled past or contemporary orators in the making of one, or two, or three great speeches in the House ; not that he excelled Peel, or Palmerston, or Disraeli in debating power and influence over the Commons ; not because he could always command its attention, and, like Pitt, maintain its interest and admiration while analyzing financial problems with almost rhythmic el(^quence ; not because he was able to hold vast popular audiences by the charm of an oratory which was really no greater than that of John Bright ; it is in the fact that he cor^ned in himself all these powers^ though, of course, in varying degrees. Disraeli states ip his " Life of Lord George Bentinck " that although Peel was '• the greatest member of Parliament that ever lived," and played on the House of Commons as on an old fiddle, yet " he could not address a public meeting or make an after-dinner speech without being ill at ease, and generally saying something stilted or even a little ridiculous." But since 1853, when he practically took up the mantle of Peel, Mr. Gladstone has grown in Parlia- mentary power and reputation, while introducing and maintaining the modern 'system of Ministerial and political oratory in the country. Long before the date mentioned, he had won a success in the House which 4nost men would have considered as the attainment of their ambition. His maiden speecl;i in 1833 won the praise and compliments of Mr. (Lord) Stanley, then Colonial Secretary, and himself an orator of undoubted power. His speech upon Canadian affairs, in January, 1838, brought him the rare honour of a compliment from Peel, who termed it "very able," and the statement from Disraeli, in a private letter, that •' Gladstone spoke very well." A critic, writing in this latter year, remarked that Mr. Gladstone " dis- plays considerable acuteness in replying to an opponent ; he is quick in his per- ception of anything vulnerable in the speech to which he replies, and happy in laying the weak points bare t^the House. He is plausible, even when most in error. When it suits himself or his party, he can apply himself with the strictest closeness to the real points at issue ; when t«i evade the "point is deemed most politic, no man can wander froip it more widely." The lapse of more than half a century has served to bring ouHlie keen accuracy of this early opinion. Then came the Corn-Law period, and his steady development in the direction of ranciaJ skill ariH eloquent presentation ot aiy aeians. «— eaaac y^. however, that, at this period, his oratory equalled that of Disraeli. '.ifc £&^.iii T.*t*W.?S?W'?#»!».l?5, i ^VT Iff' i^ ~ (Mjt r' ' 433 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. The latter, in his attacks upon Peel, reached, perhaps, the loftiest heights ot epigrammatic and scornful eloquence. He never afterwards attained quite the same level. Only those who understand Peel's career, in its greatness and its littleness, and who know something of his peculiar character and personality, can fully appreciate the scorching sarcasm of those speeches. When he pro- claimed Peel's life to be '* one great appropriation clause," and termed the Ministers " political pedlars that bought their party in the cheapest market, and sold us in the dearest," and thus continued amid roars of applause from one- half of the Premier's oym party, and amid the keen appreciation of tl]e whole House, it is little wonder, though none the less a great tribute to the power of the speaker, that Peel should have become so intensely indignant as to be |li j! hardly restrained from challenging his critic to a duel. These speeches mark |;| an epoch in their way, and constitute the triumph ^ of a type of oratory in which |jk|| Mr. Gladstone never excelled. His epigrams have, indeed, been very few. Ill . ' But he was a master in the art of indignant, passionate speech. The ;!|[|l first occasion on which he really showed this power was in 1853, when, as already stated, he began to amount the higher rungs of the ladder, and it was Disraeli himself who had tlW^isfortu^ to feel its effects. The latter, in his Budget speech, had told Sir ChaflesWood that petulance was not sarcasm, nor was insolence invective, and had castigated Sir James Graham by stating that he viewed him with regard, but not with respect. This line of attack brought Mr. Gladstone to his feet with a bound, and evoked one of his most effective and fiery speeches. It largely contributed to the defeat of the Government, and the destruction of Disraeli's elaborate Budget. Then followed his curious oratorical duel with Palmerston. In this the latter was generally victorious, because he appelated to national sentiment, and acted upon what his practical common sense told him to be the popular feeling of the day ; whilst Gladstone dwelt in the clouds of cosmopolitan theory, and endeavoured to inculcate ideas of international benevolence which were hardly*in harmony with the current necessities and convictions of the country. But none the less was his eloquence a growing force. And after i860, when it came down from the clouds of theory, and rested upon the solid basis of financial facts and legislation, he became what Greville termed " the great man of the day." Even at this distance in time and space, his Budget oratory is hard to describe or analyze. He over and over again made great masses of figures absolutely fascinating by force of the word-painting which accompanied them, the beautiful voice which presented them, and the brilliant arrangement of his illustrations and argument. He moved and charmed the House of Commons — the most severe and critical audience in the world — ^and, at the same time, won The admifatibn of the press and the reading public. He soccessfully^eld hir own against Disraeli, who had 'won so great a reputation for caustic, clever * «-* v^.a.■'^^^. :j ..<'^»^.,' .*.^^A.i^^^^lfa.^\i,^. ^f4^^^%rj^'S- MR. GLADSTONE AS AN ^RATOR. 4aj criticism. This was Parliamentary oratory df the most remarkabU) kjnd. It it , , an embodiment of the fact that gennine eloquence, like genius, is. a gift which cannot be acquired. It iqust be inhierent. Intellect and education are very^ well as adjuncts, but the great speaker requires what some one has called " the oratorical impulse." He must be enthusiastic and earnestly desirous of con^ vincing others ; he ■ must have a living faitlr and confidence in his own caiise. Mr. Gladstone 'had this power of intense coqviction, coupled with a combative disposition, a splendid constitution and voice, a wonderful memory, and a mind which could adapt itself to the surroundings of the moment. Add to thes^ gifts a marvellous fluency of speech, and it appears evident that hi pe<«rsessed every element of oratorical success. Writing in i860, Mr. Walter Bagehot declared that : To hardly any man have both the impulses of the political orator been given in 8> ■'> ^'""V^p ■m wmi 4«4 • W^ ANUfWORK Of MR. GLADSTONE. But With all deductions made, Mr. Gladstone stands out distinct y as the moft varTed and gifted orator of the age. Mr. A. Hayward, Q.C., wnting n i^^irthe Ouair/v /?..»>«;. declared that "the first place among Imng in 1872 m the y*^^^'^^^^^^ V^ -^^ ^e conceded without a dissenting voice nfrS^r Haj^^'ard'sc^ond^^^^^^ Glldstone was a great debater, but not a ^''^' ThTsiatement. however, was mJtie with twenty years of eloquent exertion to coJ^incTuXg Luch triumphs ofl oratory as ^^ff^^^^^l The same thing may be said with even greater force of Sir John A. Mcdonald s 1 he same tning may uc ^^^1!^ Watkin. and after the emment Can- notice suddenly withdrew the c4f and greatly dasputed portions of his Enlwed Schools Amendment Bill. Mr. Gladstone had i,, time to consult any SL or make a^y preparations, but i^e jumped to his feet and delivered a speech SLwi masterly from the Liberal standpoint. Mr. (now Sir) T Wemyss RXrrompetent' critic, though L a Liberal in poHtics he -ay natu-Uy be Inclined to eVr in the direction of etlogy, declares m this connection that . " As a debater he stands withiut a rival in the House of Commons. .* . . The ^- 1 wWlThrreDlies to a spfeech just delivered is amazing ; he will take up one Ztr^Z ."'af™*ro».ra,^ » ^io^..ni U ,. complied .» repress STbul ^i ^ic^ ar,e .he .umul. 4. «»' "is ,oi« Uk. the trumpe. sound.,s through the din of the battlefield." ■'"'#-■ JTo his peroration every one listens with intense interest, and i t has silence, -in-' to nis neroratwu cvp»j >^"^ - -- usually been deUvcred amidst an equalTy reffiarkable «.cn«^ .« ^'^'^vJZZ and accent and gesture, and beauty of carefully prepared language, coq^bme to ;r^uce au arti^c ami viyid impression. He had. in speaking, a number of - 4. -■,iw.=r-\ «. MR. GtADSTONE AS AN ORATOR- 4«5 peeul^nties, of which the most prominent was the proneness to Vehement gesticulation. He was emphatic to the point of striking the table/ with his clenched hand, and frequently struck one hand upon the other, or pointed his finger straight at his opponent as a sort of scornful ind^x to his vigorous attack. But these outward^ indications of excitement are not. new in thelannals of oratory. The great Earl of Chatham, with his flashing eye 3^ swajiing figure, and even with his crutch in days of physical weakness, uSed to forcibly emphasize his words. Brougham once dropped on his knees durir g a debate in the House of Lords, and appealed to his opponents against their contem- plated action. Burke, upon one occasion, threw a dagger pn the floor, and brought from Sheridan the remark, which roused a roar of laughter that " the gentleman has brought us the knife, ^ut where is the fork?" Fox was at times moved to tears by his own eloqtience, and Sheridan himself is s^id to have fainted in order to bring home Jiis argument to an obstinate House. Had it been deBirabie to do any of these things, none of his predecessors cowld-have excelled Mr. Gladstone in originality of conception, lor power ol acting. He seems to have been a born actor. In his speakingj h$ used the histrionic art to an admitted, and very forcible, degree. His face,|hi^ eyes, his mouth, his whole body, were made to voice the expression or thought which passed through his mind at the moment. Of course, this was noli assumed ; it had become a sort of second nature. But, originally, he does/ not seem to have possessed, or, if possessed, to have used, the faculty. It cfevfeloped with his oratorical growth, and his enthusiasm in political questions. A critic, ii> 1874, stated that there was in his voice a slighfT.ancashire twang. Whether the fact was really noticeable or not,'dt certainly never affected the silvery clearness of that wonderful organ of speech. It has more tnan once been described as a silver clarion, and was often compared to a sweetrtongued bell. , Mr. Gladstone's great speeches in Parliament have befen many. The Budget speeches between i860 and 1866; the. Reform Bill oratnon of the letter year ; the speeches delivered in presenting the Irish Church BiW, the Irish Land Act, and the Irish University Bill^ were all remarkable utterances. In them his qualities were fully exhibited. Mr. Justin McCarthy has triea to analyze these powers by describing the wonderful' voice, with its pure, sweeft, clear, resonant tones, and that gift of words which so often led him int^ the/ fault of too great fluency, and the formation of senteiices in which parenthesis fc [lowed parenthesis until the listener or reader mistakenly despaired of e;(rer hs vfng the meaning made absolutely clear. An opponent, in fact, once sj4ipme< 1 up oi^^ of these great speeches as a " circumgyration of incoherent words." *' , ' terestin g to note aa ^^iaioa^expresse d by,. Cobden. Gladstone at times had no warmer admirer than he, and there wa|^ hirdly anyone in the Parliament of his day so distinguished for straightforward i-." -^t^m 'A5&*i. w » ■ 4a6 V LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONB. simplicity of style and manner as the great free-trader. Writing to Mr. W. E. Forster on January 19th, 1865, Cobden says : •' Gladstone's speeches have the effect on my mind of a beautiful strain of musie. I can rarely remember any unqualified expression of opinion on any subject outs.de h.s political, economical, and financial statements. I remember, on the occasion when he left Sr Robert Peel's Government on account of the Maynooth grants, and when the House met in unusual numbers to hear his explanation. I sat beside Villiers and R.cardo for an hour listening with real pleasure to his beautiful rhetorical mvolutions and evolu ions, and, atJie close, burning to one of my neighbours and exclaiming : ' What a marvellous Ulen is this 1 Here have I been listening with pleasure for an hour to his explanation, and I ^ know no more why he left the Government than before he commenced. ,- Such was the feeling of a friend and co-worker at the commellcement and the close of what may be termed the first important part of Mr. Gladstone;s career But to return to Mr. McCarthy. He goes on to say that •• often this superb exuberant rush of words added indescribable strength to the eloquence of the speaker. In passes of indignant remonstrance or ^denunciation, when w(M foltowed word, and stroke came down upon stroke, with a wealth ol resource that seemed inexhaustible, the very fluency and variety of the speaker overwhelmed his audience. Interruption only gave him a new stimulus, and appeared to supply him with fresh resources of argument and illustration. His retorts leaped to his lips." Mr. McCarthy adds that the House of Commons was his best ground, and that he was seen to the greatest advantage in Parlia- mentary debate. This was written irf^ iSSo, just after the remarkable Mid- . lothian sertes of speeches, and may be pWed side by side with Mr. Hayward a already quoted statement in 1872, that Mr. Gladstone was a great orator, but not aereat debater. * . o ^ u- # the fact is, he was both. From his first Budget speech in 1853 to his 4*Otentation of the' second Home Rule Bill in 1893, he exhibited clearly, ^antly, and intensely, his Pariiamentary oratory. Nearly all contemporary accounts of these innumerable speeches, in the press, in reviews, and m private correspT>ndence which has since been published, indicate this. His appeals to the people from'th'e platform since those first important appearances in Lancashire, after being defeated at Oxford, voice also the popular power which eloquence gave him. His famous campaign of oratory which commenced on Blackheath in 1876, and ended in Midlothian in 1879 and 1880, prove the statenient, if proof were necessary. And this is said without reference to his being right or wrong, successful or unsuccessful, in ultimate aim. .... A power which can move great masses of people like a strong w ind blow- ing a monj^Flhfe leaves of a IbresFiT oratory pure Smalley has, perhaps, given us the most accurate pen-picture of that campaign in Midlothian. He describes the reception at Edinburgh on November agth, H'r "<■ ; ■ V-'. ijikiala I ^,i^"„-^ir^ ' y&-7 ?-^^^/';4 MIL GLADSTONE AS AN OIUTOR. 4«7 ) Mr. W. E. 1879. At the second meeting of the day, the audience in the Exchange was so great, so closely packed together and dense, that from the platform it lost all human character, as it stretched back into the recesses of the great hall. Lord Rosebery's voice, clear and ringing as it was, could only be heard a short distance from where he was standing. Yet when Mr. Gladstone rose, and the applause l»ad ceased, we are told that: "The first. note of that marvellous voice rose like the peal of an organ. For the first time he spoke with visible effort ; sending his slow syllables and deep tones to the uttermost ends of the building ; using his utmost power. He was, everywhere heard over the spreading surface . of what he so well described as an ocean of human life. It is probably the greatest feat he ever performed. He spoke for about twenty minutes." Upon this occasion, as always, the speaker had beside him on the table that little bottle of yellow fluid about which so much curiosity has been felt, and from which he poured a portion into a tumbler when required. It was, in fact, egg- flip, compounded of eggs and sherry. Mr. Smalley tells us that he has been often asked to compare Mr. Gladstone with some American orator. But he knew of none, either in America or Europe, who was like him. And he had heard Castelar, and Gambetta, and Bismarck ; Daniel Webster and Wendell PhilKps. He declaresthat Webster was of the earth, but that Mr. Gladstone «' has a light on his face that seems to come from the upper air." Webster was a speaker of extraordinary powers of mind. " He was occasionally an orator. It is but seldom that Mr. Gladstone is not." Throughout this Midlothian campaign^jand the later ^ne of 1884, Mr. Smalley seems to have caught some- thing of the enthusiasm with which their hero's eloquence inspired the usually staid and sober Scotchmen. But his descriptions afford very good evidence of : the Liberal leader's genuine dfetorical faculty. One of the most remarkable qualities of his speaking, both in the Parlia- ment and on the platform, was an ingenuity which often verged upon casufttry. It was while the Home Rule controversy raged with such intensity in 1886 that \^ame8 Russell Lowell, then United States Minister in London, made his cele- brated epigram upon Mr. Gladstone's changes of opinion : " His greatness dot so much in genius lies, .. As in adroitness, when occasions rise, . Life-long convictions to extemporize." Clever this undoubtedly was, and it delighted many who heard it then and after- wards. It revives the Jhemory of a story^told in the early Sixties, when Gari- baldi was in London, and had occasionally been seen in the company of a certain rich and titled widow. The jsuggestioa was jnade^that^it^ would be very wise fet^ them to marry, he having a great name and she plenty of money. But some one raised the objection that Garibaldi already hid a wife living, when the ready 4 • V ^f -A* ^tIl'Jt*y^^^^tO n, JlvJifei«.l^-\(l ^'j'T / • ':«^ LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. 428 Mr. Gladstone's i"8'»-"'y f "''"*"^ 'Action, and enthusiasm uponAe usually left an impressbnof '""f/"''^;;;'^;^^; y„,pathy--apart altogether •hearers, which makes U.mpossble to ve^wthayy^^^^^^^ ^,^^^ ^^ from the knowledge we have of h.s P" J^ ^^^j^^,,; had to contend during S mlTf'ht SSsXri:; c^;:'so th. . is not one which Conser- and into the eighth, decade of his ^^f-^\^^^^ "^Even critics of the sterner greater and greater admiration for h« =P«=f «^;^ ^ f^^^ succeeding orations, Irt fell under the temptation of ^y"^; ■»J'^'''J°, series. There have that the one just delivered «« '^"f' ""^^ '""^^ pjuerston could deliver been other veteran orators m ■""dern Bn^J^ op^nents, when eighty years ol an effective speech, and rout the most »f ta °PF» ^ ^{ h. age. Lord Brougham lost m old age none of his rema ^ ^^^^ ^rd Lyndhurst delivered \f ?^' °^"Xe L„ ^6 and complicated in ing on his ninetieth year U is sa.d to have be^ 6 ^ ^^^j^,, ^„i arUent,yetasclear^l.ghUn.^.and^^^^^^ penetrating voice. And, in more '«=«"^ ^^ .• , septuagenarian speakers. Ld the Duke of Argyle, have l«en d«"»g"^^'>^ »^j;P Jf^ j^e variety, con- But Mr. Gladstone stood unique amongst *em a^^^^^ ^^ i^j^o^f,, tinuity, and vigour of his «"«a->ce^ fj^, as bring characteri^d by " thrilling speech in the House on March 3^. '892. ^ b'lng __ ^^.^ .^ ^^^ energy, lightning-like brilUancy, and thunderous fo«e^ .__ .^ ,^ „„^ admSng note of an admitted Paf '"n n 'to anTdiis was in the single point respect, the years seem to have told upon •"■». a"" . „£ palmerston to LcUis three chief Parliamentary opponents sn^efte y ^^^^^^^ Disraeli, Balfour, and Chaml«rl«n-had maintain^^^ ^^^ ^^.^^^^^ :^r hto. It was in the pK>wer of »elf;P»-=^^ ,^ Kalfour. No hostile No Irish taunt, however barbed and b^'"' ""'"^^'Jb Mr. Chamberlain. Bat 7Z:^r^£7r-^ ^^ rr'^'plcliam^' and the people, "1 jAi pg^'l^^lr^-^'^^^' *^^V^i^\"''^"^^ "^^ AT*'-t J» ' 7 "-'j^vVV <-/i r •; -t j^,i -irjyi^f^ ^ Ti^' ^- _^ ''■*T.?^*^^ / CHAPTER XXXIII. THE CONTEMPORARIES OF A GREAT LIFE. i A^ CAREER like that of Mr. Gladlstone presents to the mind a marvellous picture of the past. It resembles a vast panorama upon which move the figures of great men, the shadows of changing policies, and national incidents, and varied achievements. In a life so prolonged, and prominent, and active as his has been; no study of character or policy is complete without a knowledge of his contemporaries — his friends and enemies. The names of many, it is true, become mere dim shadows in the distance, and those of others have ly lost interest to the succeeding generations. Ye£ they all contributed to lontrol of events in which he shared, and helped to influence his complex character, or were, in dS'rn, influenced by him. It would be more than interesting if one could look into the cloistered halls of Oxford during the early part of the century and see there the youthful figures engaged in study, or conversation, or debate ; discern the ambitions faintly flitting through their minds ; and then compare those hopes and aspirations with the results attained. It is hardly likely that James Bruce had the slightest conception of the future in which he was to govern Canada ,^ in such stormy times and with sucli signal success ; manage British interests at Pekin, ahd rule countless millions in India ; or that Charles Canning could foresee his own elevation to the government of Hindostan, I ^^ to say nothing of the tei;rific conflict with rebellion which ensued. \ Jr Lord Lincoln, when he wrote to his father, the stern old Duke of ^^ Newcastle, and recommended his friend, William Gladstone, as the one Tory who was likely to save the country from " indefinite revolution and change, could not have con- ceived himself as member of a future Libepl Cabinet, or aisOx^elling in Canada, then almost unknofwn, as guardiantS a Prince of Wales, then unborn. And it would have been fully as difficult for Cardinal Manning or I^ord Selborne, Lord Sherbrooke or Arch- bishop Tait, Lord Herbert of Lea or Sir George Comewall Lewis, to have anticipated their varied and distinguished careers, as for young Glad- fitonft, vrith his_3trQn g ecclesiastical ^preposses-^ sions, to have looked into his great political future. Meanwhile they : MM J! iim rsAm*' -'*'■- "n'T" 430 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. - " Held debate, a band ' Of youthful friends, on mind and art ♦ ^ And labour, and the changing mart, Aftd all the framework of the land." Then appear the first glimpses of the Parliamentary picture. When he entered upon that career— described by.Macaulay as one in which " the most its combat- ants can expect is that by relinquishing liber^il studies and social comfort, by passing nights without sleep and summers, without one glimpse of the beauties of nature they may obtain that laborious, that invidious, that closely-watched sla^rj^, which is mocked with the name of power "—Earl Grey was Premier, and the historic government which had carried the Reform Bill was still in pdwer. The very n^mes of its members illustrate the crowded years, which have passed since then^ and the personal connections involved in sixty years of political struggle Lord Brougham was Lord Chancellor— for a period the meteor had been chained. Ih the early years of the century, he had, as a rising barrister, been the guest of Mr. John Gladstone in Liverpool, and a little later the youthful son of his host had seen fam take part in a memorable election contest. In 1868 the boy of that day delilfered the chief eulogy in th? House of Commons over the stormy life which had just c'osed, and the portentous energies which he declared to have been f* wonderfully and beautifully softened" by the hand of Lord Althorp (Earl Spencer) was Chancellor of the Exchequer, and his successor in the title, many years after, was to help JVIr. Gladstone very greatly in his Irish policy. Lord Palmerston was Foreign Secretary ; Lord Melbourne had not yet reached the Premiership, and, in the meantime, made a very debonair and careless Home Secretary ; Lord Lansdowne was in the Cabinet, and the son who was to become Governor-General of Canada had not been born ; Lord Durham Was there also ; as was the pfedecesspr of the present Lord Ripon, and the first of three more or less eminent Earls of Derby, whose rise and progress, and death or retirement, Mr. Gladstone has since witnessed. It is in connection with this Peer, an orator who was unexcelled, in his day,,for qualities of force and vigour, that a characteristic stpry is told of Lord Lyndhurst— himself a splendid speaker. When asked who the greatest orator in England was, he would reply that "Lord Derby, no doubt, it the second," implying always that he himself stood first. During the ten years following 1830, Mr. Gladstone saw the commence- ment of many great literary careers. Dickens and Lytton, Tennyson and Browning. Marry at and Carlyle, began to make their mark in that^penod. "Doudas Terrold andThomai Hood, Sir A. AUisoii, G. P. Rr^ames an* WiH^ Wordsworth, Theodore Hook and Harrison Aipsworth, were the established 'Ai...- ^e v- k gjg?>^f' • .j^^j^rtJ^ THE CONTEMPORARIES OF A GREAT LIFE. 43* hshed lights of the day. Byron was not long dead. Scott, Coleridge, Moore, Mrs. Hemans, and Campbell, passed during this decade from the scene of their work and fame. Then came other generations and other periods. George Eliot, Reade, Lever, Trollope, Kingsley, Freeman, Froude, Green, Darwin^ Huxley, and Tyfldall-, passed across the stage and vanished. Macaulay rose» and flourished, and died ; essayists like Mathew Arnold adorned literature and passed away ; new an4 successive schools of fiction have come and gone, until Mr. Gladstone, Who, in 1840, might r«ad Dickens and Thackeray, in 1895 reviews Mrs. Humphrey Ward's latest novel, or, perhaps, turns the pages of Rider Haggard, Thomas Hardy, Conan Doyle, R, L. Stevenson," William Black, or Stanley Weyman. Meantime, in Europe, in America, and in the Empire generally, leaders have struggled to the top in politics, statecraft, literature, art, and science ; performed their part, and received their reward ; until memory must have seemed to him in his later days almost a procession of brilliant phantoms— aecalling, perhaps, those lines of Goldsrfaith : " Pride in their port, defiance in their eye, I see the lords of human kind pass by," '\ • ■< Amid this stream of successive leaders in thought or work, a te\y interest- ing reminiscences may be noted. . When Mr, Gladstone held the post of Presi- dent of the Board of T^de in Peel's Ministry (1843), h* had with him as Private Secretary a young man who afterwards' betame leader of the Cboservative party in the Hous6 of Commons. Sit Stafford Northcote was one of the most kindly, gentle figures in. English polrtics, and began his career with an admiration for Mr. Gladstone which he retained all through life, and amid the stormiest controversies of Parliamenta^ struggle. In 1842, he wrote a private letter which is interesting reading in these IdSer years : "There is but one statesman of the present day in whom I feel entire confidence, and with whom I cordially agree, and that statesman is Mr. Gladstone. I look upon him as the representative qf the party, scarcely developed as yet, though secretly forming and Bl^ngthening, which will stand by all that is dear and sacred, in Oiy estimation, Tn the struggle which 1 believe will eome ere very long between gojd ankness,thathe would be "thankful public and private, ""'^^^'^'^tT^^S^r, destruction becomes less agree, ifitconstrucfedsomethng. Asjrege ^^^^. »Ki. " In a letter to a fnend, m May, Jo?/. , able. in a leirer _^,^,y .., ha»i«s. b«n breakfasting, with Gta«o»e.WeJ^*. P^ ^.^ ^^ ^,, WslterS^tt Jo*.no^subie«sj^ utjje^-d^^^^^^^^^ U«, to a hurry tor forty ,««. «" ^ Gladstone has been The career of JohS Bright is one w.rt. "^'^ ^r-^,^ ^^ „fo™ tide. . closely bound np. The g.«aifree-t«de orator ro« up ^^^^^.^^^.^^^ and his pure, clear, EngUsh ''X^l'.f tmote than considerable reputat,on. Prime Minister had als. won >»«««'£ »^°' j^i„^d amongst Quakers, , . B^^t, in his origin, was connected -^^'H^ ,„d a Radical from h,s fa/a dissenter of the dissenters, a hater ol pnv s , „„, S Mr. Gladstone was the reverse o » ' ^'^'-J^ ^ „,„ of books rather m^t and commenced life as *« ^^™^ ,f J^rinrf-Corn Law Bght. Upon U«nof battles. They came together first ml^ ^ ^ never agreed. Ae Crimean war they fell apart, ^"^ >" XJ/ .y,, ^nd Bright made many During the Reform struggles they fought «*«»/' \^ Disraelian settlement. Xent ^P"'^'-^ f" '"t^""'"; '"held 'a Sacfand although the id^ of the In the first Gladstone M'"'«ry 1« ^eW ^P^^^^^^ „ot harmonize, their fr.endsh,p two leaders regarding the Manchester Schoo a _^^^ great Quaker once . remained close. I" *e second Admimstratron ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ■ ■■ more held office, but it was a bnef tenur^ ^^^bardment of Alexandna. Mr. ^. and resigned ™™f ^'''>;^ =^f pe^^icture of Mr. B^^^^^^ »)-» fe. W. Smalley has written a g«Ph«= P«^ P' j^ ,^d,,. To him he sard : this occasion-his hatred of war. h.s love _ Of coarse I have protested, i " I have spoken to nobody as I speak to you^ u ^^^^^ ^ ^^s equally have argu d entre^ed. remonstrated all m vajn^ '^.^i^^ot move him. I do not censure ^^^n I aoi^led to Gladstone. He hstened. but I «>";*\''° ^^.^ o„ Gladstone. There r^i^S^S^what I say about t^! -^^^ "^^f^^ST^ul tofl^a t^^r Shan hisTHe^ie^^to^^ .hoti?hedidno.^t^-s 3.^«^^^^^ Myworkisdone. English guns at Alexanona. ^Md^i^ X^u''^,j.t^^K^ij!S ,.' • .",.'' -< TI^E CONTEMPORARIES OF A GREAT UFE. 431 . . oo^ ''t^^'" ^*'^"' '^^ prophecywas correct. He never held office again and m 1885 there came the final break over the Home Rule question. It i« beyond doubt that Mr Brighfs secession did that cause grave injury in England, and although he would not oppose his old friend and leader upon the platform or attack him m Parliament, he considered it a duty whith he owed the State to gjve reasons for his position in several public letters. And these did Mr Gladstone much harm in many old-fashioned Liberal quarters/where Brighfs name and fame Remained a power. But when, in 1889, the curtain of life was drawn down upon the sturdy orator who had been so intensely English as to verge upon narrowness, the twilight of a London afternoon showed serried masses of Parliamentary mourners listening as Mr. GladstoS^ once more did fulhustice to a remarkable man, and credit to his own powers of discriminating -Thomas Carlyle and Lprd Tennyson were two great men of vastly diverse natures with whom Mr. Gladstone had some intercourse. It was not very close, nor was it always cordial. Carlyle liked 00 one. unless it was Bismarck, whom he had once styled "God's vicegerent on earth." and he hated politicians on principle. In his Journal, under date of January 23rd u^A J!^^^^ Mentone. he writes: "Gladstone, e» route homewards! called on Alopday. Talk copious, ingenious, but of no worth or sincerity-! pictures^litefature, finance, prosperities, greatness of outlook for Italy etc — a maiHJbnderous, copious, of evident faculty, but all gone irrecoverably into JiwiSe-of-Commons shape." His letters to his sister contain the most bitter and caustic denunciations of Gladstone and Disraeli, somewhat modified as regards the latter after his oflFer of the Grand Cross of the Bath and a pension from the -Queen. Though too independent to accept anything of the kind even Carlyle did not prove averse to the compliment thus conveyed. With Tennyson it was different. The poet and the statesman were born in the same year, and attended university at about ;the same time, one at Cambridge, the other at Oxford. In the early "thirties" they both began to acquire reputation, and moved in a circle of society where Carlyle Disraeli Mill, Thackeray, Bulwer Lytton, and Monckton Milnes were more or less known. The one was made Poet Laureate shortly before the other becaihe Chancellor of the Exchequer. But Tennyson always remained a Conservative while Gladstone gradually, but steadily, changed his views. And although this did not affect their friendly relationship, it brought them upon more than one Mca^ipn into sharp political antagonism. None the less, the poet accepted a Peerage upon Mr. Gladstone's recommendation, after refusing a Baronetcy G kfilft n.^n » ?^^r ^!fh f"^ '^^^' ^<=^°'"P*n'e<^ the Premier and Mrs.* ' n^xladstonc oa a cruiM lu^^^penhagen and otiier points. TtwsS upon this"" occasion, or rather afbpr^heir return, that the two distinguished frigmls were -'\ -Mr i ^i- 436 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. I^t* li 1! presented with the freedom of Kirkwall, and , Mr. Gladstone delivered a brief ^ speech, which is interesting from^ personal standpoint, and as being a sort of postscript to his famous Quarter^ Review article of 1859 : " Mr Tennyson's life and te^urs correspond, in point of time, as nearly as possible to my own. but Mr. Tennyson's exertions have been on a higher level of human action than my own. He has worked in a higher field, and h.s work will be more durable. We public men-who play a part which places u» much in view of pur countrymen-we are sut ct^o the danger of bei^g momentarily intoxicated by the kindness, the undueliomage of kindness, we may receive. If is our business to speak, but the words wh.ch we speak have w^gs and fly away and disappear, The work of Mr. Tennyson .s of a higher order I anticipate for him that immortality to which England and Scotland have supphed m their long national life many claims. . . , The Poet Laureate has Wntten his own song oh the hearts of his countrymen that can never die. Time is powerless against him. In 1872, one of the strongest men in the Gladstone^overfiment was Mr. W E Forster. He was not yet a member of the Cabinet, but he had done Liberalism a great service by the masterly way in which he had guidefd the Education Act of 1870 through the House of Commons. Staunch to what seemed to him the true principles of progress, he was at the same time so evidently honest in conviction, and independent in character, as to conimand the respect of opponents as well as of party supporters. Many regarded him as the most rising map in the Liberal ranks, and few hesitated to place him with Mr Bright and Mr. Lowe as a possible leader of the party, should the Premiera any time sheath his sword and retire from active service. His rugged natural simplicity of style,' and vigour and force of language, were as remarkable in their way as his courage and determination. But, in 1875, Lord Hartington succeeded Mr. Gladstone as the Liberal chief, and in half a dozen years from that date Mr. Forster had shattered his political shi^ upon the rock of Irish When the Government of 1880-85 was formed, he. had taken the Irish Secretaryship, partly from a sense of duty, partly from loyalty to his leader. What-iollowed belongs to the history of coercion in Ireland, and has been vigorously used against Mr. Gladstone by political opponents. It was.m truth, the last organized Liberal effort at " strong government " in Ireland, and Mr. Forste\ was the victim of a more than difficult situation. He had been given every possible power, and when outrages continued to increase, and the rule of the National League to grow more and more visible, he used that power to the utmost extent. On November ist, 1881, Mr. Gladstone wrote him a congratu- latory note : " It is not," he said,' " every man who, in difficult circumstances, can keep a cool head \feith a warm heart ; and this is what you are doing." jrster was sensiffve as to his success, and anxious to retire if the Government could get some one else to take hold of Ireland with any Better '^v- )k - RTs:- '^?3t^ 7-^ THE CONTEMIOR ARIES 01? A GREAT LIFE. 4it effiect. And, judging from the correspondence of the period, there must have been a good deal of friction in the Cabinet as to the proper policy to be pursued ; especially during and after the arrest of Parnell and his friends, and their con- finement in kilmainham jail. He had, however, triumphed over these obstacles, and on April 5th, 1882, Mr. Gladstone again wrote: " I do not admit your failure, aijid I think you have admitted it rather tod much— at any rate by omission; by riot putting forward eqough the fact that, in the main point, namely, the deadly fight with social rtvolution ; you have not failed, but are succeeding." Then came the Government's decision to t;ry another line of action, and the sudden liberation of Parnell and his associates. The exact nature and cause of the change of policy is not clearly known, but it wis plainly in antagonism to all Forster's ideas, and necessitated his prompt resignation- May ist, 1882. Sir T. Wemyss Reid, from whose " Life of Mr. Forster " the above correspondence has been quoted, speaks plainly of this result, and the relationship between the Premier and his colleague : '•^rora Mr. Gladstone especially, he parted with profound sorrow. There had, from tim/to time, been differences between them during their official connection, but up to the Jfct moment they had been differences on questions of detdiil, not of principle ; whilst during those terrible months in which Forster had been waging war against the outrage- mongers in Ireland, under a flank iSre from English Conservatives ft^d, English Radicals, he had received a constant, and a loyal, and generous support from Vis thief." Then followed the sadly terminated mission of Lord Frederick Cavendish Ae failure of the first olive branch held out, and a temporary renewal of coercive efforts. But so far as Mr. Gladstone was concerned, this was the beginning of the era of attempted conciliation. For Mr. Forster it was, in reality, an extension of life. The plots discovered during tJi»>Phcenix Park investigations show that he could hardly have escaped nttfclilonger the fate which met his mild and kindly successor. When he died, in 1886, and during ^he discussion of the Home Rule policy which he so keenly hated, Mr. Gladstone's eulogy in the Commons summed up his strong and rugged person- ality : •' He was a man upon whom there can be no doubt that nature had laid her hand for the purpose of forming a thoroughly genuine anil independent character." During the American Civil War, a young Engl^h aristocrat distinguished hifnself upon one occasion by wearing a Confederate flagln his buttonhole at a New York entertainment. He had, at that time, been a member of the British House of Comnions for only a few years, and was known to be fond of horses and theatres ; was considered a ,poor speaker ; and seemed rjither disposed to look upon politics as a bore. Yet, ten years later, he was chosen over the heads of Forster, Lowe. Child ers^ and Ha rcour t^ as -Mr. Gladstone s uccesso r in fehe^ LiberaU • "^1 leadership. The NIarquess of Hartington was, in fact, what may be termed an •f, 111 i .si' •■T"'' "-^St.V" '" f' "'• T-hfi <»tfl .. wi:_ ''?%''?■ ? -» T'^^T'^^i ?(V^ S?**f;'j|*,»Tf"/E''^"^^^ -**''"'" • .''7 **, ^?^^°1^^ m 43« LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. » » hereditary statesman. As the son of a great Whig duke, he had been given office at an early age, and put through grade after grade, as a matter of course, rather tl^n from the exhibition of any striking ability. Yet he possessed great ability, and of that sound, sterling, trustworthy type which may so often be found amongst English leaders. Patience and determination made him eventually a good speaker ; a sense of duty to his station, rather than personal ambition, induced him to devote the time to politics which he might have preferred to give to pleasure; character and sound principle brought him a high personal reputation ; hard work made him a good administrator. In Mr. Gladstone's first Government, he became Postmaster- General, and, two years later (1870), Secretary of State for Ireland. His man- ner, however, was a mixture of aristocratic languidness and hauteur, and was cer- tainly not of the sort to produce popularity. But, in 1875, he was given an 6ppor? tunity to show his real qualities, and it is generally admitted that during the five stormy years that followed he made an able and cautious leader, in a succession of exceedingly difficult circumstances. He and the Liberal party were warned beforehand that no man coul(| be its real leader so long as Mr. Gladstone was in the House of Commons. The Spectator, for instance, declared that " Mr. Gladstone in the House so dwarfs every other Liberal, the sound of his voice so terrifies every other orator, the words of his counsel so outweigh the advic6 of any other Ulysses, that leadership may be an impossibility, or a humiliation." Naturally, the two were not always in sympathy during this period, but Lord Hartington succeeded in winning general respect — while Mr. Gladstone was winning the future victory. When the elections of ifl8o were over, the former was, of course, given an opportunity to attempt the formation of a Government, but he promptly declined in favour of his old leader. In the new Administration, he was, for a time, Secretary for I^dia, and then for War. He refused altogether to j6in the Government of 1886, because of the whispered probabilities of Home Rule, and since then he has been as consistent, though moderate, an opponent of Mr. Gladstone as he was previously a firm friend and follower. And the former Liberal leader has lived to sit as Duke of Devon- shire in what is practically a Conservative Government. Mr. Chamberlain was a very different type of man. Aggressive, caustic, and brilliantly clever, he entered Parliament and politics in 1874 as the representative of virile Radicalism, and of a city and district which voiced the fieriest phases of that school of thought. He has since then exercised a peculiar, but powerful, influence upon Mr. Gladstone's career. Intimate friends they do not seem to have ever been. When the Radicals won such a prominent place in the elections of 1880, Mr. Chamberlain would probably have been entirely passed over had not Sir Charles Dilke stood by him, and declined to accept the XTndw^Secretai^sIujrdl^^e^ 1^^ his Radical fyMilif<^-i>C^a/'*<^KJ''%ii^*k:J^AjSi',al\\^* »' 'i ! <"fM-.^M., '■ ^^, " The long bright day is done, And darkness rises froiQ the fallen sun." Mr. Gladstone outlived them in length of days,a§ he has excelled the most of them in vigour, in activity, in versatility. He has seen generations of men, and generations of politicians. Since he entered upon public life, Russia has had three Emperors, has emancipated its slaves, and fought two great wars. France has been a kingdom, a republic, and an empire. He h^^en the fortunes of Louis Philippe ajjd the Emperor Napoleon HL, ^^0Lrshal McMahon and Piiesident Thiers, of President Grevy and President Carnot, rise and fall. During that period the United States has developed into a great power, and crashed a'gigantic rebellion, while the figures of Henry Clay and Daniel Webster, of Linc<^n and Grant, of Blaine and Garfield, have passed across its national stage. British India has doubled and trebled in size and population in these years, and h^ c^erienced the eloquent eccentricities of Lord EUenborough, the progressive annexation^ of Lord Dalhousie, the clement and able government of Lord Canning, the successive administrations of Elgin and Lawrence, of Mayo and Northbrook, of Lytton and Dufferin, of Lansdowne and anotljer Lord Elgin. Meantime, the, Cape of Good Hope has become British, and, through much trouble and niany struggles, Has risen from a. bitter beginning into the ■^r e at endin^whj^, JJ b ft propo s e s to create in the immediate preset. Canada, from the feeble infancy into which Lord Dur- ham tried to infuse some of the vitality of freedom, and Sir John Macdonald t -If i"':^¥ 'V^/j' ' '^j ^W^'* "^ ^'•fc'^X'*^'!" vT^s' j„ •, 1".^ -t D -U h if*''' )«• t: HENRY EDWARD,, CARDIW^MANNI%^. ! - 1 ,■ ! - i f. i »♦" I (445) lir • ,*■. -o ■^%^r p% '\ •^: C^APTEI^ XXXIV. MR. GLADSTONE AND THE CHURCH Of ENGLAND. ^1\ /fR. GLADSTONE'S career has been instinct with the influj^nce of the Church of England. The position of the Establishmefnt, its -ritual" and its Ceremonies, its growth and spirit strength, its political power, its discussions arid controversies, its great - divines, have all had ah intimate relationship with his prolonged life and public efforts. And not the least remarkable feature of his career is the fact that the sincere, and even enthusiastic, Chiirchman, has retained his sentiments of admiration and regard for the Church of England as an organi»ation, while in recent times disestablishing its sister i^i Ireland, and threatening the Established Churches in Wales and Scotland. " There can be no doubt as to the power wielded by the Church. Its historic environment lend^# weight and dignity to the Establishment siich as is only possible in a country like England, where the very soil is permeated with memories of the past*. For a thousand years it has influenced the politics, the , laws, and the sentiments of the people. Sometimes right, and sometimes wrong,;- it has yet alwaiys been impressive and influential. In the making of England, ,' the great Churchmen, such as Bede and Archbishop Anselm, Dunstan and Thomas ja;) Becket, Stephen Langton and William of Wykeham, Jewell and Herbert and Hooker, Jeremy Taylor and Bishop Butler, have had no small place. Its separation from Rome changed the current of history and the destiity of the nation. While a Cardinal Wolsey or an Archbishop Laud became an , impossibility in the future, so also did a-James the Second. And during the.. 'Corruption and laxity which controlled the Court throughout the reign of Charles t^-he,SpMtnd, th^<^V>rch kept alive, in some degree, at least the spirit of religion » j(ti*&n«^\^^ "* At the 4|>egPiNig of this century it had pasged through a period of . profound religious lethargy,, Mr. Gladstone, in his "Chapter of Autobiography," deals at length, with its„coi|jition. Christeqdonl, Ke declares, might have been challenge^to show a clergy sol^eciiiWand lax, or congregations so cold, irreverent, and indevout." The abuses were yery great, and no more attempt was made to eiiiiend |b6 organ«|ation of the Qhurth abroad than to reform or ^ITevaTe 1[ts^ wor^^ at home. **frt3 a retrospect,^' he adds, " falf^-|loom, and^— wi^.all our Rorijanizing a^cl all orfl Rationalizing, what man of sense would w P--^ .-y m r \ ^ — s-,'.- 'i^^-- '^ i 1 1a r.- • .-'^„- ■■*■' y .»' ■i-K^i. '41 4^ 'i^-r* 'l} Jff?-^' '^'?^^ >■» %■ iH I' LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. I ! to those wish to go back to those dreary times ? " But between 1831 and 1840 th* transformation began. Men of high intellect and earnest work commenced to get the upper hand. Bishop Blomfield and Dean Hook, Manning and New- man, Pusey and^rnold, gradually inspired the people and the congregations with some of their own Christian enthusiasm and activity. Then followed a general and remarkable uprising of religious energy throughout the Establish- ment, as to which Mr. Gladstone goes on to say : " It saved the Church." Even without that revival of Christian zeal, the Establishment was very strong. It would probably have fought a great fight for the main- tenance of its union with the State, had such a crisis come before the period of religious lethargy had pass^ away. And since then the Church has grown steadily stfonger, and better able to cope with any future difficulty of the kind. As a national organization, it .has indeed undergone little constructive change from the days of Elizabeth — upon whose statutes it still rests — until the present day. The English people love stability in their institutions, and it takes a long time to convince them of the need of change, even in cases where an impartial onlooker might think reform absolutely imperative. And to Mr. Gladstone this historic continuity of the. Monarchy and the Church seems to have had an especial charm. - Writing in 1839, he declared in words which he does not appear to have ever withdrawn or modified : , + ' (.' I - ' " The permanent and unbroken existence of the Churqh as a visible institution through so many ages, its having survived the wreqk of that vast empire on which it was first engrafted, and, again, its having outlived the vitality of most of ih^se modern mon- archies which arose out of the seminal period of the middle ages, retainiii^Wl the essential conditions as they were, in the very first era of its existence, is not only an elevating idea to the Christian, but it is in itself a standings-witness to the truth of his religion, and a power- ful corroboration of his faith, operating in a similar manner to its awful counterpart, the equally permanent; unbroken, and palpable existence of the Jewish race, in a state of exile firom the covenant of grace." Mr. Gladstone has always' believed in the doctrine of Apostolical suc- cession and the divine descent of riie Church. But there have been degrees in the application of this belief. In his earlier works he urged the union of Church and State upon the liigh ground of a national recognition of Christianity being ,^ the mission and duty of any body of men banded together in^ the fcym of a:^ nation ; and a dependent nation, such as Ireland, was to accept, the Church of tlj^e greater State. There could, of course, be pnly one State Church in England to him, the Episcopal, established, and apostolical form.' Men should be made sensible, he explained, in a magazine article, October, 1843, " Thit God's dis- pensation of love was not a dispensation^ to communicate His gifts by ten thou- — sand channels, nor to establish with ten^ioasahd elected souls as many distinct^ # independent relations." The work was to be carried on through theii[ being i I'* >4 , X ^XVi**, *i!,**(^ 'J^t^'' '-"' MR. GLADSTONE AND THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 449 / called into one spacious fold, where they would be fedwitKone food, surrounded with one defence, filled with one sentiment of community, and brotherhood^ « and identity. " • As time passed his views became greatly modified. In December, i844, he stated in the Quarterly Reviexo that '• the Church of England has to deal with the people of England ; and in adapting her modes of procedure to the national character, she will know how to give to civil analogies their full value.'* , Then came the steady progress of the nation towards religious toleration in the most complete form. Equality of position there was not, and caqnot be, so Jong as therejs an Established Church, but equality of opportunity soon came to be a v recognized fact. Civil penalties upon dissent were removed, the school^ and universities were thrdWn open, tests were abolished, and the common Chris- tianity and citizenship of Churchman and Nonconformist was more and more recognized. In 1863, Mr. Gladstone strongly favoured a proposal to abolish the Jeclarations made by mayors and other officials, that they would not use their, municipal positions to the detriment of the Establishment. In a lettfer to Bishop Wilberforce on March 21st of that year, he decbured that this Viras a point of sore contact with Dissenters: " Every time it iPtendered to thejm, it .arouses sectarian jealousies, presents the Church as demandigttttomethi|ig of^ ' them, as endeavouring to narrow and, restrain their freedom o^^on, and tjjjs in the form most of all offensive, namely, by words put into their own mo|iths, • It is very wise to avoid fretting these isore places, and lo let them heal." (And so with various other reforms looking to the establishment of Nonconformists in a position of equal liberty ind opportunity. The State Church itself remained \ intact; its properties, which have been estimated at nine hundred miilion^s of dollars in value, continued undisturbed ; Tarliamentary grants grew stijaller, , while voluntary contributions immensely increased j and when the time cdme for hostile action in Ireland, the Church of England inJ|g||lMid had proved its material power, made firm its religious influence, and^ sjfp^pened its national position by the friendly treatment of Dissenters. ^ During the discussions upon the Irish Churdi^ Disestablishment tiv,G^ points were prominent, which may be mentioned here; The one was tjhe plainly increased strength of the English branch of the Church ; the other was the if§^ modification in Mr. Gladstone's views. The basis upon which the E staM iment rested in England was complex, and a curious combination of ° th^^niifaental and the practical. Its connection with history and legislaticin hdsJtieen mentioned, ^d there are still very many who look back, as did Mr. Gladstone, with n^ingled pride and veneration, to the annals of a Church whoso ~$«Kaie^6iaer than the'Mdnafchy ; wh^ charters were confinned by Ganuter-p wn« parishes, in very many cases, stand as they did in the days of the Normai».i ^J I i'ii-f.^ 4SO i LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONK «*/ Conquest; whose ca||mj ^g||^||||j^ 'ljlurches, and colleges are the product of gefneration after gen^M^iPP^ifl^lishmen ; whose Bishops- have shared lin the wbrk and growth of jp^niament for centuries; whoW Courts ai^d Convocations still form part of the national constitution, despite the passing interregnum of Cromwell ; whosle liturgy is a link with the most distant ages of English Chris- tianity, and embodies the most beautifj|k£jM|Mate of cultured religion ; whose property constitutes a sort of-consecriiWrresemnindi-^edieated by the nation to religious worship and the education of tt)e podr. This%»is the opinion, the heartfelt sentiment, of Mr. Gladstone ; but in 1868 there^^c|pie to be a saving clause attached to jthe. practical Application of his feeliiigi^The Church must do something in return for the mantle of safety, the priv||ges^of power, which might be afforded by the State. In other days the mai^nance of a unioir between Church and State had seemed a niatter of sacred du|y on the pajt of the latter, but now'he thought it should depend, in the respective cases ofE'ngland and Ireland, upon the Value and extent of tbe work which lAight be peHormed by the Church. As to what Constituted the bgtsis for preserving awch a union, he is very Explicit in the "Chapfatf of Autobi- ography" ,(18168), already quoted from : v SSr AAo Establisl^eht that does its work in much, and has the hope and likelihood of^ doing it mmore .-'"^n Establishment that has a broad and living way open to it, into the' hearts ofcthe people ; an Establishment that can command the services of the present by the recollections an'3 traditions of a far-reaching past ; an Establishment able to appeal to the acting zeal of the greater portion of th« people, and to the respect or scrup^s of almost the whole; whose children dwell chieify on her actual lii^g work and service, and whose adversaries, if she has them, a4b in. the nnlaift content to Ijelieve that there will be a fqture for them and their opinion^teiich ^^stablfskment shoufe surely be maintained." As the years had passed, the intellectual activity of the Church had grown lE^force, and soon camelo j^d that of the Nonconformist bodies, whilst fully equallin^its own enhancej^iffgious vitai|%. It is WaturaKthat such should have been the case. Wh'ere^istingtlished pbsitiwi, social aBpfeciajKoh,|)olitica\^ powers and great opportunities qxist, it seajjp^^tter of cours((|*'{hat the able men of the nation should predpmin^jL Sot, even with these advantages, the rfact was iipt an obvious one. until tflpvupl of \he spiritual influence of the • Church bad b^monized w^h, and h^pd, m naitional sftength. Then, indeed, theEgabligfcment progressed, and, in?*ime, found amongst its great personalities thepK-ning of Bishop Christopher Wordsrwwrth, the statesmanship of Arch- bis^p Tait, the •nthu'iiasm of Dean Stanley, the eloquence of Magee of I^etCTborough and Wilberforce of Oxford, the historical powers of Dean Milman and Dean Merivale," Dean Hook and Dean Church, the scholarship of bishop LigbtfoQfcaadBkhepStqbbs| th« o r ato r y of^ anon-i:.Tddon-ggd€giRin ^rrar. To the sincere Churchman it became indeed and in truth the central «i S _ At ■^p MR. GLADSTONE AND THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 43t figure of English life— great in history, beneficent in the present, greater and better in Ihe future. To quote the late Bishop of Peterborough in one of those orations for which he was so famous : ^. ■ ■ ■r " Give ine the solid trunk, the aged stem, * That rears aloft its glorious diadem ; That through long years of battle, or of storm, Has striven whole forests round it to reform ; That stilli through lightning flash and thunder stroke^ Retains its vital sap and heart of oak. . ° Such gallant tree for me shall ever sta^^, * ^ A great rock's shadow in a weary ?and." ,.' * ■ . Gradually, however,, as the Nonconformist influence grew in politics, the very prosperity of the Established Church drew attention' to its nationalpre- dominance, while its internal 'disputes upon forms or ceremonies, and the some- times assertive social folHesof its clergy, served to accentuate, in Radical minds, the desirability of an active efifort towards severing its union! with the State and taking away its national endowments. The Irish Church, despite the distinction drawn fey Mr. Gladstone between an energetic, strong, and serviceable Establish- ment, and one which was alleged to be weak; inefficient, and decadent, became a sort of precedent for an agitation which finally assumed shape in the elections of 1885. The Premier refused to directly take up the issue or to favour in any way immediate disestablishment. But he could not "forecast the dim and distant irses of the future." " I think it obvious," said he, on the 17th of September, lis Manifesto to the people, " that so vast a question ca«not become practical until it shall have grown familiaf to the public mind by thorough discission • with the further condition that the proposal, when thoroughly discussed, shall be approved." ' And although he went on to say that, byifc%fitednes8 of life and solidity ^, if labour, the clergy were laying a good ^^^^^^^jJMk^ the time to come, and ' that the Church appeared eminently suited 1^^^ needs of the future, his words were sufficiently remarkable to make the question appear an immediate issue to many of the strotiger supporters of the Establishment. At any rate the '^dnservatives and the leaders of the Church took it up in that way, and made the (Country ring with reproaches and denunciation of the leader who had gone so far afield since the days when he admired Eldon, and followed Wellington. Lord Salisbury, at Newport, delivered a speech which was almost passionate in its defence of the Church, and there seems little doubt that the elections were unfavourably aflfected, so far as the Liberals wtere concerned, by the mere suspicion of intended interference. Mr. Gladstone die not follow up the policy of which he was suspected, and it 1$ not probable tlMt he had any desire oTlntention of doing so, nor is it conceivably possible that Disestablishment could be -^^L'i .,^^. ^' 4-/*uf tM. *i,.'«i\/ ■ ei >^ f0 45* UFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. anything except a severe and painful blow to his strongest affections and feelings. Still, the bare admission of its possibility, coming from so life-long a supporter of the State Church, was a more than curious occurrence, and marked the distance he had travelled since 1839. Speaking on November 15th, at ^ Edinburgh, he further explained his position. The Irish Church had been a " mockery of an Establishment," and therefore it had to go, but the situation in England was ver}' different : " Instead of beiiig a case in which these is nothing to say, it is a case in which there is a great deal to say ; instead of being the mockery of a national Church, it is a Church with regard to which its defenders say that it has the adhesion and support of a very large majority of the people, and I confess I am very doubtful whether the allegation can be refuted. It is a Church which works very hard. It is a Church that is endeavouring to do its business, a.Chprch that has infinite ramifications through the whole fabric and structure of society, a Church which has laid a deep hold upon many hearts as well as many minds. The disestablishment of the Church of England would be a gigantic operation." He, therefore, urged his hearers, and through them the party generaUy^ not to make disestablishment a party question — not so much |)ecause of any principle involved, as because it was inexpedient and unwise?" And the result proved him to have been eminently correct. Writing on November 28th, i886, he embodied in a few words, and in a published letter, the basis upon which the Irish Church had really beeo treated, and at the same time placed himself upon somewhat more defined ground: "In my opinion, which receives from day to day more and more illusttation, Church Establishments cannot and ought not to continue unless they prove themselves i^sbful to the maintenance of the higher life of the nation." And, as he was constantly speaking of the beneficent influence and growing Christian power of the Church, this ought to have put the suspicious at^^est. So far as ^he was concerned, it probably did. And the results in a numl;»er of constituencies in 1885 was perhaps the influence which induced the Radicals to turn their attention to Wales and Scotland. Here they were upon better ground for agitatioft. In neither country could the other party say, and many modern Liberals feel, with Lord Beaconsfield, in a speech of nearly thifty years before, that : - •„ . * ' - • "By the side of the State of England there has gradually arisen a majestic corporation — wealthy^ powerful, independent — with the sanctity of a long iradition, yet' sympathizing with authority, and full of consideration, even, deference, to the civil power^. Broadly and deeply planted in the land, mixed up with all our manners and j:ustoms, one of the main guaran|!ees of our local government, and, therefore, one of the prime securities' "of bur comnion liberti^Hhe CfiOi^h of England trpartol oar history, part of ourlife, part of England itself." '^M\%4k^^£^fi tf' ' f" ^- !• [ MR. GLADSTONE AND THE CHURCH OF fiNQLAND. ,ffections and In Scotland this could hardly be said of the Estiblished Church. It /did not represent the religibus views of a majority of the people, although it iriight be difficult to clearly define the serious points of distinkion between the Jhree Presbyterian Churches of the North ; except that one hJd received and sti/l held State endowments, which the others spurned. It has done, and is doinZ much good work for the poor, aftfd in the building up and enduing of new ^'rishes. But its roots do not strike down into the lives of the people to the sami extent] pr in the same way, as in England. Its traditions are not nearly so effective, or its influence so great. Yet it wields considerable power, and is able to make a good fight if the time of need ever comes. From 1886 onwards the agitation amongst Scotch Liberals and English Radicals for its disestablishment grew stronger. More than one deputation waited upon Mri Gladstone, iut for a long time he preferred to say that it was a mattfcr for Scotland to decide, a question which would be best settled by the union of all three Churches, jmd the const- quent extinction of past and present differences without the furt^ier intervention of the State. But this did not commend itself to the independeni/ Churches or to many politicians, and gradually the Liberal party became mbre or less pledged to support, disestablishment in Scotland. It was not a s^ution of the diffi- culty which Mr. Gladstone particularly liked, and, so far /as can be judged, it was forced upon him by external pressure. While, hoivever, not in warm syinpathy with the idea, he cannot/ be said to have ever been strongly opposed to it, so that, as a matter of fact, -the whole matter seems to have turned upon political eventualities. In 1883 he had urged the Liberals of Scotland not to make it a party question. By 1893 it had bec %l J. ^ .'W3 ^ ■1^ H'i, «■■#'■ .jlM' 5 i *T. ■4^ - **f-r^^ ' I'W) r.-A«<'' I I . '5 i i m I 456 •^ LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. 'A Edward White Benson Lord Arthur Hervey Edward Harold Browne Harvey Goodwin Frederick Temple Christopher Wordsworth John Jackson George Moberley James Fraser Richard Durnforid William Stubbs Joshua Hughes James Richard Woodford John Charles Ryle Ernest R. Wilberforce Richard Lewis George Ridding WiUiam Boyd Carpenter Archbishop o|f,Canterbury...i883 Bishop of^Bath aqd Wells... 1869 Bishop of Winchester 1873 Bishop of Carlisle i86g Bishop of Exeter i86g Bishop of Lincoln 1869 Bishop of London i86g Bishop of Salisbury 1 869 Bishop of 'Manchester.. . ... . . . 1870 Bishop of Chichester 1870 Bishop of Oxford 1870 Bishbp of St. Asaph 1870 Bishop of Ely 1873 Bishop of Liverpool 1880 Bishop of Newcastle 1882 Bishop of Llandaff 1883 ' Bishop of Southwell 1884 Bishop of Ripon 1884 Many of these names are household words in England, and haVe reflected lustre upon the Established Church. Archbishop Benson, t)r, .^le. Dr. Fraser, Dr. Stubbs, Dr. Wilberforce, and Dr. Boyd Carpenter are specially distinguished, and in making such selections Mr. Gladstone has done himself much honbur, Awhile performing a substantial Reprice to the Church. One of these appoint- ments, however, created a mostWormy agitation and conflict in Church circles ■ at the time. In October, 1869, and upon the Premier's recommendation. Dr. Temple was made Brshop of Exeter. He had been one of the authors of the famous volume of " Essays and Reviews "which had been published some nine years beforcj and promptly condemned in Convocation by nearly every Bishop on the Bench. It, was not so. much, the contents of his owt^ essay, as the fact of its association with, others— of which it Slfter^yards appeared h^ knew nothing — that £Mroused the commbtipn. ' ' Tfie essay had been wit^idfawn from circulation, and he had disclaimed all responsibility for the' errors contained in the book. But none th^ less his reputation for non-orthodox views remained .Strong, and in" writing to Archbishop Tait regarding the four appointments, of which Dr. Temple's was one, Mr.'Gladr stone said that he was hardly sangiline enough to believe that one of the names would pass without noise. A tremendous agitation stahed almost immedialily,. and it )nigbt be supposed, to look back now, that the Premier had propoaied to place a criminal onlhe Bench .instead of ^littinjg^ ope of the most brilliant — and Afterwards popular— divines of the Church in charge' t>f a diocese wh^ch • he administered beyond all cavil. Lord Shaftesbury and Dr. Pusey, Dean I-fook ikbd Bishop Wordsworth Of Lki ^"wvH,"* ' \ ' - *" ^^x •kT ':* .. .;.,■, -1^ ', 4r . i^y MR. GLADSTONE AND THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND^ 457 Dr. Ellicott of Gloucester and Bristol, Dr. Magee of Peterborough, and even Bishop Wilberforce himself, opposed the appointment, arid protested against Dr. Temple's consecration. ' At first, Mr. Gladstone thought little of the storm, and declared in a letter to the Primate that the movement was " like a peculiar cheer we sometimes hear in the House of Commons, vehement, but thin." The battle, however, raged more and more fiercely, and no effort wsjis left untried, up to the very day of' the Biahtop's enthronement, to avert what one of Dr. TempV0's'^ future associates on the Episcopal Bench referred to " as, perhaps, the greatest « sin with respect to fidelity to revealed truth in which the Church of Engl^fl^ has been involved since the Reforftiation." Archbishop Tait and Dr. Benson—^ . who afterwards succeeded him in the Prirnacy — defended the appointment, and, on December agth, the ne^ Bishop was duly and properly consecrated. Time has, perhaps, afforded the best defence in this connection, and few would afterwards be found to regret Mr. Gladstone's choice for the See of Exeter. In questions of Church ritual, and rubrics, and ceremohy, Mr. Gladstone 'took a life-long and interested part. The Gorham and Denison cases, the Bkliop Co'lenso controversy, the proposed union of the English and Russian ; churches, the prolonged conflict, and final compromise, regarding thd Atha- nasian Cireed; and the use of " the damnatory clauses," the varied' trials antfj trouUes in the Church over Ritjialism, the powers and revival of Convocatioru ■ tbe development of the Coloni#ChUi:ch,'ima nfany other topics and^ubjects of imporfanc^ to the Church at large^ have been discussed or dealt with by him — in -Parliament, or in speech ; in letter, or frequent conversation. Many of his views were important and inter sting, but only one matter can be referred to he^e* Writing on June 4th, iSjo^Concecning the Gorham case, and the Priyy Council's assumption of the rights tp decide what doctrines might or might not debar a clergyman from prefermeht in the Church, he tdd Bisjjtop Blomfield, of London, that: \' I find it no part of my dutyi my Lord, to idolize the bishops of England and Wales, or to place my conscience in their keeping. I do not presume, or dare, to speculate upon their particular decisions ; but I say that, actiftg joiptly, SWlemnly, publicly, responsibly, th«y are the best and most natural organs of the judicial pffice of the Church in matters of heresy ; and, according to reason, history^ and the Constitutioo,T»n that subject-matter they are the fittest and safest counsellors of th« Crown." It was this decision which, hy helping to place the State in declaried suprem- acy uwer the Church, contributed tp tbe final passage ol Manning and others from its ranks. Meantime, amid all the din of party and ecclesiastical battle, Mr. ; Gladstone seems to have always been anxious to suppressor mpdify the dispute* .which for so. manyyeara have shaken the Church to its very base, and at intervals Speared to serioa^ly threaten the whole structure. The Ritaalistic -J-- *>' Sm *i''! I Q' > ■ ' ... .'_ ^..i^.Z^ l+^L i' i It^ "I *^, V',. I .458 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. ■-^ :: — -" — » ' ..,: . .- V struggle was one irt which he took a very, pronounced part, and this, has prac- tically settled itself by mutual compromise and conciliation, tljou^ it is one which may at any mofnent in the future again darken the horizdn. In Octobsr, 1884, " our marvellous Prernier," as the Tm^ called him in referring to the event, wrote a long letter to the Bjshop of St. Asaph upon the question of ^disestablishment. It was historical in the main, rather than controversial, and urged strenuously the necessity of peace and unity within the Charch. His reference to' the discussions and dissension^ ofthe past is worthy of not^ : "The'last half-century has been a period ofthe most active religious life krtown to the Reformed Church of England, It has also been t^e period of the sharpest iriternal discord. That discord has, of late, been materially allayed, not/ 1 believe, through the u^e of mere narcotics, n t because the pulse beats less vigorously in .her veins, but through the prevalence, in various quarters, of wise counsels, or, in other words,' the applicatiop.4o our ecclesiastical affairs of that common sense by which we c^esire that our secular affairs shoufd, "always be governed." '' . iAmid all these varying developments in the history, of tire Church of England, and Mr. Gladstbne's connection with it in politics or in person, there Can be no doubt of his own sincere love for the Church in which fte had been brought up, and in which he first felt, and so long realized, ^he impulse of Christian principle and action. And the Establishment has greatly change4 1 during this -memprable century. The reqognitiph of religion in England no longer involves th^ dominance 0^ a/|Sfeless organization, 4he despotism of a peculiar creed, or the infliction of civil penalties or sodal disabilities upon Dijssenters. The Church of England is still th.e child' of the State, but how changed the State I . It h?is not bepn for ai.prolonged period, and can never again become, the instrument of tyranny. Bat if it desires to retajrf its national position and power, the Establishment should, more atfd npore as the years roll on, be the instrument «f liberty, and the promjOter of -tcue Christian fraternity. It should, as a distinguished statesman once pointed out, corhbine orthodoxy with toleration, and prevent religious enthusiasm from degenerating into extravagance, and ceremony from being degraded into' superstition. In this hope and line of thought, Beaconsfield and Gladstone found at least , 0i\e common ground. And whatever may have been the temporary political requiratpcnts and veiled- language of a lat^r day, there is equally little doubt . that Mr. Gladstone retains in rfetireriient that Isentiment of ItfVefor the Church which he so .'strongly demonstrated, oh "entering public work "sixty odd years ^jefore. The morning and ^evening of Kis life |iave h^en equally distinguished by devotion to the Church,- although a^ whole ocean of change rolls between th«' politicsU vicws„of the' ydung niM of 1830 ind the veteran ofthe Nineties. ■ ^ ■'■ ■■■ . ' . "^ ; .c' '. '■• . d- ' ' I ' . ' '' " ... . -v -- - . ■ ■„ V ".*■* - \ > ■ v/t*C ■^ *?s« "li!v'-;S^-f^^/" J* : "•:"'*■ ;«**. ■ •-'^ *■ '<) ,» ^ '■■iit*«s '■.i CHAPTER XXXV. MR. GLADSTONE AND THE HOUSE *" •.OF LORDS. kV 5\ "To a Liberal leader i|i Great Britain the Constitution pro- vides certain checks and controlling influ^ces which are at times un- pleasaht. To a Conservative leader the'public very often provides im- j pulses and compelKng Mces which \may also be tertned unpleasant. Jut it may fairly be said that both the checks and the impulses are necessary in a properly regulated goveWment, Change is sometimes \desiraVe, aijd ^oinetimes danger- bus. FM)rms ar^ so*tnetimes good, an^ At Wier times the revise. Hen^e the\alpe of a second cham- ber which mW either modify legis- • latiqn, ik delaydt in ord^ that t , people caft finaHv aruf defini pass upon it.\ Thfs jjlllue has rf becoifte a truisifti m iT^ioffal,polit the civilized world, and is recognized in eveiM^courttry 'whiob bcast^; constitutional governitient. . \ V * Mr. Gladstone has always admitted this principle. He has^vefuor one mpm^nt, advocated oj seriously suggested the abolition ofth^ BrSsh %Jpper MJo«?.e. jRe has at times fought'lhat bodyiwith energy. and force, and\asSde- ,nDui\ced,'it with all the eloquence of , which hejis master, when, upojo more\|h_. one important occasion, its. interv,eftion ^elayeAjKs legislation or hampered ii^ all 6v^ 1^ ff » ««iM ■' 'i' \li"\ »li- tit. « \ Wt, ti if '•**. \ & .\ ■'"^1 -"•".- V ^^° UFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. t^ will. , He has also isucceedcd in limiting its power, and more strictly defining its place and influence in thie Constitution. But it is one thing to chafigd and improve; another to destroy. People living outside the British Isles, and many, living yvithin them, hardly appreciate the influence and historic work pf thej British aristocracy. The power, as well as the weakness, of the House of Lords; 4s, indeed, upon a A^st number of considerations, many of whiclvhave had ftrolling influence up6n Mr. Gladstone's own character and career. i It is, in the first p^ace, representative of a large class in the communiliy. ^fewfiiundred Peers who sit in the Upper House are only a ^q|25ll ^d d'pfirt of what is, prpperly speaking, -the aristocracy of the fealm, with, roots; ?very /parish and associated with every stage of the natiori^ development. But thi^ influence and this place is not held by the mere possession of title. *^he gjreatej; part of tlje Engtish nobility," says Walter Savage Landor, "have neither power nor title. Even thrfse who are noble by,j:ight of possession, the hereditary lords of manors, with largfe estates attached to them, claim no titles at home or abroad." Qf such are families like the Dymokes, the Derings,''the Scropes, the Leghs, thei Aclands^ and many more ; possessed of great estates, which even the ducal families of Devonshire or Norfolk might be proud to own. ' And titled or untitled, Peers or Commoners, the heads of these families! all oyer England fulfil the same public offices and duties, and represent a lif(^ which is permeated with the same sense of an immemorial past and an hereditary dignity and honour which the^ desire to have conserved and handed down to future generations. It was this aristocracy which protected Wycliffe and his preaching fi-iars, and helped to lay the foundation for modern liberty of conscience and worship. It was the - Barons of England who won from King John at Runnymede the charter of British political freedom. It was the House of Lords which took a chief part in driving King James from the throne, inaugurating the Protestant succession, and thus destroying the still active theory of a divine right in |cings. It was this aristocracy which in rude ages,' and amid more or - lesst '• barbarous surroundings, cultivated literature and encouraged art, helped to jkindle and to keep alive the light of the scienc,es,| promoted the spread of knowledge, and practised a wide and generous hospitality. It was this aristocracy which for centuries helped to lead publid >^opinion, 6r enforce public order ; to resist monarchical oppression, or control popular lawlessness. In latf>r days it governed England as a Whig oligarch)^ or a Tory conr^ination. But everywhere, and constantly, its influence for good or Dad hap been writ large upon British history and the surroundings o£ the Bf iti^h people. * Had theT House of Lords represented nothing except itself, that body would{ long since have been but a memory and thing of the past. As it is, Cromwdl *< -rr T ,^.. .»■■'_- '*fef: fP ^ »4 , J, " jtL^. (w')« X lidilSaScaa '"T^fH^l^ ''■iij ,^r- MR. GLADSTONE AND THE pOUSE OF LORDS. 461. >\; tried.ih vain to dispense with it, an^ equally in vain to create something in its place. Charles the Second had to restore it with privileges and powers intact, f and no one in these later days has better understood and appreciated the. real influence of that body than Mr. Gladstone. And to properly comprehend British politics and the struggles of English Liberalism, it must be borne in ' mind that the Upper Hous6 ha% its roots deep down in the large aristocratic class *hich cherishes the hereditary principle, and controls the manor as welj as the rectory ; in the othef- large class which aims at attaining a similar p^ition, either by^the use of inherited wealth, or the acquisition of an hereditary title; in the large body which also looks upon hereditary rank as a necessary appendix to the Monarchy, and considers its maintenajice in prestige, and in some degree of power, as a part of loyalty to the Sovereign and the constitution. ' Mr. Gladstone wis trained amid these influences. His father belonged to the .class which aims at founding a County family, and succeeds eventually in doing so. He died a Baronet, and, had Canning lived a little longer, he would have recdved a peerage. The son associated at" Eton with scions of the principal families in England, and a little\ater attended the most exclusive college in the most aristocratic of zlll universities. A Ijetter written by Richard Chenevix Trench, afterwards Archbishop of Dublin,y^ November, 1831, voices the sentiments oijhe major part of Mr. Gladstone's early asscftjates : '•To m6, it seems that an aristbcracy is necessary ^s tlje representative of the continuity of th« conscience of a nation. Unless there is something in a country not embraced by the birth and death of the fleeting generation which, at any moment, may compose it, you may have a horde, but you cannot have a nation. If it be a nation, i^ must look before and after." ■> ■>■ .. ° When he left college, Mr. Gladstone entered public life under the most -ultra-aristocratic auspices, and during many subsequent years was aided by similar influences. Speaking in 1835,^ and in defence of the Upper House, he described it as " the original barrier between the usurpations of the Crown and the licentiousness of the people," and urged mutual harmony between the two Parlia- mentary bodies, and a just recognition of each other's independent powers and position. As the years passed on, and he assumed the lead of a party which, at intervals, came into collision with the Lords, his feelings of ffiendship, towards that body were nditurally much modified, and from defence he turned to attack. But it was never with a view to its destruction, or even, until very recent years, witli a thought of practical reform, or change in its construction. It seems rather to have been the expression of political antagonism by a party leader towards a portion of the Constitution which occasionally delayed his proposals or hampered his actiqns. When the difliculties were smoothed over and ^adjustedt as was the case in all important matters, the anger of the moment k4^,.i!,J *■ ri • J .;.; •*. .,- 1 ,,*. ^i:%.ii^ '^^^J3^iC',-?A"Q"<-'f ' %'nW^Si --TC^IMp. ^Tk'%%'"f ^\f^^ i«'i\^-Hi^m^^,ii "^y"' j^j-^ir*' -/*(*■ 46» )^ LIFP AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. ti would be forgotten/and the Constitution go on 5ls before jii its play of change versus caution, just as the country itself indulged alternately in action and reaction. " r t j Upon three great occasions, Mr. Gladstone and the House of Lords came into direct and sustained conflict. In two instances, the Liberal leader triumphed; in the . third and last, he lost. When the Upper H«use rejected the repeal of the Paper duties in i860, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, a^ he then was, quietly waited until the next session, when he included his proposal for repeal in thelannual financial arrangements, and practically dared the Upper House to throw out the bill in which they were combined. In 1871, his Government proposed to abolish the system of Purchase in the Army, and the measure was promptly rejected by the Lords. With equal promptitude, the Premier called in the Queen's prerogative a(hd compelled the passage of his bill. The prolonged controversies over the Irish Church and the Franchise measure of 1884 were settled by compromise, but in the Home RuK issue the Upper House unquestionably triuhiphed— and against the greatest orator and -popular leader of the age. . ; .^ ,fj To wield such a poWer in a community which believes itself democratic, and against frequent majorities in a body which is eleftive and popularly repre- sentalive, implies the possession of a wide influence and a very substantial place in the Constitution. Otherwise, the proceedings of the House of Lords, inkead of being important and sometimes strongly effective, would be absoliitely farcical. .The social and personal weight of the aristocracy in the vinous local communities is one cause of this pewer. >rhe greater part of its members^ ace popular as individuals, while the class as a whole is liked by the people. Upon this point, Mr. Gladstone has expressed himself with gri^at clearh^ss. In the iVt»«te«n/A On/wry for November, 1877, he said :> ' " It is not the love of equs&ity which has carried into every corner of the country the distinct, undeniable, popular preference, whenever other things are substantially equal, for a man who is( a lord over a nlan who is not. In truth,\tA« love of freedom itself is hardly stronger in EnglaU than the love of artstocVacy- As Sir William Molesworth, himself not the least of our political philosophers, once said to me of the/force of this feeling with the people :"• It is a religion.' It is not the love, of equality wl^lch lifts to the level of a popular toast at every average or promiscuous publi<\ dinner the name of the House of 1-ords. ... The great^trengthef the House in popular estimat«on lies in the admirable manner in which a large proportioa of them, without distinction of politics, perform. pubUc and . gocial duties in their local, yet scarcely private, spheres." Writing in the North American Review—Septemher, 1878— Mr. Glad- stone reiterated this opinion, and declared that " the ^English people are not bclieyers in equality; they do not, with the .famous declaratioft of July 4th, 1776, think it would be self-evident that all men are born eqoal. They hold / J ¥ , GLADSTONE AND THE HOUSE OF LORDS. 463 rather the reverse of that proposition. At any rate^ in practice, they are what i *iay call determined ''inequalitarians — in some cases without even knowing it." Speaking seven years before, at the great meeting of 20,000 people on Blackheath, he had said in the same connection: " I have a shrewd suspicion in my mind that a very large proportion of the people of England have a sneaking kindness for the hereditary principle. My observation has not been of a very brief period, and what I have observed is this, that wherever there is anything to be done^ or to be given, and there are two candidates for it who are exactly alike— alike in opinion, alike in character, alike in possessions, the one being a commoner, and the other a lord— the Englishman is very apt indeed to prefer the lord." The potency of this factor has been seen in Parliamentary elections ever •since the days of th^ Reform Bill, Every Hoii^ of Commons.has contained a large proportion of men in both parties who either bear courtesy titles as t"he son or other relation of a peer, as did Lord Hartington for so many years ; or who are connected with the atistocracy by birth or marriage ; or whd.own large estates in the country; or who, perhaps, bear Irish titles, as did Lord Palmer- ston. ^In 1S94 it was found, indeed, that one hundred and sixty members of the Upper House had been trained as representatives of the people in the Commons. The great bajority of the magistrates in England are connected with the same class, while the County Councils actually contained in the year above mentioned over one hundred^^M twenty Peers. The wealth and landed inteil^st of the Peerage is another strong ^influence. .Mr. GladKtojie, speaking at Manchester, in 1872," declared that;, the average incdme of the members of the House of Lords was $100,000, which would involve a total revenue of something like ^50,000,000 — and this without reference to the immense number of aristocratic families and county magnates who did not belong to tl^ Peerkge proper. )ln a subsequent speech, Mr. Disraeli stated this estimate to be,' in his opinion, accurate, and went on to express his own view of the"4Jpper'House*-one which certainly seems to have good foundation : "I am inclined to bel^ve that an English gentleJhan, born to business, managing his own esta^^aflministering the "affairs of hil county, mixing with all classes of, his fdllow-ift ft, aow in the hunting-field, now in the railway direction, unaffected, unostentatious, proud of his ancestors, if they have contributed to the greatness of our common country, is,- on the whole, more likely to form a senator agreeable to English opmion and- English taste ^haa'. any substitute that has yet beei^roposed." ,•"'■/ ." . " eerage and the House pf Lords has. been great elements of strength in the pres^rva- leaders of En^and have, for centuries, Jfjfankfe, and to obtain such ah opportoQity "l^e historic prestige referred to. It is, indeed, on5 tion of its positiori and powe been grilling to take a^place wii •t« . m m f ■ . ". ■ .»>! 14 m ■'■'i\ 5"^^. . S-'eiJ Jr ''*^<&l? .-■/ 464 LIFE AND WORK OF J^R- GLADSTONE. S!i;i has been the crownmg ambition of many em ment men m greatly varied walks of life. And the greatest of them have considered their peerage an honour. Leaders such as Nelson or Wellington, Clive qr Q^e, Wolaeley or Roberts, have appreciated the compliment of ks bestowal, or. perhaps, the privilege of handing it down to their descendants. William Pitt did not disdain the ' 4, Earldom of Chatham, rtor Disraeli the Earldom of Beaconsfield. And Macau- lay and Bulwer Lv^^n considered their titl?^ a fitting crown to their careers. So with myriad olJhers who might be mentioned. ^ ^ The hereditary principle has also added to this distinction. Many great families have seemed to possess a peculiar degree of ability, and to be able to hand it down from generation to generation, and even from century to century. The Cecils, Stanleys, Herberts, Percies, Howards.and Rpssells are cases m point. Writing in November, 1890, Mr. Gladstone remarked iii this connection : " We have a Prime Minister (Lord Salisbury) whose ancestors were similarly em- ployed, to the great benefit of England ten generations ago. Is not tins a good ? Is n^t* this tie of lii»^ for hima link binding feim .to. Honour an^Tto public virtue ?" Speakin^radinburgh inj.m6, upon his installation as Lord Rector of the Universitj^B» made an interesting statement concerning the origin • of the Peerage, xBH|pe men who in so many cases were ancestors of members^ ' of the House' of^Ss in the present century. It was significant also as coming from a man who had little respect for ordinary gauds or baubles : " I began gradually to perceive this immense fact, which I r^llx.Advise.every^e Of you who read history tolook out for and read-if he has noi4e^d it-it was tEat the kings of England, from the Norman Conquest to the times of Charles I., had appomted, solr as they knew, those who des.rved to be appointed peers. They were royal men wiih minds full of justice, and valour, and humanity, and all kmds of qualities that are glod for men who have to rule over others. Then their genealogy was remarkable.^ and fhere is a great deal more in genealogies than is generally behteved at present I never heard tell of any clever man that carte out of entirely stupid people. It goes for a great deal-the hereditary principle in government, as in other things; audit must be recog- nized as soon as there is any fixity in things/' But this hereditary principle is now supposed in many quarters to be * antiquated, undesirable, and useless. To understand the influence df the House of Lords is impossible without appreciating the fact that in England this'is not vet so, whatever may be the case in the future. Otherwise, there would be n» desire for elevation to the Peerage, such as all modern political history shows tp exist strongly and steadily. The honour may be considered a reward of merit ' or not, as the individual case or momentary prejudice may decide. But to the recipient of the title it is, as a rule, doubly dear, because he is thus enabled to found a noble family, and, as a rule, to make the honour a permanent one The r csifl^is^smvin^^Secoad Chambe r constantly recruited from ai^ongst the mps ^ \ .« ^ ii! Li,^'Uv^:, -/#ju j&aj ':;^\fyi^h;'- r+|^!f?/ r-^"* '. ^.'- 'k; y MR. GLADSTONE AND THE HOUSE OF LORDS. 4«$ intellectual, or at any rate active and annbitioas, portion of the people, as well at from the class possessed of the hereditary environment of culture and training which might tie expected to naturally (k^lop legislators. During the years between 1830 and 1894 there were 336 Peerages created. Of these, Liberal Premiers were responsible for 217, and Conservative leaders for 119 — not that the latter lacked the will so much as they did the power and the opportunity. Na.turally, maJJMPeers of to-day owe their patents to. Mr. Gladstone, and it is understoocMffat fully a ^hundred of those who had been raised upon his recommendation voted against the Home Rule Biirbf 1893. Ambngst what may be termed his creations, we fijid the navy to have' been represented by Beauchamp Seymour, Lord Alcester ; diplomacy, by Odo Russell, Lord Ampthill; Indian statecraft, by John Lawrence, Lord Lawrence; banking, by Lionel, Lord Rothschild ; poetry, by Alfred, Lord Tennyson ; law> by Roundell Palmer, Lord Selborne, and Farrer, Lord Herschell; politics, by Chichester Fortescue, Lord ICarlingford, and H. A. Bruce, Lord Aberdare. ^ Many others of varying degrees of distinction have' been elevated by his intervention, while many have had their titles advanced in the Peerage — as in the cases of the Dukes of Fife and Westminster. In 1869, Mr. Gladstone offered a Peerage to George Grote, the, eminent historian of Greece^ and his letter is ihterestihg. It was dated November 8th : *' I have the satisfaction of proposing to you; with the authority of Her Majesty, that you should become a Peer of the United Kingdom. You cannot be insensible to that which all will at once perceive, that the proposal which I now make is a simple tribute to your character, services, and ?ittainments. It may, I hd^e, be pleasing; to you, and on that 'account it gives me a reflected pleasure; but I have a higher gratification in thinking that the acceptance of such an offer, in such a caxe, has the important effect of adding strength to the House of Lords for the discharge of its weighty duties." Mr. Grote declined the honour on the ground of being unable to undertake new responsibilities, but expressed great gratification ^t the offer having come through a Minister "who has entered upon the work of reform with a sincerity and energy never hitherto paralleled." A different type of a letter was one of congratulation, written to Monckton Milnes by Mr. Gladstone, when the former was about to go to the Upper House as Lord Houghton. " If you are about to be removed," he said, *'toV another place,' I sincerely hope you may derive satis- faction from the transfer, which, I believe. Would be regarded by the public as a just tribute to your character^ and powers. The superior beings among whom you would then go could not have more pleasure in welcoming than we, your humble companions, have regret in losing you." There is a touch of almost playful sarcasm in this epistle which it i^ rather unusual to find in Mr. Glad- stone's correspondence. Another influence possessed by the Upper House, in addition to being thus constantly supplied with new members of mcmi or less tft-!t| IV, A 4M m w - f*!i m ■!i If H -•">> r¥_ 4«wsuU' . > of your view that Jige your attention. I to comply with the ]turn of eighty-fiv* iir previous public 3f such compliance public utterances. present judgment, I establishment of a' \n preference for an limited scheme of |, and, perhaps, also these opinions, to explained that in j>n any scheme that [inor proposals as I !• excluded by you. cidiness to give an be made, with an I at present able to Lat I may be able in bffer you have made i tHAMBBRLAm.** the matter fair ly^ Iteristics in later KVeS^iS-^ * "^ IM^E EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT.3) *■•■ £ ' V -' ti;. 4 ' 1.0 I.I 136 |28 1^ US 2.2 14.0 ll:25il.4 1^. 1.6 1 ^< HiptographicL Sdences Corporatioii # <^ 23 WiST^MAIN STRIfT WEBSTER, N.Y. 14980 (716) 872-4S03 .'* uci«!^§i^^^ <«f^!&2^:ibtfJkt^-\W\!^^ .s.»s?,*6'^yi4iL ^ 4^^ WA^ v\^ 466 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONK eminence in the State, is that of debating power and oratory. It has not only given a majority of Ministers to mo^t of the Cabinets in English history, but has contributed to Parliamentary annals very nearly as much skill in debate, and true eloquence in language, as the House of Commons has been able to do ' with all its flow of talk, and the copious speech of men who remind one in many cases of Thomas Moore's answer to the question, "Why is a pump like Viscount Castlereagh?'.* ^" - , " Because it is a slender thing of wood, That up and down its awkard arm doth sway ; \ And coolly spouts and spouts and spouts away, In one weak, washy, everlasting flood." From the days of Bacon, and Strafford, and Falklfind ; Halifax, and Somers, and/ Bolingbroke; Mansfield, and Chathanti, and North ; Plunkett, and Erskine, an^ Eldon ; Grey, and Brougham, and Lyndhurst ; Derby, and Ellen- borough, and Coleridge ; Granville, and Cairns, and Selborne ; down to those of Salisbury, aind Argyle, and Rosebery, the House of Lords has never been with- out speakerfe who might fairly be termed great orators. Its debates, though not frequent, hive usually been dignified, sometimes even stately, and, to those who^ study style/in speaking, a better school could hardly be found for calm, cool, and offen eloqiient, reasoning. The Bishops of the Church of England, who rank as Peers, ha\4 also given the House some brilliant orators, hotably. Dr. Magee and Dr. Wilberforce. Their field, however, is necessarily circumscribed, and it is a question vlrhether they have added proportionately to its reputation in this respect. But they have certainly served to enhance its representative capacity by the whole weight of/the Established Church, and its very pronounced influence. So nnuch for the general power and advantages of the House of Lords and the aristocracy as a whole. The other side of the shield is somewhat obscure. There have always been plemty who desired to change its constitution, to clip its wings, or modify its pretensions. But since the days of Cromwell no responsible statesman appears/ to have advocated its abolition. Even the great Protector had to restore it in some form of his own — a scheme which proved an arrant failure, but paVed the way for the full restoration under Charles the Second. Agitation at times has been pronounced, and even violent; but, so far as can be judged, absolutely ineffective. When the will of the people has been clearly proved, as in the case of the Reform Bill of 183a and of 1867, the Corn Laws repeal, and Irish Church Disestablishment, the Upper House has invariably given way. When that will has not been clearly expressed, the Lords ha^e sometimes delayed the proposed legislation until public opinion was expressed either one way or the other. When hasty measures hayj^JadSffi' passed without popular mandiite or desire, they have frequently beelf 'i^^ed or beneficially modified. f-*i-f^'- c-^t-^^^i^^^^^^^^^r^ ■•'H MR. GLADSTONE AND THE HOUSE OF LORDS. 467 Naturally, such a line of action has created hostility and arou-^-l Radical animosity. It has in these later days made some, journals describe the Lords as am antiquarian society, as a mediseval absurdity, or as '• an organized band of the mercenaries of class and privilege." In 1884 during the crisis over the Franchise Bill, when $he Upper House accepted the'principle of that measure, but insisted upon a Redistribution of Seats Bill being concurrent with It, the storm was very pronounced in certain quarters. Mr. Labouchere was indignant; Sir Wilfrid Lawson was more than an^. They joined other Radicals in calling a mass meeting in Hyde Park, durii^ the progress of which one of the orators urged the people to . " Rise, like lions after slumber, "* In unvanquishable number I • Shake your chains to earth like dew Which in sle^ep has fallen on you ; Ye are many — they are few!" At a great meeting in Birmingham, on Adjust 4th, Mr. C|iamberiain •denounced the action of the Upper House with pronounced vigour. He declared that during the last hundred years it had never contributed one iota to popular liberties, or done anything to advance the common weal. It had, -on the contrary, protected every abuse, and sheltered every privilege. " It has denied justice, and delayed reform. It is irresponsible, without independence • obstinate, without courage ; arbitrary, without judgment; and arrogant, without knowledge." Mr. Bright, at the same time, joined in the criticism and denun- ciation, but added : " I think it must be admitted that the great bulk of what I call the thoughtful people of this country— not moved by passion creat^ by the circumstances in which we now are— have not only not express«J them- selves, but have Jiever shown any disposition to arrive at the point which would induce them to demand only one House, and the total abolition of the other." -: And the unique position of the Upper House is seen in the fact that ; hardly more than a year after this time both.Jklr.iBright and Mr. Chamberlairf iiad joined hands with a party which openly^aiid avowedly looked to the Hous^ of Lords as the means by which the union of the three kingdoms might be preserved, should the Commons pass the Home Rule Bill. Nine years later, ^x. Chanfiberlain was one of the strongest champions of the House for its action fn throwing out Mr. Gladstone's second Irish measure. It is, therefore, apparent that a Second Chamber which can Bold its own, and force compromises upon a dominant party, as in the Franchise matter ; or overthrow the labour of years, and the influence v.f a great personality and leader, as in the case of Mr. Gladstone* and Home Rule ; or convert to its support Radicals such as Mr. Chamberlain ; must constitute a very real power in the State. That power, aside from the hereditary coots and social strength of the Peerage, and the other reasons previously given, -fSlUi^ i-^ jt. * * 46SC^ % . UFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. is based upon the necessity of having jH Second Chamber in the Constitution, a« well as upon the care with which it revises and checks public action as represent- ed in the House of Commons without running counter to clearly expressed popular wishes in the country. Upon the latter point, Mr. Gladstone may be quoted. la his Address t^^ the.electors of Greenwich— J^uary 24th, 1874— he observed : "The^^ilfere of a countty can never be effectually promoted by a Government which is not invested with adequate authority. . . . In the years 1868 and 1870, when the mind of the country was unambiguously expressed, the House of Lords had, much to its honour, deferred to that expression in matters of great moment, and I,t»nnot doubt that it would have continued in this course had the i|olated and less certain, but still frequent and fresh, indications of public opinion at single elections continued to be m harmony with ;*^Sft powerful and authentic; but now more remote, judgment of 1868." The necessity of a Second Chamber of some kind in England has been» and is, generally admitted. No considerable civilized nation in the world is without one, although Bulgaria, Greece, Servia, and some of the Central American republics, have got along without any. With a few exceptions, the party leaders of the present day are ^reed upon this point. Mr. Gladstone has always believed in an Upper House. Lord Rosebery, at Devonport, on December nth, 1894, declared that "the question of the existence of a Second Chamber is one of those abstract discussions which, like the propriety of the execution of Charles I., may engage the attention ot the, debating societies of our rural centres, but are not matters for practical politicians to engage^ in."J Lord Salisbury, on May 22nd, following, expressed the opinion that it wasi impossible " in a representative Governipent to avoid a Second Chamber, whith shall have the power of referring to thfe t)eople what the First Chamber doQS. ' Mr. H. H. Asquith declared, in November, 1894, that the question of only one House was not a practical matter, not* one which heed be discuss^, although he was personally rather in favour of it. The functions of the House of Lofds are sufficiently important, but their application has been most variously interpreted, and it is, of course, upon this that so much controversy hangs. Loi^ Salisbury has declared the Upper House to be " a body which exists for th^ purpose of preventing the House .of Commons (torn committing mischief behbd the backs of the people," and, in another speech, he proclaimed one of its functions to be the ascertainment of the deliberate will of the nation. " They Veil know," he says of the Peers, "that for good or ill, for wise or foolish, it is the opinion of the nation only that must rule." Mr. Balfour\ speaking at Nottingham, on December 5th, 1894, defined two chief objects or functions for this or any other Second Chamber: " Its most important and its most fundamental and most essential duty is to protect the Constitution of the country to which it belongs from rash and hasty inno- vations. Its second duty is to remedy the legislative blunders, to correct the ^ »f» *«' ^>,*.¥^ '^ > MR. GLADSTONE AND THE HOUSE OF LORDS. 46» >:** hasuness and carelessness, whith perhaps necessarily must attach occasionallT he tt r 7 ,'^r • °' ''^ "°" hard-working First ChambeT^whth tive view ^'^ '^^^'"'^"° °^*"^^"y "-•" This is the straight Conser^. Liberal opinion has been gradually developing in another direction and somewhat mhnewKh Mr Gladstone's own progress of thought. It aSt^o pomts-the hereditary pnncipl. and the veto power. In 18S4. at the B.>mi^"! ham meetmg already referred to, Mr. Bright spoke of an old spying, in wh" h^ called long past ages, that the path to the temple of honour Vhrolgh the temple of virtue But now. he thought, the law-making Peer never Hmed of such a course of procedure. " We all know, if he does not. that he goes to the temple of honour through the sepulchre of a dead ancesto;." I^s vTew of he future w^ very simple: "We must have, if we can. a complete remedyv^th the least disturbance and I believe that that may be obtained, and ough" strenuously demanded, by hmitmg the veto which the House of Lords exercis^ over the proceedmgs of the House of Commons." This was the advanced sentiment of the moment, although there was then, and alwifs has been a small Radical wing of the party which was ready for abolition or anything dse. - * l^u J^^ ^°"^ f "'t ^^'''°.^' ^""^ tl^« disruption and modification of parties followed, and entirely changed the popular i^osition of the Upper House For the time It was the-d^feaderof, the rig^s. and wishesof a. majprityW the people of England. Many oi- its sevef st yritics and warmest antagonists ' became vigorous and fighting friends, l^ut.td Mr. Gladstone it had given a temble blow In shattering his vast Irish .measure, it had broken the labour of years, and had prevented him from accomplishing t^ie last great object upon which, rightly or wrongly, he had set his heart. Had he come out then and there for abolition of the Second Chatmber.^any, perhaps, would not have been surprised. All that he did do was to threaten a curtailment of its powers -a threat at which its members were not greatly, troubled. More he could not do, and It does not seem that more "ever can be done by his party until they fret a direct, forcible mandate from the people. During the succeeding session (1894) the Uppfir House threw out seVeral measures and modified others— especially the Parish Councils BilL To go into" particulars is useless. Good reasons were given, ^d motives claimed, on both, sides. But the fact remained that, with reference to the last-named measure, the Commons had to accept the amendments made by the Lords, or sacrifice th^ chief Liberal scheme of the session. Mr. Gladstone agreed to accept them, and, at the satne time, flung down a vigorous gauntlet of defiance in what turned out to be his last speech in the House. His words certainly did not lack force : r i*s&. iiai ■;«•>.!. 470 LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. N " We are compelled to accompany that acceptance with the sorrowful declaration that the differences, not of a temporary or casual nature merely but differences of conVic. tion. differences of prepossession, differences of meptal hab.t.'and differences of fundamentja , tendency, between the House of Lords a^d the House of Commons, appear to have reached I development in the present year such as to create a state of thmgs of which we are com- pelled to say that, in our judgment, it cannot continue. . . The issue which .s raised , between a deliberative assembly elected by the votes of more than six millions of people and a deliberative assembly occupied by many men of virtue, by many men of talent, of course with considerable diversities and varieties, is a controversy which, when once raised must go forward to an issue. The issue has been postponed-loilg postponed. I ^ glad to say," ^ . . He went on to commend " the considerable degree of circumspection, and di«=cretion, and reserve." shown by the House of Lords in the use of its enormous privileges on various occasions within his own rkollection. But the question had now become profoundly acute, and •« will demand a settlement, and must receive at an early date tfiat settlement from the highest authority." But there was no word of abolition, and the policy pursued, or rather suggested, by his sue- cessor in the Premiership must, to a great extent, be accepted as his own. Lord Rosebery's views were clearly promulgated irt his speeches at Glasgow and Devon- port late in 1804. He ^nsidefed a Second Chamber absolutely essential to the national well-being; he did not care particularly about the maintenance of the hereditary principle ; he wanted an adjustment of the relations- between the two Houses in such a way as to make the will of the Commons plainly predommant; he thought the time had come " when the right of the House of Lords to oppose an absolute veto on the wishes of the legislation df the House of Comm6ns should forever cease " ; he looked forward to a Second Chamber in the distant future Chosen upon a popular basis, consultative rather than legislative, and remaining as the High Court of Justice for the Empire, while constituting a greal Imperial Council in which should sit members from outlying British States. Later on, he proposed to commence by passing a resolution through the House of Commons with regard to the veto power. It cannot be said that this policy was one upon which the Liberals were united. The Radical element wanted something 'far more violeht than a mere clipping of the bird's wings, though they hardly knew v^hat it was they did wish, and certainly did not know how to get it. Mr. Sidney Buxton announced that " they did not wish to reform the House of Lords, as the more it was reformed the stronger it would become " Mr. Asquith, a far more prominent Liberal, declared boldly that : «• We are not going to see the creation of a new and more formidable and irresponsible power in this couhtry." Some, therefore, wanted reform ; others liked the idea of abolition, but did not see how it could be earned out ; others desired anything that would lessen the power of the Peers. Lord Rosebery lid^^iiadoabtedly h ave enjoyed^f oLrdj^ ^ own Hoi^ some o the MR. GLADSTOlfNE AND THE HOUSE OF LORDS. 47« changes whfch Lord Russell hjid urged in 1869, which he had himself advocateid in 1884, and wcjiich Lord Salisbury had tried to promote iq 1888. Unfortun^ely, the abolition of the veto power was a very large addition to former proposes for expelling "black sheep," or introducing the elective Hement, or cfeatin|r life Pe6rs. The- old propositions had been designed to strengthen and improve ; thte new proposal was intended to weaken and injure. Upon this rather vague policy, therefore, and with these somewhat varied prin- ciples, the party fought the electoral contest of 1895. The Conservatives and Liberal-Unionists, on the other hind, were united in idea, and consistent in the presentation of their policy. As Lord Salisbury said in one of his speeches: •' It is very easy to remedy undue conservation ; it is very difficult to remedy undue destruction." Mh Balfour claimed that, by the Liberal proposals, it was not intended to depHve the Peers of their privileges, but 6{ their duties. It was, he declared, the business of the House of Lords, in the main, to see that the course of constitutional growth should be a gradual, an even, and a well-considered course ; to see that great changes were not carried out until it ^as seen to be the settled and determined will of the people. ' And upon this issue the election was largely fought. If the unprecedented result was any criterion of British opinion regarding the Uppt^jr House, it must seem clear that the issue laid down by Lord Rosebery was a mistaken an4 unpopular one. Like the Church of England, the House of Lords appears to have its roots deep down in the national soil, and, so far as prophecy may be ventured upon, it seems to be safe from\ attack so long as it does not defy any deliberate and determined mandate of tl^^ English people. Reform or modifir cation may probably come, and will, if the Conservative powers in the State are wise ;' but it should now come from friendly sources, and with a view to strengthen its roots, rather than from hostile elements in the National Parliament, anxious only to weaken or destroy its influence. , | 1 Meantime, it has^roved one of the pregnant forces in Mr. Gladstone's career. He entered public life an enthusiastic admirer of the Upper House for its action in postponing as late as possible the great reforms of 1832. He left public life with vigorous and natyral denunciations upon his lips for the body which bbd hampered and hindered his legislative actions and proposals. It had been a great and prolonged duel, in which sometimes the statesman had triumphed and sometimes the Peers. And not the least interesting occurrence in this connection was the Queen's offer pf an Earldom to the retiring Prime Minister in June, 1885. The honour proffered was not without precedents, bat they were very few. Sir Robert Walpole, " the first of modern Prime Ministers," had been made Earl of Orford in 1743. * William Pitt (the elder) |ia4 accepted the Earldom of Chatham, and in la/^r years Lord John Russell and Mr. Disraeli ha(} been given similar honours. But Mr. Gladstone declined ■m .i.:L„ 47a J LIFE AND WORK OF MR, GLADSTONE. ¥* », to leave, the Cotnmons. His work he thpught was not done, and, at all events, he was essentially, and probably felt himlself to be, a product of the House of Commons, and better fitted, even at l^is age, for popular struggle than for aristocriitic calmness and the serene giir of the Upper House. The event, howevpr, evoked a notable tribute from the Times: -^. "Whatever may be the judgment <^f contemporaries and of posterity upon Mr. Gladstone's "character, and oh his achievements as a statesman, there can be no controversy OS to his unique position in the House of Commons. His ascendency in the popular chamber, won in the i^rst instance by a rare Combination of eloquence and debating power, with untiring industry and immense stores 0f knowledge, has grown with the growth and strengthened with the strength of d^mocr^tic forces. Like other great men who have wielded at will that great assembly, like Fitt and Canning, and Palmerston and Peel, Mr. Gladstone is too proud of his influence and too deeply attached to the scene of his strifes and victories, now extending over more than half a century, to retreat into the dignified but somewhat sleepy shadow of the House of Peers." Meantime, the House of Lords is a powerful fact, and an evident factor, in British politics, and the British Constitution. It has been, and always will be, a question whether the hereditary principle is an advantage, or the reverse, in its constitution. That principle undoubtedly provides a splended environment for the development of cultured, patriotic, and honourable legislators. It also offera facilities for giving power into the hands of those who can only be termed hereditary blackguards. Upon the whole, a vigorous, trained, and influential aristocracy forms probably as good, if not better, a basis for a Second Chamber as do the millionaires who constitute t^ American Senate, or the retired, and often unpopular, politicians who maKe up most of the Colonial Councils or Upper Houses. , ' ^ An Upper House must always, in tne very nature of things, be more or less disliked by the progressive party in th(^ State. It is established and main- tained for the very purpose of checking or controlling that party, and no one, during a prolonged career, has more distinctly recognized this fact than did Mr. Gladstone himself. Given certain improvements in its membership, and perhaps an enlargement of base so as to admit life Peers and a still greater number of representative men, and it is really difficult to see >yhere or how a better Second Chamber can be obtained. Bqt as long as the world lasts there will be more or less of conflict between the two sections of a great legislature, as there will be between the parties of the far-off future, or the many headers who may, in dimly distant days, succeed to the places held by Gladstone and Disraeli, or Salisbury and Rosebeiy. >:m£z J>. 1 ." /• r^ ty upon Mr. I controversy the popular iting power, growth and n who have nd Peel, Mr. of his strifes :he dignified /. [R. GLADSTONE DELIVERING HIS LAST SPfeECH IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, March ist, 1894. (473) 6 to. t '■.f .■jll'Xf'7 ■e^ k FREDERICK ARTHUR STANLEY, isT LORD STANLEY OF PRESTON, iexH EARL OF DERBY. ' GoT«^r-Genenl of Canada, 1888-93. ' r' (47)) 1. V -^-'TV 'Jii^,'. f .■JA'ij"*?? ' - i 7 , .•'■■ ■ •' •A CHAPTER XXXVI. CHARACTERISTICS AND HOME LIFB. 'V-. HE country homes of England are deservedly famed for their beauty, their historic environment, their artistic gracfes.^^^Pfie' leaders in national politics, achievements, or inherited "wealth, are, as a rule, connected with the soil, and known to con- temporary annals as living during a part of the year, at least, at some more or less delightful country seat. Lord Beacons- field at Hughenden Manor, Lfcrd Derby at Knowsley Park, Lord Lytton at Kncbwdrth, Mr. W. H. Smith at Greenlands, Lord Salisbury at Hatfield House, Mr. Chamberlai^ at Highbury, Mr. Gladstone at Hawarden, Lord Tennyson at A£ld worth, the Duke of Devonshire at Chatsworth, Lord Rosebery at Dalmeny, represent, with myriad others of nobfe name, of distinguished service, or of merely ordinary wealth, that active, cleHn, out-of-door life which h^s dorte so much, in the past and in the present, to keep England a beautiful country, and the English people a healthy,, yigorous race. ', l^r. Gladstone's home at Hawarden does not, of course, possess the inagnificenx:e of ducal seats, such 4s Belvoir, Welbeck, or Dunrobin ; nor is it, in fact, superior to the unpretentious, but dimming, residence of many a simple English country gentleman. Like the m^ttol them., however, it has its bit of history, its ancient castellated ruins, its beautiful park, its substantial home- like appearance. The castle, with its sutrounding acres, lies in the Welsh county of Flint, within sight and sound of the Irish Sea, and boasts in its ancient form a history which includes many of England's most interesting struggles. The older castle had been a stronghold of Saxon and Dane and Norman ; it had been one of the chain of fortresses, such as Conway and Carnarvon, which so long ruled the W^sh marches ; it had associations bon«i fleeting it with old-time families, such as the Stanleys ; and was finally pretty! well destroyed in the wairs of the Cavaliers and Roundheads. 1 The modern mansion is a plain, but solid and ^andsome-looking, structure, the walls gray with a hundred' and twenty-fivi years of storm and sunshine, the turrets standing out in clear arid imposing snrle. Imittediately surrounding it are numerous flower beds and gravel walks, then come fences and hedges, and finally the broad and beadtiful park stretches for a considerahUi =]|B= ,AL ^^A-. r v-,, 476 L-:"\ WFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSIGN'IC ■ y • distanM. Not very far away the river D^e crpef)^ towards the ocean,' and upon the far horizon Mr. Gladstone can see a cloud in the sky, mafde by the smoke of - Liverpool — his birthplace,.and thejhome of his father for so many years. Close > by is the little village of Hawarden — the Shrine of many a political pilgrim — and the Church which has become famous through Mr. Gladstone's occasional ^ ministrations, while a few miles farther away is the town of Chester. Lord Hanmer used-to be the chief owner of the soil in Flintshire, with 7,300 acres^ - but Mr. Gladstone came close to him with his 6,900 acres of ground, much of which is beautifully wooded, and preserved in that rnatchless filshion which ^ results from the aristocracy and gentry of England having their " houses "jn, London, but their '• horhes " in the country, and which makes an English par^ one of the most exquisite things ip nature. s The estate of Hawarden cam? to" Mr. Gl^idston^ through his wife, who inherited a life interest in it upon the death, in 1874, of her brother, Sir Stephen Glynne. Aside from this interest, howevat, it then became the property, by will„ ' of Mr. W. H. Gladstone, and, upon his death, went to his son.- Mr. Glad-^ stone's own property in the neighbourhood he afterwards made 6ver to his childreny and his wife and himself have, therefore, long been merely tenants for life. But the action was wise ^rom many standpoints. It relieved Mr. Gladstone of much personal care, trained his eldest son in business management, and, perhkps, rendered closer a harmony within the family which is a mod§l to his county and country. Of that family much is known to the public, but nothing that is unpleasant, or incongruous with the high-minded characteristics of the * parents. Their first child, William Henry Gladstone, was born in 1840, and died in 1891. He was a member of Parliament for twenty years, married a daughter of Lord Blantyre, left several children, and is riemembered for^lnany accomplishments and for his excellent business ability. ' The second child, Agnes, is wife-of the Very Rev. Dean Wickham of Lin- coln, and Jier eldest daughter wa^ presented to the Queen by Mrs. Qladstone herself in 1693. William, the eldest son of Mrs. Wickham,, is said to have dis- tinguished himself at Winchester School by his vigorous Liberalism. The Rev. Stephen Edward Gladstone is the third child of the veteran statesman, and has been for two decades Rector of Hawarden. He has a number of children. The fourth child, Jessie Catherine, died at five years of age. The fifth was Mary» wife of the Rev. Harry Drew, and mpth«r of Dorothy Drew, the liftle sunbeam who has become so well known as Mr. Glkdstoiie's pet, grandchild. The sixth Miss Helen Gladstone, who for maiiy years has been one of the was heads of Newnham College, Cambridge. Then comes Mr. Henry Neville Gladstone, married to a daughter of Lord Rendel, aQ(l for ihany years a mercliant in the East Indian trade. ^ The eighth and last child is the Right Hon. Herbert J. Gladstone, M.P., and a rising politician. Altogether, Mr. and » / » s, married a CHARACTERISTICS AND HOME LIKE. 477 Mrs.' Gladstone have, iiviSgs, twenty>tWQ direct descendants, a«d seven living children. ^ ^ ^ Of the statesjpan's wife much has been written. Her knowledge in all matters of health^^aaid nursing, her well-kriown, constant, and sympathetic care of Mr. Gladstone, hoc splendid training of a large family, her own gifts of • organisfation, as shown in the establishment and management of several charitable institiitibns near Hawarden, her kindly energy and cultivated capacity, have' contributed greatly to her husband's happiness and prolonged good health. Disraeli, whose wif(^ 6xereteedV very similar beneficial influence 4ipon his career, once saii^^ C!oning8by, that " ipan conceives fortune, but woman conducts it. It is the^^t of man that says ' I will be great ' ; but it is the sympathy of woman that usually makes him so." "And this is a fact much oftener than is generally understood. Apart from domestic duties, the wife of a political leader has many mean^ of helping her husband, and of snioothing his course. Socially, this is not the case to the Same degree as it was during the days of Lady Talmerston and Lady Derby ; but, in a dififerent wa/, her influence may still be very great. Like Lady Salisbury, Mrs. Gladstone is said to exhibit a cheerful indif- ^ ference to personal appearance, and to be a most earnest Churchwoman. Like ' , the "Grand Old Man" himself, she possesses a receptive mind, a disposition and keen desire toiearn, and a boundless energy.^ For some years she was the active President of the Women's Liberal Federation ot tfie Unitej| Kingdom, a rival organization to thr Primrose League, with whiqh the Marchioness of Salis- i bury 18 so intimately connected. /The home life at Hawarden under such aus- pices is not diflicult to imagine. Simple, cultured, busy, and happy Will describe it in one brief sentence. Since the days before the sons went to Eton and Oxford, or were at home for their holidays, and the daughters" studying under r English, French, and Italian governesses, everybody in the household has had plenty to do frpm their habitual early rising to the equally usual early bedtime. And since grandchildren have replaced the children, much the sajne principlSs of daily life are said to prevail. ' "* - ' As might be expected, it has always been a most intelligent fiousehold, as well as a most hospitable house. Profound theology and philosophic thought, Homeric legends, or speculative politics, alternate in conversation with the latest novel or picture, the newest inventiojili, or social, topic. There is generally wine on the fable at lunqheon and dinner, and after dinne£jpomes, vexy ofken^ a ipusical interval. Of music^Mr. Gladstone was always fond, and a very ^mus- ing passage p Lord M&lmesbury's diary, about 1850, .Records that " Gladstone is now quite enthusiastic about negro melodies, singing them with thexgreatest spirit and enjoyment, n^er leaving out a verse, and evidently preferring such as ' Camp Towti Races.' " The ^^^ily nail at Hawarden has,^ of course, idways "^ l ' ' ' r \ 478 '■• .- • ■. ■ A. .'■. •«. ,; .-,.w>^/>.^. .-■;v^* :«<};??; UFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. T-* _^ bwn very great. Lettem of every description, imploring, adviW, beegine denouncing, flattering; papers of ail sorts; books, pamphte,. mag^fne? fZ W d'^of'l^'nT"' «-'"'?«-'''-<''»■" ceaLi'ng. Ve^Sfo^'^' . ^ Necessarily, a very small portion could be seen by Mr Gladstone Wh.n material. ^ When out of^power, his own family managed it for hkn. Even with this care h.s correspondence has been enormous. He has not ^ven ^nt^e e modern days, used a typewriter or stenographer. H^ letters and manuscripts are written in his own hand, with the exception of those official communications which secretaries would write and sign themselves under instrucdon Two means of lessenmg this tremendous burden of, work he has resorted to The one was. at any important period, such as his Golden Wedding, the anL^ce ^ me^his eyesight trouble, or his redrement fn.m public life.'^ c^mZSca^ to the papers a general letter of thanks, and an expression of his inabm v to reply to the letters received. The more ordinary method was by po Za d This post-card correspondence has been fo, many years historically voluminous The most important subjects are dealt with L the argeEnS cards which he despatches, and at one time, when in mourning for his son t ?he^'wert 'aS '^etTb 7^"^r"T' ^^ "^*^ '^'^ -aUle mediim^ iney were always penned by, himself m close, and not very clear wridn^* Partly m order to facilitate this branch of his work, the library at Hlwlln IS furnished with two desks, one for political matt^r^'knd the other forTerar^ affairs. The bopk-cases in this important roorii run up nearly to the cS and leave no space fbr pictures, and veiy Ijtt le anywhere for the few busts S * The author has a characteristic one before him. written tn him ,.1. ^2^'^irjt':::^j'st'z.T':!:ii:'Zp^,:rJ:r. r "". ,-^' th. great and .rp„. .risly,„«.i„.. Still .ore liLS^nHll^t;.' fXlt'tJ:^ future, possessed by a man on the margin of his eightieth vear IThhI!. „^^Pf ^".^"J'^as to the I^omises should be avoided and dedu^ic^. restrfrn^'Z- havrnt s "aJe^^^^^^^^^^ still assure you that I should view withlhe utmost satisfaction Xo^houJtieBrit?? Empire that which ib the case of Ireland it is my daily care and inte«^ to ohJ- " I have the honour to be. Sir, your most fiuthfnl servant, •'December 17th, 1888." " W. E. Gladstomb. >,. ■A-', '4 CHARACTERISTICS AND HOME LIFE. 479 one chamber will Gladstone has work is at least in led with them no eminent contempojraries which are crowded in. Of course, no hold the steadily accumulating mass of books which Mf. >^.„v.o,.«..^ .,a» possessed, and so many of which he deeply loved. Twenty tjhous'and volume •were got into two rooms by stringent ecbnomy of space, and then he had to build a fireproof addition to the castle, where they are nolv mamly stored, under his personal and exact supervision. For he loves his b^oks. Writing in 189P, in the Nineteenth Century, "he declare^ that : " Books are the voices of the dead. They are a main instrument of communion with the vast human procession of the other world. They' are the"alli^ of the thought of men. They are, in a certain sense, at enmity with the world. Their the two higher compartments of our threefpld life. In Mtem well one has felt, or can feel, solitary." ^p Mr. Gladstone has all through life read deeply, widely, and carefully. When Bright would be reading the latest pamphlet, or Disraeli tHe newest novel he wouW be poring over Milton, or Homer, or some other international classic! He coujd- read in at least a dozen languages, and His wonderful memory enabled him to amass information easily, continuously, and jisefully upon a myriad of topics. His libirary comprises, of course, a very ikrge number of theological and ecclesiastical works, as well as books dealing With mythology and Homeric literature, anci«nt and modern history, biography and political'* controversy. And he thoroughly believed in the practice ol reading as a beneficent factor in the higher moral life of the individual. He could indeed say frequently and sincerely : \ , " Rocking on a lazy billow, With roaming teyes, Cushioned on a dreamy pillow, ' J Thou art now wise. . -; Wake the power within thee sleeping, Trim the lamp that's in thy keeping, Thou wilt bless the hour when reaping Sweet labour's prize." In a certain kind of conversation Mr. Gladstone excelled. But, like Coleridge and Sidney Smith, Maciulay and Garlyle, it has always been some^ what of a monologue. This came to be the case more arid more in his later days; partly because of the interest felt in what he said, partly because of his dislike for direct contradiction, partly because of the immense scope and variety of his information, and the consequent limitations of those surrounding him. Mr. \' . E. Forster, writing of a visit paid to him in 1866, observed in a letter : ." I have had an interesting day. I went with Gibson to Gladstone at ten, and talked hard with him till almost twelve. He was very free and cordial, and let as talk as much as he lets any one." His marvellous memory, the store of facta 11 V-T- ;i ii !!l I II'! 1 !il ' !l! 4^ LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. 4he possessed, the intense interest in the\topic of the moment, whibh would often make hisn forget his listeners and himself, fully explain this trait, and account ^ for the many stories told of him in this connection. But everything he says is of interest except to some of those who want to talk themselves, and it must be confessed that they usually form a majority of any mixed gathering. Upon one occasion Ihe is said to have discussed fish knives at the dinner table, with quite absorbing devotion to what may be called historic detail. At another time, and during a crisis in the Soudan war, some chance led him to the subject of earthquakes. He at once became intensely interested, and expressed his earnest desire for the report of a commission recently appointed in Java for investigation into the subjects and then went into a more or less scientific inquiry concerning the origin, and causes, and effects, of these phenom- ena of nature. Another story is told, characteristic, but probably not quite accurate, of an applicant for some important post in India, who went to discuss the matter with the Premier. Mr. Gladstone next day expressed to a mutual friend his appreciation of the rare knowledge of Indian affairs possessed by his visitor. Upon being told this, the latter declared that " I was with him two hours, and hardly spoke a word." The incident, whether true or not, illustrates the overpowering interest felt by the spealcer in whatever subject might be before him at the moment. But his fluency\and eloquence always made what he said pleasant ; and his personality made it, o( course, additionally interesting. Socially, Mr. and Mrs. Gladstone did ngt^ssess the popularity of Lord and Lady Palmerston, or of Lord and Lady Ghinyi|le, and perhaps lacked the prestige of Lord and Lady Salisbury. They did, not, in fact, entertain to an>- thing like the same extent. But Mr. Gladstone w^s very fond of a certain form and class of entertainment. For many years he kept up the old-fashioned " breakfast " which, in the earlier part of the century, was so popular. It was at this meal — more like the modern luncheon — that he used to entertain Words- worth and Bishop Wilberforce, Sir F. H. Doyle and Charles Dickens. At Hawarden, during certain seasons or the year, there would also be a runnin<» succession of guests,, all more or less distinguished. In this connection, Mr. Hay ward gives in his Memoirs a characteristic note from Mr. Gladstone — then Premier — and dated October 17th, 1883 : " I hope you will come down and see us while we have yet some leaves on the trees. Attorney-General comes to-morrow ; Lacaita a day or two after ; Herbert (Glad- stone), reeking of Leeds, Monday or Tuesday ; the Spencers I hope are in the offing ; the Derbys are booked for the 31st. Now you have a bill of &re, pray choose your dish. I ought to mentbn that young Newcastle is asked to meet the Derbys." There were certain periods when London was divided socially by intense party feelings, and, when that happened, a Liberal leader would almost Vr'mt:' CHARACTERISTICS AND HOME LIFE. 481 necessarily be limited in his entertainments and social interests. One of these carious occurrences was in 1878, when Lord Beaconsfield was at the height of his' popularity, and Mr. Gladstone in the opposite depths, as a "result of his bitter, unceasing, crusade against the Conservative chieftain. In many parts of the higher circles of London he was simply execrated, and there were a great many people who would neither meet him nor sit at dinner with him. In and about 1888, during the Home Rule period, he was almost boycotted in a similar section of what is called society ; and as the list of Gladstonian Liberals at that time included a comparatively limited ijumber of persons in distinguished social position, it has been stated by a competent observer that it taxed the resources of the most accomplished hostess in London to arrange for him a dinner party of desirable people. It is not difficult to understand this. The feeling, of course, did not last long ; but when the great Whig magnates, such as the Dukes of Devonshire, and Westminster, and Bedford, and many another Peer of high rank, found them- selves obliged to leave the leader whom they had so long followed, the situation naturally became strained, and social relations awkward, for the time being. A somewhat similar state of things existed in 1832, when it is said the social world was as greatly divided as the political Avorld. It was then a most unusuail circumstance to see the Duke of Wellington and Earl Grey at the same table, or even in the same drawing-room. But these feelings of bitterness soon die ouf, though, no doubt, very strong at the time. Of course, it was never possible for Mr. and Mrs. Gladstone to equal their political rivals in entertaining. The modest little house which they maintained in London during official periods could not compare with, for instance, Lord Salisbury's magnificent mansion in Arlington Street — a palace where the great rooms are pre-eminently fitted for political receptions and social festivities. And so in many other cases. But the more modest mode of life probably suited Mr. Gladstone better, as it did his moderate — though sufficient — income. With many people it increased his popularity. They liked his plain name, his quiet domestic life, his family, who did not seek high alliances, his churchgoing practice on Sundays, his fondness for cutting down trees, his devotion to his wife, and her well-known care for him and his health. Mr. Gladstone's fancy for tree-cutting is famous. But, contrary to the general impression, he never felled a tree at Hawarden for mere exercise. They were tried carefully, sometimes in family council, sometimes under the consideration of visitojs, such as Mr. Ruskin or Sir John Millais, and then only felled for reasons of taste and beauty, or in the interest of neighbouring trees. „ Domestic incidents in the life of a p^^juj^r leader are always interesting, and in recent years two family events c»€curred in connection with Mr. Gladstone which aroused considerable public attention. The one was tha 5t ■41 ?ji# »^ ^i^ > fi j^ ^ j*i; -v:-^ • .. '>^j'Wc4,|' '48« UFE AND WORK OF MR, GLADSTONE. i- *- marriage of hia daughter, in February, 1886, to t^ Rev. Harry Drew, while the oth^T was his own Gblden Wedding celebratiort. Miss Gladstone's marriage tdpk place at St. Margaret's Church, Westminster, and was attended by many' distinguished guests. The family, of course, |were largely represented, and amongst others present were the Prince and Printess of Wales, Prinpe George of Wales, Lord Rosebery, Lord and Lady Aberdeen, Mr. Balfour, Mr. Childers, Mr. Arnold Morley, Mr. Shaw-Lefevre, Lady Spencer, Lady Harcourt, and Lady Granville. Mr. Gladstone gave the bride aWay, and it is hardly necessary to say that the presents were very numero.us and i^epresentative of a wide circle of friends. i , In July, 1888, a presentation was made to Mr. and Mrs. Gladstone at Spencer House, in London, in commemoration of their entering upon the fiftieth year of married life. The gifts consisted of a portrait of Mr. Gladstone, painted by Hpll; a portrait of Mrs. Gladstone, painted by Herkomer; and three massive plver cups. The proceedings were private, but amongst those present were/Lord Rosebery, Sir Gfeorge Trevelyan, Mi*. Moriey, Sir William Harc^ojirt.^Jtfr. Stansfeld, and Mr. Childers. The following address was pres^^ntea, signed, of course, by those named, and by over a hundred other frietids or former colleagues : "We wish to be allowed, some of us as former colleagues of one, and all as con- stant friends of both of you, tp share in the commemoration of this happy anniversary. Along with multitudes of our countrymen of all sorts and conditions, we offer you our cordial congratulations on the long span of feithfiil kad unbroken companionship which to-day brings in a special manner to our minds. "As one of you has known no loftier^uty than the furtherance of national well- baing, so the other has no more cherished desite than to lighten the burden and to smooth the path in this high task. To few is it givei^, as it is to you, to feel, in looking back through go many years, that amid vast and ceaseless public labours, alike in the hours of triumph and of discouragement, you have never failed abundantly to realize all the unclouded blessings of the home." In the succeeding year, the Golden Wedding proper was elaborately %elebirated. On July 25th, 1889, it was exactly half a century since the event, and not merely the entrance upon the anniversary year. Amongst other incidents marking the date was a great recepdon held, a few days later, by the National Liberal Club, and the presentation of an Album containing an elaborate address and the beautiful special designs of several prominent artists. Most of the leading Liberals of the day were present, and the address was read by Lord Ozenbridge. It was very congratulatory, naturally eulogistic, and somewhat political. But, towards the conclusion, it paid a very sincere and earnest tribute to Mrs. Gladstone, " in whom, throughout long years of e£fort and of labour, you have found not only the dearest of companions,- but the most devoted and efficient of helpmates, whosd life has been given to works of love and charity ^i^:2.^^'^^^tif;^<^^C^%^^''^^ -^ ^ ''K 1 CHARACTERISTICS AND HOME LIFK 48J among her fellow-creatures, and but for whose self-consecration to the service of her husband and her children your own public work must have been so seriously fettefed ^nd limited." Mr. Gladstone's reply was brief, but eloquent. He spoke of the ' noble calling which the service of the people was, and had always seemed to him to be. " What opportunities of good to our. fellow- creatures it has opened ; what cheering and pleasant anticipations of the future; what bright recollections of the past ; how all its" difficulties, and the pain attending upon its contentions, seem to vanish in the distance, and to become light as dust when compared \yith our conviction that the substantial nature of the objects that we have in view is associated with the highest, or with very high, interests of mankind." The day itself liad been celebrated at home by a family gathering and the receipt of innumerable letters, containing good wishes and congratulations. Perhaps the most graceful, if not the most interesting, was the following from Cardinal M£hining : " My Dear Mrs. Gladstone': "The last time we met you said, 'I do not forget old days.' And truly I can s^y so, too. Therefore, in the midst of all who are ^congratulating you on the fiftieth anniversary of your home life, I cannot be silent. " I have watched you both out on the' sea of public tumults from my quiet shores. You know how nearly I have agreed in William's political career, especially in his Irish policy of the last twenty years. And I have seen also your works of charity for the people, in whichi as you know, 1 heartily share with you. There are few who keep such a jubilee as yours ; and how few of our old friends and companions now survive I We have had a long climb up those eighty steps — for even you are not far behind — and I hope we shall not 'break the pitcher at the fountain.' I wonder at your activity and endurance of weather. May every blessing be with you both to the end. Believe me, "Always yours affectionately, ' ' " Henry E. Card. Manning." A striking trait in Mr. Gladstone's character has been his permanent and prevailing courtesy. It was innate, ddicate, minute. His manners were of tlfe old-fashioned school, stately and urbane, never condescending, yet always modest. His politeness to correspondents was something wonderful. Upon one occasion a young woman at Wigan wrote the Prime Minister a letter on his birthday, and enclosed a bookmark on which she had worked the words, M The Bible our Guide." She was an invalid, suffering from consumption, and Mr. Gladstone at on(^^eplied, by forwarding some suitable gifts, and writing a simple note, which concluded with the wish that " the guidance which you are 1 good enough to desire on my behalf may avail you fully on every step of that j journey in which, if I do not precede, I cannot but shortly follow you." *i < \ But the characteristics of such a man are naturally varied, and in this newspaper age are pretty well known. He has toiled hard, and concentrated xi .-'-^, \ Ml-. '1li i!f: I'M 1^; lit i' \ 484 ,•■ / ^. LIFE AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE his thought to great purpose and in many directions, during a long life. But he has always included relaxation and rest ampngst the impers^tive necessities of a busy man's existence. And, although his holiday exercise and recreation- would be to another man the most intense labour, he seems to have found the mere change of action and thought a^factor in promoting health and strength. He has always been fond of walking, atid likes to talk to a friend, or listen to good music, or play a" game of chess. He uded to frequently attend concerts, and occasionally the theatre, when in Londoi^. He has all his life detested social "crushes," and, with Mrs. Gladstone, Has carefully avoided them, or, indeed, anything else which might prevent regular sleep— outside \of Parlia- mentary duties or interests. He possessed als0. that useful faculty of bemg able to fall asleep, and enjoy a brief and beneHcial nap, at a moment's notice. Some one has said, with a certam degree pf trut^, that he had not a little of the woman in his nature. If impulsiveness, and ^ warm and sympa- thetic heart, a fervently religious disposition, and an impressible temperament, are feminine qualities, the statement is certainly accurate. He could take an interest in all kind^ of things. In 1852, for instance, he took part in the Queen's famous Fancy Dress Ball, at Buckingham Palace, and appeared as a judge of the time of Charles II., dressed in "a velvet coat turned up with blue satin, and ruffles, and a collar of old point lace." In Mr. Hay ward's correspondence, during 1882, are several references by the Premier to Mrs. Langtry and the stage, and, m one letter, dated October i8th, he declares that " she has worked hard, and I am glad she is well paid. She will come back from America a millionaire." Though he enjoyed a good laugh, and had a certain sense of humour, it was of a peculiar nature. Much ordihaty wit he did not appreciate, and personal or ill-natored stories he intensely disliked. Jokes With him were as rare as epigrams. ^I^r4 William ^itt Lennox, in his Reminiscences, gives one of the very few Wljich have be#^ecorded. It was in the fprm of a definition of a word often used m political circles: " Deputation," said Mr. Gladstone, " is a noun of multitude that signifies many, but does not signify much." But similar reminiscences might be indefinitely extended. Upon the whole, Mr. Gladstone appears to have enjoyed a home life and a domestic happiness which few can have equalled amongst his contemporaries, and none excelled, in the absciifee of misfortune, of serious illness, and of family faults. It has also been a lesson to the people in what constitutes a cultured religious home, and has shown to the world that a man may be a great political leader, and yet remain a Christian gehtleman, and that a woman can hold a lofty place, and yet prove a devoted wife and mother. 1^^ 4J&*— 4s^i. ■*§!,% •t^m \u=' (ig life. Bat he ■e necessities of and recreation' » have found the ti and strength, ^nd, or listen to ittend concerts, lis life detested oided them, or, tsideof Parlia- [aculty of being (loment's notice, t he had not a rm and sympa- te temperament, ; could take an rt in the Queen's asajudgeof the satin, and ruffles, ice, during 1882, tage, and, in one hard, and I am narre." Though was of a peculiar al or ill-natared jpigrams. ^J>ord very few .W^ich rd often used m }un of multitude ded. Upon the and a domestic traries, and none of family faults, ultured religious political leader, lold a lofty place, ^ •*» • MR. GLADSTOl&E READING THE LESSONS IN HAWARDEN CHURCH.' (485) - S )- -^t-^* :'l ',. I ■ liil .11 ■ : ! 1 JOHN CAMPBELL HAMILTON GORDON, 7™ EARL OF ABERDEEN, Governor-General of Canada, 1893. (486) ' '.'./-^fri^?/ ''^■' ^'^ ^^'m^^0^ a^nt' EN, CHAPTER XXXVII. LATER DAYS IN A MEMORABLE LIFE. 'lAT'HEN the New Year opened in 1894, the tide of agitation against the ▼ " House of Lords was in full and hery action. So far as the Radicals and other naturally indignant Liberals could go in denunciation and invective, they went, though without any very visible effect. The Upper House had thrown out the Home Rule Bill, and successfully amended the Parish Councils Bill, and there, for the present, the matter had to rest. Concurrently with this vague and angry feel- ing in the Liberal ranks came various disquieting rumours as to Mr. Glad- stone's health. His eye- sight trouble seemed to be getting worse, and there were reports of his resig- nation upon m6re than one occasion. Health to him during a long life had, indeed, proved a wonderful friend — a' pro- nounced factdr in his suc- cess. There does not seem to have ever been any serious defect in his con- stitution, and, with the exception of an occasional break-4own of brief dura- tion from overwork and pressure, he had never known a serious illness, jj^r Andrew Clark, who ^Mls his physiciaj^k>m 1864 to his own death in 1893, :* ■# "'■!i 1 ,J? i- f, '»' ■^^ .4w,- J 1 i ^^# '^'- . Ji t • - .•».' i. i:wh:*|'»'j' J *t' T • ■- !|.< ^" / tW «« UFB AND WORK OF MR. GLADSTONE. tells us that Mr. Gladstone, when he first consnlted him, was ".the most wonderfully 'strong and active man, both' mentally and ph)r8ically, that I ever examined." But even in 1864 the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as he then^ was, " had a^iy strongly defined 'areas senilis' in both eyes." Dr. Clark goes on to say that thid trouble or defect is not necessarily a sign of decly. And certainly it does not appear to have afifected Mr. Gladstone until he was verging on eighty-five yfears of age. On the ist^of March, and amid many uncdrta^in rumours, Mr. Gbdstone made {Hi important speech in the House of Commons. No one knew that it was to be his last utterance in the legislative halls which had so long been filled with his eloquent tones, and permeated with his personal powers of controversy, leadership, and legislation. Like Disraeli,' he on6 day appeared and made a speech in the ordinary course, and the next* morning his place was vacant.- Upon this occasion, he dealt almost entirely with the House of Lords, and the amendments to the Parish Councils Bill, which he felt compelled to accept, rather than sacrifice the measure. Part of the succeeding day was spent by Mrs. Gladstone and himself at Windsor, where his resignation was sub- mitted to the Queen and accepted, and the Earl of Rosebery sent for upon his advice. To tl)e public ginerally, the ^vent was a startling one. People had somehow come to look upon the Premier's health as a Secondary consideration. So intense was his vitality, and so unceasing his activity, that old age was somehow disregarded in the popular conception of the " Grand Old Man " and his future work. Expressions of regret at his retirement; and sympathy with his ill-health, immediately commenced to pour in upon the veteran, while the press in every part of the country, and in every civilized State, commented upon his character and career. Many newspapers abroad seemed to consider the Home Rule failure as the mlin cause of his retirement. The Times dealt at length with his character and career, and told the story of John Bright and the. lady who, upon one occasion, expresfed that, vehement . animosity which Mr. Gladstone so oflen aroused amongst his | opponents. " Madam," said Mr. Bright, interrupting t^e torrent of feminine j invective, " let me counsel you to take your little boy to see ^f r. Gladstone, in order that when he is an old man he may tell his children and his grandchildren that he has seen the greatest Englishman he is ever likely to look upon." Perhaps, in later days. Bright might not have made the remark ; but withou;t entering upon comparisons, the Times proceeded in a really remarkable eulogy ^ " His personal record is anq^estionably aniqne. No other man has been four tjines'"'; I^me Ministerof England. No other man can reckon sixty years since he entered the service of the Crown, and mere than sixty years in the service of the State. No other man'hasled the House of Common4 and activel]^ discharged the duties of First Minister of the Crown " "in his eighty-fifth year. Nd contemporary has left so broad and indelible a mark on the ,f 4 MMnp M ".the most ■■■"•"'"■■■^/-^--r^g^^- *'*« jfi^ywrii^ m ^■;f. LATER DAYS IN A MK^ORABLE LIFE. 489 whole polfcy of his country, (» has exercised so commanding or so abiding an inflmnce on legislation, administration, aM debate. Above atf, no man of his time, and few men of any time, have displayed to the world so poissant and versatile a personality, a character «o compacted of high aims and lofty ambitions, rare personal dignity, remarkable charm, ^nd a manner combining antique courtesy with a senfibility never out of date, universality of intellectual interests, absorbing and indefatigable industry, unbounded enthusiasm, passionate earnestness of conviction and action, and extraordinary powers of expression, little abated in the fineness of their temper, and little dimmed in the brilliancy of theii display at an age far beyond.the allotted span of man." Few leaders have ever received such a tribute f)>»q^ so potent an adversity as the Times had proved itself to be. But almost every>^^e it was the same. The stormy political past was absorbed and forgotten in the present and imme- diate fact of the departure of a great and historic personality from the national stage. Mr. Chamberlain, in a speech at Birmingham, referred to the closing of the active public life of " the greatest Parliamentary orator tod statesman of our time," and to the shock which it had been to him person^ly. The Duke ^ of Devonshife, who as Lord Hartington had been in such intimate relations with Mr. Gladstone during a prolonged period,' spoke at length upon the subject of his retirement at a meeting in Somerset.^ And when Pjjkrjiament met on the 12th of March, thie further tributes paid to the great leader were numerous, and apparently sincere. Lord Sal**bury, while deprecating th? introduction .of controversial elements, declared they could '« all pay a passing tribute to onie of the most brilliant figures who had served the State since Parliamentary, gov^nment in this country begin, and also to the resolution, the courage, the self-discipline which he had exhibited down to the latest" period of the longest pljiblic life ever granted to any English statesman." In the Commons, Mr. Balfour said that every member of the House owed the late Prime Minister a debt of public and personal , gratitude on account of his having maintained through great 'Parliarhentary and social changes the high standard of public life which he had learned to adrmre in a different age. ^ Punch, which so often hits the national nail on the head, and keeps in such close touch wi^ public opinion in its political cartoons, followed in ^ representation of Mr. Gladstone as an aged knight taking off his armour, and hanging up his sword. The accompanying words were very stnking : • *' War-worn, but yet unbroken, straight and strong, * ^_ - W« hoped he yet jphould. head the charge for long, " The star of battle and the theme of song. . . • <] I-- / !•: -'"-.^ ■y^ It scarcely seemed Old Time himself had force This many laurelled champion to unhorse, lUver bis lance, or«tay his conquering conne. . ■<-• •w^ ' 'w^'fT'm 11 T; It ^ r'::.-.;|'h -l' ' ' i 1 -. ^1= 1^^ '^^' r II: iiJ . |Pf| ^.:^ 490 UFR AMD WORK OF MR. GtADSTOVi '^■ >v From clu«|t||||| ^ to genttered silver went The hero's yckift, fgt tgs hit frame unbent, Hit courage onimpairitd, hit strength unspent. Meanwhile there had been little real change in the reconstriacted Govern- ment. Lord Rosebery took the Presidency of the Council in addition to the Premiership, and Lord Kimberley assumed charge of the Foreign Office. Mr. Herbert J. Gladstone was promoted from the post of Under-Secretary at the Home Office, and, became First Commissioner of Works and a Privy Councillor. Sir William Harcourt, retained his position at the Exchequer, aod became for the first time leader of the House of Commons. Shortly after his assumption of the Premiership, Lord Rosebery addressed his Parliamentary supporters, and, of' course, referred to the departure of their late chief from the scene of his life work. " When you return to' that HouSe,'\said he, "you will miss the central figure, that sublime and pathetic prea^^iice that enriched and ennobled, not merely the Treasury Bench, but the House of Commons." The Lords^ however, constituted the main subject of his speech, and in vagpe, but forcible, language he denounced the present position of the Upper House as an anomaly and a danger. ^. , On, March 17th, Mr. Gladstone addressed a long anJ^teresting letter to* Sir John Cowan, the President for so many years of the LiberaF Association of Midlothian. That body had sent him an Address, ia which they ur^ed that he should continue, even in retirement, to represent their historic con- stituency. He did not expressly .decline to do so, but in his reply took occasion to briefly review the past, and to look forward a little \rito the fujture. A couple of months after th|e sending of this letter, which the Times descj^ibed as a stately and pathetic fi|l|[«i^ell, Mr. Gladstone attended, on May 4fh, a meeting held in London for tHe purpose of promoting a memorial toSir Aridrew Clark, who had jlist died. About the same time he made public a caird of thanks to those who had sent him almost innumerable lett«t|, of condolence and sympathy upon the trouble with his eyes, and on June 23rd intimated toJ Sir John Cowan a finQ 'decision not to seek re-election- to the House of Gladstone acknowledged' smother invitation that there wouid still be two months :act was concluded, and! before 1 and useful vision. Itf'may be — ly suc|||y:^. In August he re- Jronal Lib^ Federation, and signed by the presidents of all its affiliated societies. Writing to Mr. Spence Watson, the head of the /Whole organization, and, by the way, an intense Radical, be expressed the efi!,mest hope that the fotare might be marked " by the same pra^ , Commons. Towards the end of Jnl/j to visit the United States, but , before the surgical treatment of he could even hope for the restor added here that the operation sponded to an address presented .%^. -j^y - f 3 ^w mm ^■ >v :ted Govern- lition to the Office. Mr. etary at the ^ Councillor, came for the iption of the ters, and, of' e of his lif(p i the central inobled, not The Lords^ but forcible, an anomaly ''■■■, esting letter Association they or^ed listoric con- reply took > the fujtare. fs described May 4^h, a "Sir Anjdrew c a cakd of cond(^Ienc<^ ' ntimated toj i House of ei" invitation two (nonths , and! before Itf'inay be igusi he re- ^ , and signed ice Watson, Radical, be i same prap« ' 'T'.-iP^*^f>T^'^*wr'^;^^|jf|ir'* "**■ "'f^'^^t'- t'^ a"' LATER DAYS IN A MSMORAtLB UFl. J- 49* tical tone, the same union of firmness with moderatiol, tht tame, regard for indiridoal freedom, the same desire to harmonize the old with the n«w, and the nm« sound principles of policy and administration " as had characterised the past. Pnring November, j^ presumably as a sort of recreation. Mr. Gladstone pub- lished a translatwi||Mgnpet as to which the Tims declared that " (he reader will find man3a|||o^|^nBil||wa, and much that he can unreservedly admire. If h« fihds a few! s^J^t^jKings also, let hii;n wi-estle a ^^^ " the great record written by the hand of Almighty God against its injustice, lust, and most abominable cruelty." If these latest atrocities were established, it should be inscribed in letters of iron upon the records of the world that such a Government " is a disgrace to Mahomet the Pfophet, a disgrace to civilization, »and a^diMpLce fo^iankind." shortly before this signal protest against despotism in the East, h^ had contributed a letter to the literature of 9. fierce contest^ in the London School Board elections, between those who favoured religious education in the schools and those who did not. His statement of opinion was certainly explicit ;i " I believe the piety, imidence. and kindness of the teacher may do a great deal in 1 conveying ' the cardinal truths of oar divine religion to the minds of pupils without' Itumblin^, or causing them to stumble, on what aris termed denominational diftculties. T. . . In my opinion, an undenominational system of religion, framed by, or under the authority of, the State is a moral monster. The Sute has no charter from heaven, such as may belong to the Church, dr the individual conscience. It would, I think, be better for the $tate>to limit itself ttHtiving secular instruction, which, of course, is no corapletr education, than rashly to adventure upon such a system." ** '^' \ ^' "^if^^ ■*^^ jtot^-' '« jjt^*) &* W^' ^ k3^4 ■> m U\:i: !^ 'f '■■1 .'>),■ 4;;ii ■-!'' ■■.i'"<-.* /^■ : ! ■ ^ ' ' V ;■>' 'i''^''*^';'!^ ■^*»*_trf *^" iS*-^ 493 LIFE AND WOILit OF MR. QLADSTONE. While Mr. Gladstone was thus pursuing the even tenor of his way, indulging here and there in some agreeable controversy, helping forward some agitation against oppressive government, or carrying out some literary under- taking which, in another and younger man, would alone have seemed a consider- able achievement, the Rosebery Government was growing gradually weaker, until it stood apparently shivering upon the brink of defeat or dissolution. In July, 1895, defeat came upon some minor question, and the Marquess of Salis- bury was called upon to form his third administration. He did so, and at once appealed to the country. His Ministry, in point of recognized individual ability, was probably the most powerful ever formed in England. With himself as Premier, he had in the Cabinet, Mr. Balfour, the Duke of Devonshire, Mr. Chamberlain, Sir Henry James, the Marquess of Lansdowne, Mr. Goschen, Mr. Ritchie, Viscount Cross, Sir M. E. Hicks-Beach, and Sir Mathew White Ridley. 'f^The result of the contest which followed was phenomenal. No such majikity has ever been given in English ' history. The Conservatives had 341 supporters returned, the Liberal- Unionists 70, while the Liberals, Irish, and Labour men; combined, only numbered 259. The Government thus had a majority of i^z^ a^d Lord Rosebery had received a most crushing defeat. It is useless to suggest i^asons, though two or three are clear enough. ^The absence of M^. Gladstone's great personality, the lack of his enthusiasm, and experience, ari^ powerful eloquence.^nUst have told Strongly amongst the rank and file of^the party. For the first time in several decades, an election had been fought without Mr. Gladstone's ringing voice and magnetic presence being on the side of the Liberals ; without his white plume waving in the front of the fight, sterengthenihg' the weak and cheering the courageous; without the prestige of his \yonderful popularity amon^t the masses of his party, and with the floating and uncertain vote which stiways exists. The collapse of the agitation against the House of Lords was another cause. The policy proposed was too vague and the results too intangible for public appreciation, and, above all, the majority of the people of England were opposed to Home Rule, and rather approved the action of the Lords than otherwise. When the elections were pending, Mr. Gladstone wrote his last political Manifesto in the form of a letter to Sir John Cowan, bidding farewell to his Midlothian constituents. This document may be very fairly compared with his first lyianifesto, addressed to the electors of Newark on Augush4th, i832« A world o^ political and material change lies between, and, as the one has been given in its proper place, let the other also speak fdi* itself: * - • ^-^^ ,- *• Hawarden Castlb, July ist, 1895. *'My Dear Sir John Cowan: "The impending dissolution brings into its practical and final form the prospective 1 fiuewell which I addressed last year to the constituency of Midlothian. I now reDeat it. K '^ of his way, srward some jrary under- 1 a consider- ally weaker, olution. In !ss of Salis- and at once dual ability, 1 himself as mshire, Mr. roschen, Mr. hite Ridley. . No such ves had 341 , Irish, and thus had a defeat. It ough. *rhe usiasm, and ;st the rank lection had sence being front of the vithout the :y, and with ipse of the cy proposed and, above i Rule, and ist political swell to his ipared with t*,4th, 1832. le has been St, 1895. e prospectiva low repeat it, / ■^ with sentiments of gratftude and attachment for the treatment I have received during .fifteen happy years which can never be effaced. " I then ventured to express my good wishes for the excellent candidate who aspired .to represent the county on principles conformable to the striking manifestations of 1880 and subsequent years. Though in regard to public affairs many things are disputable, there are some which belong to history, and which have passed out of the region of conten- tion. It is, for example, as I conceive, beyond question that the century now expiring has exhibited, since the close of its first quarter, a period of unexampled activity, both in legislative and administrative changes ; that these changes, taken in the mass, have been in the direction of true and most beneficial progress; that both the condition and the franchises bf the people have made, in relation to the former state of things, a most extraordinary advance ; that of these reforms a most overwhelming proportion have been effected by the direct action of the Liberal party, or of statesmen such as Peel and Canning, ready to meet odium and forfeit power for the public good ; and that in every one of fifteen Parliaments the people of Scotland have decisively expressed (heir convictions in favour of this wise, temperate, and in every way remarkable policy. "The Metropolitan County of Midlothian has now for a long time given the support of her weighty example. As one earnestly desiring that she, may retain in the future all dhe honour that she has won in the past, I trust she may continue to use her great influence as beseems her position, and may, in the coming and in many future Parliaments, lead the people of Scotland in their .deliberately chosen course. " Offering to you, personally, once more, the assurance of my highest esteem and regard, I remain, " My dear Sir John Cowan, " Sincerely yours, " W. E. Gladstone." Opinions will differ npon, and history may dispu>te, Mr. Gladstone's claim to paramount greatness in some of the things which his more intense admirers consider unquestionable in the public career thus finally closed. But upon what may be called his versatility of excellence, the past and future sentiment of the world will agree. Mr. Gladstone studied, and loved,- religion, until he could have achieved with ease the loftiest of ecclesiastical positions. "Upon one occasion he took Bishop Wilberforce's place at a moment's notice, and addressed the divinity students of King's College with beautiful eloquence upon "the righteousness which is by faith." As mere holiday tasks, he mastered the writings of Chrysostom, analyzed the poems of Homer, and translated Horace. As an orator, he was equally at home in the intricacies of a new budget, or in an impromptu lecture on cookery ; in an address to peasants from a third-class railway carriage, or a critical dissertation upon Sir Walter Scott ; in a speech to the paupers of St. Pancras Workhouse, or an eam^t address upon the claims of Eastern research and Babylonic exploration ; in an effort to promote garden cultivation before the Hawarden Horticultural Society, or in addressing a gathering of Non- conformist divines at the City Temple ; in delivering an appropriate and ,4rfiM«-' M '14 ■ M f m * ' r H 'I -m wmm 494 ' LIFE And work of mr. Gladstone. r i effective eulogy upon a dead opponent, presenting some great and far-reaching^ Parliamentary proposal, or in appealing to vast popular audiences upon some political questior\, i As an author and speaker, he has dealt with almost every conceivable sub- ject. Many volumes might be filled with his opinions ti|)on matters of import to future generations, and whether ^n , harmony with individual, or party, or national sentiment, or in antag6nism to present or prospective opinion, these thoughts are none the less worthy of attention, and his vi6ws of substantial and perhaps increasing value. Indeed, as political feelings and national questions fade into history, such utterances must become of greater importance. And this ' apart from passing eloquence, or even literary skilly- They were the products of a thoughtful mind, an intensely active intellect, a!^ripe and ripening experience. Nor will this value be lessened by the fact of his earnest religious principle and the silver thread of sincerity which, in this connectidn, runs through almost every- ' thing he has expressed. Well, indeed, is it for a great country when it has statesmen willing and eager to teach, as well as to practise, the lessons of a higher morality and a true Christian culture. Such men may make great political' mistakes, and'may, dur- ing the passions of an excited period, be greatly hated by the classes, or be temporarily distrusted by the masses. But, in the end, character and high intention will triumph over political error or administrative folly. And the most vigorous opponent will probably admit in Mr. Gladstone the possession of those two great attributes. His life proves it, and this volume will be of little interest, and no value, unless it affords some faint indication of the genuine fervour and enthusiasm which marked his career, the love of liberty which permeated his policy, the devotion to religion and worship which distinguished his every action and effort. Greatness in statesmanship is a peculiar phrase, and one which can be manipulated to suit any political view or historical prejudice. Canon Liddon is stated to have once said, when driving round the slopes of Benvoirlich, that " the mountain reminds me of Mr. Gladstone. We shall never know how great he is while we are with him. After he is gone, we shall begin to discover how vastly he towers above all the men of his generation." And that career has, beyond all doubt, been a great one— great in its length and influence, great in its legislative ability, great in its popularity and power, great in its oratorical faculties, great in its intelltectual activities, great in its Christian characteristics. These facts stand true, despite some spots upon the record, or possible stains upon his statesmanship. Man is so very human that of fewj indeed, can it be truly said, as it can of him : " And when he dies, he leaves a lofly name, A light, a landmark, on the cliffs of £une." V -i - T '•-^■.iy..^jjtr^ ^-j. m4Ji^,f '■>•! "> *«!.► -Jft, /^E^'l ' ■1 it mum JTil ^^ [ far-reaching;^ is upon some ceivable sub- ers of import , or party, or pinion, these bstantial and nal questions ce. And this e products of g experience, principle and almost every- ' n willing and ty and a true nd may, dur- lasses, or be ter and high And the most ision of those little interest, J fervour and ;rmeated his every action ^hich can be mon Liddon voirlich, that 3W how great iiscover how t career has» nee, great in its oratorical aracteristics. ssible stains sd, can it be ;^ V ' t\," Alt r"* i INDEX '^kbflTooRi* T1^^*^^^ of* <■•••••••■••■*■■>•■■(, svs Ab«nlMn,lgl47 48a Abtnbco, (4tb) Earl of 74, ia9-ia-i3-i4-i5- .u-ir'''*?'^t^'°;33:35-36-38. "43. "85. 44J- AMtdMDi (7tfa)£ail of. .77, 301, 330, 360, 414, 444* Abdcnahraan 303-8 AbenluT, Lord(H. A. Brace).. »i4, 94s, 4B4 Abinger, Lord 77 AcJandiA. H. D. 357 lActaa, Lord aM AddiioQ, JoMpb 315 Ailinroilth, Hurix^ 430 Akatc4 Lord. . .j*^ . ^ 465 Albenulle.LcriL^ykr'. «| AluonTSw.A. T>PS ,7,, ,89, 4,0 Aldiori|,XoMl(£arl'Speiicer) 71-3, 430 AitXBr.a^tt^•{»mijh .»73. 3»5 Anii)tbiU?LiMit^.2..._ 465 Annrawy.'OMint .^ 175 Andcnon, Sb Curies 393 AaMlm, Archbiihop 44^ Arab! Puha 1,95 Argyle, Duke of.. 34, 206, an-3i:, 389, 337, Arnold, Mathew ^31, 441 ArnutrooE, Lord 365 Arnold, u-. (of Rugby) 93-4, 448 A^bboanie, Lord 341 A*quUb,lLH. 337.363 Bacon, Loid 107, 466 Bagot, Sir Chaile* ' . - 403 Bagehot, Walter 433 Baker Pacha. 396 Baldwin, Hon. Robert 403 Balfoor, Mr. A. J. .65, 391, 316, 339, 343, 345, 354, 36i-e.3.«, 370, 419, 438, 469, 471, 483, ' Baadon, Lord 316 Beaconuield, Lord (B. Disraeli). . 35-6-7, 37, 71, 77, 97, 100-4, i<6-i7, i3o-ai-a3-35-36-39, »3»-34-33-36-M. '40-44-4J-48-49-5'=> »5«. 161-67, 171, i8i-Bi-86'87-83, 191-96, 304-7, aio-ii-13, 33t-33-3s-39, 343-3, 348, 351-53- 53-54-55-5<-57-58-59. 360-64 63, 376-377-78, ■8o-8i-83-83-84-8s-e6-88, 392-93-95-99, 316- 17-18-19-30, 331-33.33-34-35-36, 343, 361, 363-*9> 377. 39a-94-9«-97.4"'.4i7->8-i9-»o. 431-33-34-38. 433-34-35. 440-4l-4a. 45', 458. _ .4«4.47'-7>;75-77-79.48o,438 Bede, Venerable 447 Bedfofd, Duke of At Beecher, R.1V. H. W 174 Bedcet, Thomas h 443 Bentinck, I^ord George 431 Belmont, Perry 349 Banadetd, M 338,333 Benson, Archbishop 456 57 Beraiford, Sir J 77 Ber«sford-Hope, A. J jn Bernard, Prolessor llootague 339 Bickentetb, Bishop 39 *i«»^Pn5e« ..339,334,437,443 li'^'mT"* 3«'.36S,4i«i3 Black, Widiam 431 Blain*,I.O li, Blant«re,Lonl '.:'.'.. "'/.'....Vi 11"'^ ?**,** «*«•«' Bolbgtnln.Loid 188,333.418 &:is:^;.•.•:•.^*°•.•":*r:.'^.'4:: Boinn, Sir Georga F 113 Boww.SirCearm 366 ■pt^'S:C^-:::::::::^^,t BreBaaa,Thoau* 333 {rowa, Hon.O«ig«, 411 BnMnM,,Blsbop 416 SSZSj^bI^- '»» Sff^nlag, Kobvt 430 Brenclwai. Henry, I/>rd 3, j6, 56, 70, 131, »9»i 4»»^J-*>i 4«S Burrows, Geoeral 393 Burke, lixlmund 56, 64, 90, 308, 307, 315 4i7-'8-33-35. Butler, Bishop uj Butt, Isaac „i Burton, Rev. Dr ; 5, Buxton, Sydney. 470 Buxton, Thos. Fowell 37 Byron, Lord 431 Brooke, Sir Richard 67 Cmnte, Charlotte 306 Bryce, Jama. ......... .316, 330, 357, 395, 397 Buccleugh, Duke of .^j, 386-88 Buckingham, Duke of 70, isi, 40a Buckle, T.H ......,ii Buddha v. 160 Burdett, Sir Krancis .7^ Bright, John.. 56, 65, 97, 100, 119, 134, 147-49, 171-73-77, i8i-88, 304-6-7-9, 313-14-15, 331, 347, 356, 388, 390-99, 336-37, 349, 388-89, 39', 393. 408-9-10, 418-30-31.33-34, 434-35- 36, 4«7. 469. 47*1 488 Cannjn^FWl , . . .47, '79, ,84-85, 439, 443 Canning, George. . .34-5-^7-8-9, 4'. 44, 48, 51, 53, 64, 131, 150-51, 307, 313-15, 377-78, 418-19-30, 461. Cadogan, Lord 343 Canute 449 Calms, Earl 171, 307, eai, 351 Camoys, Lord 366 CampDell-Bannennan, H 330, 357 Campbell, Sir George 391 Capei, Monseignor 366 Carnarvon, Earl of. .aio-ii, 330, 353, 357, 38a, 409 Carlule, Earl of (Lord Morpeth). 71. 383 Carlyle, Thomas. 65, 93, 163, 331-33, 430,435,479 Camck, Earl of . . 316 Carlingford, Lord -t>a Clarendon, Earl of.. 36, 131-33, 197, 310-14, 337-38, 319 Clarence, Duke of , 31H, 39a Clark, Sir Andrew 4ll7-<, 490 Claverhooae of Dundee... 311 CUy, Henry 443 ClUTord, Professor 377 aiffoid. Bishop.... ki Clive, Lord 464 Clyde, Lord 464 CcAibett. WilUam 40a Cubdeo, Richard. .56, 65,97, iro-i, 119, 134, 146-47. I7«i «77-7*-T»i 349. 389. 3»>-93-9S< 4iS-ao-a5.ao,V4a 4J» . Cockraa, Bourk '*^ 'Colenso, Bishop ^?J S!ak??::::::::;""*-"«-"»'tfi 8SiS2j::i!^\:^v;.;.;.;£-----ii CollierTsi R. P «'•}" ColvUle, Sir James "4.843 Courtney, Leonard H ".'. 7.n g?:™;=>^'J,'>''» 49<-9<^3 S:0»P«r>Earl i03.Mo Cowper, William m Cranbrook, Lord (Gathorae Hardy). . 101, aiS „ a«9.»Ji.34» Creevy, Thomas jg Cromwell, Oliver 50, 334, 331, 450,' 46a CrofS, Lord (Sir Richard). 40, 351, 339, 343, 491 ^tirrvif la ". .•.,,.,,,. Aiw% Cuirie, Sir Donald '..'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.^ Dale,Dr.R.W 4., DalkeUh, Earl of Jfi Darwin, Charles «. aor m Davidsii, Dean .....;.. "* ^' SJ Davis, Jefferson ",„ Dalhousie, Lord Ai Dallingand Bulw^, Loid '.'.'.'.'.,'.'.'.'. 7? SSSin; Archde^cin-.v.v.-.;.;.:."^: '.'*• i;i Derby, (uihiEarl of. .36-37, 44, 5«, «. 71. 117, 155. 166-67-68, 187, BOl, 311-13, 330, 374, _ J»4, 390., 409. 418-19-30-31. 430. 456,47s Derty, (15th) tarl of. .io6. sii, iyj.rf,; J99. Derby, (i6tb)£arl of 343. «< Der^, Lady «» Devonshire, Duke of (Lord Hartington). . .65, J97, ai4-i6, 343-46, 356, 381-83, a9o, 397-99, 3»9. 33«-^6-37-38. 341-45-46. 3«o, 3«5. 408, _ 436-37-38, 463, 475. 4S1, 49a Dickens, Charlw. 65, 306. 430-31. 480 Disraeli, ConinE'iby ^la SJ!!'*' S»r Charles 346. 890-99. 378 79.438 Uillont John -,- Dod«jn,J.G .■.'.■.■..■.■.■.■.iS DolIiDger, Dr J. Doyle, SirF.H 48,53-3-5,67 Doyle,Conan * ' ^ '\7, Drew, Rev, Harry 4^, ;J3 Drew, Mrs 4^6, 48a Drew, Dorothy 4^ Dnfferin, Lord 314-15, 357, 414, 443-44 Duncombe, Dr 40Q Dunkellm, Lord 309 dSSS; sT^.v.v. .■.■.■.•.•.^.''"•. ♦"•.♦.T^.JtJ Edwaid I Ebury, Lord Eldon, Lord jo, 451, Elgin, Earl of. .47, 30, 54-5, 388, 403,414,439, 443 Elgin, (9tb) Earl of 443 Elisabeth, Queen ij| ElUolt, Sir Charlea Ua Elliott, Sir Frederick iZ ElUoon, Bishop 45. EUenborongh, Lord 443, 466 IS2;2rS!*i£-.\;;.;.;;.;.:;*':.*:*;.«; ErsUne, larit. M Ewart,Willi«iL 'a Falkland, iMd 46a Farrar, Canon 45a Fawoett, Henry..i47, 343-46, 379, «9a, 37879, Fanflnaad I'i. o('Na|ile«....io74 v^io-Vi-iyia Fish, Hamiltoa...\ '........„ !m Finlay, George , . . .\. aae FUe.Bokeor:....\ ^ ■f -.V -if"' If ' I -M ^^f^*- 'V> 4VC' V»i| < <- "•'JlO ,V/ ff^ a'^faW] a ■ ■ ' !'■ 'rRa' i ' ^^^Hj !'■ ' ' m^:. 496 Fitzgemld, Sermour .....; 408 Flming, SuuHwd. '. a,, Korb«,V.Ce«n 1,2 Fnta.fii^ '• •• IT3,»»8 Franklin, Dt ...V.4o» Froude, J. A......i6a, M3, 335, 340, 410, 431 Fraud*, Richard Hurrell Jfa '*"*^W- E. ■■4»4S, as6, 190, >»8-99, 391-95, Fowler, fit. H,...'. ,^, ,„ Fox,Willi«ii4)ohnwn iSo, 4" FoK, ChBrici Jama. . . .36, 44, 64, 150-51, aa;, Francu'll. of Naplci 107, 114 Frederick the Great of Prussia 91 Freeman, Edward A 156, 194, 379, 431 Gambetta,Xeoa. 437 Garfield, Jama A. 44, Gauoyne, General 36 Garibaldi, General 107, 114-15, 186 George 111 ^-t 9.- GeoTKeiy ^ |,7 Georse, Henry '35, Gladuone, Sir John.... 34-5-6-7-8-9, 64-r, 78, Sct-i,430 Gladatone, Thoe. ., ,, Gladstone, William „ Gladstone, Tbos. ,5,67 Gladstone, Mn. John .34.4; Gladstone, John Neilton 35 Gladstone, Helen Jane « Gladstone, Robertson 6j Gladstone, Herbot J ago. 400 Gladstone, H.N..... .".'.J?? Gladstone, Mrs. W. E.. .67-8, 360, 435, 476-77, 48o-i-a-3-4, 48S Gladstone, W. H 476 Ghulstaae. Miia. So Gladstone, Re». S. E. 476 Gladstooe, Jessie 474 Gladstone, Miss H , ZU Gladstomb, William Ewart:— Hispbcaand influence 33-97 National diaoga ag Ancestnr, birth, and family 33.35 Meets Canning 3$ His father's influence over him. . . . . .1. . . .39 Earliest recollections 39 At Saaforth,and under a tutor 40 Family arguments 40-41 Religioot training 41 Goa to Eton 47 His associata there 47-48 Habits and early opinions 48-49 Storiaof 50 TakapartintheEtonOefaotingSociety.jo-st Edit* StomMisctJlMty 51-I3'' Earl^ writings and poetiy 5a Opimooa of contemporana 53 Goa to Oxford ;| Studia and teachers 53-54 Writaa political letter to the SlaiuUirJ.;^ Great speech at the Union 55 Graduata a " double first " 55 Love foe Oxford , g£ Enters political Ufa 59 First electoral address 61 Reception in Newark fia Election and popular expressions 63-64 Maiden speech i, PoUtical views 66 M'>»rf«««- 67-68 Cootemporana in first Reform Parlia- Speeches 7a AcceMs office j. Re-election at Newark. . . 1 74 MmU Lord Aberdeen for the first time, and becoma Under-Secratary for the Colonia 74-77 MceuDinaeli .:/„ Defeat of the Government, and attack upon O'Connell 78 Death of his mother, and strong Tory ntteranca , jg Urges formation of a '* National Party" RMatiiyn with shivery, and defence of thaprtndpla.^ 8»8i Ones np Law g, HbaochslaMicalUeas and wishes. Ig Defends the State Chnicfa ;,, 86-8? PnUUhet Us book upon Chnidi and State. ss Cotpsnta, opinion*, and mm*jaiA- • iwo JHPEX. Gladston*-^C»«rff)H<«/;. '*°* Macaniay's famous review. . .s . , 90.93 The Oicford Movement...... ir 9J-94 Personal appearance and psospects in 1840 j6 Growth of his free-trade vie»'S, and relations with Peel , 97.9a HeeU Guint, and Thieis„Hind Dr. DoUinser. 99 The Com Laws loo-ioa His aim in public life loa The Maynoolh incident 103-103 Retirement from Newark. 103 Political progress and rivalry with Disraeli and Palmeraton 104 Vist to Napla ,0^ Investigata its governmental sys- 'em 108-109 Famous letters to Lord Aberdeen . . . 109-114 His services to Italian unity and free- dom 114-115 Great speech against Palmerston and v his policy in Greece 115-116 Refusa office under Derby. . . . : 117 Attitude in the Durham letter agitation against the Catholin 118-119 EuloRiza the Duke of Wellington lao Uncertainty a* to his political views.iai-iaa Enhigy of Peel . . . .- 131 Denounca Disraeli and his Budget of 1853.^ laa-iM Becomes Chancellor of the Exchequer under Lord Aberdeen 133 Re-elected for Oxford,and presents his first bndfiet 134-ias Great fiiiancial speecha 135-136 Causes of the Crimean war 139-131 Speech at Manchester 131 War declared by the Queen 13a His dislike of the war 133, 137-138 His defence 135 Defeat of the Coalition i35->36 Serves under Palmerston .136 R««gn» 13« Atutude towards the war 137-138 His three years' duel with Disraeli and Palmerston 139 His aAiUtion 140-143 Peelism _!« Views on education • - 144 Attack upon Palmeraton 145 yigorodioppoiution to Divorce BiU..i45-i46 Speecfaflpon China war 146-147 Speech upon Conspiracy Bill 147-148 Dedina ot-enures firom Dei by and Disraeli ; speeches on India 149 On Reform 150 Becoma Chancellor of the Exchequer . (•860) „ ,5, Antagonism to Palmeraton. 151 Love for Homer 155 Publisha an important work 156-K9 Other contribuuoos to Homeric liter- ature. 160-161 Hu " Homeric Synchronism " 16a Essays and opinions 163-164 Goes to the Ionian Islands as High Commissioner 165 Finds a difficult situation, and is greatly misunderstood 1(6-168 Views upon the cession to Greece 169 The American dvU war 170 His attitude and opinTons 171-173 Friendship for the United Sutes, and personal popnlarity there'. 174 His great budgeu 170-1B6 Remaifcabla speech 179-131 Fights the paper dutia iSi-iSa Attack upon, by L«ird R. Cedl (Lord RelaUons srftb 'sidiiey'Herbert,'sir '}.' ' ' * Graham, and Lord Aberdeen... 184-185 TroublM with Palmerston 187-189 Personal characteristics and progress.i89-i^ Speecha 160*193 Celebrated contest and defeat at Ox- Election for Sontfi Lancashii^ . '. '. '. ! . i^rgS Oaatb of Palmerston, and accessian to . I shde ra hip in tha Commons 196-197 ^vjacestbeRefotBBiU ao^V pSirtami r s tl' i«insn t i!i!!!i!!!!!!.'aoyieio Attacks DisnalTs fain .VT.dt Becoma Prime MiniMar. aie-aij Hu first Ministry (14 GImAtttm-iCtmllmmd). A '*" arg»i^.'.'i^.^.»«^.-^uj:'aU In Franco- Anssian War. aaS^ia In United States tioubla.. SiaH In Black Sea Treaty abrogation..... iivsit ' His Irish Land BUf . . .v!7r!?n 3?i4^ Educational policy .""JJiJJ? ftS'JSfe?" «^-»43 Ballot Act. : 21^ Irish University Bin ^H^Z tAwm li^easura «8-aia Defeat at thS polls ^Vl His desira to retire from pnbUc life .....'. ssa Speech upon Ritualism 3u-a« Bradlaagh ..eJT Complication with Austria 399 Polity in Alghanisun 993-3(4 Campaign in the TransvaaL 99! Egyptian policy and war 995 Hu Soudan campaigns 9o6-3c 7 Relations with I(u^ ....^Ti Domatic legislation 9o8-9ca Franchise Sai .....!T^ Defeat of the Government. ....Joi-jba Place in literature vis-ior "GfeaninnofPastVean" Sj-lii ComparaSngland and America. 309 Reviews Tennyson 3,0, Analysn Macanhy 311 His early poetic effora 313-314 Viears ranrding woman's place in the worid 3x5 Comparison with Dinaeli in early days and in literature 3i8-3ia In politics 390-333 Personal reUtions with Disraeli 335 The Greek* want him to be king 335 His eutopr of Beaconslield 336 Forms hu third Ministry 319-330 Sincerity renrdingHome Rn}e 331 Views upon Home Rule 339-rii Presents his first BiU ""m Determined and memorable struggle. 336-338 Defat and temporary unpopularity. 338-350 His policy towards the Salisbury Gov- ernment and the Liberal-Unum- ists. 343-344 Rehtions with Pamell 34S-347 ' American tribnta 349-3SF Various speeches. •■■■35I-353 Success at the polls 354, Forms his fourth Ministry 358-359 Presenu the second Home Rule BUI . 360-3M Great speeches and debata 361-161 Hbdeftat by the Lords 365^ .The Queen in historv 569-37A Hi* rebtions with the Sovereign, and opinions as to her p i ilts is and at- tributes 1^. 370-37* ^i* Jubilee address, aw^Hher eri- dencaoffeyalqr -X- 376-377 Letter to Prince Albert WoolV. . . . . 379-38» His strong belief in monarcljical prin- _ cipla .*. 38s-38a The Cohmie* in history .3S5 Bis early speecha on Colonial mat- ten 386-i8r Hi* relations with Ih* MwKbester HI* •A*m''■«• «i9-ai3 abrogation..... 13V93S ' a3i.a40 MO-M' •■■ »4»-«43 »43-»44 »46«47 »46^47 238-148 ati m public Ufa .'.951 " »54-a5S •■•v. ;.••• »55-««9 inwiian policy., i5B-359 ^7:i----: rcligtous vMin.a6i-345 ' contntvcray . . . iMmAt Manning 167-168 s topics <69-a7o itcrn Que>tion.»3-a74 th« ■* Bulgarian ;•.••-.• »7« ueatb 977 a7a •t *79-a8o, a83-a84 iian aS5-a88 id fonns a second »89-»9<» a^i ■atria aja ■svaaL 394 "" ■■'9S ■ «96-aS7 > I as8 ....a98-as9 300 nant. ....yn-yaa ■•■•■„ 305-307 ?7 ",• 307-3»3 Id America. 309 StO' 3" 1.............M3-314 •n a placa in tbe •di in early day< 3«8-3i» ;•„■.••••,•, 320-323 B DuBBeli 3a5 to be king 3a( tfield 318 "y-----; 3a9-33<» oma Riijc 331 '« 332-333 ••••, ,•••■••334 nrable atmg^le. 336-338 nnpp|mlaniy.338-3sa a Salubary Cov- Liberal-Union- ; 343-344 '• 345-H7 349-35P ••■•35«-353 ••354. atry 358-3S9 Mue Rule Bill. 360-36! Sr:::::::::« •i : 569-37a I Sovereign, and rpiMMn and at- aiwyoiher evj- ••"••X- 37«-3n tVicto?>....j79-3»o. Booarcbical prin- T^.rr. 38i-38e T .' ••38s o Colonial raat- 3M-3«r Ura Manchctter 9M-394.39» J9o'39T »» M^^X laiataltwi 4ot a aail di(noe.4o8-4it •ilk hb HoM -...„^<«m» > • i', , : ■■.:-M,i^ 'Ai^sSkfmamvwm-^--^?^-^. ■.-- % INDEX. Glad rt oaa (CtmHmmtd). Maeu naay Canadians 413-414 His place in oratory 417 Compariapn «ith many great spcak- _ _ era. ;-. 418-419 LikeneastoPitt 414 Fknrar over the Commons 421-423 Power over the masses 434 The wide infloence and vaiicd nature of his eloquence 423-428 His contemporaries 429-431 Relations with Nortbcote 431-432 WthBiJjipWUberforce 4^.413 Witb Lord Houghton 433-434 M.. PAGB 333 Healy, T. Head, Sir Edmund m, ^i Heathcote, Sir WUliam ,47! J, Henry IV. of France'. Hctbert. Auberoo.. •91 ...a46,379 434-435 435-430 ■436-437 43J-438 438-440 442 443 With Bright With Carhrle and Tennyson. . With W. E. Fonter With Lord Hartington With Mr. Ouunberlain With Bismarck With Sir Haniy Parkes His opinioa of the Ustoric Church of Engiacd 447-448 Views upon diaesublishment 449'4Si Upon the Scotch Church 453 The Welsh Churdi 454.4?i His ecclesiastical appointments 455-457 Attitude towards the House at LcrdS459-46i His belief that England loves an aris- tocracy 462-463 His Peerage creations 465 Attacks the Lords, 469-470 Refuses an Earldom 471-472 At Hawarden 47S-476 His family and deacendanu 476-477 His conopondence .478479 His books and love of literature 479 Conversation and social functions... 479-481 Manners and characteristics 483-484 Golden Wedding. 482-483 His health 487 last speech in the Hou 7«. HaywanJTAImllaa H*Beace,Xdwaiq , .g9,i6l,4a4t4*<>i4>4 337 axawcifc, nuuvnia 246,379 HerSchell, Lord. . . .339-30, 345, 357, 366, 465 Hervey, Lord Arthur 48. « Herries,Lord ..'Je Helnans, Mrs 39.431 Hicks-Beach, Sir M. E. .253, 347, 301, 529, 343 49a Hicks Pasha 393 Holyoake, George John 147, 375 Hook, Dean .=^447 Hook, Theodore -m Hooker, Dr 88, 447 Hope, Henry ',^\ Hope-Scott, J. R. ...88, 92, 103, 262-63-68, 441 Horsman, C 303-5.7 Houghton, Lord (R. M. Milnn)..89, 99, 146, 168, 210, 2«5, wj6, 331-24, 433-34-35. 4«5 Howe, Hon. Joseph 40^ Homer.. . . 155-56-57-58-59. i6o-6i-62-63 64, i6«i 305-U-»5.32i. 479. 493 Hnine, Joseph 71,400 Huskisson, Wm j, Huxley, Professor 241. 431 Hughes, Thomas 17, Hughes Bishop 45,5 Hyde (Earl of Clarendun) JiJ Ignatiefr, General. 443* Ingrrsoll, Colonel R 305 Inglis, Sir Robert 71, 386 , ames II. 460 ■ !*"*^ &'"■ JPiyy 329. 337. 49a , ames,G. P. R 430 , ackson. Bishop 456 . errold, Douglas. 430 . ohn. King 460 , ohnaon, Keverdy 339 , owett, Professjr 194 Kasson, John A ^^o Keate,Dr "3 Keble, Rev. John 194, 262, 441 Kelvin, lord. 365 Kimberley, Earl of 214, 352, 290, 357, 354 Kmglake, A. W 47, i,, Knapp, Rev. H. H....f. ...48 Knowles, Jamea » ,34 Knutsford, Lord 7. ^4; Laboocbere, H. (Lord Taunton) 407 Labouchere, Henry 358-59, 381, 397, 467 Landor, Walter Savage 460 Lafayette, M. de. 350 Langtry, Mm 484 Lanadowne, (4ih) Marciucss of 56, no, 134, '36, 430 Lanadowne, (5tb) Marqcras of. . . 390, 345, 414, Layard,' Sir A. H 147, 214 f«»g*<». Stephen 443 Laud, Archbishop 447 Lawrence, Lord. 341 443 465 Lawson, Sir WUfrid * . ... .46? Lecky.W. E. H J,, Lennox, Lord William Pitt 4(4 Lewis, Bbhop 455 Lewis, Sir(!eorgeCornewaI1..47, 53, ti2, laa- 34, i40-43-«, 164, 184, 313, 338, 395, 439 Leonards, Lord St 56 Lever, Charles 431 H''ufSlP*5?!I a79.45o,494 Lincoln, Abraham 443 Liagar, Lord 47 Leinstar, Duke of. -o Lincoln, Earl of (Duke of Nrwcasile). . . . 54-5, 60, 73-9. 103, 134-35-36, 151, 389, 400, 439, 441 Liverpool, Lord 5a Larne,Man|uaaaaf. a43,e57 J««|»V^'|ne«^.P» M3.!»5r. 360. 378 Louis Philippe of Francs 44a Lowe, Charlea v 44a Lowe, Robert (Lord Sherbrooke)..53, 144, 168, B04-5'tf-7-8-9, eio-ii-14-15, 319, 345-46, «S»-5«. J07-». 3S3i 4«0i 4"8. 4ai-a9, 436-37. 443 Lowell, Janes Rosaall 437 Lubbock, Sir JohB w Locy,H.W..^.. ..SS7, e83,4a8 Lyadhust, Lonl..7a,n. asi,4>l.4aB, 430, 466 497 , PAGB Lycurgus ,^ . Lytton, Edward, Lord_7i, 99, 135, 151, 166-67, Lytton, Earl (Robert) 25,, ,67, 34a Lyons, Lord 37. MacdonaU, Sir John A. . .aag, 410-11-13.11.14. . 424, 44f -■ " ^ Mackeczie, Hrn. Aleiander 444 Malmesbury, Kari'of. . . 120, 140, 188, 375, 440, Marlborough, Duke of ,,, Mansfield, Lord ij . Masham,Lord ^6. Matthews, Henry ?. .' f,l Mavo,Earlof.. Ya\ Mahomet lii^'i-ii Jo, Marvin, Chiles. ■■■■■'Oo. 274. 49> Martineau, DK James „ Macaulay, Lord. . .64, 71, 90-1.3.5, ilsV,^!,^.',,. M.^f:A'^f^":.T'::*'*' "" ,34 M^gs2Sa/sji;^wii,inm:'':?^«'-*^:* Mackenzie, William Lyon '.'.■. iro i McLaren, Duncan 210 MacMabon, Marshal .., McLeod, Norman *" """1°!^*^^ f :;• ' • • • i- -54' 85 «. »3-4; 103; 261-3-6-7, 42^; 441.48 Marryatt, Captain 4,0 Martin, Sir Tbeodove i,,' Vjo ,„ Melbourne, Lord..36-7, 44, 66, 70-3 8, 97, '377, 430 Merivale, Dean . t^ Miall, Edward i-Vl'" Millais, Sir John *A* Miller, Mr. Justice. j.g MiHiCsr.*".:.-.-.-. »'■ ~' '•■^»'- «» Miln»yS^„' T 50. 3.4. 3-9. 479 Ml ner-Gibson, T, ,,9, ,44, ,4,.48, ,oa Milnes-Gaskell, James 4751 ti Moberley, Bishop. Al M<«eswonh, Sir Wm...55, 64, 90, ^, 307. „ 3«S. 417-18-23-25 Monck, Lord 4,0 Montague, Lord Robert ... .266 . Moore, Thomas.' .,, .« More, Hannah . . *^' „ Morley,Lord '2 m^&*iT" i i-- 343.357.48i Morley, John..ioi, 289, 316, 330, 345-46-48, .. ?57. 395. 397. 482 Hozley, Profeswr 00, 104 Mundella,A.J ,™|1 Murchison, Sir Roderick « Muller, Max .■ill Hurray, John jg Napoleon IIL ofFrance. . 120, 132, 170, 177-78, Napier, Su ChaAn 134 Newman, Cardinal.. .. j6, 85-6, 90-3-4, 262-63, a66-«7, 44» Nelson, Ix)rd 464 Newcastle, Duke of 55, 60-1-3-4,, J03, 429 Nicholas I. of Russia). .130-33-34-37,373, 376 Norton, tin. i^, Nonb. Lord 466 Northprook, Earl of 280, 317, 34c, 443 Nortbcote, Sir Stafford (Lord IddSleigb) . „ ',68,310,239,351-51^380,329,341,431 Ngrthumberland, (6th) Duke of. 47, 36$ O'Connell, Daniel 65, 71, 78-9, 318, 370, O'Connor, T. P. 177, 333 O'Brien, William .V...3« CShea, Captain |Jt Oabome, Bemal 168, rot Osoian Pasha ago Overstone, Lord .^78 Oxenbridge, Lord 48a PaloMrston, I.onl....27, 71, 104-8, iia, 115-16, iao-24, I33-34-35-36-37-jli-3Q, 140, I46-47> 48, 151, i7'-77-78. 182-84-M-87-88-89, 190- 91-92-96, «oi, 237, 934-35-39, sss, 308, 372-75-76-77. 387.. 390, 4=«-8^ 4a«i 428. 410, 441-4*, 463, 480 Lt;rr:.!*!!-.-.-.:.;-.:.:v.:-.-v.v.!?.'.il Paomort, Lord yt> >|* -&_ «^ •^ ,?:-■; '.^^^m-l^' f^^il^ i\.- !<■ '■SBHir^'. *■ " < . ^ ' • ■! •'*>•■;'» rf "■ -!•*#'« J'*"^* if-'-»>(^" ► ?'«^5i^»,r} y £•»•-•. I* I ^J^f .^*J.-iV>^j A 498 , rAoa Panuti, Sir AnthoDy ...114,196 Pkrlj^ Sir Hrary. 397) «43 Papui«ia,LouUJ. 407 Parker, Dr. JoHnh i 174 Pamell, Charles Stewait. 39}, 33i-3i-3l, _ 344-4i-VS-47i 370, 437 Paltcnon, BUbop. 309 Seel, Sir Rotwrt . . .39, 55, 65, 69, 73-4, 97-8-9, xoo-i-a-3-4-9, xi6'ii7, 131-33-30, 131, 14s, Ijo-S"! »94. a53-53i »s8-59i 370-7fiF 3«5-87, 403, 417-18-19, 410-31 33-33-3<, 431, 441 Peel, Geaeral. 311 Peter ibe Great 91, 130, 373-74 Phillpoiu, Biihop . . : iia Petnfaerton, Admiral 77 Penn, Willtam 511 Perceval, Spencer 134 Peire, Lord ,..,.*... 360 Pericles '. *-• r. ..336 PictoD, AUniion •'•■.4^ Pjcton, Sir James ^ ., 41 Pitt, William. . . .33. 37, 64, 136, i5iv>i68, 337, „. 3»ii377. 4'8l3i>o-33 Plus IX,, i'op«. . . I. 367 Prince vonsort, Ttu. .39, 3«, 125. 135-33, 307-ti, Prince Ref^nt, The 33 Princess Louiw, The 343, 357, 360, 378 Playfair, Lord .36s Praed, George Dawson 77 . Phinket, Lord ^ 418, 466 - Pope, Joseph 409 ; Pope^ Alexander. 155 Poeno, Carlo 109, no, 114 >. Portal, Sir Gerald , 307 Pooley, Henry 41 Pulitier, Joseph m9 Pultt-ney, Williaia (Earl of Bath) •.41!) Pusey, Rev. Dr.. '..53, 89, 93, 144, 362-63, 441 •4481 456 , Queen, The.... 30, 66, 8x, 103, 117-18-19, iso^ »3-»5t •3»-3*i'J74. '88, 196,303-9,313,317, 371, 343*47, 357-58, 383-89, 307-8, 317, 339, 339, 364-65-69, 370-7 ■-73-75-7«-77-78-79> 3ao-8i-83, 413, 476,484, 4 !8 Rawson, Rev. W io Rendel, Lord .^^ 455 Reid, Sir T. Wemyss 3^0, 434. 437 Redcadale, Lord 47 Redmond, E. J 333 Rees, W. L 390 Richmond, Duke of 351-53 Rjcardo, I^vid | 436 Ridding, Bishop 456 Ridley, Sir M. W 493 Ripon, Earl of T03 Ripon, Marquess of. .3;4, 330, 390-93, 330, R 144, 148, iJo-5>. t7«. 183-84, iM, 197, ■oi-s^-8-9-io, 3IS. 337, S40, S5S, 370, 37J, 288, 403-3-4-10, 417-18-19-30, 44a-47i I ind, Duke of (lioid John Maiiiwr*)..99, _ .•f4. «io. aS»-5». 3««. 34». 43J Ruskin, John .>\ 481 Ryle, Bishop 456' Rycfsoo, Rev. Dr. ^ 4ap Salisbury, (snd) Marquess of lao, so^ Balisbnry, Lady 447, 480 Salisbury, Lord. . . .49, 65, 144, 173, i8s, ao4-7, 3to-ll-l3, »30, 35I-55-57, 381,309,9^39, 338- 39. 34'-4»-43. 353-51-54. 365, 380, •«4- *^- 4«8-39, 465-66 Seewy, ProfcsM>r 313 SeynourjSir Hamilton 131 Selwyn, Charles 47 Senior, Nasaao . , , 1I40 Sexton, Thomas 333 Shaftesbury, Lord. . .37, 71, loi, 140, 188, 196, _ ><3;j4t «79. 458- Shaw, Thomas 331 Sbaw-Lcfevre, G. J 357. 48a Shatrp, Principal 190 Sheridai^ Richard Brinsley 418 so-u Shere All, Ameer of Afghanistan aSi Shee, Sir Martin 77 Sbeil, R. L 71,418,430 Smith, W.H. 3»9. 34'.47S Smith, Sydntly 144, 479 Smith, Mr. (>oIdwin< 387-89, 390-91-94-97 Smythe, (Saarg* (Lord StrangftH) 331 Soiners, Lofd Ef 466 Soathey, Robert 90 Solon 164 Spencer, Lady «> ■ • v 48» Sporgeon, Rev. C H .V. 441 Stead, Mr. W.T 378 Stanley, Dean • 40, 317,335. 45° Stephen, Sir J«{Bes. . . , 90 Stevenson, R. tf :$ ^ e'. 431 Strachan, Bishop .'*,. 403-3 Strafford, Earl of. . 466, 501 Stratford de RedcliRe, Lord 131,^403, 44a Stubbs, Bishop « . 450, 456 Sullivan, T. D 333 Sumner, Charles 171, 339, 334 Sydenham, Lord 4(»-3 Tasso 314 Taylor, P. A 343 Taylor, Sir Kenry 90, 369 Thackeray, W. M 65,431-35 Thiers, President 443 Thotnton, Sir Edward ..939 rAOB Temple. Bbho(k 4s6-s» Tennysoa, Uiid..3j, 53,65, tBt, ias.9-ia, iti, T..l&i&d?vl'dfe*»;'^.*'»:.*?.,, Tranctt, Archblsbop . .'. 198, «9, >S3, 461 Trollam, Anthony 431 Traralyan, Sir O. 379, agg, 316, 330-37, Tomer,' Bb^ 33 Twaadmoutb, Lord 357 Tyndala, Profnaor 43a iniathorae, Bishop 966 Vaniihaii, Bishop , 366 VitUcrs, Charles Pelham . .100, 30a, 436 Vincent, C E. Howard 396 Victor Emmanuel 107, 1 14 Vina ...314 Wales, Prince of. ..945. «57S9. 3601 378. 381, Wales, Pnnoess of 489 i Wallace, Dr. 339 Walpole, SirR 44,136,41718,471 Walpole, Spencer 47 Wara, Mrs, Humphrey 3«S. 431 Wa*|un, .Sir E. W 407,494 Watson, H. Spence 490 Warbnrton, Dr A 88 2*S^' PS?"*- 437.-443 Wellesley, Dean 47 Wesley, John 361, aey WeUiiigtoa, Duke of. .48, 70, 73, 130, 134, 13a, „ '3h »55. 'JM.. 3ro. 370, 373, 45». 464. 4»« Westminster, Duke oc 1906-8, 464, 4I1 Weyman, Stanley 431 Wilberforce, Bishop E. R 456 Wllberforce, Bishop S C3, 87. 94, 140, 185, 189, 190-93-94, VHt ">9. »"». *30,355, 964, ,^J^'3?' *tU ♦4*. 430,^, 480. 493 William I. 01 (iermany. . . .Ty 999 William in. of Engbuid...? ........31; William IV. of Enichnd 33, 65-6, 73, 377 Wickham, Dean 476 Wickham, WUliam 476 Wickham, Mrs 476 Wilde, Mr. Serjeant .61 3-3, 74 MHiitel Blancn. yyg Wbiteiield, George , 361 Wolff, Sir Henry 391 Wolaey, Cardiniu 447 Wolseley, Lord . . .*. 953, 464 Wood, & Evelyn 994 Wood, Sir Charles 49a Woodford, Bishop 456 Wordsworth, William. ly, 430, 48a Word s wor t h, Bishop Charles.. 53-4-5, 64, 109, Wordsworth, Bishop Christopher 450, 456 Wykeham, William of 443 Vakoob Khan *. 393 York, Duke of.. 360, 483 York, Duchess of 36a, 38a Youiq;, John Russell 331 [■ i 1 i 1 1 ■* • * i^H 1 'f ' ^ * f -V, in 1 •♦' - » \ * • «■' . "»4i' / \ ' • L'-... - J^^ntw eeaMcB d w^^mm [iSltfaigfe^ r mm / ^ l"" ^i r I. •••:••••• «56-5» J3>05>iSi9Si "9i **3i 4B< ■ 43t ...t74, aw, 3> 4071 4«4 ■:::::::i::::::::::% 437f443 161,967 ■48. 70. 73i »«>. "4. »30, ,370. 373, 4S«. 484.481 ;ao6-8, 464, 48> Lr!!:::::::!:.!:;:«6 59,87.94,140. "S. (, 919, i», ^30,953, M4, 30,^, 480. 493 r:"A •.••••»«9 ind , 311 »<• »3. «S-6. 73. 377 47« 47* 47« ..6ii-3,74 iS? »9i »J».4«4 •94 4»» 456 -•■; 9^. 4JO.480 ..harIe!i..53-4-s, 64, 109, lAristopher 450, 4;6 r 443 '■■r-n^ 360, 489 3*0,380 »3« tC' ft Wi'msm a^ msmf m r- ( •■ ^^1^^'^f^^H^ "'«*> ,*Hv * .f)" iif-'sr' 1 ^ ^f " i-^.^ *»!^^^^^94 riif' 'V'c r-V"^ Jist of J[llustraxi6ns i 31 32 43 Frontispiece— Mr. Gkdstone in 1893 - - 2 William Ewart Gladstone, aged six, and his Sister --, - 5 Mr. Gladstone and his Favourite Grand- daughter 6 Floral bracket ....---..-- 21 Mr. Gladstone in 1833 - - - - - - George Canning, Premier of England - Flowers Eton Collie 45 Christ Church College, Oxford - - - - 46 Mr. Gladstone inS 1839 - 57 L«rd Melbourne, Premier of England - - 58 Flowers - - 69 Mr. Gladstone ih 1841 75 Sir Robert Peel, Premier of England - - 76 Earl Grey, Premier of Engbnd - - - - 83 Lord Lyndhurst - - - . - 84 Flond bracket 95 Duke of Wellington, Premier of England - 105 Lord Brougham •- 106 Bracket " 117 Earl- of Aberdeen, Premier of England - - 127 Daniel (yeomtell - - - - 128 Flowers ^ - - i- - - 139 Lord Palmerston, Premier of England - - 141 Earl of Derby, Premier of England - - - 14*2 John Bright - 153 Group — Mr. Gladstone's Fourth Administration r«ap Thomas Carlyle 154 Bracket 165 Lord John (Eari) Russell, Premierof England 175 Richard Cobden - - - 176 Flowers - - -- - .. - -- - - 187 H.R.H. Prince Albert 199. View from Library Window, Windsor Castle 200 Flowers ■... 213. Earl of Rosebery, Premier of England - - 225 Marquess of Salisbury, Premier of England 226. Floral bracket - - - - 237 ,Earl of Beaconsfield, Premier of England - 249 Hughenden Manor - - 250 Flowers .,-..." 261 Mrs,^ Gladstone, aged 4 - - 271 18 271 " •' 45 271 Mrs. Gladstone in 1895 271 Marquess of Lome, Governor-General of Canada ^ . . ' . . . 27* Flowere 285 Mr. Gladstone, Premier of England Hawarden Casde Floral bracket - - Mr. Joseph Chamberlain - - - - Mr. Arthur James Balfour - - - Flowers 303 304 317 327 32& 341 355 Sir William Harcourt ' Earl of Kimberley . Marquess of Ripon Rt. Hon. A. H. D. Adand Earl of Rosebery Earl Spencer Lord Herschell Sir George Trevrlyan Mr. Gladstone Rt. Hon. John Morley Rt. Hon. H. H. Fowler Rt. Hon. Arnold Morley Rt Hon. A. J. Mundella Rt. Hon H. H. Asquith Rt. Hon. Jas. Bryce . Rt. Hon. H. Campbell Bannerman Rt. Hon. J. G. Shaw-Lefevre Charles Stewart Parnell - - - - ' - - - 356 Flowers * - , ' • 369 Her Majesty the Queen 373 H.R.H. the Princ« of Wales - - - . - 374 Marquess of Dufferin and Ava, Governor- General of Canada .------ 383 Marquess of Lansdowne, Governor-General of Canada .... - 384 Floral bracket - - - - •'399 Sir John A. Macdonald - - 405 ^pn. George Brown 406 Duke of Devonshire -. 41S Duke of Rutland 416 Bracket 4*9 Cardinal Manning - - - , 445 Cardinal Newman - - - - 446 Flowers 459 Mr. Gladstone's last speech in the House of Commons 473 Earl of Derby, Governor-General of Cfnada 474. Mr. Gladstone at Hawarden Church - - • 485 Earl of Aberdeen, Gdvemor-General of Canada ,- 486 Flowers 487 it ' j; ,kM\ i? ■ ^j' ' iS^V^ T>* HL. AUTHOR'S NOTE ^ORD ROSEBERY has somewhere observed that the Life of Mr. Gladstones when it canie to be written, would have t9., be under- taken by a limited liability company. No 6ne can study the history of the present century without feeling the full force of this remark; certainly no one can ^jpreciate it more fully than I do. In venturing upon the attempt at all, I have been actuated; in the first place, by a profound belief m the value to us aU of British instifbtions ; the interest attaching to British political development; and th^ importance of comprehending, even in a sweeping way, the sprmgs of British Parlianientaty action during ihe past sixty or seventy years. In the second place, I have felt that any ^ffort, how^ever inadequate, to picture the career of a leader such as Mr. Gladstone, liiust take the form, of an impartial study of his share m the great event^ of a pregnant period, and be an attempt to estimate his character and mfluence through inalyzing the correspondence and public utterances of his leading contemporaries as well as himself. y ,' Distance in space from the scene of Hui kmggles and achievements may help in givmg this biography something, at least, of thf impartiality which distance in time is usually expected to give. Whatever our politic^ sympathies, any study of the prolonged .period here dealt wKh must inspire impartial men with a strong belief in Mr- Gladstone's sincerity of mind, and power of deep conviction; with a sincere admiration for his noble personal character and Christian life; with a keen sympathy for his wonderful courage, his remarkable and sustained enthusiasm, his love of liberty, and his desire to do justice to the oppressed. His achievements as Chancellor of the Exchequer, his varied contributions to literature, his scholarship, and strong religious belief and teachings, his eloquence, to which I can find no comparison, unless it be the oratory of Pitt, ^lust ap>eal strongly to any one'who has foUowed modern British history. After all, the two streams of thought and practice perceptible in British politics are reconcilable with the most absolute sincerity and honour, and even statesmanship amongst the leaders of the two great parties. There will always be the tendency to preserve present instituions and rule by precedent, and the opposing tendency to reform and change, and restless effort. Both are good in their action and reaction within the Constitution of the realm, and the combinWion of the two in one person tends to enhance the remarkable nature of Mr. Gladstone's career. It has been an exceedingly difficult, though not unjleasant, task to trace such a life from that time, eighty-six veara ago, when it first ^ ^ j j "Flamed in the IbrdMad of the morning dcy," and I can only hope, p-trsonally, for that degree of consideration which the public is always ready to grant to an honest effort, hoifcstly made. In this connection, also my warmest thanks are due to the officials of the Parliamentary and Public libraries for the hundreds of volumes I have been allowed to consult; and especially to Mr James Bain, Jr., the Toronto Public Librarian. ToROKTO, September 2nd, 1895. j. CASTELL HOPKINS. Life of Mr. 9.. be under* >r the history this remark; In venturing ofound belief tish poiiticftl ng way, the »rs. In the e the career study of his his character f his leading may help in X in time is ie prolonged ilief in Mr- 5 admiration athy for his liberty, and ellor of the 3ng religious ess it be the itish history, itish politics itesmanship, tendency to cy to reform, a within the on tends to exceedingly ity-six years he public is ection, also, )lic libraries :ially to Mr. )PKINS. ^,'si^;'&'''''^^'^'?w^;^j;%'^S*%fte>^ ^"^ •* , M.^yri"' ^, - ^, ''} "ffV t 1. ■■:^"r 'fe '-Jii"X!gV!f&"'B^j i i vll 'if- I I'*:. .» ?M*.^jia* '^ m o A •««SI