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Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul clich6, il est film6 d partir de Tangle sup6rieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images n6cessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mdthode. ire. ] 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 : •■'•■j "'i**.,^ ■'.<■ V -'«iai«BH'^5iv-y^. % ' .'■''s.V k ■ n : "*, ^.i" ■ . ,; ■'> ,,^- 1 ilis*i,iij< *,:.«^. ■ ^'i-f/mfi'''^ LETTERS F R O M A JE^A R, ME R ^^-r I N C=:^V_^^ P-E N N ST LFA N iZi, T O T H E ; * ' - INHABITANTS O F T H E British Colonies. V .;.-My»fC»;, iSS7 % V "<'«VifWt>^*»*' P H I LAD E L P'HIA: Printed by David Hall, and William Sellers. MDCCL XVIII. <\',' f' .fy' : • .5r ■"^^aPfe"'*** 'A **. ii •. : •■fi' WB.P'nH I LH^^ I r 1 MiftlCij'.'" t 3 ] LETTERS IT. i-'i F R O M A y P A R M E R, LETTER &C. I. Mj dtar Countrymbk, IA M a Farmer, fettled, aftei- a variety of fortunes, hear th* banks of the river Dela-ware, in the province of Ptnn- fyhania. I received, a liberal education, and have been' en- gaged in the bufy fccnes of life; but am now convinced, that a man may be as happy without buftlci as with it. My farm is fmall ; my fervants are few, and good ; I have a little money at intereft ; I wifli for no more ; my emjjloyment in my own affairs is eafy; and with a contented grateful mind, nndi- fturbed by worldly hopes or fears, relating to myfelf, I am com- pleatmg the number of days allotted to me by divine goodnefs. Being generally matter of my time^ I fpend a good deal of it in a library, which I think the moft valuable part of my fmall eftate; and being acquainted with two or three gentlemen of abilities and learning, who honor me with their friendfliip, I have acquired, I believe, a greater knowledge m hiftory, and the laws and conftitu- tion of my country, than is generally attained by men of my clafs, many of them not being fo fortunate as I have been in the oppor- tunities of getting infonnation. From my infancy I was taught to love humanity and liberty. Enquiry and experience have fince confirmed my reverence for the leffons then given me, by convincing me more fully of their truth and exccllenc4kica, with which they wen-wrote. With a good deal of furprize I have obfcrved, that little no- tice has been taken of an aft of parliament, as injurious in its frinciple to the liberties of thefe colonies, as the Stamp-JSl was ; mean the aft for fufpending the legiflatlon of Nc-w-Terk. ' The aflembly of that government complied with a former aft of parliament, requiring certain provifions to be ijiade for the troops in America, in every particular, I think, except the articles of fait, pepper and vinegar. In my opinion tliey afted impru- dently, confiderinff all circumftances, in not complying fo far «» would have given fatisfaftion, as feveral, colonies did: But my dif- , like of their conduft in that inftance, has not blinded me fo much, that I cannot plainly perceive, that they have been puniftied in a manner pernicious to American freedom, and juftly alarming to all the colonies. • If the Britijh parliament has a legal authority to iffue an order, that we fliall furnilh a finglo article for tlie troops here, and to compel obedience to tfmt order, they have the fame right to iffue an order for us to fupply thofe troops with arms, doaths, and every neceffary ; and to compel obedience to that order alfo ; in ]hort, to lay any burthens they pleafe upon us. What is this but • taxing us at a certain fum, and leaving to us only the manner of jaifingit? How is this mode more tolerable than the 5/a«/-^^/' Would that aft have appeared more pleafing to Americans, if being ordered thereby to raife the fum total of the taxes, the mighty pri- vilege had been left to them, of faying how much (hould be paid for an inftrument of writing on paper, and how much for another on parchment? • v -r An aft of parliament, commanding us to do a certain thing, if it has any validity, is a tax upon us for the expence that accrues in complying with it ; and for this reafon, I believe, every colony - on the continent, that chofe to give a mark of their refpeft for Gre^t-Britain, in complying with the aft relating to the troops, cautiottfly « Popx. ?:iHv> ■ t 5 ] intiments :ly to be. an effect T to you, that ap- ifcious of of feeing the taflc ; onger de- attention L the fame ere wrote. little no- )us in its -J^i was ; brmer aft le for the he articles :ed impra- g fo far at ut my dif- e fo much, nifhed in a ning to all : an order, ;re, and to rht to iflue oaths, and er alfo ; in is this but mantur of tMnp-Aa f if being lighty pri- ild be paid or another n thing, if lat accrues ery colony refpe£l for the troops, cautioufl/ c^ ttioufly avoided the mention of that aft, led their conduft Ihould be attributed to its fuppofed obligation. I'h e matter being thus flated, the aflembly of New-Tork either had, or had not, a right to refufe fubmiflion to that aft. If they had, and I imagine no American will fay they had not, then the parliament had ho right to compel them to execute it. If they had , not this right, they had no right to punilh them for not executing i it ; and therefore no right to fufpend their legillation, which is a • punidiment. In faft, if *the people of Ntw-fori cannot be legal- ly taxed but by their own reprefcntatives, they cannot be legally deprived of the privilege of legiilation, only for infilling on that excluftve privilege of taxation. If they may be legally deprived in fuch a caie, of the privilege of legiilation, why may they not, with equal reafon, be deprived of every other privilege ? Or why may not every colony be treated in the fame manner, when any of them fliall dare to deny their aflent to any impofitious, that (hall be direfted i Or what fignifies the repeal of the Stamp- Aa, if thefe colonies are to lofe their other privileges, by not tamely furrender- ing that of taxation ? There is one confideration arifing from this fufpcnfion, which is not generally attended to, but Ihews its importance very clearly. It was not neceffary that this fufpenfipn Ihould be caufed by an aft of parliament. The crown might have reftrained the governor of Nn\j-rork, even from calling the afleitibly together, by its prero- gative in the royal governments. This Hep, I fuppofe, would have been taken, if the conduft of the aflembly of New-Tork had been regarded as an aft of difobedience to the creivn alone ; but it is regarded as an aft of f " difobedience to the authority of the i British legislature. " This gives the fufpenfion a confe- ' quence vaftly more affefting. It is a parlimentary affertion of tJie J'upreme authority of the Britijh legiflature over thefe colonies, in the Jioint of taxation, and is intended to compel NewTorIk into a fub- miflion to that authority. It feems therefore to me as much a vi- olation of the liberties of the people of that province, and confe- quently of all thefe colonies, as if the parliament had fent a num- ber of regiments to be quartered upon them till they fliould comply. For it is evident, that the fufpenfion is meant as a compulfion ; and the method of compelling is totally indifferent. It is indeed pro- bable, that the fight of xiA coats, and the hearing of drums, would have been mo.1 alarming ; becaufe people are generally more influenced by their eyes and ears, than by their reafon. But who- ever ferioufly confiders the matter, mull perceive that a dreadful flroke is aimed at the liberty of thefe colonies. I fay, of thefe colonies ; for the caufe of one is the caufe of all. If the parlia- ' ment may lawfully deprive Ne^v-Tork of any of her rights, it may deprive any, or all the other colonies of their rights ; and nothmg can f See the aA of fufpenrion. -mr [ 6 ] can poflibly to much encourage fuch attempts, as a mutual inatten- tion to the interefts of each other. To dividt, and thus to dejiroy, is the fir'^ political maxim in attacking thofe, who are powerful by their u .ion. He certainly is not a wife man, who folds his arms, and repofcs himfcif at home, viewing, with unconcern, the flames that have invaded his neighLour's houfc, without ufing any endea- vours to e.xtinguifli them. When Mr. Hampden'i (hip money caufe, for Three Shillings and Four-pence, was tried, all the people of England, with anxious txpettation, interefted themfelves in the important decifion ; and when the flighteft point, touching the freedom of «M colony, is agitated, I earneftly wifh, that a// .'/v »v/ may, with equal atxlor, fupport their fifter. Very much may b^ faid on this fubjeft ; but I hope, more at prefent is unneceflary. With concern I have obferved, that tnve afl"emblies of this pro- vince have fat and adjourned, without taking any notice of this aft. It may perhaps be aflced, what would have been proper for them to do ? I am by no means fond of inflammatory meafurcs ; I deleft them. I fliould be forry that any thing Ihould be done, which might juftly difpleafe our fovereign, or our mother country: But a firm, modell exertion of a free fpirit, fliould never be want- ing on public occafions. It appears to me, that it would have been fufficicnt for the aflembly, to have ordered our agents to re- prefent to the King's minifters, their fenfe of the fufpending aft, and to pray for its repeal. Thus we ftiould have borne our tefti- mony againft it ; and might therefore reafonably expeft that, on a like occafion, we might receive the fame afliftance from the other colonies. Concordia res parvte cre/cunti Small things grow great by concord. • The d»y of King Wiin am the Third's laading A FARMER. LET- o- •wm ll pi lnffl lii r 11 lal inatten- to dtftroy, lowerful by s his arms, the flames any endea- oney caufe, oi England, important freedom of may, with Paid on this )f this pro- tice of this proper for teafurcs ; I 1 be done, er country : s;r be wnt- vould have gents to re- ending a£l, le our tefti- &. that, on m the other M E R. L E T- J 7 ] LETTER II. My dtar Countrymen, TRERE is another late aft ot parliament, which appears | to me to be unconftitutional, and as deftruftive to the li- berty of thefc colonies, as that mentioned in my laft let- i ter ; that is, the aft for granting the duties on paper, glafs, l^c * rHB parliament unqueftionably poffefles a legal authority to »•*, \ gulate the trade of Great-Britflin, and all her coJonV- ijuch an ' authority is eflential to the relation between a mother .. ,ntry and her colonies ; and neceffary for the common good of .11. He who confiders thefe provinces as ftates diftinft from th : Lritijh Em- /««, has very flender notions ofju/lice, or of tJ r inter.. 9s. We are but parts of a wWrj and therefore there ,.jft cxift a po^ver fomewhere, to prefide, and prcferve the connexion in uue order. 1 '■ '■■ power IS lodged in the parliament ; and we are as •' urh de- ' Mothe"! *"* ^''■""-^"■'-'*' ^ •* P^rfetlly free pf ^ie can be on ^JuTa ^^'^ """^ '^'P!^'^"^' "laring to ti^k color^r., from t A J '^"!«="*=r* ."I ^h" »™« ; and f find every one of them tounded on this principle, till, the 5/««,.^" «""« prodaftion, of the colonie. fto« d b a"? W :? f '*^i!"^""'^ '"'' "■" "° 8°'"'» "■»" be imported from the pUnut'oni rnn-^,m "I"'"' r*"""". ""d" Ae good providence and proteftion of fer„td,"'|*""S^'^"-'' ""• '*""»"' »f thi. kingdom i, fo' mufh con- The 15th Cla. II, Chap. 7, enforcing the fame regulation, afliins theff ».' fon. for tt. « to regard hi. Majefty's plantation., beyond the ^r. are inha bited and peopled by hi. rubje^. of ihi. hi, k ngdL of ^S/ Vr /^ nr'afiZf; ^T "'"ff":''"" <""^ kindn,SU,mLtl»m, and teepi'ng^them in a firmer dependence upon it, and rendering them yet mo e beneficia and .T ;cr,ent"oTiS'4'*'^r'*''"T'"T-' "'"""i' '/En nSX;^^ji •S^J'J • "^^ ""J";"' ""* """^ manufafture. and com modi tics. %«! ' dn,ni tht ninntation to and fr,m the Jum, m,r, (af, and cbup. and makini Tht commodities of other countrie. and pUce.ftr the fupphing of /aJm • ani ;» kV vt::l s^r^T' '" ""p;'"' p4tatio»:*tKfe,:e". . '^'"^ • /!<.« /«Tre"g„. indt'uled An S f«, that i' !| |i [ s ] before, are calculated to regulate trade, and preferve or promote a mutually beneficial intercourfe between the feveral coniHtuent parts of the empire ; and though many of them impofed duties on trade, yet thofe duties were always impofed luith defign to reftrain the commerce of one part, that was injurious to another, and thus to promote that time, it it permitted to (hip, (Sc. fugan, tobacco, &c, of the growth, &c, of any of your Majefly's plantations in America, &c. from the places of their growth, Sc. to any other of your Majriiy's plantations in thofe partt, ^c, and that without paying cufiom fur lie fame, either at the lading or unlading the faid commodities, by means whereof the trade and navigation in thofe commo- dities, from one plantation to another, is greatly increafed, and the inhabitantt of divers of thofe colonies, not contenting tbemfilvet loitb teing fypplied with titfi eommoditiet for their own ufe, fret from all cufiomi (while the fubjeAs uf this y«ur kingdom of England have paid great cuftoms and impofitions for what of them, hath been fpent here) tut, contrary to the exprejt liner of the aforefaid lawi, have brought into divers partt e/'Europe great quantities thereof, and do alfo vend great quantities thereof to the (hipping of other nation?, who bring them into divert parts of Europe, to the great hurt and diminution of your Majefty't cuftoms, and of the trade and navigation of this your kingdom ; For the pak.viMTtON THERIOr, &c. The 7th and 8th H^ilt. III. Chap, zi, intituled, " An aft for preventing frauds, and regulating abufes in the plintatiun trade," recites that, " notwith- ftanding divers aAs, Site, great abufes are daily committed, to tin prejudict of the £nglilh navigation, and the loft of a great part of the plantaiiom trade to this king- dom, by the drri/fee and cufiH/ii; uf ill difpofed perfons; For remedy where- of, &c. And whereas in fome of his Majefty's American plantations, a d«ubt or mifconftruAion has arifen upon the before mentioned a£t, made in the 25th . year of the reign of King Cbarlei II. whereby certain duties are laid upon the commodities therein enumerated (which by law may be tranfported from one plantation to another, for the fupply of each others wants) as if the fame were, by the payment of thofe duties in one plantation, difcharged from giving the fecurities inlenoV.! i>/ the aforefaid afts, made in the 12th, 22d and tjd years of the reign of King Charles II. and confequently be at liberty to go to any fortign market in Europe," &c. The 6th Anne, Chap. 17, reciting the advancement of trade, and encourage- ment of (hips of war, &r. grants to the captors the property of all priies car- ried into ^nerica, fubjefl to fuch culioms and duties, as if the famtjiad been firft imported into any part of Great-Britain, and from thence cxpordK ^C' This was a gift to perfons afling under eommifpons frtm tn cnwn, and there> fore it was realonahle that the terms prefcribrd in that gift, ftould be complied with— more efpecially as the payment of fuch duties was intended to give a preference to the produftions of Britijh colonies, over thofe of other colonies. However, being found inconvenient to the colonies, about four years afterwards, this aft was, for that reaf»n, (o far repealed, that by another aft " all prize goods, imported into any part of Great- Britain, from any of the plantations, were made liable to fuch duties only in Great-Britain, as in cafe they had been of the growth and produce of the plantations." The 6th Get. II. Chap. 13, which impofet duties on foreign rum, fugar and melafTes, imported into the colonies, ihews the reafoni thus——" Whereas the welfare and profperity of your Majefty'a fugar colonies in America, are of the greateft confequence and importance to the trade, navigation and firength of this klngdon;; and whereas the planters of the ,faid fugar colonies, have of late ytJinfallin into fuch great difcouragements, that they are unable to improve or carry on iHe fugar trade, upon an equal fotting with the foreign fugar colonies, ■without feme advantage and relief he given to tbim frem Ontt-Bt'u»ia : For re- medy ■ma a ii i ". 'i.-i; i -]" 'ugii i i'. --^ e or promote a )nftituent parts uties on trade, to reftrain the •r, and thus to promote F the growth, &c. e pUces of their thofe parti, <^t. ig or unlading the 1 in thofe commo- id the inhabitant! fitpf lied with thefi ije£l8 of thi» yut for what of them, 'ortfa'id laws, have do alfo vend great g them into diver! vlajefty'i cuftoms, 1C FRi.VIHTION ift for preventing that, " notwith- I $lie prijudici of the trade to thii king- :£MCDY WHIRI- antations, a d«ubt made o 1 not for the prefervation or promotion of a mutually beneficial in- tercourfe between the feveral conftituent parts of the empire, here- tofore they«/e object of parliamentary inilitutions ; iut for the fiitgle purpoje of levjiing money upon us. This I call an * innovation ; and a moil dangerous innovation. It may perhaps be objefled, that Great-Britain has a right to lay what duties Ihe pleafes upon her f exports, and it makes no dif- ference to us, whether they are paid here or there. To this I anfwer. Thefe colonies require many things for their ufe, which the laws of Grtat-Britain prohibit them from getting any where hut front her. Such are paper and gla(s. That we may legally be bound to pay any general duties on thefe commodities, relative to the regulation of tri.de, is granted ; but we being obliged ty her laivt to take them from Great-Britain^ any/pecial duties unpofed on their exportation to ut only, •with in- tention to rai/e a revenue frert ut enfy, are as much taxes upon us, as thofe impofed by the Stamp- Jff. What is the difference \n/ubfianee and rights whether the fame Xum is raifed upon us by the rates mentioneoL in the Stamp- J^, oit the u/e of paper, or by thefe duties, on the importation of it. It is only the edition of a former hooki fhifting a fentence from the eudxo the begitming. Suppose the duties were made payable in Great-Britain? It fignifies nothing to us, whether they are to be paid here or there. Had the Stamp-AH direfted, that all the paper ftiould be landed at Florida^ and the duties p^d there, before it was brought to the Britijh colonics, would the zSt have raifed lefs money upon us, or have been lefs deftruftive of our rights ? By no means : For as we were under a neceffity of ufmg the paper, we (hould have been under the neceflity of paying the duties. Thus, in the {•refcnt cafe, a like neeejjity will lubjeA us, if this aft continues in brce, to the payment of the duti<;8 how impofed. Why was the Stamp- Aa then fo pernicious to freedom ? It di^ not enaft, that every map in the colotues fiould buy a certain quantity • " It it worth/ obfervatioB how quietly fubfidict, gitnted in forim «/*«/ •nd atcuftomabli (though heavy) are borne j fuch a power hath ufe and cuftom. On the other fide, what dircontentments and difturbancei fubfidiet framid in m s(w moWitf do raife (iucm an inmid hat»id novkltv both match) i* evident by examplet of former timet." Lord Ci»«*« sd Inftitute, p. jj. t Some people thinic that Criat-Briuin has the fame right to impofe dutiet ea the export) to thefe coloniei, at on the exports to Spam and Portural, &c. Such perfoni attend fo much to the idea of exportation, that they entirely drop that tf it* ttmtahH bitviitu lb* mitb*r coumn and b*r nhnitt. If Great-Briu'm had alwayi claimed, and exercifed an authority to compel Spain and Pcriugal to> import manufaAurea from her only, the cafe« would be parallel t But ai Ae never pretended to fuch « right, they are at liberty to get them where ther pleafe ; and if they ehufe to take them from her, rather than from other n^ tions, they roluntarily cenfent to pay the dutici impofed on them. [ n ] lly beneficial in- he empire, here- nsj 6ut for tht ;rous innovation, as a right to lay it makes no dif- nany things for hibit them from and gla(s. central duties on •i.de, is granted ; m Great-Britain^ Its enfy, •with in- h taxes upon us» ivhether the fame le Stamp- Aa^ on ation of it. It is ntence from the rat-Britain ? ''"^ } be paid here or paper ihould be re it was brought lefs money upon By no means : taper, we ftiould >. Thus, in the Z.&. continues in Freedom ? It di^ y buy a certain quantity mted in formi ufiiMt lath ufe and cuftom. f^ubfidiet framtd in m rv BOTH match) iftitute, p. 13, ght to impofe dutiet ' and ttrtugal, &c. It they entirely drQp I. If Greal-Brilt'm MM and Portugal to. arallel : But ai Ae t them where thejr Ian from other osn them. quantity of paper — No : It only diredled, that no inftrument of writing fhould oe valid in law, if not made on (lamped paper, i^e^ The makers of that aft knew full well, that the confufions that would arife from the difufe of writings, would compel the colonies to ufe the flamped paper, and therefore to pay the taxe* impofed. For this reafon the Stamp-Ad was faid to be a law THAT WOULD EXECUTE ITSELF. For the Very fame reafon, the laft aft of parliament, if it is granted to have any force here, WILL EXECUTE ITSELF, and will be attended with the very fame confequences to American liberty. Some perfons perhaps may fay, that this a£l lays us under no neceflity to pay the duties impofed, becaufe we ..lay ourfelves manufacture the articles on which they are laid ; whereas by the Stamp-ASl no inilrument of writing could be good, unlefs made on Britijh paper, and that too (tamped. Such an objection amounts to no more than thi^, that the in- jury refulting to thefe colonies, from the total difufe of Britijh paper and glafs, will not be fa affliJing as that which would have refulted from the total difufe of writing among them ; for by that means even the Stamp-Ad mieht have been eluded. Why then was it univerfally detcfted by them a: (lavery itfelf ? Becaufe it prefented to thefe devoted provinces nothing but a • choice of calamities, imbittei-ed by indignities, each of which it was un- worthy of freemen to bear. But is no injury a violation of right but the greatefi injury ? If the eluding the payment of the taxes impofed by the Stamp-A£l, would have fubjedted us to a more dreadful inconvenience, than the eluding the payment of thofe impofed by the late aft ; does it therefore follow, that the Ia(t is no violation of our rights, tho' it is calculated for the fame pur* pofe the other was, that is, to raift money upon us, without our CONSENT ? This would be making right to confift, not in an exemption from injury, but from a certain degree of injury. But the objedtors may further fay, that wc (hall (wSet no injury at all by the difufe of Britijh paper and glafs. We might not, if we could make as much as we want. But can any man, acquaint- ed with America, believe this po(riblc ? I am told there are but two or three Glafs-Houfes on this continent, and but very few Paper- Mills ; and fuppo(e more (hould be erefted, a long courfe of years muft elapfe, before they can be brought to perfeftion. This con- tinent is a country of planters, farmers, and fi(hermen ; not of manufacturers. The difficulty of eftablifhing particular manufac- tures in fuch a country, is almoit infuperable. For one manufac- ture is connected with others in fuch a manner, that it may be faid to be impoffible to eltabli(h one or two, without eftablifhingfeve- B 2 ral * Either the iifuft of writing, or the payment of taxn impofed by otb''< w'ttbtut «ar (Duftnt. rJ- fifa**- -s— -> *- ? erty is finiihed. fadures, in all g linens, which We have been ' ourfelves ; and \&Xy in the fitu- he works of the up, no ftep can Witain can order can order us to ay, or when we and Poland can Pbr- iflali of P«/Mi an "''^ttiiir^'^^'^ t '3 ] Perhaps the nature of the nuejjities of dependant ftates, caufed l>y the policy of a governing one, for her own benefit, may be elucidated by a faft mentioned in hiftory. When the Cartbaei- Mians were poffefled of the ifland of Sardinia, they made a decree, that the Sardinians fliould not raife corn, nor get it any other way than from the Carthaginians. Then, by impofing any duties th»y would upon it, they drained from the miferable Sardinians any fums they pleafed ; and whenever that oppreffed people made the leaft movement to aflert their liberty, their tyrants ftarved them to death or fubmiffion. This may be called the moft perfeft kind df political neceffity. From what has been faid, I think this uncontrovertible con- clufton may be deduced, that when a ruling ftate obliges a depend- ant ttate to take certain commodities from her alone, it is implied in the nature of that obligation; is effentially requifite togrve it the leaft degree of juftice ; and is infeparably united with it, in order to preferve any Ihare of freedom to the dependant ftate ; that thofe commodities Jhould never be loaded viith duties, for the sot* PVRfOSB OF LEVYING MONEY ON THE DEFENDANT STATE. Upon the whole, the fingle queftion is, whether the parliament can legally impofe duties to be pfcid by the feopU of thefe colonies only, FOR THE SOLE PURPOSE OP RAISING A REVENUE, on Com- modifies 'which fix obliges us to take from her alone, or, in other words, whether the parliament can legally take money out of our pockets, without our confent. If they can, our boafted liberty is ( Vox et praterta nihil. A found .and nothing elfe. ' A FARMER. # / LET- !> u; 'i m I H ] o! L E T T E R IM. ■t-^M . ..V a5sT,. ••^ JJiy i/wr Countrymen, IR E I O I C E to find that my two former tetters to you, have been generally received with fo much fav6r by fuch of you, whofe fentiments I have had an opportunity of knowmg. Could you look into my heart, you would inllantly perceive a aealous attachment to your interefts, and a lively refentment of every infult and injury offered to you, to be the mouves that have engaged me to addrefs you. I AM no further concerned in any thing affefting Jmtrtr i, than any one of you ; and when liberty leaves it, I can quit it much more conveniently than moll of you : feut while Divine Prmdence, I that gave me exiftence in a land of freedom, permits nr y head to think, my lips to fpeak, and my hand to move, I Ihah fo highly and gratefully value the bleffing received, as to take care, that my filence and inaftivity Ihall not give my implied affcnt to any aft, degrading my brethren and myfelf from the birthright, wherewith heaven itfelf " hath made us fret *." , , , , Sorry I am to learn, that there are fome few perfons, who Ihake their heads with folemn motion, and pretend to wonder, what can be the meaning of thefe letters. " Great-Britain, ' they fay, " is too powerful to contend with ; flie is determined to oji- prefs us ; it is in vain to fpeak of right on one fide, when there is power on the other ; when we are ftrong enough to refill, we fhall attempt it ; but now we are not ftrpng enough, and therefore we had better be quiet ; it fignifies nothing to convince us that our rights are invaded, when we cannot defend them ; and if we fliould Bet into riots and tumults about the late aft, it will only draw down heavier difpleafure upon us." . , . What can fuch men defign ? What do their grave obfervations amount to, but this—-" that thefe colonies, totally regardlcfs of their liberties, fliould commit them, with humble refignation, to chance, time, and the tender mercie. of minifteri." Are thefe men ignorant, that ufurpations, which might have been fuccefsfully oppofed at firll, acquire ftrength by continuance, and thus become irrefillable i Do they condemn the conduft of thefe colonies, concerning the Stamp-Mi? Or have they forgot its fuccefsful iffue ? Ought the colonics afthat time, inftead of afting as they did, to have trufted for relief, to the fortuitous events of futurity ? If it is needlefs " to fpeak of rights" now, it was as needlefs then. If the behavior of the colonies was prudent and glorious ihen, and fuccefsful too; it will be equally prudent and glorious * Cal. ♦. I. lit. ■s to you, have y fuch of you, ' of knowing, itly perceive a refentment of ; motives that Amtrie i, than 1 quit it much ine Providence, its nr.y head to fliali fo highly : care, that my rent to any aft, ght, wherewith 9 perfons, who end to wonder, -Britain,** they lermined to oj)- , when there is h to refift, we 1, and therefore ince us that our ind if we fliould will only draw ive obfervations lly regardlefs of refignation, to lich mi^ht have by continuance, the conduft of e they forgot its nftead of afting tuitous events of now, it was as kras prudent and lily prudent and glorious f >5 ] glorious to aft in the fame manner now, if our rights are equallr invaded, and mav be as fuccefsful. Therefore it becomes neceffary w enquire, whether " our rights are invaded." To talk of " de. fcndmg" them, as if they could be nootherwife " defended" than by- arms, IS as much out of the way, as if a man having a choice of feveral roads to reach his journey's end, ftould prefer the worft. for no other reafon,*but becaufe it «V the worft. As to «« riots and tumults," the gentlemen who Are fo appre. henfive of them, are much miftaken, if they think, that erievan- ces cannot be redreffed without fuch affiftance. I WILL now tell the gentlemen, what is " the meaning of thefe' letters. The^meanmg of them is, to convince the people of thefe colonies, that they are at this moment expofed to the moft imminent dangers ; and to pcrfuade them immediately, vigoroufly. and uha- nimoufly, to exert themfelves, in the moft firm, but ittoft peaceable manner, for obtaining relief. i«^«««oic The caufe of liberty is a caufe of too much dignity, to be fol- ^t^Jr .*".':^° '"<=*^ V"^ *'™'"1^- It ooght to be maintained iri a manner fuitable to her nature. Thofe who engage in it. ftould breathe a fedate, yet ferment fpirit; animating Lm to aftions S prudence, juftice,modelW, bravery, humanit? and magtaaStJ^ To fuch a wonderful degree were the antitnt J/^rte«fL *,S> and free a people as ever exifled. infpired by thi/happr tempe«! r„H oil?- '^" rejefting even in their batdes the' MS^, and other injruments for excitmg htat and rage, they ihircheSVb' tofcenesof havock, andhorrfiir-, with the f^rtdJfltitei.MtXr tun.8 of which their fteps kept pace-.-" exhibiting''^ 'as >wj fayp. « at once a terrible and delightful fight, and fc^iS a dehberate valor, full of hope and good !flUran«r?rtffoK vinity had fenfiblyaffifted them." ' ' v.": f^l; I HOPE, my dear countryjrieh, that you will, .iheverv'fcrilbhv to ftir you up, uhder pretences of patriotifin. to iiy meafures S reft^ftful to ourWreigh ahd Ou'f mother countiy. Hot?,^ disorderly proceedings, fnjure the reputation of 7peMe, « to I pray GOD Wiat.he may be nleaftd to infpii* ^bo and vow idea, that I find adtrfituTty to exprtfs^ To ejcprefs it in the bJft mannerlcan, rmean a fpirit, ihafftallfoguidJyou KtwUI be impoffible to determine whether an JmJcan*. cha^fter i m^ daftinguiftable, for his loyalty to his Sovereign. Ms" S to hb EvEHV governiient at fome timt or other falls into wrong mea- fures. , • ?/•/*«* in tb. lift of Ljcrgu,. ArchWihop F«terU Ar.hjeologi. Or.M. 1 [ «6 ] Aires. Thefe may proceed irom miilake or paffinn. But every Aich meafare does not diflbh'e the obligation between the gover- nors and the governed. The mifiake may. be correAed ; the paf- fion may fubwic. It is the duty of the governed to endeavor, to refUfy the miftake, and to appeafe the pauon. They have not at firft any other right, than to reprefent ueirgrievances, and to pray for redrefs, unlef* an emergence is fo predj^, as not to allow time for receiving an anfwer to their applications, which rarely happens. If their applications are difreearded^ then that kind of eppefitioH becomes jufttfiable, which can oe made without breaking tne laws, or difturbing the public peace. This confifts in the prt- vtntioH of tbi tpprtjfttrs rtaping advantage from their opfrefjionsy and not in their punifliment. For experience may teach them,, what raUbn' did not; and harfli methods cannot be proper, till milder ones have failed. If at length it becomes undoubted, that an inveterate refblu- tion is formed to annihilate the liberties of the governed, tHe Eng- lifi) hiftory a/fords frequent examples of refiftance by' force. What particular circumftances will in any future cafe juftify fi)Ch re- finance, can never be afcertained, till they happen. , Perhaps ^i^ may be allowable to fay generally, that it nev^r can be juftliiable. until the people are fully convinced, tliat any f^irthcr fiib- miffion. will be deftru^ve to their hapjpinefs. Whxm fh'e appeal is made to the Iword, highly probable is it, that the punilhment will exceed the oflence; and the calamities attending on war out-weigh thofe preceding it. Thefe coufidera-. tions ofjuftice and prudence, will always have great influence with good and wife men. To thefe refleAions on this fubjefi, it remains to be added,, and ought for ever to be remembered, that refiftance, in the cafe of cdonies againft their mother country, is extremely diiferent from the refiftance of a people againft their prince. A hatipn may change their king, or race of kings, and, retaining their antient form of government, be gainers by changing. Thus Great- BritmHf under the illuftrious houie of Brua/huki, a houfe that feems to flourifh for the happinefs of mankind, has found a felicity, unknown in the reigns of the Ste-wartt. Bift if once ovf are fe- parated from our mother country, what new. form of government fliall we adopt, or where (hall we find another Britain, to fupply our lofi i Tom from the bodv, to which we are united by reli^on, liberty, laws, affeAions, relation, language and commerce, wc muft bleed at every vein. In truth — the profperity of thefe provinces is founded in their, dependance on Great-Britain ; and when flie returns to her " old. good humour, and her old good nature," as Lord Clarendon ex- prefles it, I hope they will always think it their duty and interell, as .x.,iM^.s:.^.iiimtMim*iiai»mMi^ But every ti the gover- sd ; the paf- to endeavor ley have not ices, and to i»ot to allow which rarely that kind of oat breaking^ [U in the frt- ffnjjions, an«^ I them» what a-, till milder iterate refblu- ned, the Eng- force. What ftify fuch re- i. Perhaps i^ be juftihablc» 5 filrther fiib- probablo is it, ■ I the calamitiei lefe coufideran jreat influence to be added,, ce, in the cafe, ancly different A nation may g dieir andent T>iu8 Great- a houfe that bund a felicity, nee wf are fe- ,of government tain, to fupply ted by religion, commerce, we bunded in their. US to her " old- rd Clarendon ex- ity and intereft, at [ '7 ] as it moft certainly will be, to promote her welfare by all the meant in their power. We cannot &&. with too much caution in our difputes. Anger produces anger ; and differences, that might be accommodated by kind and refpeilfui behavior, may, by imprudence, be enlarged to an incurable rage. In quarrels between countries, as well as in thofe between individuals, when they have rifen to a certain height, the firll caufe of difTenfion is no longer remembered, the minds of the parties being wholly engaged in recollefting and re- fenting the mutual expreilions of their dillike. When feuds have reached that fatal point, all confiderations of reafon and equity vanifh ; and a blind fury governs, or rather confounds all things. A people no longer regards their intereil, but the gratification of their wrath. The fway of the * Cleans and Clodius's, the defigning and detellable flatterers of the prenjailing pajjion, becomes con- firmed. Wife and good men in vain oppofe the ftorm, and may think themfclves fortunate, if, in attempting to preferve their un- grateful fellow citizens, they do not rum themfflves. Their /r»- dence will be called bafene/s ; their moderation will be called guilt ; and if their virtue does not lead them to deArudion, as that of many other great and excellent pcrfons has done, they may fur- vive to receive from their expiring country the mournful glory of her acknowledgment, that their counfels, if regarded, would have fcvcd her. The conftitutional modes of obtaining relief, are thofe which I wifli to fee purfued on the prefent occafion ; that is, by peti- tions of our affemblies, or where they are not permitted to meet, of the people, to the powers that can aiford us relief. We have an excellent prince, in whofe good difpofitions towards us we may confide. We have a generous, fenfible and humane nation, to whom we may apply. They may be deceived. They may, by artful men, be provoked to anger againft us. I cannot believe they will be cruel orunjuft; or that their anger will be implacable. Let us behave like dutiful children, who have re^ ceived unmerited blows from a beloved parent. Let us complain to our parent ; but let our complaints fpeak at the fame time the language of aiHi£tion and veneration. If, however, it ftiall happen, by an unfortunate courfe of affairs, that our applications to his Majefty and the parliament for redrefs, prove inefFeftual, let us then take another ftep, by withholding from Great-Britain all.the advantages flie has been ufed to receive from us. Then let us try, if our ingenuity, induflry, and fru- gality, will not give weight to our remonilrances. Let us all be onited with one fpirit, m one caufe. Let us invent—let us C work * CUtn was a popular firebrand of Athtni, and Cloint of tAm*i each •£ whom plunged hit country iata the detpeft calamities. iSM m [ i8 ] work let us fave let us, continually, keep up our claim. and inceffantly repeat our complaints- — But, above all, let us implore the proteftion of that infinitely good and gracious being, t " by whom kings reign, and princes decree juftice." Nil dffperandum. ■ Nothing is to be dcfpaired of. ' A F A R M E R. f Prov. viii. 15. 'W'%'' LETTER IV. J [1 Ki My dear Countrymen, Al5 objeaion, I hear, has been made againft my fecond ktter, which I would willingly clear up before I pro- ceed. " There is," fay thefe objeftors, " a material difference between the Stamp-Aa and the late aa for laying a duty on paper, i£c. that juftifies the conduft of thofe who op- pofed the former, and yet are willing to fubmit to the latter. The duties impofed by the Stamp- Acl were internal taxes ; but the prefent are external, and therefore the parliament may have a right to impofe them." r i- To this 1 anfwer, with a total denial of the power of parliament to lay upon thefe colonies any " tax" whatever. This point, being fo important to this, and to fucccedmg ge- nerations, I wifti to be clearly underftood. To the word " tax," I annex that meaning which the conftitu- tion and hillory of England require to be annexed to it ; that is— that it is an impofttion on the fuhjea, for the file purpo/e of levying money. . -. . j In the early ages of our monarchy, certain fervices were render- ed to the crown for the general good. Thefe were perfonal * : But, in • It is very worthy of remark, how watchful our wife »nceftor« were, left t\\t\x ftrvicti (hould be encreafed beyond what the law allowed. No man was bound to go out of the realm to ferve the King. Therefore, even in the con- quering reign of Henry the Fifth, when the martial fpirit of the nation waa highly enflamed by the heroic courage of thsir Prince, and by his great fuc- cefs they ftill carefully guarded againft the eftabliftiment of illegal fervicet. j «« When this point (fays Lord Chief Juftice Ceke) concerning maintenance of wars out of England, came in queftion, the commons did make their roniiniial tlaim of their entietit freedom and birthright, as in the firft of Henry the Fifth, and in the feventb of Henry the Fifth, Sec. the commons made a PROTEST, that they were not bound to the maintenance of war in Scotland, Inland, Calict, France, ■ '*rf'*?!!i^i« corporate towns balf of their bntfict from the tltrgy ; in his i jd year an tltntntb from the karJ, «i°»/X' Lnd "" ''"'^^'' ' ^"""'' ^'"'" ""' '""^'■^"' ^'- "•""'' ^ The fame difterenee in the grants of the feveral ranks is obfervable in other reigni. uuicr In the fanrious ftatute A lalkirh non uncdtndo, the king enumerates the fcvc- ( ral cla£t,, without whofe confent, he and his heirs never ftiould fet or levy anv tax... nullum tallagium, -utl auxilium ftrno,, -otlbgrtdti n,ftr» in r,f.n<: rtoliro ponatur ftu U^„ur,fin,^dunlau., affenju architfifcof.run,, ififcoforum,\,miL. eZZ'i" '"•'Vfi'"*' » "/'»'»" !ib,rorum\om. de regn/nofiro." 34,^ Lord Chief Jijftice Ctlte, in his comment on thefe wrrds, fays-—" for the i juieting of the commoni, and for i fnpttual and conftam law for ever ttfttr b«th in this AND OTHER uKS c A SI s, this aft was made." Thefe words are' i/^;, WITHOBT ANY 8CR-JPLE, ahjolul,, WITHOUT ANV SAVING." ad CokA \ inlt. p. 53» 5J3. Little jid iho venerable judge imagine, that " »h,y i,k. I "■'" '*"*" u PT'."" ^^'"^ '■>'' *"?"'' "^ '*>» '»«• would be dcfpifed bv \ EnghJImtn, the pofterity of thofe who made it. ^ " "/ ! ■ -.i**«»j(ylji(«to»;<»,. [ 20 ] will give certainty to our cxpreflion, and fafety to our condufl : But if, when we have in view the libt-rty of thefe colonies, we proceed in any other courfe, we purfue a Juno \\ indeed, but Ihall only catch a cloud. . -« . «. a In the national, parliamentary feiife infilted on, the word " tax §" was certainly undcrllood by the congrefs at Ne-iv-Tork..^ whofc refolves may be Aiid to form the AmericaH " bill of nghts." THt third, fourth, iifth, and lixth relblvcs, arc thus exprcfied. Ill " That it is infeparahly tjjhitial to tht freedom of a peopk, and tlie unJoubteJ rig/jl of Englijhmen, that * N ( ) 1" A X be inipofcd on them, but vjith their ««ii« coiijeui, given perfonally, or by their reprefentatives." , , IV. " That the people of the colonies are not, ano Jiom tneir local circumftancts, cannot be reprefcnted in the houle of commons in Great-Britain" , c .\. V " That the only reprefentatives of tlie people ot the co- lonies, are the perfons chofen therein by thcmfdvcs ; and that NO TAXES ever have been, or can be conftuutionaily iiapofed on them, but by their refpcaivc Icgiflatures." -r ri. VI. " That ALL /vfplies to tht crown. ing free gifts ot the people, it is unrea/ouabk, and ineonfijient fb the priucipks and fpirit of the Britifh conjiitution, for the pec.^ .^ of Great Brttaut to grant to his Majefly the proftrty of tlv colonies. ' Here is no diftinftion made between internal mi external ts^ti. It is evident from the fhort reafoning thrown into theie refolves, that every impofiHon " to grant tp his Majefty the property tf tht colonies," was thought a " tax ;" and that every fuch impofinon, if laid any other way, than " with their confent, given perlonally, or by their reprefentatives," was not only " unreafonable, and in- confiftent with the principles and fpirit of the ^^r/>///. conttituuon, but deftruftive " to the freedom of a people." This language is clear and important. A " tax means aii impofition to raife money. Such perfons therefore 4s fpeak of internal and external "taxes," I pray may pardon me, if lob- iea to that expreflion, as applied to the pnviLges and interefts of thefe colonics. There may be internal and external impositions, founded on different principles, and having difftrint tendencies ; evej^ " tax" being an impofition, tho' every impofitwn is not a '« tax. But all taxes are founded on the/a«* principle; and have thsjame , , EXTER- iendeucy. n The Gxjddefs of Empire, in the Heathen Mythology } sccording to an . an lent fable, Uioi purfued her, bat Ac cfcaped 'n a.cloud. ; % In this fenfe MonuJquUu ufe. the word « tax." in his ijth bopkof Sftru I *ftTh^ rough drai«htof the refolves of the congrefs ^tNnu-Tort »xi now In n,v binds, and^lrom fome notes on that draught, and other v^ticular reafans. HnV fa.i'fied, that the coiigvef. underftood ike word " tax" in the fenfe her* ton'.ended for. I l l >i| i, l liT,». ii r>. i j i ^|'' [ 21 ] )ur condnfl : colonies, ue ed, but Ihall J, the word t Nnv-Tori, 11 of rights." iiis exprcfied. 'It of a peophy K lie inipofcd ', or by their rul fiom their : of commons Ic of the co- C3 ; and that nally iiapofed ;e gifts of the principUs and ■mt Britain to external tajces. theie refolves, preperty »/ thi impofition, if en perlbnally, lable, and in- conrtitution," iX " means aa •e 4S fpeak of [\ me, if I ob- ind interefts of IMPOSITIONS, ndencies ; every not a " tax." have theyawe EXTER- according to an {th bopk of 5^i>i> v-Tort ate now in particular reafons» in the fcnfe ber« External impofitions, for the regulation of our tratie, ao not " grant |o his Majefty t/je properly of the colonies.^* 'i'hcy only prevent (he colonies acquiring property, in things not ncccflary, in a manner judged to be injurious to the welfare of the whole em- pire. But the lall Uatnte refpeftin^ us, •• grants to his Majelly the property of the colonies," by laying duties on the manufacture* of Great-Britain which they musi take, and which flic fettled them, on purpofe that they should take. What * tax can be more internal than this? Here is money drawn, without their eonjent, from a fociety, who have conrtantly enjoyed * If feemi to be evident, that Mr. Pitt, in hii defence of America, during | the debate cunrerning the repeal of the Siamp-AU, by " imtrtiat taxes," meant i any dutiei " for the purpofe of raifing a revi nue ;" and by " rxtimat taxtt," meant duties impofed " for the rcKHlation of trade." Hii exprelTioni arc thefe— " If the gentleman doe» not undcrftand the difterence between internal and txttrnal taxei, I cannot help it ; but there is a pi '.in diAindtiun between taxes levied roa thc furcoses of raising a x^vinve, and duties im- pofed roR THI REGULATION OF TRADE, for the accommodation of the fubjeA ; altho', in the confequences, fome revenue might incidentally arife from the latter." Thefe words «.ere in Mr. Piti'i reply to Mr. Crttnville, who faid he could nut underftand the difference between external and internal taxes. In every other part of his fpeeches on that occalion, his wtrds confirm thii condruAion of his exprclTioiis. The following cxtratt* will fliew bow pofitive •Tid general were his aflertinnt of our right. *' It is my opinion that khis kingdom has no right to lay a tax upon the colonies." " The Amtricans are the sons, not the bastards of Eng- iaiid. Taxation is no part of tUe ga^ei-ning or legijlati-ve ^aviet" .—-" Tne taxei are a voluntary gift and grant of i\it commom alone. In legisla- tion I'.ie three eftates-of the realm are alike concerned, but the concur- rence 01 the PEERS and the crown to a tax, is only necetTary to clofe with the FORM of a law. The gift a«l' ^ ' ^''^ ' -' * ft the legality : tl>e ait now iniwcelTary to )refent ; That and the' Ihe ; dependence ; to the relation 5 eagerly con- e Ihould raife tions, to keep urthened with ted and trou- lit of violence owed, (hcatli- lations of £u- '. to be attain- •y thofe things Lng themfelves national ohjeils n uniformly fo was known to :dom are ncar- s wife and juft n climates and rew, and flou- ind virtue, at- to herfelf the :o her children d. She made )rodu£ls which rials which fhe le forbad them globe, or even >uld rival her, ariety of laws, ught moft con- ire. A power : fhould be en- alfo lodged in was fecured to of juflice. :r country over derived by her » from [ "5 ] from them ; for all their difficulties and diftrefles in fixing them- felves, what was the reconipence made them ? A communication of her rights in general, and particularly of that great one, the foun- dation of all the rell — that their property, acquired with fo much pain and hazard, Ihould be difpolcd of by none but * themfelves — or, to ufe the beautiful and emphatic language of the fkcred fcrip- ' tures t, " that they (hould fit e-veiy man ujider his vine, and under, his fig-tree, and nonk should make them afraid." Can any man of candor and knowledge deny, that thefe in- ftitutions form an affinity between Great-Britain and her colonies, that fufficiently fecures their dependence upon her ? Or that for her to levy taxes upon them, is to revcrfe the nature of things ? Or that flie can purfue fuch a meafure, without reducing them to a ftate of vaflalage ? If any perfon cannot conceive the fupremacy of Great-Britain to exift, without the power of laying taxes to levy money upon us, the hiftory of the colonics, and of Great-Britain, fince their fettlement, will prove the contrary. He will there find the amaz- ing advantages arifing to her from them- — the conllant exercife of her fupremacy — and their filial fubniiliion to it, without a fingle rebellion, or even the thought of one, from their firil emigration to this moment — And all thcfe thiiigs have kappened, without one inrtance of Great-Britain's laying taxes to levy money upon them. How many | Britijh authors have deraonftrated, that the pre- fent wealtli, power and glory of their country, are founded upon D thefc • " The power of taxing ihemjtivts, was the privilege of which the Englijb Were, with reason, farticularly jiehus," Hume's Hift. of England. ' \ f Mic. iv. 4. ^ " X It has been faid in the Houfe of Commoni, when complaints have been made of the decay of trade to any part of Europe, " That fuch things were not worth regard, as Great-Britain was poflcfled of colonies that could coofume more of her manufaAures than (he was able to fupply them with." " As the cafe now (lands, we (hall (hew that the plantaiioni are a fprjng of viealth to this nation, that they work tor us, that their treasure centers " AIL here, and that the laws have lied them faft enough to us; fo that it *^ murt be through our own fault and mifm.inagi^ment, if they become inde- pendent of rn^/..:.:/." Oaviuaut on tbePitntaiionTrade. ^ " It is better that the idands (hould be fupplied from the Northern Colonies than from England} for this reafun, the provifions we might fend to BaiiaJos, Jamaica, &c, would be unimfroved pruduA of the earth, as grain of all kinds, or fuch produft where there is little got by the improvement, as malt, (alt beef and pork j indeed the exportation of fait (i(h thither would be more ad- vantageous, but the goods which we fend la the Northern Colonies, are fuch, whofe improvement may be ju(»ly faid, one with another, 10 be ne»r four fifths of the value of the luhole commodity, as apparel, hou(hold furniture, and.m«By other things." /rf^. " New-England is the moft prejudicial plantation fo the kingdom of Ent- land; and yet, to do right to iliar mull indu(trious iin^/iy^ colony, I niuAconfefi that though we lofe by their uolimitcU trade with other foreign plaat«ti«iis, yet I ), r 26 ] thefe colonics ? As conftanrly as dreams tend to the ocean, have they been pourins; the fruits of all their labors into their mother's 1?^». Good heaven ! and ihall a total oblivion of former tendernefles and bleffings, be fpread over the minds of a good and wife .lation, by' the fordid arts of infiiguing nien, v/ho, covering their felfifli projefts under pretences of public good, firft enrage their country- men into a frenzy of paflion, and then advance their own influence and interell, by gratifying the paflion, which they themfelves have bafely excited. , * ,< Hitherto we are very gTe»t gainers by their direft trade to and from Old England. Our yearly exportations of Englifi manufaftures, malt and other goods, from hence thither, amounting, in my opinion, to ttn timet the value of what it imJ)orted from thence } which calculation I do not make at random, but upon mattirt totifidiraiwn, and, peradventure, upon at much exfritntt in tbii vtry trade, as any other perfon will pretend to j and therefore, whenever reformation of our cor- refpondency in trade with that people /hall be thought on, it will, in my poor judgment, require gr«at reNDERNRss, and very serious circum- spection." 5/>JosiahChild'j Dif.curfe on Trade, " Our plantations fpend moftly our Englijb manufaftures, and thofe of all fortt almoft imaginable, in egregious quantities, and employ near fui» thirds of all tur Englifli /hipping j fo that we have mare people in England, by reafon of our plantations in America" Idem, SiVJosiahChiid fays, in another part of his work, " That not more than fifty families are maintained in England hythe refining of fugar." From whence, and from what Davenant fays, it is plain, that the advantages here faid to be derived from the plantations by England, muft be meant chiefly of the conti- nental colonies. . , . • u l- l " I fliall fum lip my whole remarks on our American colonies, with this ob- fervation, that as they are a certain annual revenue of several millions STERLING to their mother country, they ought carefully to be protefted, duly encouraged, and every opportunity that prefents, improved for their increment and advantage, as every one they can poffibly reap, muft at laft return to us with interell." ^t. wi t-i" s Lex Merc. Red, " We may fafely advance, that our trade and navigation are greatly encreafed by our coloMies, and that they really are a fource of treafufe and naval power to this kingdom, fince they work for us, and their treasure centers HERE. Before their fettlement, our manufaftures were few, and thofe but in- different ; the number of £b^///& merchants very fmall, and the whole dip- ping of the nation much inferior to what now belongs to the fiorthern Colonies only. Thffe are certain fafls. Bat fince their eftablifltment, our condition has altered tor the better, almoft to a degree beyond credibility.— Our manufac- tures are prodigioufty encteafed, chiefly by the demand forthetn in the plan- tations, where they at least take off one half, and fupply us with many valuable commodities for exportation, which is as great an emolument to the mother kiniidom, as to the plantations themfelves." Postlethwayt'j Univ'. Did. of Trade and Cammtrte, " Moft of the nations of Europe have interfered with us, more or lefs, iii divers of our ftaple manufactures, within half a century, not only in our wool- len, but in our lead and tin manufaflures, as well as our fifheries," PosTlethwavt, ibid, " The inhabitants of our colonies, by carrying on 1 trade with their /orf/f« Heighhours, do not only occafion a greater quantity of the goods and merchandixes of Europe being fent from hence to them, and a greater quantity of the produA of America to be fent from them hither, which v/tuld tiherwife be carried frtm, 0rd ,, Mmmmm *mim:- [ ^7 ] .n, have they liother's l?j>. tender'-.efles wife iiation, their felfifti lieir country- >\vn influence imfelves have Hitherto England. Our ids, from hence hat it imjiorted ut upon maturi try trade, as «ny tien of our cor- ill, in my poor 0U» CIRCUM- urfe on Trade. and thofe of all tin* tbirdt of all jy reafon of our itm, t not more than " From whence, s here faid to be y of the conti> 8, with this ob- AL MILLIONS protefted, duly their increment laft return to u( ^tx Merc. Red. ;reatly encreafed naTal power to OKB CINTCliS nd thofe but in- the whole ihip- jrthern Colonies ir condition has ur maNuf'ac- lem in the pl»n- fupply us with n emolument to and Commerce, mure or lefs, in ily in our wool* eries." .WAYT, ibid. jith their /or«^« d mercbandizn of the produft of be carried frtm, Mi Hitherto Great-Britain has been contented with her pro- fperity. Moderation has been the rule of her conduft. But now, a generous humane people, that fo often has protefled the liberty of Jirangers, is enflamed into an attempt to tear a privilege from her own children, which, if executed, mufl, in their opinion, fmk them into flaves : And for what ? P'or a pernicious power, not iceflary to her, as her own experience may convince her ; but horribly dreadful and deteftable to them. D 2 It and krtuthi to Europe by foreignert, but an increafe of the feamen and navi|a« iion in thofe parts, which is of great ftrength and fecurity, as well as of great advantage to our plantations in general. And though ftme of our coloniti are not only 'for preventing the iin^arr«f»ii> of all goods of the fame fptcitt they produce, but fuft'er particular planters to keep great ru,.i of land in their pojjijftan unculti' vated, with defign to prevent new fettUmentt, whereby they imagine the prices of their commodities may be aft'eAed; yet if it be confidcteH, that the markets of Great-Britain depend on the markets of all Europe in general, and that the European markets in general depend on the propoition between the annual confump- tion and the v/hole quantity of each fpecies annually produced by a L L naiiont ; it muft follow, that whether we or foreigners are the producers, carriers^ import- ers and exporters of American produce, yet their refpeflive prices in each colony (the difference of freight, cuftoras and importations confidered) will always bear proportion to the general confumplion of the vihole quantity of each fort, produced in all colonies, and in all partx, allowing only for the ufual contingencies that trade and commerce, agriculture and manufaAures^ are liable to in all coun- tries." HoSTttTHWAYT, J6id. " It it certain, that from the very time Sir JValter Raleigh, the fothcr of our Englijb colonies, and his aflociates, firft prnjeAed thefe eitablifliments, there have been perfons who have found an intereft, in mifreprefenting, or leiTening the value of them— —The attempts were called chimerical and dangerous. Afterwards many malignant fuggeftions were made about facrificing (o miuy Englijbmen to the obftinate defire of fettling colonies in couhtr.es which then produced very little advantsge. But as thefe difficulties were gradually fur- mounted, thofe complaints vaniflied. No fooner were thtfe Itmemationt over, but otberttroCe in their ftead; when it could be no longer faid^ that the colonies were ufelefs, it was alledged that they were not ufeful enough to their mother country ; that while we were loided with taxes, they were abfolutcly free ; that the planter! lived like princes, while the inhabitants of England laboured hard for a tolerable fubfiftence." Postietmwavt, Hid. " Before the fettlement of thefe colonies," fays Pofllethwayi, "■ rurmanu* faAures were few, and thofe but indiffisrent. In thofe days we had not only our naval ftores, but our fliipt from our neighbours. Germaiiy furni/hed us with all things made of metal, even to nails. Wiae, paper, linens, and a thoufand other things, came from France. Portugal fupplied us with fugar ; all the produAs of yimerica were poured into us from Spain ; and the feKetians and Ge- tioeje retailed to us the commodities of the Eafi-Indiet, »- their own price." " If it be afted, whether foreignert, for what goods they take of us, do not pay on that confumption a great portion of bur taxes ? It is admitted they do." Hostlithwayt'i Great- Britain's True .\yflem, " If we are afraid that one day orothet the colonies will revolt, and fct up for themfelves, as feme feem to apprehend, let as not drive them to a neceffity to feel themfelves independent of us j at they wiV/ do, i he moment thev perct^ive t\iHTHEr CjtN BE SUPPLIED tril H ALL THINGS [ROM IflTHIN THE MS ELITES, and do not need our afliftancc. If we would keep then ftill dependest upon their -mother country, and, in fome refpc£>s, fulfuviinr 1^ vi i\ ' [ 28 ] It fecms evtrenifly probable, that when cool, difpafltonate p(K fterity. (hall amiider the alfcaionate inteicourlfe, the /^c'procal benefits, and the unlufpedin- contidence, that have fubfiited be- tween thefc colonics and their parent country, for fuch a leng. . ot til. -, htrfr^ient to her ■vinut and welfare j let us make it their r n r . „ « t always to ■'"■>, ,, TwcKF. » on Trailt. '•'"bur colonies, while they have Exglifl, blood in their veins, and have re- lations in £rWW, and white th r,v CAN <.,r BY Y^'"]""■ *1,'"" "hv th<^ Jlrong,ng fucb prw- ■vilegel to planter, as were denied to their other fuljeff,. Ahd I dare fay, that a few prudent laws, and a little prudent conduft. would foon give us far the greateft Ihare of the riches of all America, perhaps drive many of other nations out ot, it, or into out colonies for fhelter. j j a- j- " There are/o many exigencies in all ftates, fo many foreign «;«>•», and domeflicdf flurhances, that thefe colonies can never want opportunities, if they watch for them, to do -what ibey /halt fnd their intereft to do ; and therefore we ought to take all the precautions in our power, that it fliall never be tbetrin- terffl to aft againft that of their native country ; an evil which can no other- wife be averted, than by keeping thtm fully employed in fuch trade, di -wtll in- crtafe tbtir own, as well as our wealth ; for it is much to be feared, if we do not find employment for them, they may find it for »< ; the intereft of the mother country, is always to keep them dependent, and fo employed ; and it require., M her addrefs to do it ; and it is certainly more eafily and effefJually ionn by gtiltle and in/enfible methods, than by (ower alone." C a to « Littin. fpafltonate po-. the reciprocal r fubfilted be- :h a leng. . of ti.. -, (REST always to K r. » on Trmli. ns, and have te- II NO WITH us, 2<^(im will gil by- : them defperate, lanraihn Tradt. > as thofe of the 1 the recompence in : Upon which (hould be cauti- jich the induftry P O R T U N A T E for jepart from their s, by which tSey e it their commo i itages arifing from be but TWO wayt e } one, to keep it ( muft be by /(*■«} d in fuch produc- felves and families udice th.eir iQothcr '\tbout dtflrpy'mg tbe y to carry people violence will hin- ;rn, and keep them Ften fent thither to n for redrefa, will foldiers alone, afld li reafon, arbitrary es with free one* ; force, at a vaft ex- I giving fuch privi- lare fay, that a few us far the greateft >ther nations out of lars, and domtJUc di- UNITIES, if they I ; and therefore we II nev'er be ibeir in- irhich can no other- :h trades at v/ill in- feared, if we do not ereftof the mother ed ; and it requires. 1 fffeflually done by CATo't Ltltiri. [ ^9 ] time, they will execrate, with the bittereft curfes, the infamous memory of thofe men, whofe peftilential ambition unneceflarily, wantonly, cruelly, firft opened the fources of civil difcord between them ; Hrll turned their love into jealoufy ; and firft taught thefe provinces, filled with grief and anxiety, to enquire- — ' Mens iihi mattrna efi ? ' Where is maternal affeftion ? A FARMER. LETTER VI. S'',--' ^ rtVar Countrymen, V, IT may perhaps be objefted againft the arguments that havtf been offered to the public, concerning the legal power of the parliament, " that it has always exercifed the power of impofing duties, for the purpofes of raifing a revenue on the produflions of thefe colonies carried ^o Qreat-Britain, which may be called a tax on them." To this objeftion I anfwer, that this is no violation of the rights of the colonies, it being implied in the relation between them and Great-Britain, that they fliouid not carry fuch commo- dities to other nations, as Ihould enable them to interfere with the mother country. The impofition of duties on thefe commodities, when brought to her, is only a confequence of her parental right ; and if the point is thoroughly examined, the duties will be found' to be laid on the people of the mother country. Whatever they are, they muft pioportionably raife the price of the goods, and confcquently muft be paid by the confumers. In this light they were confidered by the parliament in the 25th Charles II. Chap. 7, Seft. 2, which fays, that the produftions of the plantations were carried from one to another free from all cuftoms, " while the fub- jefts of this your kingdom of England have paid great cufioms and impojitions for 'vvhat of them have been spent here,'' Off. Besides, if Great-Britain exports thdfe commodities again, the' duties will injure her own trade, fo that Ihe cannot hurt us, with- out plainly and immediately hurting herfelf ; and this is our check againft her adting arbitrarily in this refpeft. * It may be perhaps further objefted, " that it being granted that ftatutes made for regulating trade, are binding upon us, it wiU • \f any one \i I m 1} ] of legality as poflible, Thofe who fucc::d them may venture to go a little further ; for each new encroachment will be ftrength- ened by a former. " f That which is now fupported by examples, growing old, will become an example itfelf," and thus fupport frcfli ufurpations. A FREE people therefore can never be too quick in obferving, nor too firm ia oppofing the beginnings of alteration either in form or rtality, refpefting inttitutions formed for tHeir fectirity. The 6rft kind of alteration leads to the laft : Yet, on the other hand, nothing is more certain, than that the forms of liberty may be retained, when the fubflance is gone. In government, as well as in religion, " The letter killeth, but thefpirit giveth life |." I WILL beg leave to enforce this remark by a few inftances. The crown, by the confutation, has the prerogative of creating pers. The exigence of that order, in due number and dignity, is eflential to the conftitution ; and if the crown did not exercife that prerogative, the peerage muft have long fincc dccreafed fa much as to have loft its proper influence. Suppofe a prince, for fome unjuft purpofes, ftiould, from time to time, advance fo many needy, profligate wretches to that rank, that all the independence of the houfe of lords fhould be dellroyed j there would then be a manifeft violation of the conftitution, um/er the appearance of ufinr legal prerogative. The houfe of commons claims the privilege of forming all iwd- ney bills, and will not fuiFer either of the other branches of the Icgiflature to add to, or alter them ; contending that their power fihiply extends to an acceptance or rejeftion of them. Thw pri- vilege ajppears to be juft : But under pretence of this juft privilege, the houle of commons has claimed a licence of tacking to money bills, ckufes relating to things of a totally different kind, and thus forcing them in a manner on the king and lords. This feeins to be an abufe 6f that privilege, and it may be vaftly more abtl- fed. Suppofe a future houfe, influenced by fome difplaced, difcon- tertted demagogues— in a time of danger, fliould tack to a didner bill, fomething fo injurious to the king and peers, that they woirid not aJfent to it, and yet the commons ftiould obftinately infift on it ; the whole kingdom WOuld be expofed to ruin by thetti, under the appearance of maintaining a valuable privilege. In thefe cafes it might be difficult for a while to determine, whether the king intended to exercife his prerogative in a confti- tutional manner or not ; or whether the commons infifted on t^eir demand fadUoufly, or for the public good : But furely the condudl of the crown, or of the houfe, v/ould in time fulficiently explain itfelf. ^ Ought not the people therefore to watch? to obferve fafts ? to faarch into caufes ? to inveftigate defigns ? And have they not a t Tacitui. tsCoi.iii. 6. IB'I III? ',;| [ 32 ] right of judging from the evidence before them, on no rtightcr points than their //^r/v and A, flinK, wherever a 5///;//^ govcrnn.ent is ellabliJhed, to make ufe of any^arguments to prove iuch a right. It is fuft.aent to rennnd the reader of the day, on the anmverfary of wluch the firft ot thefe letters is dated. . I WILL now apply what has been faid to the preftnt qucftion. The nature of any impolitions laid by parliiuueiit on theie co- lonies, mull determine the .i.-/ign in laying .them. It may not be eafy in every inllance to dilcover that dei.gn. Wherever it is doubtful, I think fiibmifiion cannot be dangerous ; nay, it mult be right; for, in my opinion, there is no privilege thefe colonies claim, which they ought in ciuty :^xA pru^Ance more earncftly to maintain and defend, than the authority of the 5r//,/. parliament to regulate the trade of all her dominions. Without this autho- rity, the benefits fhe enjoys from our commerce, muft be lolt to her • The blefTings we enjoy from our dependence upon her, mult be loft to us. Her ftrcngth muft decay; her glory vanifh ; and fhe cannot fufFer without our partaking in her misfortune. Let us therefore cherijh her interefti as our own, and gfve her every thins, that it becomes freemen to give or to receive. The nature of any impofitions fhe may lay upon us may, m general, be known, by confidering how far they relate to the pre- ferving, in due order, the conneftion between the feveral parts of the Britijh empire. One thing we may be afTured of, which is this Whenever ftie impofes duties on commodities, to be paid only upon their exportation from Great-Britain to thefe colonies, it is nofa regulation of trade, but a defign to raife a revenue up-, on us. Other inftances may happen, which it may not be necef- fary at prefent to dwell on. I hope thefe colonies will never, to their lateft exiftence, want underftanding fufHcient to difcover the intentions of thofe who rule over them, nor the refolution necefTary ! for afTerting their interefts. They will always have the fame rights, ! that all free ftates have, of judging when their privileges are in- I Yaded, and of ufing all prudent meafures for prefervmg Uiem. ^ocirca vivite fortes ' *■ Fortiaque adver/ts opponite peaora rebus. Wherefore keep up your fpirits, and gallantly oppofe this adverfe courfe of affairs. ^m-^ A FARMER. LET- on no flighter lefs than tri- to make ufe of ent to remind ch the firft of nt qucftion. It on theie co- It may not Wherever it is ; nay, it mull : thcfc colonies re earneftly to tijh parliament jut this autho- nuft be loft to ipon her, mull y vanilh ; and isfortune. Let give her emery ve. on us may, in late to the pre- feveral parts of d of, which is ies, to be paid thefe colonies, I a revenue up- , not be neccf- will never, to to difcover the lution neceflary the fame rights, ivileges are in- ving tliem. allantly oppofe R M E R. L E T- t 33 ] Letter vil My dear Countrymen, ' THIS letter is intended more particularly for fuch of youj whofe employments in life may have prevented your at- tending to the confideration of fome points that are of great and public importance: For many fuch perfons there muft be even m thefe colonies, where the inhabitants in general are more intelligent than any other people whatever, as has been remarked by llrangers, and it feems with reafon. Some of you, perhaps, filled, as I know your breafts arc, with loyalty to our moll excellent Prince, and with love to our dear mother country, may feel yourfelves inclined, by the affeftions of your hearts, to approve every atlion of thofe whom you to much Venerate and efteem A prejudice thus flowing from goodnefs of difpofitwn, IS amiable indeed. I wiih it could Tje indulged with- out danger. Did I think this poffible, the error Ihould have been adopted, and not oppofen by me. But in truth, all men are fub- jedt to the frailties of nature; and therefore whatever regard we entertain for the perjhns of thofe who govern us, we fliould always remember that their conduft, as rulers, may be influenced by human infirmities. ' When any laws, injurious to thefe colonies, are pafled. we cannot fuppofe, that any injury was intended us by his Majefty or the Lords. For the allent of the crown and peers to laws, feems. as far as I am able to judge, to have been veiled in them, more for their own fecunty, than for any other purpofe. On the other hand. It IS the particular bufinefs of the people, to enquire and difcover what regulations are ufeful for themfelves, andtodieeft and prefent them in the form of bills, to the other orders, to have them enadled into laws. Where thefe laws are to bind themfehes It may be expefted, that the houfeof commons will very carefully confider them : But when they are making laws that are not defign- ed to bind then^Jelvet, we cannot imagine that their deliberations will be as • cautious and fcrupulous, as in their own cafe • Many remarkable jnftances might be produced of the cstraordinar* in.r tention with which bill, of great importance, conc.rning thefe colon"*!' brought in by the perfons who have points to carry, fo artfully framed, that it I. not eafy fo, the member, in general, in the h.fte of bufinefs, to difcovil their tendency, ' »••»».« The following inftanres Ihew the truth of this remark. When Mr Gntn. •utile, in the violence of reformation, formed the 4th Gte. III. Chan leth for Kgulating the .*»««>«! trade, the word " /rr/anrf" was dwpt ia theelaufe re- latini I'll iMi ^11 I'll i [ 34 ] I .M told that there is a wonderful addrcfs frequently ufcd in earvngSt' i" the houfe of common,. l>y Pf-^-^^/J^J.^t frSe Xirs .—That opportunities nrc watchcd-and {(.n.climc ot sarcnaffed, that if all the members had been prclcnt, would havt^f rnS^^ by a great majority. Certain it .s. that whrn a rwer?ul and artful man has determined on any •"•^"f"'^'^'-, '"' Kc colonies, he has always luccceded in h.s attempt ^- hap therefore it will be proper for us, whenever any opprc . att ..t £w us spaffed. to attribute it to the inattention < .he mem- ber of thehoVc of common., and to the malevoler or ambu.on ^^bit-^i^^ii^-^b^-TV £^l:trtiKfrmembe?^^ ufua I'n GreZ-Britain, to couf.dcr the King's fpeech as the fpeedi f fi .„;ni(1rv it mav be right here to confider this aft as the ail :l l';;r 'FrhapTlV^^^^^^ -re properly, if I was to uie another term. There taken oft by a fubf.quent aft. \ X "^t I th nk?"* Uf. than .8 month., oftthi. reflriftion, a. I have "»' ''^'/^j'. A"' uVtord "Mand" was left out, " The eD»TO.;r!ition was obtained C'»y* "^f- L"/ "'"-' rL»/;«a • for feveral <■ V (V n - I oloved bv a compiny then trading lo Carolina , tot leverai M, t^ v. a'^m ember Of p rli!;nentV«,A» «« ..ry fr,,u.r.,ly employed .ofr,- ;7 ,« Vni. and the 15th <>i Charlu II. which provide, that no rBUloN Sl i" t"x«P .»T »V H.MSELr OK HI. ,» K .S.H T* T . V.. [a] C« on Trade, page 3a. ^fH-I Kiu : ucntly ufed i» ns experienced and ionictinics prcl'cnt, would s, that when a leafure a<- lOll mpt. " haps pprc' . udl af- iii < ilie mcm- . or ambition , caufe. liament, inipo- iHwlle, and lii> ,y which he eii- and 1 do alio houfe of com- rceive how de- rcafon, as it is ch as the fpeech lis aft as the adl , if I was to ufe There rtielei to no part of 1 rellriAion, and fo I beforL, that it ii ufe. However the thii refiriftion was tng after the taking ifi than i8 tnonthl, land" was left out, le explained, wai a ruck oft' with on ■ I appear rmarkabli ; nnerated commodity, jy one Co/', « Cap- ".arolina; for feveral Portugal, prevented ne, he poflefled one untly imfloyid to pri- Portugal, was a pre- laufe intp an aft, to !(i a freight to bimjtlf, B NATION." FOR THE B«N«riT ION," ii foifted into granting to her Ma* ted," with which it the 34th and 35th of THAT NO riKieM SNTATIVl. { 35 ] TiiERC are two ways of laying taxes. One is, by iinpofing a certain fum oa particular kinds of property, to be paitl by the ujer or coHfumr, or by rating the per/on at a certain fum. The other is, by impofing a certain fum on particular kinds of property, to Be paid by the Je/ler. When a man pays the firft fort of tax, he inows ivitb certaintv that he pays fo much money ^er a tax. The conftdtratkn for which he pays it, is remote, and, it may be, does not occur to him. He is fenftble too, that he is commanded and obliged to pay it as a tax ; and therefore people are apt to be difpleafed'with this fort of tax. The other fort of tax is fubmitted to in a very different manner. The purchafer of any article, very feldom rcflefts that the feller raifes his price, fo as to indemnify nimfelf for the tax he has paid. He knows that the prices of things are continually fluftuating, and if he thinks about the tax, he thinks at the fame time, in all pro- bability, that he might lave paid as much, if the article he buys* had not been taxed. He gets fomething vifiblt and agreeahlt for hit money ; and tax and price are fo confounded together, that he cannot fcparate or does not chufe to take the troubleof feparatiiig them. This mode of taxation therefore is the mode fuited to arbitrary and oppreflive go\ernmcnts. The love of liberty is fo natural to the human heart, that unfeeling tyrants think themfelvcs obliged to accommodate their fchemes as much as they can to the appear- ance of juftice and reafon, and to deceive thofe whom they refolve to deftroy, or opprcfs, by prefenting to them a miferabie pidure of freedom, when the inelhmable original is loft. This policy did not cfcape the cruel and rapacious ^ RRO. That monJkr, apprehenfive that his crimes might endanger his authority and life, thought proper to do fonie popular afts, to fe- cure the obedience of his fubjefts. Among other things, fays Ta- citus, '• he remitted the twenty-fifth part of the price on the fale of flaves, but rather in Jhcvo than reality ; for the feller being ordered to pay it, it became part of the price to the buyer || ." Thi9 is the refledion of the judicious //^or»a« ; but the delud- ed people gave their infamous Emperor full credit for his falfe ge- nerofity. Other nations have been treated in the fame manner the Romans were. The honeft, indullrious Germans, wlio arc ilttled in different parts of this continent, can inform us, tha. it was this fort of tax that drove them from, their native land to our woods, at that time the feats of perfeft and undifturbed freedom. Their Princes, enflamed by the Inft of power, and the lull of avarice, two furies that the more they are gorged, tiie more hungry they grow, tranfgreiTed the bounds they ought, in regard to ther.i- felvCs, to have oBferved. To keep up the deception In the-minds - ~ E 2 ^ '- •• of II Tacitus' t Ann, Book 13, §■ 31. ^ ^ i: ^1*^*- J-""' !i!f' [ 36 ] cf fubjefts, " there muft be," fays f a very learned author, " fom* proportion between the impoft and the value of the commodity ; wherefore there ought not to be an exceffive duty upon merchan-. dizes of little value. There are countries in which the duty ex- ceeds feventeen or eighteen times the value of the commodity. In this cafe the Prince removes the illufion. His fubjefts plair>1y fee diey are dealt with in an unreafonable manner, which renders them moft exquifitely fenfible of their flavifh fituation." From hence it appears, that fubjefts may be ground down into mifery by this fort of taxation, as well as by tlie former. They will be as much im- poverilhed, if their money is taken from them in this way as in the other ; and that it will be taken, may be more evident, by at- tending to a few more confiderations. The merchant or importer, who pays the duty at firft, will not eonfent to be fo mucji money out of pocket. He therefore pro- Eortionably raifes the price of his goods. It may then be faid to e a conteft between him an4 the perfon offering to buy, who fhall lofe the daty. This muft be decided by the nature of the com- modities, and the purchafer's demand for them. If they are mere luxuries, he is at liberty to do as he pleafes, and if he buys, he does it voluntarily : But if th?y are abfolute necejfaritsy or conve- niencts, which ufe and cuftom have made requifite for the comfort of life, and which he is not permitted, by the power impofing the duty, to get el/tnuhtre, there the feller has a plain advantage, and • the buyer muft pay the duty. In faft, the feflcr is nothing lefs than a colleftor of the tax for the power that impofed it. If thefe duties then are extended to the neceffaries and conveniences of life in general, and enormoufly encreafed, the people muft at length become indeed " moft exquifitely fenfible of their flavifti f.iaation." Their happinefs therefore entirely depends on tlie moderation of thofe who have authority to impofe the duties. I SHALL now apply thefe obfervations to the late aft of parlia- ' ment. Certain duties are thereby impofed o^ paper and glafs, im-. ported into thefe colonies. By the laws of Grtat-Briiain we are prohibited to get thefe articles from any other part of the world. We cannot at prefent, nor for many years to come, tho' we fhould ^pply ourfclves to thefe manufactures with the utmoft induftry, make enough ourfelves for our own ufe. That paper and glafs are not only convenient, but abfolutely neceffary for us, I imagine very few will contend. Some perhaps, who think mankind grew wicked and luxurious, as foon as they found out another way of communicating their fentiments than by fpeech, and another way of dwelling than in caves, may advance fo whimfical an opinion. But I prefume no body will take the unneceflary trouble of refut- ing them. ' ♦ ; From f MonttfyuMi Spirit tf Lavit, B" if. 13, Chaf. 8. \l\? sd author, " fom* F the commodity ; f upon merchan-> ,hich the duty ex- e commodity. In ibjefts plainly fee hich renders them " From hence it mifery by this fort ill be as much im- in this way as in >re evident, by at- :y at firft, will not He therefore pro- tay then be faid to ; to buy, who fhall lature of the com- If they are mere nd if he buys, he ueffdritSy or conve- fite for the comfort )ower impofing the in advantage, and ler is nothing lefs pofed it. If thefe onvenknces of life pie mull at length r flavilh f.iaation." the moderation of ; late aft of parlia- ' aper and glafs, im-. reat-Britain we are part of the world, me, tho' we fhould le utmoft induftry, paper and glafs are for us, I imagine ink mankind grew out another way of 1, and another way imfical an opinion, y trouble of refut- " #.v -■ , From. [ 37 ] From thefe remarks I think it evident, tha' we «a/? ufe paper and glafs ; that what we ufe, muji be Britijh ; and that we muji pay the duties impofed, unlefs thofe who fell thefe articles, are fo generous as to make us prefents of the duties they pay. Some perfons may think this aft of no confequence, becauie the duties are fo/mall. A fatal error. Tiat is the very circumitance moll alarming to me. For I am convinced, that the authors of this law would never have obtained an aft to raife fo trifling a fum as it mull do, had they not intended by it to eftablifti a precedent for fu- ture ufe. To confole ourfclves with the /maiitu/i of the duties, is to walk deliberately into the fnare that is fet for us, praifing the tiesunejs of the workmanihip. Suppofe the duties impofed by the late aft could be paid by thefe dillrefled colonies with the utmoft cafe, and that the purpofes to which they are to be applied, were the moll reafonahle and equitable that can be conceived, the con- trary of which I hope to demonftrate before thefe letters are con- cluded ; yet even in fuch a fuppofed cafe, thefe colonies ought to regard the aft with abhorrence. For who are a free people ? Not tio/e, over whom government is reafonably and equitably ex- ercifed, but tio/e, who live under a government fp conftitutionaUy checked and controuUdy that proper proviiion is made againft its being otherwife cxercifed. The late aft is founded on the deftruftion of this confiitutional i fecurity. If the parliament have a right to lay a duty of Four Shil- lings and Eight-pence on a hundred weight of glafs, or a ream of paper, they have a right to lay a duty of any other fum on either. They may raife the duty, as the author before quoted fays has been done in fome countries, till it " exceeds feventeen or eighteen times the value of the commodity." In fhort, if they have a right to levy a tax of ^ne penny upon us, they have a right to levy a million upon us : For where does their right flop ? At any given number of Pence, Shillings or Pounds \ To attempt to limit their right, after granting it to exift at all, is as contrary to reafon as granting it to exilt at all, is contrary to jullice. If they have any right to tax lu- then, whether our onjun money fliall continue in pur o-wn pockets or not, depends no longer on «/, but on them X " 1 here is^ nothing vhirh" we " can call our own ; or, to ufe the words of Mr. Locke- -viwk-v troperty have" we ' THAT, WHICH ^ NOTH R MAY, 'JV RIGHT, TAKE, WHEN PLEASES, TO HiMSri.P?" Thefe duties, which will inevitably bt levied upon us— which are now levying upon us— sr? exprejly \xiii for the sole purposi OF TAKING money. TL=s is the true definition of *' taxes" They are therefore taxes. This meney ii to be taken from ut. •': ■'■; r, . wt \ lord Camidtn't fpeech. ' IN HE 4i itT' [ 38 ] We are therefore taxed. Thofi who are taxed without their own confent, expreffedbythmfehes or their reprefentatives. are/^w.. Te are taxed without our own confent, expreffed by ourfelves or our reprefentatives. We are therefore § *i L A V il, b. Miferabile -vulgus. A miferable tribe. A FARMER. col i '; m 4 " It h my opinion, that thi. kingdom has no nght to lay a tax upon the ,?.„i„".." The^Jri«n.are the sons, not the basta.ds of £«iW. The d.ftinftion between ,.f.gis..at.on and taxation is effentially ne- ::aJlo\iZny'---''rhecor.^or., of yimerica, reprefented .n the.r feveral rffS.l:.:'S^vet been in porremon of .hi. the...^^^^^^^^ VL^VE: if theTh^ "^otYn oVed":- "The idea of ^ .,W repnj... fu/osI.erJ\n\L houfe, is (he moft contemp.ible >".'»>«.«»*'■ -'"«'> ro"the head of man 1: doe, not ^^^-;;i;;r;;::r;;rV.., ■.. Tl,,f «eat and excellent man Lord Ca«W«, maintains the . m^ 0(. ^ -, HiTfp efh fn the houfe of peers, on the declarator, bill of the '■■'-^'i^^y;^ C L Br/Wi» over the colonies, has lately appeared .n our papers. Ihr tol- Crw«-«"W'« o"f „" f-aiv aeree with, and confirm the fentiments avowed in htfclettVrsiLt if i ho ed t^inferlg them in thip note will be excufed. *''«' A, "e ffl r is of the u.moji importance and in it, conf.quence. m,y .«. AS I « . " ' , J < ^ ftriaeft review of my arguments j I re- ,„lvethe>«^ *-»«rf»^.^ if ,f„„„a „yf,f „ift,j,e„, "Xk ; to own my m'ftake and give up my opinion : But -y f"rche. have Sr^^e^fcl'^-^-N^^^^^ our viuls." . . » ;•, I ^iii inaintaia it to aiy laft hour- — " "l^r/'lr.'VpalV;; "aT,o„ are i^fc aTabre-..thi, pofitln is f.unded ■"\Ve Uwsof n«"ei it ismore, it i, itf.lf ah «t.»nal law o, na- •" .. . frwha"ever i a man's own, is abfolutely hi. own ; no man hath TU««} '*" !: " ,T ,ROM HIM WITHOOT HIS CONSENT, either CX- * 'ir'j"Jl.'imfelforreDrefentative; vibotvtr attempt, to da it, aitmpt, an injury ; preffedbyhtmfelforreprelenta^^ ^^^^^g^y „, .^hrows down WHO«V«It DOBS 'T, Ct/MMJiO^ , .^^^j "' -:r:rrthe'roro''bfcuV"c\TnV:".he\ingdom which i. not, • bttdt ofgrajt, in «"= •" , . co-Ajtution began t There is not a HaJe •/4;ffor:fit;.ofthe^„.;-.«didn^ 3eft themfelve. «o-7idt? [v:"uVt£f:igh.: ^ThV looked for proteftion " . «r Ar c H A ,;.,%'om their mother country. By her they expefted to be 5:?ere«U;o„ofthei. ftouldihc P«f«"'P°*V .oufeth^ words of Mr.iotfc. " fTHAT PRO. ^'''■'^ZVu:^rF''rHEr%rrJ^T,1rHicH another mat, ^/r^llG^T^'TAKE^'wHlNHB PLEASES, 70 HIM- SELFf" It lOut their own Ives, ZKjla'ves. by ourfelvcs or VES. I 39 1 LETTER VJII. R M E R. r A TAX upon the «DS of England." N is eflentially ne- ed in their feveral ttutional right, of would have been I virtual rtpreftnia- that ever entered tion." the frjir^-. •■"^. the i'tnr Of. ,a' ■ the ''i"i. rfigi^'V <'■ papers. TKr fol- itiments avowed in will be excufed. ifequences may in- I arguments ; I re- myfelf miftkken, t my fearches have ive NO RIGHT it is as old as the " Taxation bath joined them : to do it, is to ftab to my laft hour-— policion is founded (At LAW 01 na- , ; NO MAN HATH N8«NT, either ex- , atttmptt an injury i X THROWS DOWN ,"...«' There is not im, which is not, There is not a ilaJt It of tht propritfr" e country, and fub. ;CXD TO A BTATB olced for proteAton, hey expeAed to be deprived of it ; For WHICH THXY CAM « fTHAr PRO. lOTHER MAY, ES, TO HIM- It My dear Countrymen, IN my opinion, a dangerous example is fet in the latl aft re- lating to thefe colonies. The power of parliament to levy money upon us for raifmg a revenue, is therein wvoived and exerted. Regarding the aft on this fingle principle, I rouft again repeat, and I think it my duty to repeat, that to me it appears ^o be unconftitutional. No man, who confiders the conduft of the parliament fir.ce the repeal of the Stamp-ASl, and the difpofition of many people at home, can doubt, that the chief objeft of attention there, is, to ufe Mr. Greeni/illeh expreffion, " providing that the dependence and OBEDIENCE of the colonies he aflerted and maintained." Under the influence of this notion, inltantly on repealing the Stantp-Afl, an aft paifed, declaring the power of parliament to bind thefe colonies in all cafes ivhatevtr. This however vas only planting a barren tree, that caft a fiade indeed over the colonies, but yielded no/rw;V. It being determined to enforce the authoritv on which the 8tamp-All was founded, the parliament having never renounced the right, as Mr, Pitt advifed them to do ; and it be- ing thought proper to difguife that authority in fuch a manner, as not again to alarm the colonies ; fome little time was required to find a method, by which both thefe points fliould be united. At laft the ingenuity of Mr. Greenville and his party accompliflied the matter, as it was thought, in " an aft for granting certain duties in the Britijh colonies and plantations in America, for allowing drawbacks," Wr. which is the title of the aft laying duties on paper, lie. The parliament having feveral times before impofed duties to be pa!i in America, it was expected, no doubt, that thb ■"PETITION OF SUCH A MEASURE WOULD BE PASSED OVER, . •3 ^N USUAL THING. But to havc done this, without exprefly J ' afferting and maintaining" the power of parliament to take our money without our confent, and to apply it as they plcafe, would toot It is impoflible to read this fpeech, and Mr. Pitt"*, and not be charmed with i \ the generous xeal for the rights of mankind that glows in every fentencc. I { Thefe great and good men, animated by the fubjeft they fpeak upon, feem to ^ rife nbove all the former glorious exertions of their abilities. A toreignet migh be tempted to think they are Amtricam, afferting, with all the .irdur of pltriotifm, and all the anxiety of apprehenfion, the cauft ot their riai rve land--- and not Brilont, ftriving to flop their miftaken countrymen from oppreAing others. Their reafoning is not only juft — it if, as Mr, Hunt (".; >» the tio^ quence of Dimefthtntt, " vehement." It is difdain, anger, boldneft, freedom, iavslved in a continual ftrcana of argument. T ''*""ll(||llMil»» 4 li Mj I \ •*( \\ if [ 40 ] not have been, in Mr. Green fcnt, for purposes, that render it, if pofftbU, more dreadful than the Stamp' Ail. . , , u u That aa, alarming as it was, declared, the money thereby to be raifed, ftiould be applied " towards dctraying the expences of defending, protedir" and fecuring the Brittjh colonies and plan- tations m America ' And it is evident from the whole aft, that by the word " Brjh," were intended colonies and plantationsy*///^^ by Britifh people, and not generally, thoje Juhjeil to the Britilh fr<««;«. That aft therefore feemed to have fomething gentle and kind in its •^ention, and to aim only at our onun nveljare : But the aft now icfted to, impofes duties upon the Brit-Jh colonies, " to defray e expences of defending, protefting and fecuring his Majefty $ DOMINIONS in America." . What a chanzt of words! What an incomputable addition to the expences intended by the Stamp- Acl ! " //» Majcflfs dominions comprehend not only the Britilh colonies, but alfo the conquered pro- vinces of Canada and Florida, and the Bntiih garrifons tf Nova- Scotia ; for thefe do not deferve the name of colonies. What juftice is there in making us pay for " defending, pro- teftine and fecuring" these places? What benefit can we, or >a've%n ever derived /rcw them? None of them was conquered for us ; nor will " be defended, protefted or fccured fjir us. In fad, however advantageous the fubduing or keeping any of thefe countries may be to Great-Britain, the acquifiuon is greatly injurious to thefe colonies. Our chief property confifts inlands. Thefe would have been of much greater value, if fuch prodigious additions had not been made to the Brit^jh territories on this con- tinent. The natural increafe of our own people, if confined with- in the colonies, would have raifed the value Ihll higher end higher every fifteen or twenty years : Befides, we Ihould have lived more compaaiy together, and have been therefore more able to refift any enemy. But now the inhabitants will be thinly Mattered over an immenfe region, as thofe who want fettlements, will chufe to mak I dreadful than ney thereby to le expences of nies and plan- le aitX, that by vntdAioai JtttleJ • Britiih crown. ind kind in its ut the aA now s, " to defray g his Majefty's addition to the r dominions" : conquered pro- •i/ont of Nova- r. efending, pro- :fit can we, or was conquered A" far us. keeping any of ition is greatly >nfifts in landst 'uch prodigious :s on this con- coafined with- ;her and higher lave lived more }le to refill any ittered over an 1 chufe to make of the hearty — a war umier- e, the fecuring thefe colonies* fifliery. Thefe, nferitr animals, aed for all the jnor of having I WILL [ 41 ] I WILL not go fo fir as to fiy, that Canada and Nova-Scofia are curbs on New-Eng/and ; the chain efforts through the back woods, on the Middle Provinces ; and Florida, on the rejl : But I will ven- ture to fa}', tliat if the produds of Canada, Ncva-Scotia, and Florida, defcrvc any coniideiation, the two firll of them arc only rivals of our Noithern Colonics, and thi; otlicr of our Southern. It has been faid, that without the conqiieft of thcfe countries, tlic colonies could not have bueii " piotetlcd, defended and fe- cured." If that is true, it may witli as much propriety be faid, tliat Grent-Britain could not have been " defcndtd, protcfted and fecured," without tliat coiuiuell : For the colonies are parts of her empire, which it cu much concerns her as them to k;2ep out of the hands of any otlicr power. But thcf.' tulunii.s, when they were much weaker, defended themfelvcs, before tins Conqudl was made ; and could again do it, againil any that might properly be called their Enemies. If France and Spain indeed fnould attack them, as memiers of the Biitilh empire, perhaps they .night be dillicfled j but it would be in a Britijr quaiiel. The l.irgi,fi; .iccount I have feen of the number of people in Canada, docs not make them excetd 90,000. Florida can hardly be faid to have any inhabitants. It is computed that there arc in our colonies 3,000,000. Our force therefore mud increafe with a difproportion to tlie growth of their ftrength, that would render us very fafe. This being the ft;;te of the cafe, I cannot think it jult i:hat thefe colonies, labouring under fo many misfortunes, (hould be loaded with taxes, iu maintain countries, not only not ufeful, but hurtful to them. The fupport of Canada and Florida coll yearly, it is faid, half a million ilerling. From hence, we may make fome guefs <5f the load that is to be laid upon us ; for we are not only to " defend, proteft and fecure" them, but alfo to make " an adequate provifion for defraying the charge of the adnuniftration of juftice, and the fupport of civil government, in fuch province* where it fliall be found necell'ary." Not one of the provinces of Canada, Nova-Scctia, at Florida, ' has ever defrayed thefe expences iviii/ni itfelf: And if the duties im- pofed by the lall llatute are coUefted, all of them together, according to the belt information I can get, wi.i not pay one quarter as much as Pcnnfylvania alone. So that the Bt itijh colonies are to be drained of the rewards of their labor, to chcriih tlie fccrching fands of Florida, and the icy rocks of Canada and Aova-Scoiia, whicli.never will return to us one farthing that we feud to them. Great-Biutain 1 mean, the minillry in Great-Britain., has cantoned Canada and Florida out intoyfi? ory;;^ governments, and may form as many mere. There now .t fourteen g\ fifteen regi- ments on this continent J and there fyon may be as mavy mere. To F nulc wl ,\ I 42 ] make •' an adequate provifion" for all these expences, is, no doubt, to be the inheritance of the colonies. Can any man believe that the duties upon paper, iSc. are the lajl that will be laid for thefe purpofes ? h is in vain to hone, that becaufe it is imprudent to lay duties o». - >:-. • .*^n ot manu- fafturcs from a mother country to colonies, as it may promote ma- nufaftures among them, that this confideration will prevent fuch a meafure. . . , , , Ambitious, artful men have made it popular, and whatever itijuOice or deftruftion will attend it in the opinion ot the colo- nifts, at home it will be thought juft and falutary *. The people of Great-Britain will be told, and have been told, that t/>ey are finking under an immenfe debt — that great part of this debt has been contrafted in defending the colonies— that th/e are fo ungrateful and undutiful, that they will not contribute one mite to it's payment— nor even to the fupport of the army now kept up for their '« defence and fecurity "—that they are rolling in wealth, and are of fo bold and republican a fpirit, 'that they ire aiming at independence— that the only way to retain them in > obedience," is to keep a ftrift watch over them, and to draw off part of their riches in taxes— and that every burden laid upon them, is taking off fo much from Great-Britain.— li:he{e affertions will be generally believed, and the people will be perfuaded that they cannot be too angry with their colonies, as that anger will be profitable to them- In truth, Great-Britain alone receives any benefit from Canada, Nova-Scotia and Florida ; and therefore (he alone ought to maintain them. The old maxim of the law is drawn from reafon and juftice, and nev-'- could be more properly applied, than in this cafe. ^ij'entit rommodum, /entire debet et onus. , They who feel the benefit, ought to feel the burden. A F A R M E R. • '« So credulmi, which flatters their as well as ebftinau, are the people in believing every thing, prevailing paffion." Hume'i Hiji. of England. LET- ■" "ijl l Wllf l f EXFENCES, IS, r, £iff. are the \ to hobe, that ,ion of manu- y promote ma- prevent fuch a , and whatever on of the colo- lave been told, t great part of nies— that tf/e/e contribute one army now kept jlling in wealth, y ire aiming at ' obedience," off part of their rw, IS taking off ill be generally y cannot be too >fitable to them- it from Canada, ight to maintain afon andjuftice, I this cafe. e burden. I R M E R. lieving ivery thing, Hift, of England. L E T- [ 43 ] LETTER IX. My dear Countrymen, IH A V E made fome obfervations on the purposes for which moaey is to be levied upon us by the late aft of parliament. I fliall now offer to your confideration fome further refleftions on that fubjeft : And, unlefs I am greatly miftaken, if thefe pur- pofes are accompliflied according to the exprefed intention of the aft, they will be found effeftually to/uperjide that authority in our refpeftive affemblies, which is effential to liberty. The queftion ii not, whether fome branches fliall be lopt off- — The axe is laid to the root of the tree ; and the whole body xniift infallibly perifli, if we remain idle fpeftators of the work. No free people ever exiiled, or can ever exift, without keeping, to life a common, but ftrong expreffion, '« the purfe ftrings," in \ their own hands. Where this is the cafe, they have a conjiitutional check upon the adminiflration, which may thereby be brought into order 'without 'violence : But where fuch a power is not lodged in the people, oppreffion proceeds uncontrouled in its career, till the governed, tranfported into rage, feek redrefs in the midll of blood and confufion. The elegant and ingenious Mr. Hume, fpeaking of xht jinglo Norman government, fays-—" Princes and Minifters were too ig- norant, to be themfelves fenfible of the advantage attending an equitable adminiflration, and there was no eftabliflied council or aJimbly,yN HI CH could protect the people, and By with- drawing SUPPLIES, regularly and peaceably admonilh the king of his duty, and ensure the execution ok the laws." Thus this great man, whofe political refleftions are fo much admired, makes this po'u-er one of the foundations of liberty. The Englijh hiftory abounds with inftances, proving that this is the proper and fuccefsful way to obtain redrefs of grievances. How often have kings and minilkrs endeavored to throw off this Ittal curb upon tkem, by attempting to raifc money by a varict)' of in- ventions, under pretence of law, without having recourfe to par- liament ? A I how often have they been brought to rcafon, and peaceably oL ;ed to do juftice, by the exertion of this coniutu- tional authority of the people, veftcd in their reprefeniatives r The inhabitants of thefe colonies have, on niiniberkfs occa- fions, reaped the benefit of this authority lodged in their t:£',:mbUes. It has been for a long time, and now is, a conll;;' i.jfices nf go'vernment. But as the author of •' the adminiilrafion of the- co- lonies " fays, «« this order of the crovn is generally, if not uni- verfally, rejefted by the legiflaturcs of the colonics." \ t^lffli^P" '■'""■■■"■ ■yy.iiiti inii^,j.^,fj II [ 44 ] ;r .! r Thfy peifcftlv know hzv war* their grievancs would be re- garded, if they had nn ctker method of engaging attention, than by complaining. Thofe who rule, arc extrenitly apt to think well /if the condruflions made by thcmfelves in fupport of their owa power. Thefe are frequently eric.necus, and pernicious to thofe they govern. Dry remonflraiices, to fliew that fiich coiiiiruftions arc wrong and oppreflive, carry very little svciglu with them, in the opinion of pcrfons who gratify their own inclinations in mak- ing thefe conftruftions. They cannot underftand the reafoning that oppofes their power and defires. But let it be made their in- tenfl to underftand fuch reafoning- — and a wonderftd light is in- ftantly thrown upon the matter ; and then, rejefted remonftrances become as clear as * " proofs of holy writ." The three mod important articles that our affemblies, or any legiilaturcs can provide fi)r, are, Firft— the defence of the fociety : Secondly— the adminiftration of juftice : And thirdly— the fupport of civil government. Nothing can properly regulate the expence of making pro- vifion for thefe occahons, but the iiecejfiiies of the fociety ; its abilities ; the conitre ages, thefe colonies will never behold any thing like the campaign of chief juftice Jejereys, yet what innumerable adts of injulHce may be committed; and how fatally may the principles of liberty be fapped, by a fucceffion of judges utterly independent of the people? Before fuch judges, the fupple wretches, who cheerfully join in avowing fcntiments incon- intent with freedom, will always meet with fmilcs ; while the honeft and brave men, who difdain to facrifice their native land to the.r cwn advantage, but on e^'ery occafion boldly vindicate her caufe, will conftaijtly be regarded with frowns. There are two other confiderations relating to this head, that deferve the mort fenous attention. By the late aft, the officers of the cuftoms are «« impowered to fn"'rLT> •'/."•'' r°-"'' ^^'f'^'^""^'--' "i°P. «H«'-. or other place, n the Britifo colonies or plantations in America, to fearch for or eize prohibited or unaccuiloniec! goods," y.. on «' writs granted by the fupenor or fupreme court of ju.iice, having jurifdidion with- in fuch colony or plantation refpeaivelj-." If we only refleft, tliat the judges of thefe courts are to be dur- tng pkaJ«re-.-.lhu they are to have " adequate provifion" made for them, which is to continue ^«,vV^ /A«> ««/%^„, ihavior-..- that they may be /.«^p„v to thefe cobnies-.^vliat an engine of oppreffion may this authority be in fuch hands ? ' ^ I AM well aware, that writs of this kind may be grarted at home under the feal of the court of exchequer : But I Lo" alfo that the greateil aflerters of the rights of Engli/hmen have alwat ftrenuouUy contended, that>.^ apLer was dfi/gerous to freSom and exprelly contrary to the common law. whicli ever regarded a man s ho-ufe as his callle, or a place of perfedl fecurity. If if -i_. --'?*t.' [ 46 ] If fuch power was in the lead degree dangerous there, it muft be utterly deftruftive to liberty here. For the people there have two fecurities againit the undue exercife of this power by the crown, which are wanting with us, if the late a£l takes place. In the firft place, if any injuftice is done there, the perfon injured may bring his adion againtt the offender, and have it tried before INDEPENDENT JUDRES, who are * NO PARTIES IN COMMITTING THE INJURY. Here he muft have it tried before dependent JUDGES, being the men who granted the writ. To fay, that the caufe is to be tried by a jury, can never recon- cile men who have any idea of freedom, to fuch a ponuer. For we know that fheriffs in almoft every colony on this continent, are totally dependent on the crown ; and packing of juries Jias been frequently praftifed even in the capital of the Britijh empire. Even if juries are well inclined, we have too many inftances of the in- fluence of over-bearing unjull judges upon them. The brave and I wife men who accomplifhcd the revolution, thought the indepen- \itncy of judges eflential to freedom. \ The other fecurity which the people have at home, but which f we ihall want here, is this. If this power is abufed there, the parliament, the grand refource of the opprefled pedple", is ready to afford relief. Redrefs of grie- vances muft precede grants of money. But what regard can ivt cxpeft to have paid to our aflemblies, when they will not hold even the puny privilege of French parliaments — that of regiftering, ' before they are put in execution, the edids that take away our money. The fecond confideration above hinted at, is this. There is a ; nnfufion in our laws, that is quite unknown in Great-Britain. As this cannot be defcribed in a more clear or exafl manner, than has been done by the ingenious author of the hiftory of Ne'w-Tork, I beg leave to ufe his words. " The ftate of our laws opens a door to much controverfy. The ««ffr/«/«/v, with refpeft to them, ren- ders property PRECARIOUS, and greatly EXPOSES us TO THE ARBITRARY DECISION OF BAD JUDGES. The COmmOD laW of England is generally received, together with fuch ftatutes as were enabled before we had a legiflature of our own ; but our courts EXERCISE A SOVEREIGN AUTHORITY, in determining •what parts of the common and flatute laiu ought to be extended : For it muft be admitted, that the difference of circumftances necelTa- rily requires us, in fome cafes, to reject the determination of both. In many inftances, they have alfo extended even afts of parlia- ment, pafted fince we had a diftinft legiflature, nuhich is greatly adding * The writs for fearching houfes in England, are to be granted " under the feal of the court of exchequer," according to the ftatute — and that feal it kept by the chancellor of the exchequer, t^b Inft. \ 104. ■( IS there, it muft >ple there have power by the £1 takes place. ; perfon injured c it tried before COMMITTING e DEPENDENT r. an never recon- ietuer. For we continent, are juries nas been empire. Even nces of the in- The brave and ht the iudepen- me, but which ; grand refource Redrefs of grie- : regard can ive will not hold it of regiftering, take away our is. There is a ut-Britain. As inner, than has of Ne-M-Tork, I hvs opens a door to them, REN- xpdsES us TO he common law fuch ftatutes as own ; but our in determining ) be extended : mftances necefla- mination of both, I a£ts of parlia- uhich is greatly adding anted " under the id that feal it kept ■ > [ 47 ] adding to our cenfufion. The praAice of our courts is no lefs unctr- tain than the law. Some of the Englijh rules are adopted, others rejedled. Two things therefore feem to be absolutely neces- sary for the PUBLIC security. Firft, the pafling an aft for fettling the extent of the Englifl> laws. Secondly, that the courts ordain a general fett of rules for the regulation of the praftice." How eafy it will be, under this " ftate of our laws," for an artful judge, to aft in the moft^ arbitrary manner, and yet cover his conduA under fpecious pretences ; and how difficult it will be for the injured people to obtain relief, may be readily perceived. We may take a voyage of 3000 miles to complain j and after the trouble and hazard we have undergone, we may be told, that the colledtion of the revenue, and maintenance of the prerogative, muft not be difcouraged— -and if the mifbehavior is fo groft as to admit of no juftification, it. may be faid, that it was an error in judgment onlyi arifing from the confufion of our laws, and the zeal of the King's fervants to do their duty. 1/ the commiffions of judges are during the pltafurt of the crown, yet if their falaries are during the pleafure of the people, there will be>H* check upon their conduft. Few men will confent to draw on themfelves the hatred and contempt of thofe among whom they live, for tjie empty honor of being judges. It is the fordid love of Min, that tempts men t© turn their backs on virtue, and pay their homage where they ought not. As to the third particular, " the fupport of civil aovemment " ....few words will be fufficient. Every man of the leaft under- ftanding muft know, that the executive power may be exercifed in a manner {o difagreeable and harraffing to the people, that it is abfolutely requifite, that thej Ihould be enabled by the gentleft method which human policy has yet been ingenious enough to in- wnt, that is, by Jhutting their hands, to « admqnish" (as Mr. Hunuivji) certain perfons " of their duty." What ftiall we now think when, upon looking into the late aa, we find the affemblies of thefe provinces thereby ftript of their authority on thefe feveral heads F The ^*f/ar*ood leifon for vindicariiijr th(r honor of the al]cnil)U^i on this cominoit, liy public iy a(]irtin}j, that TH.KY have made as " (trtnin and udetfuate provijioti" for the purpojes abo'vemenlioiud, as they taught to liu-vf. made, and that it ihould not be prefumcd, that they will not do it hertafter. Why then (hould theft moft impurtuHt trujis be wrelR'd out of their hands ? Why fliould they not now be permitted to enjoy that authority, which they have exercifed from the full fettlement of thefe colo- nics ? vVhy Ihould they be fcandalized by this innovation, when their rcfpeilive provinces ^re now, and will be, for feveral years, laboring under loads of debt, impofed on them for thu very pur- !>ofe now fpoken of ? Why fliould all the inhabitants of thefe co- onics be, with the utmoll indignity, treated as a herd of defpicable flupid wretches, fo utterly void of common fcnfe, that they will not even make " adequate provifion" for the " adminiftration of juflice, and the fupport of civil government" amor em, or for their own " defence "—though without fuch "| mi" every people muil inevitably be o\erwhelmed with ana' .1 deftruc- tion ? Is it polFible to form an idea of a flavery more eompUat, more miferahle, more difgraceful, than that of a people, where jujUce is adminijhred, government exerciftd, and a Jianding army maintained, at the kxpence of the people, and yet witu- o';t the least uependence upon them? If we can £nd no relief from this infamous fituation, it will be fortunate for us, if Mr. Greenville, fetting his fertile fancy again at work, can, as by one exertion of it he has llript us of our property and liberty, by another deprive us of lo much of our underftanding ; that, uncon- fcious of what we ha've been or are, and ungoaded by tormenting refleftior.s, we may bow down our necks, with all the Aupid fere- nity of fervitude, to ajiy drudgery, which our lords and mailers Ihall p'eafe to command. When the charges of the ".adminiftration^ of juftice," the " fapport of civil government," and the expences of " defend- ing, protefting and fecuring " us, are provided for, I Ihould be glad to know, upon iiuhat oceaftons the crown will ever call our afi^emblies together. Some few of them may meet of their own accord, by virtue of tlieir charters. But what will they have to do, when they are met ? To what (hadows will they be reduced ? The men, whofe deliberations heretofore had an influence on every matter relating to the liberty and happinefs of themfelves and their conlUtuents, and whofe authority in domefliic affairs at leait, might well "W fiir thrfe piirpnff!, ifs, and all other ic people of that ivt'ry. 'Jvlyje pro- right, ivhoi they r vindicating the ublicl/ afltTting, firovijion" for the and that it Ihould liter. Why then of their hands ? iy that authority, :iu of thefe colo- innovation, when for fcveral years, for the vcr)' pur- tants of thefe co- herd of defpi cable fe, that they will ' adminiftfation of lor em, or for ] in" every a- ,1 deftruc- ry more eotnpleat, a people, where 1 a /landing army E, and yet with- If we can find no )rtun3te for us, if work, can, as by rty and liberty, by ling ; that, uncon- ded by tormenting all the ftupid fere- lords and mailers i^ of juftice," the ;nces of " defend- d for, I fliould be will ever call our meet of their own will they have to . they be reduced ? 1 influence on every lemfelves and their Fairs at leaft, might well V I aw*""-*' [ 49 ] well be compared to that of Roman renaton, will niw find their d '^liberations of no more confequeno:, thas diofe of ttnftuhht. Til ./ may perhaps be allowed to make laws jfor the yoking of hogs, otteuHiling of ftray cattle. Their influence will hardly be permit- ted to extend Jo high, as the keeping rtneds in repair, as that hufinef$ may more properly be executed by tliofe who- receive the public ca(h. One moft memorable example in hrilory is fo applicable to the point now infilled on, that it will torm a juA concluiion of the obfervations that have been made. Spain was once free. Their CcrHt refembled our parliaments. No morny could be raifed on the fubjeA, viitheut their nnftnt. One of their Kings having received a grant from them, to OAin- tain a war againlt the Moors, defired, Oiat if the fum which they had given, fliould not be fufficicnt, he might be allowed, for that emergency only, to raife more money ivithent a^iiing the Cortet. The rcqueii was violently cppofed by the belt and wifeft men in the affcmbly. It was, however, complied with by the votes of a majority; and this fmgle conceiHon was ^ PRECioiNT for other conceffions of the like kind, until at ladft the crown obtained a general power of raifmg money, in cafes of neceffity. From that period the Cortes ceafed to be ufefid,^\}M people ceafed to he /rte. fenienti occurrite morbo. Oppofe a difeafe at its beginning. ' A FARMER. m II LETTER X. t'lB iS- My dear Countrymbn, r HE confequences, mentioned in the laft, letter, will not be the utmoft limits of our mifery and infamy, if the late a£l is acknowledged to be binding upon us. We feel too fenfibly, that any minifterial mea/ures * relating to thefe colonies, •re foon carried fuccefsfully through the parliament. Certain pre- G ^udices • " The gentleman muft not wonder he waa not contradiAed, mijitr, he a^'enrd the ripht of parliament to tax Amtrica. I knoM '- hvn, ai nt« .- . -- .'Mhowitii> but there isaMODKiTV in (his houfe, which Jcti net (ttift it €nnrtdia a minijfir. I wi/k genclemrn would get the better of thii mrdt/ij, Ir thby so not, riRHAPI THE COlLtCTlVC BODY MAY SBatN TO A^ATC OF ITi Ut* • VICT rOR THC Rlra(S«HTATlV>.*' Jl^. fitt^M SfMti. w ■vfi^lnSjsaasa,' * «<#»*(f(^S^-f ^..fjii-. m I. t ■ [ 50 ] , ■ judicej operatft there fo ftrongly againft us, that it may be juflly queftioned, whether ali the provinces united, will ever be able •flfeaually to call to an account before the parliament, any miniller who (hall abufe the power by the late aft given to the crown in Jmriea. He may divide the fpoils torn from us in what manner he pleaies, and lue Jhall ha've no •way of making him rtJ'ponfilU. If he fliould order, that every governor (hall have a, yearly falary of 5Q00I. fterling; every chief iuftice of 3000 1; every inferior officer in proportion; and (hould then reward the moll profligate, ignorant, or needy depeud-nts on hiinfelf or his friends, v.'ith ^ace« of the greateft truft, btecaufe they were of the greateft proit. this would be called an arrangement in confequence of the '♦ ade- quate provifion for defraying the charge of the adminiftration of juftice, and the fupport of the civil government :" And if the taxes (hould prove at any time infufficient to anfwer all the expences of the numberlefs offices, which minifters may pleafe to create, furely the members of the houfc of commons will be fo " modefi" as not to " contradia a minifter " who (hall tell them, it is become necelTary to lay a new tax upon the colonies, for the laudable purpoies of defraying the charges of the " adminiftration of jullice, and fupport of civil government " among them. Thus, in faft, we (hall be \ taxed by minifters. In Ihort, it will be in their power to fettle upon us any civil, ecclesiastical, or MILITARY eftablifhment, which they chooCe. We may perceive, t/ the example of Ireland, how eager mini- fters are to feize upon any fettled revenue, and apply it in fup- porting their own power. Happy are the men, and happy the peo- ple -who grew ivife by the misfortunes of others. Earneftly, my dear countrymen, do I befeech the author of all good gifts, that you may grow wife in this manner ; and if I may be allowed to take fucli a liberty, I beg ^eavc to recommend to you in general, as the beft method of attaining this wifdom, diligeatly to ftudy the hiftories of other countries. You will there find all the arts, that can poifibly be pradlifed by cunning rulers, or falfe patriots ^mong yourfelves, fo fully delineated, that, changing names, the account would ferve for your own times. I It is pretty well known on this continent, that Ireland has, with a regular confiftency of injuftice, been cruelly treated by minifters in the article of penftons ; but there are fome alarming circumftances + «' Within this aft (Jlaiutt Ji t*H*gh ntn ttnctJendoJ are all nnu ofScet '' erefted with nnu fees, or oM offices with new fees,. for that is a tallage put upon the fubjeft, which cannot be done without common aflftnt by •« of par- liament. And this doth notably appear by a petition in parliament in anno 1 j M. IV. where the commons complain, that an office Was erefted for meafurage of cloths and canvas, with a new fee for the fame, by colour of the king'* letters patents, and pray that thefe letters patents may be revoked, for that the king conid ereft no offices with new feet to be taken of the people, *•• in*y not fo be charged but by parliament." »iour of the king'i I revoked, for that )f the people, wk* 5J- circumftances relating to that fubjcft, which I wifli to have better , known among us. t The revenue of the crown there arifes principally fam thd Excife granted " for pay of the army, and defraying other PUBLIC (barges, in defence andprefervation of the kingdom " from the ton- nage and additional poundage granted f for proteiling the trade of the kingdom at fea, and augmenting the public revenue " — from the hearth money granted — as a ♦' pitblic revenue, for rvBitc charges and Ttxpences." There are fome other branches of the revenue, con- cerning which there is not any exprefs appropriation of them for VVBHC fervice, but which were plainly yo /«/fn/iSrij^. Of thefe branches of the revenue the crown is only trujfee for the public. They are unalienable. They are inapplicable to a;ny other purpofes, but thofe for which they were eiiablifhed ; and therefore are not lega/ly chargeable widi pcnfions. T'!ERE is another kind of revenue, which is a private revenue. T'.is is not limited to any public ufes ; but the crown has tlie fame property in it, that any perfon has in his eftate. I'his d«es not amount, at the moft, to Fifteen Thoufand Pounds a year, pro()abIy ' not to Zeven, and is the only revenue, that can be tegaliy charged with penfions. * If minifters were accuftomed to regard the rights or happiikefs of the pebple, the penfions in Ireland would not exceed the funi juft mentioned : Eut long fince have they exceeded that limit ; and in December 1765, a motion was made in the houfe of commons G 2 in \ An enquiry into the legality of penfioai on the hijb eftablinttnent, by ': Altxandir M'Aulay, Efq; one of the King's council, &c, \-, Mr. M'May concludes his ^ieee in the foUowiog beautiful manner. " It aBy/»«t^9in have been obtained on that eftablUbmcnt, to lEjivc ths coRRvrr PURrosKS OF AMBITIOUS MEN. If his Majefty's revenue oi helaiitlhmt been employed in pcnfieiii, to dibadch his Majesty's s ijccTsot' both kingdoms. If the treafurc of Jriland has been, expended in penfions, roK CORRVFTINO MEN OT TtlAT KINGDOM TO BETRAY THEIR COUNTRY j and men of the neighbouring kingdom, to betray both.— If Irijh pcnHuns have been procured, to surroBT camestebs anp OAMifC'/ipviie ^ pni- moting^ vice which threaten! national ruin.— If pcniipns have beep purloined out pf the national treaf«ire of Irtland, under the mask or salabjes a^> Nf XED TO PUBLIC OFFICES, VSXI.BSS TO tK% NATION J Dewly inVCntH, FOR THE rviPOSEl &r COBBUPTIPN.— -If Irilgnd, juft beginning to recover from the devaftations of maiTacre and rebellion, be obftruAed in the prfjg;refs of her cure, bv swaimc <»r peniionary vuitvres prevjnc on hbr viTAti.— If, by fqnaadering the national fubftance of Jrtitni, ia. a Licjt^* tious, unbounded PRo-rusioN of PENSIONS, inftead of einploying it in nouiiAiing and improving her infant aj^itukure, trade and manufuflures, or in enlMuni/ir iud rtfairmmg her potr, igngranf, dtludid, ntiferabU ntiivfi (by nat«irc moft amiable, moft valuable, moft. worthy of public attentiofl) If, hy fut^ atftifi of ibe'niiticnal fuhfiatic*, Jhitf iai nafiitrfi, told mi I'uvgir, naktdiitjt uui wrttcbedKtp, fafry, dtptpulat'un lai barliirUm, Aill maintain iheir ground} ftill deform a ctuntry, aiaundlng with att the r'u}t(nif tiaiurr, yet hitherto dcllined to beggary.— If such ppnjiioni be found on the hip eftablifhment j let fuch be cut off: And let tk>: perfidious advifcrs be branded with indelible char«f\eri - of public infamy} adequate, if poOible, to the difliunor of their criroe." II " ' ■' '^■'»-%^LLW ' ■ V ii'' i;aft ^ j j ^ gi (j)i fc | i |j|fc,, i j,iij K?SBSft|"%V*"-^ ■ -^'^WBsSB^^^t' mi \K ! !■ :| [ 52 1 ' in that kingdom, to addrefs his Majefty on the great increafe of penfioas on the /rijb eftabliflunent, amounting to the fum of 158,685 1. — in the laft two years. Attim^ts have been made to glofs over thefe grofs encroach- ments, by this fpecious argument — " That expending a compe- tent part of the ruBkic revbnvb in penfions, from a principle of charity or eenerofity, adds to the dignity of the crown ; and is thtrtfort ufeful to the public." To give this argument any weight, it muft appear, that the penfions proceed from " charity or gnurtfty only "..—and that it " adds to the dignity of the crown," to tS JirtSly nntrary tt Imvi.—— From this conduct towvida IrtUmJ, in open violation of law, we may eafilv forefee what int may expert, when a minifter will have the ntibek rtvenut of Amtrua in his own hands, to be difppied ' of at his own pleafure : For all the monies raifed by the late a£t are to be " applied by virtue of warrants under the fieti manual, counterfined oy the high treaforer, or any three of the commif- fioners of thetreafury." The "hbsidve " indeed is to be " paid into the receipt of vtDt exchequer^ and to be difpofed of by par- liament." So that a minifter will have nothing to do, but to take care, that there fltall be no '< refidue," and he is fuperior to all controul. Besides the burden 6i fenfitm in Inland, which have enor- monfly encreafed within thefe few years, almoft all the offictt in that poor kingdom, have been, fince the commencement of the preient century, and now are beftowed jpon firangert. For tho' the merit of petfons bom there, juftly raifes them to places of high truft when they go abroad, as all Europe can witnefs, yet he is an unconunonly lucky Irijbman, who can get a good poll ;'» bis . NATIVE eouHtty, When I confider the * manner in which that ifland has been uniformly deprefled for Co many years paft, with this pernicious particularity ! * In Cb»ltt the fccond'i tim«, the houfe of comraeat, ipflueiMtd by fome fiAieut deiaa|ogu«i, were refolvcd to pmhibit the iraportauon of Irm cattle into KnglMd. Among other ai|anienti in favor of irettwd it wa* iafiftcd*— *' That by cutting off almoft entirely the trade between the kingdomi. Ait TNI itATveAL BANDS ot wMioM wcRB •isiOLTBD, and nothing remained •0 keep the Iri/b in their duty, but fin* and •mtUmt*." \ "The king (fay* Mr. Humit in hit hiftory of Jln^iWaiJ! wat fo cm«lnce4 •f the juftncfi of thefe reafoni, that he uftd all hit intereft to oppofe the bill^ end be openly declareid, that he could not give hi* affcnt to u with a fafe con- feiencc. But the common* were rcfitlqte in their pnrpofe."— — " And the fpirit •f TTRANNY, tf mAUh nation* Ar««i fufctptiUttt inoiviBvai*, had animated the £mr/i/ii esiremely to isBaT tukib avrsBioaiTT eewr rMr dtpmhut fi»n. No affair could be conduAed with greater violence than thit hy the common*. They even wnnt fo far in the pretmble of the bill, a* to declare the impartation of Irifii cattle to be a mv*ancb. By thi* eipreffioa they gave fcope to their ^^j^wt, and at the Ctme time hsnti ib* khg'i frtngathitf^ by which he might tluak himfelf iatitM to difpcnfe with a law, *• rvtt •t .. 4 11 _M i i!* '' reat increafe of to the fum of grofs encroach- iding a compe> rom a principle crown ; and is argument any from " tbaritf dignity of the iolation of law, 1 a minifter will , to be diipqied by the late a£t he fieQ manual, of the commif- is to be " paid Dfed of by par- do, but to take s fuperior to all ich have enor- all the effiets in ncement of the tgers. For tho' n to places of witnefs, yet he good poil in hit Ifland has been this pernicious particularity pfluenctd bv fom« (ion of Irii catUt ' it wM infiftcd*>~ lekingdomi. At a I nothing remained wat fo .. it maki. no dCn;.",. hU M,X \kA i|i Ctat.Britun, or ^mtriet j but it makeafi.^ dS of that kinsdom. ' whether fupplie. are rai -.-«.... ference to the common, of that kingdom. To^fpMk plainly, a. becom... an honeft man en fueh important occafion. .11 •urmiafbrtune. are owing to a tr.r or rowaa in miTof **X, «d /- JbitMt. Thi. prompts them to feek ropoLAaiT/ bv ««»adsJ« ««fi,!ur »h«nfeWe., though ever fo deftruftive to their country. ' ^^ * ••"""""• » Such 1. the accurfed nature of lawlef. ambition, and yet. ..What t..... but melt, at the thought f.-Such f.lfe, deteftable ArnxJr,, i„^ ^"^ ^^l^ 'h«r blind confiding country, Aou.ing their .ppl.ufe'.. int^.C; 9fjh,m and rutn. May the wifdom and goodnef. of the pwple of GrJiVJ,^. fave them from the ufual fate of nations. '^ *"*«-*W««, X -r'l! 7 A M«NTIM MORTAIIA TANCVNT." * ~J*" '^ parliament continued jj year., during all the late KU.'. rogn. The prelint parliament there ha.Vontinu.d from the beginLSL *rf thi. reign, and probably will continue till this reign ends. "«««nninf of »k*i. T V*^"""*''' '••« f'^^}" '••*'■« f«* yw", » petirion wa. prefenled t. die houfe of common,, fetting forth. " that herrings wVre imported into i^IfaS from fome foreign part, of the north fu cheap. I to difcour"ge the J^ t\r*Jh^'i7;;"aii:iTn?^!..r^"« '^^ ^"^ «--' -.i.ht*be'!:;p£;[2 ^%SKi;iirftSisrti;tr"orf^-£;i„S 5rj; s^--^ /«Wj but a/ter..rd.'d,opt theVair. ron ,^^1 orZKlc^TW^: DISI-UTS WITHla.lAND ABOVT THB «.CHT OF T A X I NO 'mi So much higher wa. the opinion, which the houfe entertained of the foirla «f rrt/aii4, than of that of thefe colonic. '''"* I find, in the \*»EnfttA paner., that tht refolution and firmneft with wk.VI. the people of /r«^»rf have lately aflerted their freedom, have been fo .1.!^ " tnGr^.BHr.i., th,t the |.ord Ll.„„.a«. in hi. fpeech on the ao^h of fe« ifr, 'recommwded to that parliament, that fuch provifion mav be mfjf? fecunng the judge, in th. '^y- Y^* ronnder Sow wide, how binding a dependence on the crown i. created by the rfe enumLred p'articular,, and theV«t. the enormou. ««'«»""!»'""""'« !;Wrh?hrcK»wn derive, from thi. extenfive dependence upon it. favor and ^ower any iwd in waiting, a,y lord of tjie bed-chamber, any man may be •^■TitrnlT'rti. .ff.a u f«d to ^^*^^i^:t:>:'F^^: """""• #. 'I«?t3i! i dom from being has been 'over- treated, as fooo 1 the •• govem- worth the atten- Vc know enough not be the worft ftde in Englantf, oing the bufinefs rain thitmuft be >wer of creating oUs what falaries aive the late aft I, can tell us the already the fame ent of Nnv-feri^ I is now held fo ; )UcAorfhips, an4 ain were not too rtfully excited in onifts, thefe con- mas to us. The many years ara, ns and places be- fince II, and per- haps itefman, i'lr H^llUm to dilTuade him from )fl5ces to beftow." lilt, of EtigUnd. he influence of the ftory. For when we votei at command \ he colleftion of the number of placemen, in the poft-office, in ftamps, in the navy :nti} when we con- >ns, fubfcriptioB job- he obligatiuni cOnfer- ! kingdom, who have my 5 when I fay, we )wn ia created by the I weight and influence t upon its' favor and er, any man may be Ivice of L— H — [ JS ] haps it would be no difficult matter to prove that the people have decreafed. Sua ELY therefore, thofe who wilh the welfare of their country, ought ferioufly to refledl, what may be the confequence of fuch ft new creation of offices, in the difpofal of the crown. The omif, the adminiftration of jufiice, and the civil govertimint here, with fuch falacies as the crown ihall pleafe to annex, will extend minifttrial infiutnce as much beyond its former bounds, as the late war did the Britijh dominions. But whatever the people of Grtat-Britmn may think on thii occafion, I hope the people of thefe colonies will unanimouily join in this fentiment, that the late aA of parliament is injurious x» their liberty, and that this fentiment will unite them in a firm bppofition to it, in- the fame manner as the dread of the ^r«M/- Aa did. Some perfons may imagine the fums to be raifed by it, are but fmall, and therefore may be inclined to acquiefctf under it." A conduA more dangerous to freedom, as before has been obferved, can never be adopted. Nothing is wanted at home but a • pre- , CEDSNT, the force of which ftiall be eftabliflied, by the tacit fub- miffion of the colonies. With what zeal was the ftatute ereAing the poft-office, and another relating to the recovery of debts in Jtuuricat urged and tortured, i&precedtnts in fupport of the Stamp- A£l, tho' wholly inapplicable. If the parliament fucceeds in this attempt, other Itatutes will impoie other duties. Inftead of taxing burfelves, as we have been accuftomed to do, from the firft fettle- ihent of thefe provinces, all our ufual taxes will be converted into parliamentary taxes on our importations ; and thus the parliament will h.\y upon us fuch fums of^ money as they chufe to take, loith* out aty other limitation, than titir fLSKSVUE. We know how much labor and care have been bellowed by thefe colonies, in laying taxes in fuch a manner, that they (hould be moft eajj/ to the people, by being laid on the proper articles ; moft tjual, by being proportioned to every man's circumftances { and cheafejf, by the method directed for coIleAing them. But parliamentary taxes will be laid on us, without any con- fideration, whether there is any ^a/for mode. The only point re- garded will be, the certainty of levying the taxes, and not the con- •venience of the people on whom thev are to be levied ; and there- fore all ftatutes on this head will be fuch as will be moft likely, according to the favorite phrafe, " /» execute ihmfehes." Taxes • •♦ Here may be obferved, that when any ancient law or cuftom of par- ImmeMt is broken, and the crowa polTeflW! of a fricednt, how Jiffituli « ttinr le ii t» rtfitrt tkt J'uijtfl tgniH to Hi roKMit r.«cco«M dm/ safitv." ,, , . , a*/ Ci)*#'» Jrfi. p. 529. It IS not almoft credible to fa-tfn, when a»y masia or fiinJMimiial Uw of this reaSm is tlutei («a tlfewhere hatli been obferved) what tUntvtiu i»- ««*.»i««(« uo foilow. • 4,i Ctkii Infi. p. 41. ■'■.._•■• . * . ". #, " ■ ^4in 1 »:yj,n., > iiii:i#-M: il^ j|» "mm\\^)m,«> ' ;"»»|li),l>at"!ata:gi-- il' ill SI Ik 'it J' !| I.'. 'S-u 1 1 I i ! ■ iis^^l ^ [ 56 ] Taxes in every free ftate have been, and ought to be, a* ext&ly fnfortinuJ as is peffibU to tit abilities of tho/i luho are to pay them. They cannot otherwife hciuji. Even A'Hetieittet would comprehend the unrea/onabUii^i of making a poor man pay as much for " de- fending " the property of a rich man, as the rich man pays himfelf. Let any perfon look into the late aft of parliament, and he will immediacelv perceive, that the immcnfe eftates of Lord Fairfax, Lord t Baltimore, and our Pratrietariei, which are amongft his Majefty's other " Domihions'^ to be "defended, protected and fecured" by the aft, will not pay a ftnglt fartbimg for the duties thereby impofed, except Lord Fairfax wants fomc of his win- dows glazea j Lord Baltimore and our Proprietaries are quite fecure, as they live in England. I MENTION theie particular cafes, as ftrikiog inftances how far the late aft is a deviation from that prindpU of juftice, which has fo conftantly difiinguiflicd our own laws on this continent, and ought to be regarded in all laws. Thi third confideration with our contineflUl alTemblies in lay- ing taxes, has been the method of coUcfUng them. This has been done by a few officers, with moderate allowances, under the iA- fpeClion of the refpeftive afTemblies. Vo more tnat ra^ed from the fuhjea, than was uled for the intended pui^ofes. But by the late aff, a miniller may appoint as maity officers as he pleafes for colleA* ing the taxes ; may affign them twhat falaries be thinks '« adequate ; " and they are fubje£l to no infpeilioH but his o-wn. In Ihort, if the late aA of parliament takes effeft, thefe colo- lonics muft dwindle down into " common corporations," as their enemies, in the debates concerning the repeal of the Stamp- AH, Jfrenuoujly infifted thy oat ra^td from tbi I. But by the late pUafts for collcA' hiukt ''adequate;'* effedt, thefecolo> RPORATIONS," as ;peal of the Stamf- ot improbable that leuilhed by m viry iiomitting, for the nent. An attempt lefore, but was de- I provinces, in de- t occalion rendered II over Europe ; all veen Great-Britain, For as flie was efsful conclufion of iped b^ many, that ivil difcords would afford the mrmtft difputei, ir Proprietor* dhtet t ictor*, than thejr them- 1 from uxmfion— — " of other people. ■ [ il ] afford Mportunities of revenging all the injuries fuppofed to be re- ceived from her. However, the caufe of diffenfion was removed, by a repeal of the ilatute that had given offence. This affair rendered the submissive conduct of the colonies fo foon after, the more extraordinary ; there being no digtrtnct between the mode of taxation which they oppofed, and that to which they fubmit- ted, but this, that by the firft, they were to be continually r$minJ- td that they tutre taxii, by certain marks ftamfed on every piece of paper or parchment they ufcd. The authors of thatflatutt tri- umphed greatly on this conduft of the colonies, and infifted, that If the people of Gnat-BritaiM had perfifted in enforcing it, the Amtrtcant would have been, in a few months, fo fatigued luitb tbt ifortt of fatriotifm, that thev would have yielded obedience. " Certain it is, that tho' they had before their tyti fo mam tUuftrtoui examples in their mother country, of the conftant fuceeft attending frmnefs and fer/tveranee, in oppofition to dangerous en- croachments on liberty, yet they quietly gave up a point of the tAST IMPORTANCE. Fiom thcuce the decline of their freedom began, and its decay was extremely rapid; for as money was alwaya raifcd upon them by the parliament, their affimblies grew imme- diately ufeUfs, and in a Ihort time contemptible: And in lefs than one hundred years, the people funk down into that tamenefs and fupinenefs of fpirit, by which they ftill continue to be diftin- guilhed." Et major es veftres W pofteru cogitate. • , . Remember your ancellon and your pofterity. A FARMER. I LETTER XI. ii^ <^r Countrymen, \ / • I HAVE feveral times, in the courfe of thefe letters, men- tioned the late aft of pariiament, as being the foundation of future meafures injurious to thefe colpnies ; and the belief of this truth I wifh to prevaU, becaufe I think it nece/Tary to our fafety. ' . A PERPETUALyW<»«^, refpefting liberty, is abfolutely requifite in ah free ftates. The very texture of their conftitution, in mixt governments, demands it. For the cautiMs with which power is diftributed among the feveral orders, imply, that each has that fhare which IS proper for the general welfare, and thwefore that any H further 1* 1 ' ' i ' *J,a»i 11.11. JHfaii. 1 , . ■ wn ii n^i- i nnmiiiia B ^^jttjjm^ i ; , ' ^_^^ t; i [ S3 ] further acquifition muft be i>ernic!ous. • Machiamel employs » whole chapter in his Uifcourles, to prove that a ftate, to be long lived, murt be frequently correfted, and rcd^ced to its firft prin- tiples. Dut of all ttates that have exilkd, there never was any, in which this jealoufy could be more proper than in thefc colonics. I'or the government here is not only »i/a.'. but dtptndtnt, which circumftance occafions a peculiarity in its form, of a very delicate that this fpirit of appn-hcn- iiature. Two reafons induce me to dcfirc, fion may be always kept up among us, in its utmoft vigilance. 'I'he firft is this-— that as the happinefs of thcfc pirovinces indu- bitably confifts in their conncilion with Great-Britain, any repara- tion bet^veen them is lefs likely to be occafioncd by civil diicords, if every difgufting meafure is oppofedy7«^/y, and while it is ne^ : For in this manner of proceeding, every fuch meafure is moft like- ly to be reaified. On the other hand, oppreflions and diflatisfac- tions being permitted to accumulate— 1/ ever the governed throw off the load, they nvill Jo mere. A people does /not reform with moderation. Ihe rights of the fubjeft therefore canrot be too often confiderud, explained or aflerled : And whoever attempts to do this, (hews himfelf, whatever may be the rafli and peevilh reflec- tions of pretended wifdoin, and pretended duty, a friend to tboje who injudic'ioufly exercile their power, as well as. to thm, over whom it is fo exercifed. Had all tlie points' of prerogative claimed by Charles the-Hrii, been feparatelv contefted and Attled in preceding reigns, his fate would in allprobability have been veiy difrerent ; and the peo- pie would have been content with that liberty which is compatible with regal authority. But f hi. thouj^ht, it would be as dangerous for him to give up the -powers which at anytime had been by iifurpation exercifed by the crown, as thofe that were legally vefted in it. I'his produced an equal cxcefs on the part of the people. For when their palFions were excited by multiplied grievances, they thought it would be as dangerous for them to aflow the powers that were legally vefted in the crown, as thofe which at any time Fad been by ufurpation exercifed by it. AAs, that might bythem- jdves have been upon many conliderations excuftd or extenuated, derived a contagious malignancy and odium from other afts, with which they were connefted. They were not regarded according • to I ! • MachiaviVi Difrourfts—Siok 3. Cbap. 1. .„»-.. t 'J he au'.hor is fenfible, that thii is putting the gentleft conftrutlion on Charies't coiidua ; and'that is one reafon why he choofci it. Allowances ought to be made for the errors of thofe men, who are acknowledged fo have been BciiTefled of many virtues. The education of this unh^ippy prince, and his con- fi.lence in men not fo good or wife as himfelf, had probably y*//« him, as aiining al [ 59 ] 10 the Ijmple force of each, but as psiu of a fyttem.of oppreiTion. Every one therefore, however fmsll in itfelf, became alarming, as an additional evidence of tyrannical defigns. It was in vain for prudent and moderate men to infill, that there was no neceffity to abolilh royalty. Nothing lefs than the utii.r dellruftion of monar-, chy, could fatisfy thofe who had fuflercd, and thought they had reafon to believe, they always /&<>«i«!ll»«*/ •^''^vnimst ammmiinm l;f;i ill: I . :» I 1 < ll "1 '; L. f f! ; il i Ml / ■'■£ liiii [ 60 ] • /feeievs, bot >«// at the beginning, they fpread over the mul- titude in fuch a manner, as to touch individuals but flightly. t Thus they are difrep-^ded. The power or profit that arifes from thefe violations, ec ering in ftvi per/ons, is to them conliderable. For this reafon x^^igwtrturs having in view their particular pur- pofes, fucceffi' ely preferve an uniformity of cpnduA for attaining them. They regularly mreafe the firft injuries, till at length th» inattentive people are col^elled to perceive the heavinefs of their burthens. — They begin to complain and enquire — but too late. They find their oppreffors fo llrengthened by fuccefs, and them- felves fo entangled in examples of exprefs authority on the part of their rulers, and of tacit recognition on their own part, that they are quite confounded : For millions entertain no other idea of the Ugality of power, than that it is founded on the txtrcifi of (wwer. They voluntarily faften their chains, by adopting a pufillanimous tpinioit, " that there will be too much danger in attempting a re- medy," or another efinion no Icfs fatal, " that the govern- ment has a right to treat them as it does." They then feek a wretched relief for their minds, by perfuading themfelves, that to- yield their ohtdientt, is to difcharge their duty. The deplorable fvutrty of /pint, that proftrates all the dignity beftowed by divine providence on our nature — of cour/e fucceeds. From thefe refleftions I conclude, that every free ftate Ihould inceffan'Jv watch, and inftantly take alarm on any addition being made to the power extrcifed over them. Innumerable inftances might be produced to fhew, from what flight beginnings the moft extenfive confequences have flowed : But I fliall feleft two only from the hiftory of England. Hen RV the Seventh wis the /(y? monarch of that kingdom, who eftabliftied a standing body of armed men. This was a band of fifty archers, called yeomen of the guard : And this in- ftitution, notwithftanding the fmallnefs of the number, _ was, to prevent difcontent, || " difguifed under pretence of majefty and grandeur." In 1684 the ftanding forces were fo much augmented, that * Omnia mala cxempla ex bonis initiii orta funt. Salluit. Bttt. Cat. S. JO. f " The rtpubUc it always aitatktd with greater vigor, than it is difmdid t for the tudacuHi and profiigttt, prompted by their natural enmity to it, are lafilj imptUtd to z€k hy xhtlutft Wot their leaditts Whereas the honist, I know not why, ate generally _/fcw and ii«w>//«v to ftir ; and ii«^/«fl/fi^ always the BEGINNINGS of things, are ntvtr nufed to exert themfelves, but by the lafi ntctffiiyt So that through i«««soti;TioN and delay, when they would fee glad to compound at laft '.' their N0ii, they coiHmonly left tbtm •otii." Cicxao's Orat.for SxxTiui. Such were the fentiments of this f;eat and excellent man, whofe vaft abilities, and the calamities of his country during his time, enabled him, by mournful experience, to form a juft judgmeat on thi conduft of the friends and (nemUi of liberty. II Rafint Hiftory of England, jread over the mul- iduals but flight]/, ■oiit that arifes from > them confiderable. Iieir particular pur- pndu£l for attaining s, till at length th* e heavinefs of their uire — but too late. ' fuccefs, and them- ority on the part of own part, that they no other idea of the le ixtrtifi of power, ng a pufillanimous in attempting a re- -" that the govern- ' They then feek a themfelves, that to- 'y. The deplorable ' beftowed by divine ery free ftate fliould 1 any addition being numerable inilances beginnings the moft [hall felea two only h of that kingdom, D MEN. This was a guard : And this in- le number, was, to tence of majefty and fo much augmented, that r. Btll. Cat. S. JO. igor, than it is dtftndid t atural enmity Co it, are Whereas the honi$t, I ir ; and negUfiing alwayt rt themfelvei, but by the tLAY, when they would E expence ev°n of their o't Orat. for Stxrivt, nan, whofe vaft abilitiei, labled him, by mournrul ' thefriendt aad cncmiti [ 6i ] that Rafim fays — •' The king, in order to make his peisple /ullj ftnfibU of their ne^M Jlavery, afFedled i3 muftcr his troops, which amounted to 4000 well armed and dii'ciplined men." I think our army, at this time, conflils of more t\iz.n /eventy regimen':s. THt method of taxing by excise was firft introduced amidft the convuliions of the civil wars. Extreme neceility was pretende>^ for it, and its fliort continuance promifed. After the reftoration, an excife upon beer, ale a:. J other, liquors, was granted to the t king, one half in fee, the other for life, as an equivalent for the court of nvarJs. Upon Jamet the Second's acceffion, the par- liament \ gave him the firft excife, with an additional duty on iJuiHe, tobacco, and fome ether things. Since the revolution it has been extended to fait, candles, leather, hides, hops, foap, paper, pafte- boards, mill-boards, fcale-boards, vellum, parchment, (larch, filks, calicoes, linens, ftuifs, printed, ftained, i3c. wire, wrought plate, coffee^ tea, chocolate, (Sc. Thus z. JianJing army and excife have, from their firft flender origins, tho' always hated, alw&ys feared, always eppofed, at length fwelled up to their vail prefent bulk. Thesl fa£b are fufficient to fupport what I have faid. 'TIs true, that ail the mifchiefs apprehended by our ancellors from a fianding army and excife, have not yet happened : But it docs not follow from thence, that they ^('hi, whs refufed to have hit coafiilfliip continued to him, they had never admitted that cullom _ of proroguing of magiftrates, 4iid then the prolongation of their command! in the army had never been introduced, v/bieh -vtry thing mat at length tbt ruin of that temmonvitalth." MacbiavtVl Dijnurftx, ' ■^. Chap. %^. \ I I dont know but it may be faid, with a good deal ot rcalon, that a quick rotation of minifteri ii very defirable in Great- Britain. A minifter there hat 11 vaft ftore of materials to work with. Long adminijlrationt are rather favorable to the rtftnaiiM of a people abroad, than tv iheit iiiirty. iW il f ilS toi l iM MMffMw *«««>w*«**4*m«iiftrti«!*j,«,,«,j,i^,,^^ ! >'p ^i > n >wyB l «* ' \ ^^ 1 i i [ 62 ] A BOLD, iimbitious prince, poffeffcd of great abilitiei, firmly fxtd in his throne ^y Jejcent, ferved by minifitrt like him/elf, and rendered either vmerahU or «rr/W thefe very they had (ofaf- rainll the dengns ty-^x years after lot violated, but atly miftaken. I :n alnioft as great; RET meafures of aberty, perhaps, e people believe :hey not think fo. )y the ambitious, Jilences and dij- 1 utherwife have confequence, to i to favor them, :ir power may be n to do luhatever bme times, even Iromixiellf did not 'nor dares not lay frottftant. Cei- et freedom be ex- : themfelves free, ight not. But 1 ly purpofe. e levied upon us, / of jujlice — the of ilfjending his If [ 63 ] If any man doubts what ought to be the conduft of thefe co- lonies on this occafion, I would a(k him thefe queftions. Has not the piarliament exprefly avowed their intention of raifing money from us for certain purposes ? Is not this fcheme popular in Great-Britain ? Will the taxes, impofed by the late aft, an/wer tho/e purpe/es ? If it will, muft it not take an immenfe fum from us ? If it will not, is it to he expeffed, that the parliament will not fully execute their intention when it is pleafmg at heme, and not oppofed here? Muft not this be done by impofing new taxes ? Will not every addition, thus made to our taxes, be an ad- dition to the power of the Britifl, legiflature, hy increafing the num- ber of officers employed in the colleftion ? Will not every addition- al tax therefore render it more difficult to abrogate any of them ? When a branch of revenue is once eftabliflied, does it not appear to many people invidious and undutiful, to attempt to abolifli it ? If taxes, fufficient to accompUJh the intention of the parliament, are impofed by the parliament, luhat taxes ixtill remain to be impo- fed by our affemblies ? If ao material taxes remain to be impofed by them, what muft become of them, and the people they reprefent ? • " If any perfon confiders thefe things, and yet thinks our liberties are in no danger, I wonder a^ that perfon's fecurity." One other argument is to be added , which, by itfelf, i hope, will be fufficient to convince the moft incredulous man on this con- tinent, that the late aft of parliament is only defigned to be a pre- cedent, whereon the future vaffalage of thefe colonies maybe eftablifhed. ' Every duty thereby laid on articles of Britifl> manufafture, is laid on fome commodity, upon the exportation of which from Great-Britain, a draiuback is payable. Thofe drawbacks, in moft of the articles, are exaaly double to the duties given by the late aft. The parliament therefore might, in half a dozen lines, have raifed MUCH more MONEY, Only hy flopping the draiubacis iii xheYiAndu of the officers at home, on exportation to thefe colonies, than by this folemn impofition of taxes upon us, to be collefted here. Pro- hdhXf, the artful contrivers of this aft formed it in this manner, m order to referve to themfelves, in cafe of any objeftions being made to it, this fpecious pretence-—" that the drawbacks are gifts to the colonies, and that the late aft only leffens thofe gifts." But the truth is, that the drawbacks are intended for the encou- ragement and promotion of Briiijh manufaftures and commerce, and are allowed on exportation to any foreign parts, as well as on exportation to thefe provinces. Befides, care has been taken to Aide into the aft, fome articles on which there are no drawbacks. However, the whole duties laid by the late aft on all the article* therein fpecified are /o /mall, that they will not Amount to as mucii a> the drawbacks which are allowed on part of them only. If therefore, * D»moftheiic«'t it) Philippic. • if \ I -tr ..■ ■irirM te>iiii i,, n, M^ai»a aiitew^, '^Sfe dE ffi^t^^^^^ Bwi- T'.'"w ' ' • ."rmwiffan ^* ,!; ."} [ 64 ] therefore, tAe /urn u bt obtained by the late aft, had been the fdt 3JS t forming it. there would not have been any occafion for '.•'the COMMONS oi Great-Britain, to give and grant to his Maiefty rates and duties for raiftng a revenue in h,s Majefty s jJiniL in America, for making a more certain and adequate pZifion for defraying the charges of the "d™"^^^'^^/, j"«\^.^^ the fupport of civil government, and the expence of defending the faid dominions ;"-nor would there have been any occafion for an t expenfive board of commiffioners, and all the other new charges to which we are made liable. , , , n Upon the whole, for my part, I regard the late aft as an exfe- riment made of our difpojition. It is a bird fent out over the wa- urtoiC wheTh4;he waves, that Y^ZTf^lutX^ of the world withfuch violence, are ^txfubfided. If *bu ad've>^ turer gets footing her«, we (hall quickly find it to be of the X kind defcribed by the poet. « Infelix votes." ' . . A direful foreteller of future calamities. A F A R M E R. + The e«pMce of tbii board, 1 am informed, it 1)etween Four »"<> ^i^Thou- iJa Poundi Sterlin. » vear. The eftablifliment of officer., for coUeftrng the fand P°7„^'j"'"«'J-„„;ed before to Seven Thoufand Six Hundred Pouadi :;""1». «d ye't. S;.""th1 auSof of » The regulation of .he colonie.." ^the who e remitunce from »ll the taxe. in the colonie., a. an ajerage of rA.rrj ,«7. ha. not amounted to One Thoufand Nine Hundred Pound, a ,^, and {r/hatfum Seven or Eight Hundred Pound, ^r «.»•« only, have beea ,e- " Thl Slil^ft^r^i-. arifing from the dutie. in ^rU..^*«-^^ that they were intended bnly a. «.o»tATioi.. or t.a». : ^nd can .nj peJfon be f^ blind to truth, fo dull of apprehenfion .n a matter of unfpeakab e K"ta»ce t. hi. country, a. to imagine, that the bo«dycomm.ffioBer. lately .ftablUhed at fuch a chirge, » i"*"*""^ *"» •®* .'" '?"'^:;»w**?u*.T.,rIat Sw Hundred Pound. V year, or the trifling duties impofed by the late aft ? ?„relyevefymanon«hi.c'onti'n««t«uft perceive, that they are eftabl.lhed fo, S^ecareof • niw .y.t.m or ««vin»«, which u but now begun. \ « Dira c«l«no,'* Vt. yirgil, Mntid 3. LET- id been the fiU iny occafion for GRANT to his • I N his Majefty't ,n and adequate ration of juftice, of defending the |r occafion for an ther new charges e aA as an expt- at over the wa- igitated this part . If this advttt' it to be of the \ R M E R. 'our and Five Thou- I, for collefting the ItK Hundred Poundi n of the coloniet," t an average of ibirtf Poundi a year, and only, have been te* \miriea, demonftratM ,BB I And can any itter of unlpeakable commiffioBert lately ^ng One Thoufand >fed by the late aft i ly are eftabliflied for : now begun. L E T- [ 65 ] LETTER XII. My dear Countrymen, SOME ftates have loft their liberty by f articular accidents ; But this calamity is generally owing to the decay of virtiu, A people is travelling faft to deftrudlion, when individuals confider their interefts as diftinA from thofe of the public. Such no- tions are fatal to their country, and to themfelves. Yet how many are there, fo weak and Jirdid as to think they perform all the offices of life, if they earneftly endeavor to encreafe their own luealtht power, and credit, without the leaft regard for the fociety, under the proteftion of which they live; who, if they can make an im- mediate profit to themfelves, by lending their affiftance to thofe, whofe projefts plainly tend to the injury of their country, rejoice in theJF dexterity, and believe themfelves entitled to the charafter of able politicians. Miferable men ! Of whom it is hard to fay, whether they ought to be moft the objefts oi pity or contempt : But whofe opinions are certainly as deteftable, as their praftices are defiruaive. Tho* I always refleft, with a high pleafure, on the integrity and underftanding of my countrymen, which, joined with a pure and humble devotion to the great and gracious author of every bleffing they enjoy, twill, I hope, enfure to them, and their pofte- rity, all temporal and eternal happinefs ; yet when I confider, that in every age and country there have been bad men, my heart, at this threatening period, is fo full of apprehenfion^ as not to permit me to believe, but that there may be fome on this continent, againfl whom you ought to be upon your guard-'-Men, who either • I hold, * It it not intended, by thefe wordi, to throw any refleftion upon gentlemen, becaufe they are pofTefled of officei : For many of them are certainly men of virtue, and lovera of their country. But fuppofed obligation! of graiitiuli, and htnor, may induce them to be filent. Whether thefe obligation* ougbi to it re- garded or nut, is not fo much to be cpnfidetfed by others, in the judgment ther form of thefe gentlemen, as whether tbty think they ought to be regarded. Per- li"?",. therefore, we fliall aft in the propeieft manner towards them, if we nei- ther rMoaeb nor imiiatt them. The perfons meant in this letter, are the bafi ffiritid ivrttchei, who majf ^it^m to diflingui/i thmfthn, by their fordid seal in defendipv and p mmoting meafures, which thtj kntw, btytnd all quifiitti, to be deSruflive to the tu/I rlrlili anil >ra« »>»•/>• nf thair rniintru. Ir i* ro.....l» r defiruaive to tbejuft rights »nA true intinfit of their country. It is fcarcely pof- fible to fpealc of tbifi men with any degree of f alienee It is fcarcely poflible to fpeak of them with any degree of froprieif For no words can truly defcribe tbeit guilt and meann.Js — But every honeft bofom, on their being mentioned, will^»/ what cannot be txprtjftd. If their wiclcednefs did not blind them, they might perceive along the coaft of thefe colonies, many men, remvkable inftances of wrecked ambition, who after dtfiinguijbing tbttnfelvit in the fupport of the Sttrnp-AS, by a courageous contempt of their country, and of juftice, have been left te linger out their mifiirablr rflitMtriWllinin-i-lfUliBitj, -'• •n ii m. mtmvii nt fiv'mi'r'' [ 66 ] •1 r, . ;|i hi >! >i t III hold, or rxpe£l to hold certain advantages, by fetting examples of fervility to their countrymen. — Mwi, who trained to the employ- ment, or felf taught by a natural verfatility of genius, ferve as decoys for drawing the innocent and unwary into fnares. It is not to be doubted but that fuch men will diligently beftir themfelves on this and every like occafion, to fprcad the infeAion of their meannefj us far as they can. On the plans iJbey have adopted, thic is their courfe. This is the method to recommend themfelves to their patrons. ^ From tiem we fhall learn, how flea/ani and frofimhlt a thiiig it is, to be for our submissive behavior ivtllffokin tfm St. Jamts't, or St. Stephen's ; at Guildhall, or the RoyiU Excbauge. Specious fallacies will be dreft up with all the arts of deUifion, to perfuade one colony to diftinguijh her/elf from another, by unbecoming con- defcenfions, tvhich luill /trve the amhititus furpoj'es of great men at home, and therefore will be thought by them to entitle their ajifiants in obtaining them to confiderable rewards. Our fears will be excited. Our hopes will be awakened. It will be infinuated to us, with a plaufible affeftation of ixitfdtm and concern, how prudent it is to pleafe the powerful how dangtrotu tc provoke them — and then comes in the perpetual incantation that freezes up every generous purpofe of the foul in cold, inadlive expedation — <* that if there is any requeft to be made, compliance will obtain a favorable attention." Our 'Vigilance und oar union ixe fuccefs i,Dd fafety. Our iiegli-. gence and our dimifion are dijirefs and death. They are nutrft They are Jhamt and Jlavery. Let us equally fliun the bcauQibing ftillncS fniferable exifttnce, without a government, colleAorfhip, fecrctiryiiip, or any other commiflion, to conCole them at vieil at it auU, for lofi of virtue and re- putation— —while nunberlefi office! have been bellowed in thefr coloaiet on people from Criat-Bruain, and new ones are continually invented, to be thus beftowed. At a fno piat pritat are put into a lottery to tim?t mttililndtt it hje, fo bert and thtrt an Amiricaa has been raifed to a good poft.— — " Appartnt rari nantet in gitrgite va/li." Mr. Grtewoillt, indeed, in order to recommend the Statip-AH, had the utiimtat' led generofity, to pour down a goldeD tfiower of offices upon Antric^m i and yet thefe ungraitful colonies did ni ' thank Mr. Gntitvillt for (hewing his kind- nefs to their countrymen, nor tbtm for accepting it. Hfow muft that grut ftatefman have been furprited, to find, that the unpoliflied colonies could slot be reconciled to infany by iretchety t Such a ttuntifut difpofition towards nt never appeared in any miniiter before him, and probably never will appear •again : For it is tvi4tnt, thtxfucb a fjftm of policv is to be eftabllflicd m this continent, as, in a fhort time, is to render it utterly unneceflary to uf« thff laaft *ft in order xo cemiliate our approbation of any meafares. Some of our coufl- trymen may be employed to fx chains upon us, but tbn will never be per- mitted to bolJ them afterwards. So that the utmoft, that any of them caa expe£l, is only a ttm/nrart frwifian, that a>«y expire in their own time ( but which, they may htajfund, will preclude their children from having any confi- deration paid to s of great men at itlt thiir aMants le awakened. It m of lut/dam and — how dangtroui etual incantation in cold, inactive lade, compliance \ftty. Out Mtgli- My are vmjt — in the beaiunbing (BUneU fecrctaryiiip, or any loft of vinue and re* in thefc colonies on invented, to be thus CM?T muhiiuJa t» poft.— - Ad, had the uiuqual- ipon Amiritfui i and or Aewing his fcind- W muft that grtat colonies could aoC fpofition towards «> y never will appear e eftabliflicd on this :e(tary to ufe thtf loaft Some of our co«a« will never be per* at any of tbem ca* their own time { but >m having any confi* nto total MiOLSCT fei'thc cunftitutional i 67 ] ilillnefs of cwrwuetniHg Jloth, and the feverilh adivity of that iU inftrmtd ztal, which Duties itfelf in maintaining little, mean and uarroTM opinions. Let us, with a truly wife generofit^ and charity, baniih and difcourage all iUibtral diftinaions, which may arife from differences xvi fituatian, forms oi gwernment, or modes of reli- gion. Let us confider ourfelves as men — frebmbn — christian PRBEMEN — -Jiparattd /rem the reft of the world, ind jflrmly hound together by tiu /ame rights, interefts and dangers. Let theje keep oui '^tention inflexibly fixed on the great objects, v/hich we muft CONTINUALLY REGARD, in Order Xa prefemie thoj'e rights, to promote thofe interefts, and to avert tho/e dangers. Let thefe truths be indelibly impreflcd on our minds — that tut eanuat he HAPPr, without heing FREE that we cannot be free, tviihout heing fecure in our property — that 'we cannot be fecure in our property, if, luithout our confent, others may, as by right, take it away that taxes impofed on us iy parliament, do thus take it away that duties laid for the fole purpofe of raifing money, are taxes that attempts to lay fuch duties />«;//(/ be infianily aud Jir.-nly tppofed — that this oppofition can never be effeclual, unlefs it is the united effort of thefe provinces — that therefore benevoi.ekce of tfmper towards each other, zni vkanimity of counfels, are eflential to the welfare of the whole — and laftly, that for this reafon, every man amongft us, who in any manner would encourage either dif- fenfion, diffidence, or indifference, between thefe colonies, is an ene- my to himfelf, and to his country. The belief of thefe truths, I verily think, my countrymen, is indifpenfably neceflary to your happinefs, I befeech you, there- fore, f , " teach them diligently unto your children, and talk of them when you fif in your houfes, and when you walk by the way, , and when you lie down, and when you rife uu." What have thefe colonies to afi, while they continue free? Or what have' they to dread, but infidious attempts to fubvcrt their freedom ? Their profperity does not depend on minifierial fa- vors doled but to particular -provinces. They form one political body, of which each colony is a member. Their happinefs is founded on their \^ (onflitutioH ; and is to be promoted, by preferving that conditu- {1 tion in unabated vigor, throughout every part. A fpot, a fpcck of ' decay, however fmall the limb on which it appears, and however , remote it may feera from the vitals, fliould be alainiin^. We i have all the rights requifite for our profperity. The legal authority of Great-Britain may indeed lay hard reilridlions upon us j but, like the fpear of Telephus, it will cure as well as wound. Her un- kindnefs v/ill inftrufl and compel us, after fdme time, to difcovor, in our indufiry and frugality, furprifing rcnudies — if our rights eontittue unviolated : For as long as the products of our hd-rir, and 1 a i the \ Oeutcion. vi. 7. i {Hi t 68 ] the ftivarJs of our eare, can properly be called our own, fo lone it will be worth our while to be induftrious and fruf^al. But if when we plow— fow— reap— gather— and threfti— we hnd, that we dIow ...fow reap — gather— and threfli/«r ethtn, whofe PLEASURE is to be the SOLE LIMITATION *«w much they fhall take, and hanu much they (hall leave, why ftiould we repeat the unpro- fitable toil ? Hor/es ahd oxen are content with that portion of the fruits of their wdri, which their e^u/ners aflign them, in order to keep them ftrong enough to raife fucceflive crops ; but even thefe beafts will not fubmit to draw for tht mafitrs, until they are fub- dued by vihips and goads. Let us take care of our rights, and we therein take care of our prosperity. •"SLAVERY IS EVER PRECEDED BY SLEEP." Individuals may be dependent on minifters, if they pleafe. States should scorn it; — -and '\i you are not wanting to yourfelws, you will have a proper regard paid you by thofe, to whom if you are not rejpefiable, you will be contemptible. But if lue have already forgot the rea/ons that urged us, with unexampled unanimity, to exert ourfclves two years ago— -if our zeal for tne public good is worn out before the home/pun chaths, Vhich it caufed us to have made— -if our re/olutions are Jo faint, as by our prefent conduft to condemn our own [aXe fuciefsful example — if vie are not affeaed by any reverence for the memory of our an- ceftors, who tranfmitted to us that freedom in which they had been bleft if we are not animated by any regard for pofterity, to whom, by the moft facred obligations, we are bound to deliver down the invaluable inheritance- — then, indeed, zi\y minifter- — or any tool oi a minifter- — or any creature of a tool of a minifter - — or any lower f inftrument of X adminiftration, if lower there be, is a perfonage whom it may be dangerous to oft'end. I SHALL • Monteffuitu'i Spirit of Lavn, Book 14, Chap. Ij. + ♦« Initrumeiitaregni." Tacitut't Ana. Botk it, % 66. . , « 1 If any perfon AMI imagine that he difcovers, m thefe lettert, the leaft dijlike of the dependence of thefe coloniei on GrM-Britain, I beg that fuch perfon wiU not form any judgment on ferlUuhr txfrtjfmt, but will confider the tttitr of all tie litters takin iKgtihtr. In that cafe, I flatter myfelf, that every unprejudiced reader will be ccnvinetd, that the true interelh of Greal-Britam are as dear to me, ai they ought to be to every good fubjeft. if I am an Entbufitft in any thing, it \» in my aeal for ihc ptrfttual defendttice of thefe colonies on their mother country.— A dependence founded on mutual tetieJSis, the continuance of which can be fecured only by mulual 'ff'tljcn'- Therefore it i», that with extreme apprehenfion 1 view the fmalleft feeds of dif- content, which are unwarily fcattered abroad. Fi/ly or Sixty years will make artonifliing alterations in thefe colonies j and this confideration fliould render it the bufinefs of Grat-Britain more and more to cultivate our good difpofitions towards her ; But the misfortune is, that thofe gnat mii>, who are wreltling for power at home, think themfelves very flightly interefted in the profperity of their country Fifty or Sixty years hence, but are deeply concerned in blowing up a popular clamor ^r fuppofed immtdiatt advantages. r i|M«iiM«l| ' ewft, (o long it /. But if when d, that we plow PLEASURE they (hall taie, peat the unpro> at portion of tbi em, in order to [ but even theft til they are fub- take care of our RECEDED >n minifters, if I '\i you are not xrd paid you by 1 be contemptible. It that urged us, years ago — if home/pun cloaths, are Jo faint, as efsful example — mory of our an- ;h they had been !br pofterity, to )ound to deliver , any minifter — 01 of a minifter ■ lower there be, J. I SHALL sfe letters, the leaft tin, I beg that fuch but will confider the ' myfelf, that every efts of Creal-Brilam le ptrfnual dependinci :e founded on mutual by mutual affeBmt. fmalleft feeds of dif- ixty years will make tion fliould render it >ur good difpofitions vho are wreitling for in the profperity of :erned in blowing up Tor t 69 ] I sHAlL be extremeljr forry, if any man miftakei my meaning in any thine I hare faid. Officer* employed by the crown, are, while according to the laws they conduA themfelves, entitled to legal obedience, and fincere refpeA. Thefe it is a duty to render them ; and thefe no good or prudent perfon will withhold. But when thefe officers, thro' ralhnefs or defign, defire to enlarge their authority beyond its due limits, and expert improper conceffions to be made to them, from regard for the employments they bear, their attempts fliould be confidered ta equal injuries to the crown and people, and fhould be courageoufly and conilantly oppofed. To fufFer our iHeas to be confounded by namii on fuch occafiont, would certainly be an intxcufabh nueaktuft, and probably an irri- mtdiablt error. AVe have reafon to believe, that feveral of his Majefty's ptefent minifters are good men, and friends to our country ; and it fcem» not unlikely, that by a particular concurrence of events, we have been treated a little more feverely than they wilhed we ihould be. They might not think it prudent to ftem a torrent. But what is the diffiirence to us, whether arbitrary afts take their rife from minifters, or are permitted by them ? Ought any point to be allow- ed to • a good minifter, that fhould be denied to a bad one ? The mortality of minifters, is a very frail mortality. A may fucceed a Hhelburnt — A may fucceed a Comuay. Wi For my part, \ rrgard GriaLBritalu as a Buhoark, happily filed between thefe colonies and the powerful nations of Europe. That kingdom remaining faf^ we, under its proteftion, enjoying peace, may diffufe the bleflings of religion, fcience, and liberty, thro' remote wilderncfles. It is therefore inconteftablv our duty, and our interefl, to fupport the ftrength of Great-Britain. When con- fiding m that ftrength,' die begins to forget from whence it arofe, it will beaa eafy thing to fliew the fource. She may readily be reminded of the loud alarm fpread among her merchants and tradefmen, by the univerfal aflociation of thefe colonies, at the time of th", Stamp-Mi, not to import any of her ma- NUFACTUHES. In the year 1718, the kuffant and 5ti;f»»i in i n AO', over us. The " mbiiftcr o>f the hpuie " may, in a point refpeCling the co- lonies, be in ftf9Dg, t)>»f 'the miniilcr pf t)ie crown iU*(M^^ •0dmm '><*lrill»lM,i,i,.^>..,