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 ELECTIVE FRANCHISE; 
 
 OR, 
 
 f 
 
 Why Reformed Presbyterians do not Vote at Parlia- 
 mentary or Municipal Elections : 
 
 A DISCOURSE 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 BY 
 
 
 - '-.. f ^i f 
 
 Rev. J. R. LAWSON, - ; ..^ /. 
 
 _. , ' f:^ / .':^;i;,' 
 
 Baknesville, N. B. , ., . 
 
 PUBLISHED BY REQUEST. 
 
 # 
 
 SAINT JOHN, N. B. : 
 -H,^ ^- EC. li^^ORI^O'W', 
 
 28 Charlotte Street. 
 
 1878. 
 
f"» l':V/f'vii:a 
 
 PREFATORY NOTE. 
 
 The following discourse, not having been originally intended 
 for publication, was very hurriedly written. A few friends, in 
 whose judgment the author has more confidence than in his own, 
 considering that its publication would be useful, the manuscript 
 has been placed in their hands. 
 
 For a fuller vindication of the Covenanting position, drawn 
 from the descending moral obligation of the British Covenants, 
 the reader is referred to a small paper on " the Solemn licague," 
 put into circulation by the same author. • ; .v . f ^ 
 
 With confidence in the ultimate triumph of Truth, the present 
 discourse is sent forth to accomplish its destiny. 
 
 Babnesville, \ 
 
 2nd July, 1878. ' ■ 
 
 r 
 
^^ 
 
 
 : f: ', ■' ■"<■ 
 
 5 ' 
 
 4 
 
 \ 
 
 :-M .^ 
 
 ;; '''V''^'':iuv"l- ■' 
 
 ■" '-^ ■.■'•■•, 
 
 DISCOURSE. 
 
 ' », f','- 
 
 r i -.'.• 
 
 v*;.;;ir 
 
 " / spea/i as to wise men : judge ye what I say," 
 
 Ist CoHiNTiiiANH, X. Chap. 15th Verse. 
 
 :■■-,■ i. 
 
 , The right of private judgment is one of the great 
 principles of Protestantism. Romanism withholds 
 that right from its votaries. It makes the demand 
 upon every one, that, from his earliest years, he 
 surrender his understanding, will, and conscience to 
 the priesthood, who claim to think for him, to he- 
 lieve for him, and to direct him in all his spiritual 
 movements as a macjiine is directed. .,. ., ^t 
 
 How different is true Protestantism. It concedes 
 the right to eve^y man to think for himself, to judge 
 for himself, to decide for himself. Nay, more, it 
 makes the demand on every man that he exercise 
 that right. It makes the solemn demand upon him 
 that he will not receive his creed, or his rule of life 
 from any man, or any body of men, but from God 
 speaking in his word. It makes the imperative 
 demand upon him that he study that word, com- 
 pare doctrines and rides of life with it, and receive 
 or reject according to his convictions as to their 
 agreement or disagretiment with that "infallible rule 
 of faith and practice." ' - 7: 
 
vS* 
 
 4 ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. 
 
 In this discourse, I propose to bring before you a 
 subject of great practical inoinent. And my re(]uest 
 is that you will lay aside all prejudice and precon- 
 ceived opinions — that you will lay aside all con- 
 sideration of worldly interest, social position, and 
 every other consideration that would tend to hinder 
 the right perception of truth; and that you will com- 
 pare what I have to say, with the great principles 
 of the Bible, and the teachings of enlightened, Scrip- 
 tural reason, "To the Law and to the Testimony, if 
 they speak not according to this rule, it is because 
 they have no light in them." "I speak as to wise 
 men: judge ye what I say." 
 
 it is by many, considered a strange thing, that 
 there are any people, who do not exercise the " Elec- 
 tive Franchise," or vote for Members of Parliament, 
 or Municipal Councillors. It is well known, that 
 all persons in the fellowship of the Reformed Pres- 
 byterian Church decline the exercise of that right, 
 and the enjoyment of that privilege. It is well 
 known that no person can enjoy the Communion of 
 that Church, who holds office under the Crown, or 
 votes for Members of Parliament, Imperial, Domin- 
 ion, or Provincial. Many questions have oftentimes 
 been asked, and many curious answers have some- 
 times been given — regarding the reasons. Now, I 
 propose to bring before you, as plainly as I can, some 
 of the more prominent reasons, why we have not 
 voted in the past, and why we cannot vote in the 
 future, until some very important change shall have 
 
KI,K(TIVE FRANC'H1!;E. 
 
 i 
 
 r 
 
 taken place in the constitution and administration 
 of National affairs. 
 
 In the first place, it is not l)ccausc that we con- 
 sid(a' voting at elections to be wrong in it»df. Civil 
 government is an ordinance of God. It is his will, 
 as well as a dictate of reason, that there should be 
 rulei*s in every land. It is the right of the people 
 to choose their own I'ulers. Every man, therefore, 
 should vote, if he can do so in a scriptural waj'. 
 For any one to decline voting without a very im- 
 portant reason, is sinful. For any one to decline 
 voting for any reason but one derived from con- 
 science, is sinful. For any one to keep at home on 
 an election day, simply because of the badness of 
 the weather, or the roads, or through the pressure 
 of business, or for any other reason of a worldly 
 nature, is sinful. There is only one thing, that can 
 ever justify a person in declining to vote: it is the 
 deep conviction resting on his mind, that there are 
 certain circumstances connected with the case would 
 make it morally wrong for him to do that which, in 
 other circumstances, he ought to do, and which it 
 would be sinful in him not to do. 
 
 And in this connexion, I might call your attention 
 to the little regard that is shown to the rights of 
 conscience, in the present day. You know that if 
 one stays home on an election day, and assigns as 
 his reason, want of interest in the result of tlie 
 political contest, hurry of private business, or some 
 other selfish, worldly cause, there are usually very 
 
() 
 
 KLPXrnVK FUANCiriSM. 
 
 fuw to blame liim for it. But if one stays away 
 from the Hustings on the plea of conscumce, almost 
 every tongue is raised against him as a narrow 
 minded person, entitled to be regarded in no other 
 light than an enemy to his country, and deserving 
 to be treated as an ouilpw. Such is the small re- 
 gard that is shown, even in Christian communities, 
 to the riMits of conscience. Now, let me ask vou 
 this question: Which of the two men is better en- 
 titled to the confidence of the comnuinity, the man 
 who would not sacrifice his own petty worldly in- 
 terest for his country, or tlie man who would sacri- 
 fice every thing for his country, save and except the 
 rights of God and his own conscience? 
 
 In the second place, if we do not vote it is not 
 owing to any tuant of interest in inihlic affairs. 
 He is not a christian who is not a patriot. Eveiy 
 one ought to love his country. Public interests 
 ought to lie nearer his heart than his own private 
 attairs. He ought to pray for his country's welfare. 
 He ought to desire to see good men in office, good 
 laws administered, and that " righteousness " set up 
 which the Bible declares "exalteth a nation." Every 
 one ought to be willing to bear his due part of the 
 financial burdens of his country, and if need be, to 
 shed his blood in its defence. And, I think, I may 
 say, that those who conscientiously decline the ex- 
 ercise of the elective franchise in the present con- 
 dition of things, are not less patriotic than others 
 are. They are as ready with their taxes — they give 
 
 ^ 
 
 f 
 
ELECTIVK FRANCHISE. t 
 
 as little trouble to the ina<^istrates and police, anil 
 are as seldom in courts of law, for breaches of the 
 p3ace, as those that claim to be peculiarly loyal. 
 ^ They belong to no secret revolutionary society. No 
 
 disturber of the peace, known to be such, would be 
 received into our communion. If we desire changes 
 in the administration of national affairs, they are 
 such as would strengthen our country, and not 
 weaken it. The only weapons we use in our war- 
 fare against national evils, are scripture, enlightened 
 reason, and prayer. Our only aim is the establish- 
 ment of that righteousness which exalteth a nation, 
 and the removal of that sin that God declares is "a 
 disgrace to any people." 
 
 In the third place, if we do not vote, it is not be- 
 cause it is a matter of indifference to ti8 whether 
 good or had men are advanced to office. We are 
 not unconcerned as to what is the result of any 
 particular election. It is not a matter of indiffer- 
 ence to us whether an infidel or a christian, a papist 
 or a protestant, a drunkard or a sober. man goes into 
 office. We would like to see good men in the ma- 
 gistracy; men such as Paul describes: "ateiTorto 
 evil-doers, and a praise to them that do well." We 
 would like to see good men on the Judges' bench; 
 men that will decide righteously between man anc 
 man. We would like to see good men in Parliament 
 men possessing such qualifications, as the Bible de- 
 clares they should posses: — "able men, men of truth, 
 men fearing God and hating covetousness;" and 
 
 ^^w 
 
6 
 
 ELECTIVE FRANrHISK. 
 
 when man of that character offer tlieir servici^H, it 
 grieves us tliat such is the condition, on which alone 
 we are allowed to vote, that we cannot <^o forward, and 
 lielp to put them in office, and help to keep out tliose 
 "vile men "of whom the Psalmist speaks," The wicked 
 walk on every side when vile men are exalte<l." 
 
 In the fourth place, if we do not vote it is not 
 because of any Hecidav (ulvantafje tJuif ivc hope to 
 reap from our piOHltion. 
 
 Now I do think that in this age of selfishness, 
 when almost every cause is looked at from the stand 
 point of worldly interest, it is a great thing for us 
 to be able to say, that in the position we take in re- 
 lation to national affairs, we are not seeking our own 
 things. It is a great thing for us to be able to say 
 that it is not woildly influence, social position, or 
 pecuniary gain, that we have an eye to in the stand 
 we take. The covenanting profession is entirely the 
 wrong road to wealth, social status, and worldly 
 honor. We have no worldly advantages to gain by 
 our profession. We have very much to lose. What 
 fools then we would be to take up a position of po- 
 litical isolation — a position that exposes us to much 
 reproach, that hinders the growth of our church nu- 
 merically, that stands in the way of our attaining 
 worldly honors and influence — if we had not reasons 
 weightier far than all "the gold of Ophir," or the 
 honors of a fading world. To these reasons I would 
 now call your attention. "I speak as to wise men : 
 judge ye what I say." 
 
KLFXTIVE FRANCIIISK. 9 
 
 At tlu' outset it will bo rn^coMsaiy to consider the 
 t^eneral principle that tlic^ voter and the elected can- 
 di<late are one in hmi The one is the representa- 
 tive of thti other. The theory of representative 
 t^overniuent is, that as it would he inconvenient for 
 all the people of a city or county to meet togetlicr 
 in one assend)ly to do their own le<^iHlation, they 
 choose two or three persons as their representatives, 
 to take their place, to do their work, to make tlieir 
 laws for them; and the sayin^rs and (h)lnos of these 
 representatives are, in law, the sayings and doings 
 of those who choose them. 
 
 Now, the very first thing that the elected candi- 
 date docs when he goes to Parliament is to take a 
 certain oatli. That oath he takes as the represen- 
 tative of his constituents. He takes it in their 
 name, and hence it is as much iheir oath as his. 
 That is what is called the Oaih of Allf glance, and it 
 may be desirable that I should make a remark in 
 regard to what that oath is — what it imports and 
 what it binds to. 
 
 There is what is called "the Coronation Oath" 
 or that which the Sovereign takes on ascending the 
 throne — a solemn pledge to govern according to cer- 
 tain fixed principles and laws embodied in the statute 
 book. Then there is what is called the Oath of Al- 
 legiance — a solemn pledge on the part of the people 
 to support the Sovereign in thus ruling. The cor- 
 onation oath is the Sovereign's pledge to rule accord- 
 ing to the laws and customs of the realm, and the 
 
 n 
 
10 
 
 ELFX'TI VE FRANC 'H ISE. 
 
 oath of allegiance is the people's pledge to support 
 the Sovereign in ruling according to these laws and 
 customs. Thus vou wih see that it is not so much 
 an oath to the Son rcigii j)f>i'son(d/u as to the con- 
 st If itf ion of which he or she is the head. It is an 
 acknowJcdgment of those principles and laws com- 
 nionly called the ^ovstitat'um of the realm, or the 
 rule or standard according to which all legislation 
 is to he conducted. The truth is that both the Sv.v- 
 ereign in the coronation oath, and the people in the 
 oath of allegiance, are both tirndy hound to that 
 constitution in all its })arts and principles. They 
 are both, with the solemnicy of an oath, committed 
 to it and pledged to support it. 
 
 Hence I affirm that no one can vote, in the pres- 
 ent condition of things, on <iny other condition than 
 his giving hin sandion to, and solemnly ]}ledging 
 himself to sKj)po]-t, the const it iition in all its jHirts. 
 And, perhaps, it may be desirable that I should de- 
 fine more fully what is meant by the constitution. 
 When men form themselves into a society for any 
 purpose, they adopt certain laws and regulations, 
 accoi'ding to which the society is to be carried on. 
 Every one that joins the society is supposed to know 
 these laws and regulations and to approve of them. 
 These .tre what is called the constitution of the so- 
 ciety. Now the British nation is a great society, 
 formed for certain great purposes, and, as such, it 
 has its laws and regulations, on the ackno\^dedgment 
 of which one is entitled to membership. These are 
 
 .^. 
 
 ^ 
 
 T 
 
'I 
 
 KLFATIVK FHANCHISK. 11 
 
 called "the Br!fixh Coiutitatlon.'' Now, iny propo- 
 sition is, that no one can enjoy the privileges of the 
 national society, or is allowed to vote for members 
 of Parliament or municipal councillors, on awj other 
 condition than that he will take an oath to that 
 constitution and swear to support it. He may not 
 l)e required to take that oath person<dl>j, but he is 
 recpiired to take it by his representative, which, in 
 law and morals, amounts to the same thing. 
 
 The members of the Reformed Presbyterian Church 
 have decided objections to take such a pledge Jis that, 
 and it may be desirable that I should say — and I 
 have gi'eat pleasure in saying it — that our objection 
 does not arise from any personal disaffection to the 
 Sovereign. We love the Queen pei-sonally, and de- 
 sire that she may be happy in time and eternity. 
 We regard her as a model wife, a model mother, and 
 a model (pieen. If she were driven as an exile from 
 iier throne and palace, there is not a door, in all her 
 wide (h)minions, that would be more cordially opened 
 to lier than the door of a covenanter's humble dwell- 
 ing. If, in the public prayers of the sanctuary, we 
 do not make such explicit mention of Her Majesty 
 the Queen as some others do, our reasons are not 
 drawn from herself prrson(dl>j, but from the charac- 
 ter of the constitution of which she is the head. 
 That she may be greatly blessed as a vjoman, as a 
 motlier, as a christian, we most heartily desire and 
 huuibly pray ; but that she may be prospered as 
 a queen, the head of what we consider, in some 
 
 dN^ 
 
12 
 
 ELKCTIVE FllANCHISK. 
 
 respects, an iniquitous constitution, appointe<l to 
 administer laws that are <lishonoring to God and in- 
 jurious to tlie nation, we dare not pray, for that 
 would be to pi'ay for pio,' perity to laws and measures 
 which the (lovernor aiuoni^st the nations could not 
 sanction, and which He could not bless. I am per- 
 suaded, that if Hei' Majesty knew our principles and 
 our position, she would value our prayers, ofterv^d on 
 her behalf, more than she has a ri^ht to value those 
 that are offered as a token of loyalty to her crown 
 and dignity. For, how docs the case stand? If she 
 should happen to be dethroned by some revolution- 
 ary storm, or abdicate in favor of some one else, 
 those prayers would at once cease, her name would 
 be erased at once from the Prayer-book and some 
 other name, far less honorable, perhaps, would be 
 substituted. But the lo ;s of her crown and sceptre 
 would not involve the loss of our intercession on her 
 behalf. We would remember her as the woman, the 
 mother, the hund)le christian, still, and would not 
 cease to pray that in her darkest hours on earth she 
 might be illumined with the light of heaven. 
 
 Neither does our ol)jection to the oath of alle- 
 giance arise from any disaffection to our country 
 and its interests. Lot our country be invaded by a 
 foreign foe, and if Covenanters would not be amongst 
 the first to shed their blood in its defence, they 
 would belie their past history. There was a time 
 when the Covenanters of Scotland raised amongst 
 themselves a wh^^le regiment of soldiers for their 
 
 J. 
 
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. 13 
 
 country's service. It was called the "Cameronian 
 Regiment." The distinguished free church historian, 
 Hetherington, thus writes: "The generous Covenan- 
 ters stood forward in defence of their native land, 
 and offered to raise a regiment for public service, 
 stipulating only that the otHcers should be men of 
 conscience, honor and fidelity, and unstained by the 
 persecuting proceedings of the late reign, and that 
 their service should be for the defence of the Nation, 
 and the preservation of religion against Popery, 
 Prelacy, and Tyranny. Tliese terms were gladly 
 accepted, and in one day, without beat of drum, or 
 the expenditure of levy money, they raised a regi- 
 ment ef 800 men,connnonly termed the Cameronian 
 regiment. Such indeed was their loyalty and zeal, 
 that they even offered to raise two more regiments, 
 if their services should be re(|uired, for the protec- 
 tion of their country's liberties. SutKcient that they 
 were neither the narrow minded fanatics, nor the 
 miserable handful, which their enemies and perse- 
 cutors pretended, but in reality, a powerful body of 
 high hearted and patriotic men." The editor of a 
 religious journal, published in connection with the 
 General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in 
 Ireland, in a late issue thus writes : " It would be 
 hard to estimate the services that tlie Covenanters 
 have rendered to the cause of religion, lil)erty, and 
 humanity, the wide world over, from the first day 
 until now. And it cannot be denied, indeed by our 
 best histoi'ians, there is no attempt to deny it, that 
 
u 
 
 ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. 
 
 to the Covenanters of Scotland, the cause of civil 
 and religious liberty in Biitain is more indehtta for 
 the high position that to-day it enjoys, than to any 
 other party in the State, than to any otlier section 
 of the conmuinity." We claim to l)e patriots in tlie 
 truest and best sense. We utterly repudiate allegi- 
 ance to any foreign power. There is not a drop of 
 Fenian blood in a Covenanter's veins. The prin- 
 ciples we hold, if generally adopted and acted upon, 
 would be the life, the strength, the glory (jf our 
 country. 
 
 Neither does our objection to the Oath of Allegi- 
 ance arise from any opposition to the laws that 
 relate to civil things. All tliese laws, so far as I 
 know, are just and right. In no nation under the 
 sun is there the same security for life and property. 
 And we have reason to bless God that w^e live under 
 a flag that secures our safety so that we can go out 
 and come in w^ithout any to legally molest or make 
 us afraid. Our objections to the oath of allegiance 
 has principally a respect to the Constitution in its 
 relujlotis aspect. By taking that oath we Vv'ould 
 solenmly pledge ourselves to support what we con- 
 sider great Dwral evils, and as wx' are not alloAved 
 to vote on anv other condition tlian that of swear- 
 ing to support what we believe to be ruomUij trroixj, 
 we must forgo what we would, in other circum- 
 stances, regard a privilege, at the same time endeav- 
 oring to live as good members of civil society, "liv- 
 ing (piiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and hon- 
 
 •^ 
 
^ 
 
 ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. 
 
 lo 
 
 esty," and waiting in faith and humble prayer for 
 that fifood time cominir when all the evils that afHict 
 society .shall be done away, and great voices shall be 
 heard in heaven proclaiming : "The kingdoms of this 
 world are become the kingdoms of our Lord and of 
 his Christ." 
 
 I. We cannot acknowledge the Oonstitution or 
 swear to support it, because ice arepvofessmij cliv'iS' 
 tians. 
 
 A christian is one that has token an oath of un- 
 qualified allegiance to the Lord Jesus Christ, the 
 enthroned redeemer. How then can he swear alle- 
 giance to anything that is in opposition to Christ, 
 his cT'own and dignity ? The British oath of allegi- 
 ance is an acknowledgment of every prerogative 
 that the sovereign assumes. Tlie prerogative of the 
 crown is twofold, head of the Stufe and also head of 
 the National Church, or in other words supreme in 
 all causes civil and ecclesiastk/d. The oath of allegi- 
 ance is an acknowledgment of both. It is a pledge 
 to support the royal supremacy over the National 
 Church as well as over the State. If it was only an 
 acknowledgment of the supremacy in clvd things, 
 there is no one in our fellowship who would object 
 to do At, at least so far as the present sovereign is 
 concerned. She has a legitimate claim to the cordial 
 allegiance of all her sul)jects as head of the State, and 
 long may she live to be such 1 But here the un- 
 scriptural, unchristian element comes in. She claims 
 to be head of the national church also. Supreme in 
 
 / 
 
16 
 
 ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. 
 
 all causes relating to its doctrines, worship, discip- 
 line and government. The final court of appeal ovi 
 all questions ecclesiastical as well as civil is the 
 Queen in Council. Such a claim we dare not sanc- 
 tion. The Lord Jesus Christ is sole head of his own 
 cliurch which he purchased with his blood. He is 
 so by the appointment of God the Father who set 
 him " King on his-holy hill of Zion." The Redeemer 
 never appointed any one either in earth or heaven 
 to represent him in that office. In all tipirltiud 
 things, the church is accountable to no one but 
 (■hrist speaking in his word — and for any hiunan 
 being. Pope, Prelate or Potentate to claim suprem- 
 acy over the church in general or any section of the 
 church in particular, is an invasion of the sovereign 
 prerogative of Hiui who is " King of Saints." To 
 take the oath of allegiance therefore, in its present 
 form, would be swearing to support that which is a 
 usurpation of tne prerogative of Christ. It would 
 be swearing to" support a worm of the dust in wearing 
 that crown that ought to be on no head, but that of 
 Christ. It would be a solemn pledge to support an 
 authority that the Redeemer nevei* gave to man or 
 angel, and which he will never sanction or bless. 
 How could we do that and be true to Him who is 
 " the head of all principality and power," the sole 
 "head of his body the church, the fullness of Him 
 who filleth all in all." 
 
 II. We could not acknowledge the Constitution 
 or swear to support it, because we are Pr('shijter}an&. 
 
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. 
 
 17 
 
 'k 
 
 It is not necessary now to enter upon an exanjin- 
 ation of the relative merits of Presbyterianism an<l 
 Prelacy. SiifHce it to say, that these two systems 
 are diverse in their nature, operation and effects. 
 They are diametrically opposite to each other. They 
 cannot then both be right. If Prelacy is right Pres- 
 ])yterianism is wrong. If Presbyterianism is right 
 Prelacy is wrong. If one be a Prelatist he nuist be 
 opposed to Presbyterianism. If one be a Presley te- 
 rian he must be opposed to Prelacy. To think of 
 acknowledging and supporting both systems of 
 ecclesiastical policy is irrational and absurd. Well, 
 how does the case stand? Prelacy is the religion of 
 the State. It is established by law. The British 
 nation once abolished that system, and entered into 
 soleum covenants in favour of Presbyterianism. In 
 the days of Charles the Second these covenants were 
 cancelled. An act called the " The Act Recissory," 
 was passed, declaring null and void all the national 
 deeds of former years in favor of Presbyterianism. 
 That " Act Rescissory " remains on the statute book 
 still. Prelacy was again set up. The Sovereign in 
 the Coronation oath, and the people in the oath of 
 allegiance swear to support it as the established 
 national religion. Now the question comes up, how 
 can we as Presbyterians take such an oath as that ? 
 If we believe that Presbyterianism is a Scviphival 
 system, how could we give our consent to that 
 national act that abolished it, that declared all leois- 
 lative acts passed in favor of it to be null and void, 
 
LS 
 
 ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. 
 
 tliat coTidciiincMl all the national covenants cnteiod 
 into for its support as trtasonaljlu transactions ? If 
 we believe that Prelacy is an nnscriptiiral system of 
 ecclesiastical policy, how could we SAvear to main- 
 tain it ? Most certainly the man who personally 
 takes tlie oatli of alh'giance in the present condition 
 of thin!j;s, or votes to send another to take it for 
 him, virtually a1ian(h)ns his Preshyterianism and 
 takes np Avitli Prelacy. lie gives np tlie great prin- 
 ciple of Preshyterianism, viz: the exclusive liead- 
 sliip of the Pedeemer over the church hy sweai'ing 
 to su])port the Sovereign in claiming tliat headsliip. 
 Tie renounces his Pres]»vterianism 1)y acknowledi»- 
 ing a system that is in }>lain and palpable antagon- 
 ism to it in its interests and its ol)ject. 
 
 III. We could not acknowledire tliat C(jnstitution 
 or sv/ear to support it, because we are Protcsfftnts. 
 
 It is a mehincholy fact that for a lengthened 
 period, P)ritain has been in league with Anticlu'ist. 
 That supremacy over the national church which l)e- 
 lonos to the sovereii>n, is iust the great leading 
 (>ssential principle of the Antichristian system. Be- 
 f ( re the Reformation in England, that supremacy 
 w,is claimed by the Pope of Rome. Henry the 
 VTII. abolished the Papal power in England. He 
 stripped the pretended occupant of St. Peter's chair 
 of his jurisdiction over the National Cluirch. Put 
 what did he do with it ? Did he return it to " the 
 hJcsycil and onhj Potentaic'' to whom that jurisdic- 
 tion exclusively belongs ? No. He took it to him- 
 
 M 
 
T 
 
 ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. 
 
 10 
 
 4 
 
 self as Sovoivigii of tlic State, and ever since it has 
 been an element in the prerogative of the British 
 Sovereign whether niale or female. The oath of 
 allegiance is, therefore, a pledge to support a supre- 
 macy not a whit less Antichristian than that form- 
 erly claimed and possessed hy the Pope of Rome. 
 
 And then, to what a fearful extent legislation has 
 heen going on duiing the last few years in favor of 
 Konic ? Hundreds of thousands of pounds out of 
 the National treasury ai-e annually expended to pro- 
 mote the interests of " the Man of Sin." There is 
 scarcely a session of Parliament that is not market! 
 by some fresh concession to " the mystery of in- 
 i(piity." England is getting rapidly to be Ptomish 
 England, — its Parliament a Romish Parliament — 
 i^s Church a Romish Church — its Laws Romish 
 laws, and if the Romeward tendency continues 
 much longer, a Romish King may sit upon Eng- 
 land's throne. 
 
 In view of all these ruinous concessions, what is 
 it that consistency requires of all true Protestants ? 
 Is it not to protest against them ? What is the 
 meaning of the word Protestant ? Is it not one that 
 pi'utcHiH, that protests against Romanism, and every 
 thing that promotes its interests ? But, let me ask, 
 how can one protest against Romanism who gives 
 his sanction to a political system that supports it ? 
 What is tliat man's protest worth who, one day, in 
 tlie pulpit or on the platform, lifts up his voice 
 against Romanism, and on the next day swears that 
 
20 
 
 EI.KC'TtVK FRANCHISK. 
 
 he will support a society that is in luaf^mo with it, a 
 parliament that upholds it, and laws that wore 
 framed for th(? very purpose of conciliating it, and 
 that are operating effectually for its advancement ? 
 Yet, that is the very position of the great body of, 
 so called, Protestants. Ministers ciy out lustily 
 Jigainst Rome in the pulpit and on the j)latform of the 
 ]>ible and other societies. Protestant leagues are 
 formed to resist its aggressions. On the 12th July 
 and other occasions, a thousand throats will vocif- 
 erate " Down with Popeiy." Yet these very people, 
 ministers and others, will glory in their connection 
 with a political system that is helping forward the 
 interests of that "Man of Sin," that God will destroy 
 "with the spi.-it of his moutli and with the bright- 
 ness of his coming." 
 
 What is such a protest worth ^ Will God ever 
 honor it to weaken the power of Rome ? Such a 
 protest has been going on for a lengthened period. 
 Every year it is getting louder and louder. Yet, 
 what has it accomplished ? Nothing. Romanism 
 is growing in numbers and advancing in political 
 iiiiluence throughout the British dominions. Now, 
 lot Protestants try another plan. Let them go be- 
 yond the domain of mere sound, and tiy something 
 more effectual. Let them take up a consistent po- 
 sition. Let them say to the " higher powers " that 
 are at the head of National affairs, "we will Avith- 
 draw our allegiance from you unless you withdrr>.w 
 your allegiance from Rome." "We will not support 
 
 1 
 
 «<f 
 
 T 
 
KLKCTIVK FUANCIITSE. 
 
 21 
 
 i 
 
 you unless you \vit]i<lravv your support from Anti- 
 elirist, and every thing Antichristian." Let Protes- 
 tants gcneiaily take up tl><; position wliieli the small 
 l)()(ly of ReformcMl Presbyterians has taken — l>ut 
 without any political influence, because so small, — 
 and in a short time their influence will be felt. 
 The throne and cabinet and parliament will soon 
 feel the power of their practical protest. National 
 concessions to Rome will soon cease, an<l England 
 will l>ecome, what she ought to be, tridy Protest- 
 ant England. "I speak as to wise men: ju<lge ye 
 what I say." 
 
 Waiving some other important t(jpics, for want of 
 time, I shall now bi'iefiy advert to some of the com- 
 mc^n objections to our principles an»l position. 
 
 It is sometimes said to us: "Other people jaM (Ih 
 (jooil and an conscientious (is you, vote ot elections. 
 They see nothiiKj wroiuj in it." 
 
 Now, I will freely admit, that many people exer- 
 cise the Elective Franchise wdio aie just as wise and 
 conscientious as the most devoted members of the 
 Reformed Presbyterian Church. That circumstance, 
 however, is no proof that voting, in the present con- 
 dition of thino-s, is ri^ht. Tha .consciences of even 
 wise and good men arc not an infallible rule, either 
 to themselves or others. Many good men upheld 
 slavery in the Southern States, but that did not prove 
 slavery to be right. If many wise and conscien- 
 tious men vote, niay it not bo because they have 
 never studied the subject ? May it not be because 
 
 T 
 
22 
 
 KLKCTIVK KKANcmSK. 
 
 tlicy liavo nevor duly coiisidi tlmI wliat is involviMl 
 in it? 1 am pcrsuadtMl, that if tliry would sit down 
 and praycifidly consider tlui Avliolc (picstion, they 
 would trtMuble at tlic very t]ion;L'lit of i)l('di>innf 
 
 •/ o loo 
 
 themselves to tlie support of a system and laws so 
 dislionoring to tlie enthroned Mediator, so detri- 
 mental to tlie interests of true reliL;-ion, and the 
 wellbeino- of the nation. 
 
 Sometimes inn-liUu iutcfcst darkens tlie percep- 
 tions even of good men. This was once illustrated 
 in a very simple way. One took a guinea, and 
 placing it on a letter of the alpliahet, asked a friend 
 witli whom lie was reasoning, if he saw the letter. 
 No, was the answer. ]{e then took away the 
 guinea, and asked if the letter was visible. O yes, 
 was the reply. The moral of the story is, worldly 
 interest tends to obscure the mind, and hinder the 
 right apprehension of truth. It is hard to see 
 through the guinea. Even good men cannot easily 
 see the badness of a system that they gain by, or 
 the goodness of a system that they lose by. 
 
 " When self the wavering InUauce holds, 
 "Pis rarely right adjusted." 
 
 -Again, it is sometimes said to us " If all Avere like 
 you, then thfrr vovhl he none io vole. There could 
 he 110 government, and ereruih'nKj voald (jet into 
 confaHionr 
 
 This is not merely the cry of the more ignorant 
 portion of the connnunity, but sometimes men of 
 
 Vf 
 
i:i,K(TivK niANcinsi'; 
 
 2: 
 
 •t 
 
 h 4 
 
 i 
 
 lojiniin'^ and int('!lii:'('nci''aJ(' so l>lin(l('(l l»y pri-iinlicc, 
 tluit tlii'V can s«.'c notliin^' but anarchy looniiny' \r\) 
 as tile rt'sult of tlio ^^'cncral adoption and npplieatioji 
 of onr princi[>li's. It is aniazint; tliat sucli a man as 
 tliL' Lord Ordinary ()f tlie (V)urt of St'ssinn in Scot- 
 land, in Ins late decision in " tlic Ferguson bcMjUost 
 case," slionld liave so i!L;"norantly set liis seal upon an 
 objection to oui' [)osition tliat lias Ixcn a thotisand 
 times trinm[)liantly refuted. T lis words are: "Were 
 the whole or a lai'ye l)ody of the whole eoMninniity 
 to adopt and act upon these piineiples, nnnrehy 
 would he thi! result." 
 
 Now^ in reply to this objection, T will n(tt dwell 
 upon the fact that in deteiuiining our duty in any 
 case, we have nothing" to do with conseipienees. 
 Duf;j ix (Utrs, rcfailfsi a tr GoiJs. We are responsible 
 for OUI- duty. God is responsible for th(3 conse- 
 (piences. I will not dwell upon that n'l'eat n»oral 
 principle, but impure : "Is it really so, that if all the 
 people were to become Covenanters, there would be 
 none to vote, and conseipiently no govermuent ^" 
 Most emphatically it would not be so. The very op- 
 posite would be the result. If the wdiole community 
 were to adopt and act upon our principles, the i-esult 
 would be that I'r. n'oaJd (ill vote, l)ecause we could 
 do so in a Scriptural way. If even a vovxl(h'i'aJ)!<' 
 j)0}'{>on of the people throughout the realm were to 
 adopt our views, and act npon them, we would ha\e 
 an influence that would be felt in the councils of 
 the nation. Our voice would be heard in liigh 
 
 f 
 
u 
 
 E LE( Tl V i: V R A N( ' H I S K. 
 
 places. Petitions from two or three millions of peo- 
 ple, setting forth tlu.' <^reat national evils, and i-e- 
 spectfully and earnestly asking a repeal of them 
 would he listened to. The remonstrance would he 
 felt. As the petitioners would grow in nund»ers, 
 they would advance in influence. Thus, in a sliort 
 time, through the grovvdng power of public opinion, 
 great and glorious changes would l)e effected. The 
 government Avould he establislied on a Sci'iptural 
 basis. Then we would all vote. We would feel it 
 to bt^ ouj' duty and our privilege to do so, because 
 we could exercise that riu'ht without yielding; our- 
 selves to ensnaring, conscience debauching condi- 
 tions. Such changes, ^^e are assured, will be 
 eHected, and in the way to which I have adverted. 
 It will Ix'bymen having their eyes opened to see 
 the natural evils, and earnestly, uncompromisingly, 
 and unceasingly protesting against them. It will 
 be by men — not one liere and another there, but 
 men in great nund^-rs, and men of influencii — em- 
 bracing the })rinciples, and adopting the position 
 that I have this dav enunciated. As the nund»er 
 of such shall increase — and increase it Avill when 
 Ciod's time foi' eidarmMuent shall come — their intlu- 
 ence shall be more and more felt. Evils of hmg 
 standing shall melt away liefore a wholesome and 
 growing public opinion. The institutions of the 
 countiy shall be thoroughly christi;iuized, and then 
 those who now sorrowfully feel it to be their duty 
 to stand aloof, lest they should be partakers of the 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 & 
 
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. 
 
 25 
 
 o 
 
 1 
 
 1 1 
 
 nation's sins, will be anion;L,^st the iirst to pledge 
 their allegiance, and the first at the polls. 
 
 Again, it as fre(iuently said to us, " If all Protest- 
 ants were to keep away from the polls, as you do, 
 Piipisf}^ vxndd get into inmrr, and the vJutle fnhric 
 of our Protestant institutions would he cowpJetelfj 
 deniolishedj' 
 
 Well, even if they should get into powei', as the 
 result of a general adoption of our position, would 
 that feared result justify our doing evil to prevent 
 it ? Fearful is the woe that the Bible pronounces 
 upon those who " do evil that good may come." 
 " Their damnation is just." 
 
 But. not to dwell on that thought, I would ask, 
 what have the elections done in the past to keep 
 Papists out of power ? What are the facts ? One 
 fact is that Protestants have been voting, almost 
 universally, during the years that are past. Another 
 fact is, that instead of l)eing weakened by Protest- 
 ant votes, Romanism has been advancing in political 
 influences. Witness England. Popery is every 
 year rising to higher power there. The Popish 
 party hold the balance of power in Parliament. 
 They can control the government and wring from it 
 almost every boon for which they clamor. Wit- 
 ness Scotland, where all classes of Protestants vote 
 with the exception of a few Reformed Presbyteri- 
 ans. Even there in the land shadowed by Martyrs' 
 monuments, Romanism is advancing to higher 
 power. A Romish Hierarchy has been recently 
 
2(> 
 
 KLK(T1VK KHAXCillSK. 
 
 estal»lisliLMl, and tlio luinl of Knox and Melville and 
 Kcnwick, lias been taken possession of in the name 
 of tli'j Pope. Witness o"!' oir'n Donihi'ion, where 
 almost universiil sn.tiVa;.;!' is the rule. Even here 
 llonianisni is risini-' hii-'liev and liiMier in the scale 
 of political influence. No, it is not at the polls, as 
 at present constituted, that the rising tide of Rom- 
 ish influence is to he driven back. The polls at the 
 present day have no power against Rome. Ibnv 
 could they ? Here is a can<lidate for Parliament. 
 He is a staunch Protestant. He makes a tiandng 
 speech on nomination day, promising great things 
 that he will do for the vindication of protestant 
 rights, and to resist the aiigressions of Rome. ''He 
 is just the nuan we want," is the protestant cry all 
 over. He is elected by protestant votes. FoIIoav 
 that man to Parliament. Follow him during Ins 
 whole course in Parliament. Listen to all his 
 speeches. Mark all his votes. Measure liis infhi- 
 ence, and in the great majority of instances Protes- 
 tantism is a I(»i/'i' by him, and Romanism a gainer. 
 How is this ? I will not now (hvell on the infhi- 
 ence exerted o\ cr that man. when in Parliament, 
 ])y Popish iiKMubers and by lukewarm and unprin- 
 cipled Protestants; by whom the locks of many a 
 Protestant Sampson are shorn ere he is long in the 
 Legislature. But I would sav, look at that man (m 
 his entrance into Parliament. What is the pledge 
 that he takes at the very threshold of his political 
 career ? The very first thing that lie does is to take 
 
 i 
 
 y 
 
ELECTl V K FRAS'CH IsK. 
 
 2? 
 
 an oath l)y which he i.s coinmitted to a legislation 
 that, in many important particulars, is favorable to 
 Rome. If he does not sv'C((r, (Jirccfh/, that he will 
 promote its interests, he swears indirecflji that he 
 will do so. He connuits himself to a political sys- 
 tem that is in league with it. He swears to support 
 a Constitution that, in its most essential particular, 
 is Romish, viz: the antichristian supremacy over the 
 national chuich that is vested in the Crown. He 
 swears to support laws, framed for the very purpose 
 of conciliating the " man of sin," and that are most 
 effectually promoting its interests. 
 
 Aftei' having taken such a pledge as that, with 
 what consistency can he set himself, like an honest 
 man, to resist Romish aggressions ? Every word he 
 speaks, every vote he gives, all the influence he ex- 
 erts against a measure favorable to Rome's preten- 
 sions is out of line with his initiatory pledge. Such 
 a man must go through Parliament, hampered by 
 the consciousness that his original oath and all sub- 
 sequent legislative efibrts in antagonism to Romish 
 interests, do not lie in the same plane, or tend in 
 the same direction. What is that man's Protestant 
 influence in the Le^-islature worth ? Protestantism 
 is more likely to be the loser by him than a gainei*. 
 The truth is, Rome has gained more by Protestant 
 votes than ever it has lost. The polls, in the pres- 
 ent day, have no power against that system. An<l 
 just as long as men enter parliament pledged by 
 oath to support a political system that is helping on 
 
2H 
 
 KI.ECTFVE FIJANCHISK. 
 
 the interests of the man of sin, all their speeches 
 and votes and influence will have no more power in 
 weakening the power or the Antichristian system, 
 than halls of wax would liav(i in demolisliinix the 
 fortresses of Gibraltar. 
 
 Again, it is sometimes said to ns, " Why do you 
 not vote to send good men to Parliament, that they 
 may help to rectify these evils of w^hich you com- 
 plain ? You are always testifying against national 
 evils, and yet you are taking no practical steps to 
 have them rectified. You are a do nothing people. 
 Why do you not try and get hold of good men and 
 send them to the Legislature, that they may exert 
 themselves to hring about tliose changes which you 
 desire ?" 
 
 Such a mode of reasoning looks plausible, but 
 when weighed in the balance of Scripture o.nd right 
 reason, it wall be found wanting. Be it so, that 
 there is a good man who offers his ser\ices, one 
 wlio in his place in Parliament would seek a 
 thorough moral reformation in national affairs; wdiat 
 w^ould be the position that we wouhl ourselves 
 assumes by voting for such a man as our represen- 
 tative ? We would just vote to send him to take 
 up a position that we would not take oitr.^plvc^. 
 We would send him to swear an oath for us that 
 we would not swear pprxonalhj. We woukl send 
 him to (jualify himself for his parliamentary caree)', 
 by swearing allegiance to that which we believe to 
 ^»e morally wrong. Such woukl be ouy position. 
 
 J, 
 
 xm 
 
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. 
 
 2D 
 
 1 
 
 Then look at the position in which we woiihl place 
 out' veprei<entative and in which he would volun- 
 tarily place himself. I atHrni that it would be a 
 most Jesuitical one. He wouhl swear to support 
 great moral evils, purposing that after he has done 
 so, he would set himself to seek their removal. He 
 would swear to support them to-day that he nuiy 
 get into a position for repealing- them to-morrow. 
 He would pledge his support to them to-day as 
 great excellencies, resolving to raise his voice against 
 them to-morrow as great evils. He w^ould justify 
 certain laws to-day, that he may get into a position 
 for condemning tliem to-morrow. Such would be 
 the position of our honorable representative. He 
 would adopt as his rule of political action the great 
 principle of Jesuitism, " The end justiiies the means." 
 The best friend to our cause in the community, we 
 would not send on such a commission. Even if we 
 were assured that all the changes whicli we desire 
 .would be accomplished through the parliamentary 
 influence of such a man, we dare not assume the re- 
 sponsibility of putting him into a roosition that would 
 involve, on his part, such a sacrifice of true honest 
 principle. Even the assurance that a natural mil- 
 lenium would break forth as the result of his exer- 
 tions, would nit justify us in sending him on such 
 a Jesuitical cummissiun as to " do evil that good 
 may come." 
 
 Now, I have endeavored te bring these things 
 before you as plainly and as scriptural ly as possible, 
 
30 
 
 ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. 
 
 and I would say with Paul "I speak as to wise men: 
 jud^'e ye what I say." 
 
 To tliose who have professed the principles that I 
 have endeavoured to expound, I would say, seek to 
 he better acquainted with them. A Hme of politi- 
 cal excitement is drawing near when all sorts of 
 arguments and influences will be used to persuade 
 you to swerve from your Scriptural position. Be- 
 ware of all such as would thus endeavor to persuade 
 you. They may come to you with honied words, 
 but they are not your true friends. B(3 assured 
 that the man, whatever may be his professions of 
 attachment and promises of favor, is in reality your 
 enemy, who would tempt you to violate solemn en- 
 ga<»emen!;s to Christ and his cause. No advantages 
 of a worldly nature, even though crowns and sceptres 
 should be laid at your feet, could ever compensate 
 you for the sacrifice of principle, and the abandon- 
 ment of your solemn profession. 
 
 To those who have not end)raced these principles 
 I would repeat the words of the Apostle, " I speak 
 as to wise men: judge ye what I say." Earnestly 
 look into these matters. Exannne them in tlie clear 
 light of God's word. There were men and women 
 "of whom the world was not worthy," who regarded 
 these principles worth living for, and woi'th dying 
 for, and on many a scaflbld and in many a dungeon 
 they blessed (Jo(l,that they were counted worthy to 
 suffer in such a cause. And if so manv intelliuent 
 and lioly men and womeii thought the Covenanters' 
 
 I 
 
 
i 
 
 ELKCTIVE FlIANCHISK. 
 
 31 
 
 testimony avoi tli suffci-ing and dyini;- for, surely you 
 oui-lit to tliink it wortli exaininin-^ There is notliin-"* 
 tliat is so antagonistic to our cause as ignorance and 
 prejudice. There is nuthiiig that we so ardently 
 ilesire and earnestly solicit as prayerful close ex- 
 amination. 
 
 Finally, let us all realize our personal respcmsi- 
 hility to C^hrist. Soon we nuist stand before the 
 Judgment Seat, that every one may give an account 
 of himself to God. I will stand there to aive an 
 account of how I have spoken to you to-day, and you 
 will stand there to give an account of how you have 
 heard. I am willing to appeal to the Judgment of 
 the Great Day to decide the (piestion, as to whether 
 or not what I liave presented before you is proper 
 for- me to say, or proper for \'ou to receive. May 
 the Lord oive us all minds to know what is v\iA\t, 
 wills to choose what is right, and the devotion of 
 heart to do what is riglit, that so we may give in our 
 account at the last "with joy and not with grief." 
 Amen. 
 
 y'