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 1 
 
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 22 1 
 
 1 
 
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i 
 
 
k 
 
 \\ 
 
 t 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 K ■' 
 
 OP THE 
 
 HONOEABLE JOHN ROSE, 
 
 0« the and reading »f ,|,( Mm,,, ma,~.m my, mi. 
 
 Mr. Speaker — 
 The Bill before the House i« nnp nf .v, 
 
 much as i. „„. „„„ eo™ J :;;" : L?;r:r' '"'""'- '""• 
 
 bu. because i. involve, a p.neipie of cl a ^eflr r.' 
 must have very impor.au, beari„„ „„ „,„ "'J"'"' f™f^ ^h.eh 
 
 faure relations ,oward,E„g,a„.f wi „ r.r T ," '"' 
 any of i,s details, but eoL™ mysl whh ' b •'°"° 1""" 
 proposes to organize and keep un i!'!, f , ™"^ """ " 
 aforee of 50,00 .en, withlr:: aU::^';:?'? 
 .bat torce withar^s, eio.hin, and ammunition, arZe::.^:.^:!: 
 
 ^.uou:r:en:ra:=--ot:^^ 
 r notrifd— r *!!-: -r ■» - -;::~ 
 
and others that no proper estimate of the expense has been given^ 
 and that the 1- venue of the eounfry cannot stand the additional 
 burden intended to be imposed. But tliough I feel the full force 
 of the objections which, in a financial point of view, may be 
 urged against our undertaking so comprehiuisive and large a 
 measure, there are other considerations of a higher and paramount 
 nature whicli impel us at the present time to place the defensive 
 power of the country on the most efficient footing. The question 
 of Colonial Defence is one which has lately attracted much 
 attention both here and in England, and I am glad that my Hon. 
 friend the Minister of Finance took occasion to refer to it in conclud- 
 ing the "speech which he has just made. The views which a certain 
 class of persons in England entertain with reference to it are no 
 doubt calculated in themselves to throw some discouragement 
 on our eflbrts, placing, as they do, the continuance of the connec- 
 tion between the mother country and the Colonies solely on the 
 footing of pecuniary interest ; but I think the present a fitting 
 opportunity of shewing that those persons— I can hardly call 
 them a party— do not represent English public opinion, aad that they 
 have no elTect in influencing the policy by which the responsible 
 Ministers of the Crown are row or are ever likely hereafter to be 
 guided. It is a fitting occasion also for demonstrating what the real 
 feeling of Canada is— of shewing that we understand our position 
 as Colonists, forming an integral portion of the British Empire, 
 that we are alive to the dangers to which we are exposed and 
 that while we will assume our just share of the burden of defence— 
 we expect and will rely on the performance by England of the duty 
 which she owes to us. (Hear, hear). I wish also to point out the 
 great misapprehension which apparently exists at home as to the 
 extent of the burden to which we are supposed, of late years, to 
 have subjected England ; to shew how insignificant in amount 
 it ordinarily is, and how much Canada has all this time been 
 
 890557 
 
to 
 
 doing .or herself. I do this not in a captious spirit of rccrimi- 
 nation, but with the sincere and single minded desire of making 
 our relative positions understood, that each country may be 
 stimulated by seeing the willing co-operation of the other, and 
 Its readiness to assume a just proportion of the common duty 
 of preserving the integrity of the Empire. * 
 
 We know, Sir, that we are called on to arm not on account of 
 any danger likely to arise from our own Policy or quarrels ;— It is 
 from the consequence of Imperial Policy that our danger springs- 
 a Policy which we have no share in directing. But the risk is 
 incident to our position. We accept it because we value too 
 highly the blessing of living under the British Crown-the privi- 
 leges which, as British subjects, we enjoy ; we prize our constitu- 
 tional liberty too much-our attachment to the Throne and Institu- 
 tions of England are too deep rooted to make us willing topurchase 
 immunity from this danger, at the price of separation. (Hear, hear) 
 I beheve that the Crown of England, the government and the great 
 body of the people of England appreciate such feelings, and that 
 they have as little sympathy as we have with those who talk of 
 abandoning their Colonies, simply because they happen to be a 
 source of danger or a source of expense. So long as we do not 
 find the views of the class I speak of directing the policy of 
 England, we are not justified in allowing their mere opinions to 
 influence our conduct or make us lukewarm in the work of pro- 
 viding for the future defence of our soil. That party seems to 
 forget that the acquision of dominion, whether by conquest or 
 treaty, entails the obligation of protection ; they look only on their 
 Colonies as an article out of which money is to be made ;_and 
 that when they cease to be profitable, when they cost more 
 than they can get, in return out of them, they are to be at liberty 
 
 tOabandon us ! fhl»v nnnoiHo-fhaf 4- J • -1 
 
 . '-' — -^ — "-'"c. mat lu lucrcusc m material prosperity 
 
 IS the first and only duty of a state ; and that any thing which does 
 
4 
 
 not contribute to amassing wealth is to be neglected, even if invol- 
 ving a disregard of the obligations of good faith and national 
 honor. Practical as the present age is, I do not believe that 
 abstract calculations of profit or loss will ever be the i^sue by 
 Which the retention or abandonment of British dominion will be 
 determined. 
 
 Mr. Goldwin Smith, the most advanced champion of the Anti 
 Colonial party tells us it is true " that the interest of Canada, as 
 wel as of England, is on the side of Separate Government. 
 That we gam nothing by the present system, but the payment 
 by England of our Naval and Military Defences, which as it 
 leads us to neglect the duty of self defence, we will in the end 
 " find no gain, but a heavy loss." He tells us that " timely sepa- 
 " ration is good for both parties, and especially so for the Colonists " 
 and speaks of our future destiny " ,/e.e will only go forward like 
 ' men to meet it, instead of clinging like frightened children to the 
 ^'skirts of the old world- He asks "if we hope that England 
 " will always go on paying for our Army and Navy," and tells 
 us that " to hope, this hope is too much from the sufferance even 
 of the English people." 
 
 Mr. Smith is a man of no ordinary power of mind, and one 
 whose gifts should have placed him above the level of those 
 whose views are swayed by the mere pmctical instincts of com- 
 merczal advantage. Are great national questions to be tried by the 
 mere test of the balance sheet > Does he care nothing for the power 
 and greatness of England-nothing for the dishonor which would 
 attach to the throne by throwing off loyal and devoted subjects 
 or what is the same, leaving them unprotected, because the res- 
 ponsibility incident to the acquisition of dominion cannot be borne 
 Without expense } Does history furnish any instance of the kind ? 
 It has taken centuries to consolidate this mighty Empire ; will the 
 
'en if invoj- 
 id national 
 •elieve that 
 le issue by 
 ion will be 
 
 f the Anti 
 I^anada, as 
 )vernment. 
 2 payment 
 ^liich as it 
 in the end 
 fiely sepa- 
 /oloiiists," 
 mard like 
 iren to the 
 England 
 and tells 
 nee even 
 
 and one 
 of those 
 ' of corn- 
 ed by the 
 (le power 
 3h would 
 subjects, 
 5 the res- 
 be borne 
 le kind ? 
 will the 
 
 people of England consent to its dismemberment so long as a 
 ^dhng allegiance is given to a common Sovereign, and so long 
 as her subjects in her outlying dominions are ready to assume 
 the burden., which the privileges of freedom entail? We do not 
 ment the taunt of clinging to the skirts of the old world, as I shall 
 presently show when I come to speak of what the hardy and ener- 
 getic settlers of the country have done to reclaim it from the wil- 
 demess despite the rigours of our northern climate, and the 
 matenal obstacles they have had to overcome. If there is one 
 quality above another to which they can with truth lay claim, it 
 IS aelf-rehance and independence. 
 
 It is satisfactory to pass from such theories of philosophers and 
 political economists to the practical views expressed by those 
 who are responsible for their opinions as directing the national 
 policy. Any one who reads the evidence given by the Duke of 
 Newcastle, Lord Grey, Mr. Elliott or Mr. Merivale before the 
 recent Committee of the House of Commons, must rise from the 
 perusal of it, with the conviction that the interests and defence of 
 the Colonial Empire will not be disregarded. Nothing can be 
 more just or more statesmanlike, than the footing on which 
 they put our mutual relations. I think it of so much im- 
 portance that there should be no misconception on this 
 Head, that the zeal and readiness which this Country has 
 always shewn to assume its fair share of the burden should not be 
 checked, especially at the present critical juncture of our history, 
 that I must trespass on the time of the house by quoting one or 
 two passages expressive of their views. (Hear Hear.) J begin 
 with Lord Grey, because it was he who originated the system of 
 Withdrawing troops and of imposing on the Colonies a greater 
 share of the duty of providing for their own internal tranquillity But 
 he was most careful in carrying this system into effect to guard 
 agamst any possible misapprehension on our part of his motives 
 
In an elaborate despatch to Lord Elgin, dated in Marel, 1851, he 
 says : regarding Canada as a most important and valuable part of 
 the En^pire, and believing the maintenanee of the eonneetion 
 between the Mother Country and the Colony to be of the highest 
 advantage to both it is far from being the view of ff er Majesty's 
 Government that ti,e general power of the Empire is not to be 
 used m the protection of this part of Her Majesty's Dominions." 
 In speakmg of the reduction of the Military Force he says- "Her 
 II Majesty's Government are the more induced to adopt this view 
 ol the subject because they are prepared to recommend to Parlia- 
 ment that assistance of the same kind tcith that which has proved 
 ' so eminently useful to Canada as the comfruction of the St 
 " Lawrence Canals shonld be extended to her in respect of another 
 'pubhctvork calculated to be hardly less beneficial to' her than 
 these Canals. In another despatch I will explain to your Lord- 
 " ship the views of Her Majesty's Government with regard to the 
 " means by which it is hoped that the construction of the Quebec 
 II and Halifax Railwafj may be accomplished. I only advert to 
 " this subject at present for the purpose of observing that while the 
 'I credit of this country is exerted to enable Canada to extend her 
 ' pubhc works and to dcvelope her resources I feel confident that 
 II the Parliament of Canada will readily co-operate with Her 
 Majesty's Government in adopting measures for diminishing 
 " the charge on the British Treasury for tlie defence of the pro- 
 " vince." 
 
 We thus sec, Mr. Speaker, that it was intended to accompany 
 this diminution of force by the adoption of measures which 
 would relieve us from the danger incident to our isolated position 
 and place us at all seasons of the year within reach of England 
 Indeed Lord Grey distinctly says in his work on Colonial Policy • 
 '^'^ The call upon Canada to take upon herself a larger share than 
 heretofore of the charges incurred on her account was intended 
 
ell, 1831, he 
 
 Liable part of 
 
 i connection 
 
 fthe highest 
 
 T Majesty's 
 
 is not to be 
 
 >ominions." 
 
 iays : " Her 
 
 )t this view 
 
 / to Parlia- 
 
 has proved 
 
 of the St. 
 
 of another 
 
 her than 
 your Lord- 
 ?ard to the 
 he Quebec 
 r advert to 
 
 : while the 
 extend her 
 fident that 
 with Her 
 minishing 
 ' the pro- 
 
 jcompany 
 es which 
 
 1 position 
 England. 
 1 Policy : 
 lare than 
 intended 
 
 " to bo coupled with an application to Parliament not only io pro- 
 " vide for the salary of the Governor General but also to give the 
 " assistance of th.; credit of the British Treasury towards the exe- 
 " cution of the projected ine of Railway for connecting the British 
 " Provinces of North -America." 
 
 Passing now to the general (luestion of the Colonial relation, 
 the views of Lord Grey are no less satisfactory. They are so 
 apposite that at the risk of presuming more on the forbearance of 
 the hous(! than I could wish I must quote them : 
 ^^ " I consider then, says he, that the British Colonial Empire 
 " ought to be maintained, principally because I do not consider 
 " that the nation would be justified in throwing off the responsibi- 
 " lity it has incurred by ihc acquisition of this dominion, and be- 
 " cause I believe that much of the power and innuence of this 
 " country depends upon its having large colonial possessions 
 " in different parts of the world. 
 
 •< The possession of a number of steady and faithful allies, in 
 II various quarters of the Globe, will surely be admitted to Idd 
 " greatly to the strength of any nation, while no alliance between 
 " independent states can be so close and intimate as th(^ connec- 
 " tion which unites the Colonies to the United Kingdom as parts of 
 II the Great British Empire. Nor u ^-ht it to be forgotten that the 
 " power of a nation does not depend merely on the amount of 
 " physical force it can command, but rests, in no small degree, 
 " upon opinion and moral influence ; in this respect British power 
 "would be diminished by the loss of our Colonies, to a degree 
 " which it would be difficult to estimate ; hence if it is an advan- 
 "tage, not for the sake of domineering over other countries but 
 « with a view to our own security, to form port of a powerful 
 "nation rather then of a weak one (and considering the many 
 " examples we have seen of the injustice to which weak ones are 
 " compelled to submit, this can hardly admit of a question), it 
 
8 
 
 uincnm and aislant portions nfili#. ii.-»- i i-. 
 ii t\ ■ ■ . i">iuu« oi ino tontish Emu re sn tho» 
 
 tzon, must be regarded as an object of extreme im. . 
 
 ««or a .» „„ dou,.. of fnr g,oa,or („,,,„„„„,,, !,„„ ,„ „,„ „3 
 
 nr .,„, Crown, all „,„ ^,„,i,y „„,, „„,„y^„^,i„„ 
 
 ., :::7 -" '"^""'"' -^ »"- -^ "- — vo..'m .a,. <„ z 
 
 " No foreign ,,„„„ ,„„,„^^ ,__ _^^^__^|^ 
 
 mmion,, ,1 e nat.on has .ncurred a responsibilhy of llio highest 
 ^ , . -.C, , i..„, „, ,,„„^ ,„ ,,,„^ „^ Tl„, author, ,f.t 
 Bm 1. c,o„n . a. .hi., „„,„,o,„ ,h„ „,„„ p,,,^,,, j^^,^;'^" 
 under providence, of maintaining peaee and order in ,^ ^y 
 extensive regions of the earth, and thereby assists in 7m 
 -ongstmiiii r,he hutuan »ee the' ^eT, JoftZ 
 
 .antty and c.vtiization. Supposing it ,vere clear (which I a™ fo 
 from ad„,.„„g, .ha. a reduction of our nation'a, otit 
 
'jor all the 
 >irc, 8() that 
 mon j)rotec- 
 iportance to 
 i:ie8 ; to the 
 the former, 
 and weak 
 ance to the 
 lich belonsr 
 ti5s in the 
 
 '■ with the 
 lim, to the 
 
 trading or 
 fa British 
 liificulties, 
 «d, on the 
 
 servants, 
 ipiic. 
 
 ' of con- 
 'iew only 
 y under- 
 Mial Do- 
 c highest 
 ity of the 
 Irument, 
 n many 
 diffusing 
 •f ehris- 
 I am far 
 Judiiure 
 
 " (otherwise impracticable,) to fho extent of a few hundred 
 " thousands a year, could be effected by withdrawing our autho- 
 " rity and protection from our numi^rous colonies, should we be 
 "justified, for the sake of such a saving, in taking this stej), and 
 " thus abandoning the duty which seems to have been cast 
 " upon us? •'•••«» • 
 
 " To say nothing of highc- motives, and of the duty which I 
 " conceive to be no less obligatory upon nations than upon indi- 
 " viduals, of using the power and the advantages entrusted to 
 " them by providence to advance the welfare of mankind, I would 
 " ask whether,*even in mere mon(>y, there would not be some thing 
 « to set off against the saving of expense from the abandonment 
 " of our colonies? On the other side of the account we have to put 
 " the destruction of British property which would thus be occa- 
 " sioned, and the annihilation of lucrative branches of our 
 " commerce, by allowing anarchy and bloodshed to arrest the 
 " peaceful industry which now creates the means of paying for 
 " the British goods consumed daily in larger quantities, by the 
 " numerous and various populations now emerging from bar- 
 " barism under our pmtection." 
 
 " It is true there are several of our colonies to which the lar" 
 ^'^* observations do not directly apply; but the policy of abandoning 
 " a part of our colonial empire could scarcely be adopted, without 
 " giving so great a shock to the feeling of confidence and security 
 " in the remainder, :.s greatly to increase the difficulty of main- 
 " taining it ; and I must add, that it appears to me very doubtful 
 " whether even the colonies most capable of governing them- 
 " selves, and which have no uncivilized tribes to deal with, from 
 " whom any danger could be apprehended, would not for some 
 
 " time have mimh fjinip,iltTT in ,o^;-t^:-:__ •! -• 
 
 - -i..i.i,.,i!j, .a liictinu-itmny ihuir present state oi 
 
 " tranquility and security, both externally and internally, if their 
 
10 
 ;' connecion .,u, ,h„ „„.,,„^ ,„,„,,^ ^^„^ ^^_,^^^__,^ ^.^^^^^^_^_,, 
 
 romtt v,ews „r ,1,0,0 wl,o wl,l, ,„ Ui™e„,ber ,l,e Bri.i.., 
 
 Wve h„. ,„„ „„,„ „„^^.„„,_^ „^ ^ ^^^^^^ ^^J ^^^ o 
 
 as; oo„,.do, „ ,„ ,,,, i, „„, „„,y„j,„„,y ^^,^^^^^^^^ 
 
 men ad ,vl.o, .,„lo „,„y ,„,„„„ ,„ „,„^^ „,^. , 
 
 and „d „<.a,., ,nea«,ros ,l,„ a„„,„i„„ of wl.i.l, would Licvitably 
 bnng about lh,s ,.o„,i,.'. (i,,,„,^ |,„„^ j "'^ 
 
 remarkable language of the Duke of Newea„Ie, in a speoe), 
 dehvered ., Feb„,a,y, ,8a.,-i„ .„„,. he said : " , i, .he dLy 
 
 •! ml-, ay l,o ,n answer ,o a qneslion of Mr, Ra-buek, " ,l,a, one 
 ^^ o . be d„„es w icl. devolve on ,l,e ,no,l,er Coun,,, is .'be defenee 
 
 . tJ 7\ ' '"'"'" '"'"«' ^^''=" »<l'»"'=g- a Colony would 
 ^^ fad „ „s rel„t,ve posbion, if ,be Mo.ber Country did no. pro.ee> 
 
 • Z"^' ™ -—"• of ,he peeuliar position of Canada, I .hint 
 ^^ the taper,al G„ver„,.en, is bound ,o keep up a eertain amonn, 
 
 " of w^' 'Vr, ""'""^ ""'" " '"""' '"S" f-- i" ""' -ent 
 " stal Z ,'T '""'" """ ™'"''' '^ "«S'-"™- '^-"''» 
 
 " avel .\ ""' ''°"''°" ''""' ™^ "'"" Colony we 
 
 Again, wlten asked whether if in ,i„,e of peaee the 
 
 anouneemeu. was made ,ha. every ..nperial soldier ^as .o te 
 
 for e or ,o ofler a eontribution to tnaintain Intperial Troops he 
 -Pl- : " , ,hi„k i. „igh. pr„,„eej„,, .bis differenee- L , 
 
disf5olved<" 
 
 my dissent 
 
 tlie British 
 
 •ssible not to 
 
 and unwise 
 
 tod by one 
 
 eflectualiy 
 
 •n in Parlia- 
 
 dherci^ce to 
 
 e direction, 
 
 inevitably 
 
 quote the 
 
 a speech 
 the duty of 
 sion at all 
 fe in 1861 : 
 
 "that one 
 be defence 
 )ny would 
 lot protect 
 la, I think 
 in amount 
 
 the event 
 Canada 
 ^lony we 
 peace the 
 ivas to 1)6 
 ger local 
 ■oops, he 
 3— /Aa/ it 
 
 " would cause the whole Volunteer Spirit to cease — that they 
 *' would contribute nothing to maintain an Imperial Force — but 
 " he adds : I have no doubt that the Colony would make very 
 " great exertions in time of actual danger. 1 have no doubt that 
 " so long as the Imperial Government sheivs a disposition to 
 *' support them in time of peace and to prevent war^ that they would 
 " in time of war behave generously and properly towards supporting 
 " the Imperial Government in their own defence and in maintaining 
 " the general interest of the Empire.^'' 
 
 It ought certainly to be assuring to ihe ^^eople of the country to 
 know that their position and feelings w. .a so well rmderstood, 
 and I venture, Mr. Speaker, to say that he has not overestimated 
 the generous and patriotic co-operation which England would 
 receive at our hands in case of need. (Hear, hear.) There is no 
 sacrifice, I believe. Sir, to which the people of Canada are not 
 prepared to submit, if they are appreciated and met in this 
 generous spirit. (Hear, hear.) 
 
 Mr. Gladstone, it is true, speaks of the English Colonial system 
 " as a novel invention of which, up to the present time, England 
 " is the Patentee, and that no one has shewn a disposition to 
 " evade the patent." He says, " that the Colonies should be 
 made primarily responsible for their own defence,^^ and when 
 asked what he means by that expression, he says, " it is best 
 " exemplified by the state of opinion and feeling that prevailed 
 " among the old American Colonies." But does he consider that 
 their defence was an easy matter— ours a most difficult— that 
 they had no foreign enemy to fear but France ; while our danger 
 springs from a country conterminous for thousand of miles with 
 our own, — inhabited by a most powerful and warlike people 
 numbering 30 millions ; abounding in extraordinary resources 
 and whose facilities of communications enable them at any time 
 to collect masses of Troops on our very borders. — The illustration 
 
1« 
 
 fail, entirdy, because >l,e conditio,, a„d ,l,e circumslanee, of Ite 
 . iwo are entirely different. 
 
 VVc know ,l,at be the cause of rnpture will, Americawha.it 
 may,_„,e horror., of war will be „t onr doors, ,ha. whatever the 
 .3sue, we mu.,. be the snfferer.,, and can by no possibility be 
 garners. We know also from ..perience that ^Canada m'; L e 
 no concern or interest in the quarrel except as an integral portion 
 
 us. What rnercs. had we in Ruatan.> What in the Oregon 
 
 of S.r' .wT "• '"^ """"^"' '>"°'"°" ■ ^'•^' « "■= •''a'Td 
 of St. Juan? What .„ European interference in Mexico? What 
 
 save .ndced as British subjects, interested in the honor of ou^ 
 flag, ,.uhc Trent affair? And yet, Sir, with all .his before us 
 wwl no, exchange our position, nor seek to escape from the' 
 •se nous consequences which our relations wi.h England mav 
 ena, up„„„, ^his common danger ought .o „ni.e'„: cZ 
 ogCher, no. merely from consKlerations of mutual interest, but 
 from generous sympathies that spring from mutual self devotion 
 and generous sacrifice. (Hear, hear.) ' 
 
 I may be permitted in concluding my observations on .his 
 tead, to quote from a speech of Lord Palmerston in .he debate on 
 Army Estimates in 1835 : 
 
 fo t e benefit of a country to possess Colonics-whether i. is 
 
 ^ bette she should confine herself ,c commerce and irnprove- 
 
 ™ents a home, or form settle.nents abroad; bu. .here can be 
 
 nod^b, „s .o .he course which ought .„ be pursued by a 
 
 «b „7,o r't r'' " '" '•°^'^'''™ -^" Colonies as 
 beiong „ England. As far as civiliza.ion extends in .he 
 world— from the n.oc=t n-r'hr— • * • * 
 
 "«.nnfK« " " n..ruieni point in America, to the 
 
 southernmost extremity of Asia-the formation of British 
 
IS 
 
 istances of the 
 
 nerica what it 
 whatever the 
 possibility be 
 tela may have 
 itegral portion 
 t of search to 
 1 the Oregon 
 in the Island 
 ixico? What, 
 honor of our 
 is before us, 
 ape from the 
 ngland may 
 te us closer 
 interest, but 
 !lf devotion, 
 
 ons on this 
 le debate on 
 
 low far it is 
 'hether it is 
 d improve- 
 ere can be 
 rsued by a 
 olonies as 
 ids in the 
 la, to the 
 of British 
 
 
 " settlements and the accumulation of British wealtii, is to be 
 " found. To abandon possessions gained at the cost of so much 
 " blood and treasure— many of thorn important outposts for the 
 " protection of our commerce, and the security of our dominion, 
 " would be a violation of public faith, and a forfeiture of national 
 " honour." 
 
 Having thus, Mr. Speaker, as I trust, shewn that the States- 
 men of England do not look on our future destiny with indiffer- 
 ence, I wish to make a few observations on the general complaint 
 touching the amount of Imperial expenditure on our defence, and 
 also to shew that we have not only faithfully implemented, in spirit 
 and in letter, the compact made in terms of Lord Grey's despatch, 
 but have entirely relieved the mother country from providing in 
 any way for our internal tranquillity. 
 
 It is necessary to dissociate Canada from the case of other co- 
 lonies, and what do we find : that in ordinary times she has 
 since been garrisoned but by two regiments— one of which is the 
 the Canadian Rifies. The gross expenditure on all British Ame- 
 rica is under £400,000 per annum. One half at least of this is 
 chargeable to the Lower Provinces, of New Brunswick, New- 
 foundland and Nova Scotia, in which is the great arsenal of 
 Halifax— maintained for Imperial purposes. Of the £200,000 
 expended in Canada £170,000 represents the ordinary pay, 
 rations and clotlung of the troops, who are maintained here more 
 cheaply than they could be in England. The only items really 
 and specially chargeable against us are the items of transport and 
 the charges for barracks and fortifications. Dividing these in 
 the same proportion they will be found to l)e under je30,000 a 
 year. 
 
 Well might the Duke of Newcastle say, as he did in his evidence 
 before this Committee, that it is extremely difficult to argue these 
 question on principles of business, that " it is a very small ground 
 
14 
 
 ''(( 
 
 H 
 
 to fajtc— and that it is but a flea bite to the Imperial government:^ 
 But, Sir, when Canada was promised Imperial aid (when the 
 Military Force was reduced,) towards giving her Railway com- 
 .munication with England through British Territory, and although 
 that aid has not been given, has she not faithfully relieved the 
 mother country from the duties she was asked to assume ? We 
 organized a most efficient Volunteer Force, clothed, armed and 
 drilled them ; this force has since performed the duty of aiding 
 the civil power on all occasions of popular disturbance. They 
 have become a most efficient and available body, even for 
 purposes of war and ready for active service. We have adopted 
 measures for the protection of all the fisheries in the gulph and 
 on the coasts, so that the services of no British ship of war have 
 ever been called in requisition. We have maintained the 
 Ordnance Canals at a heavy annual loss to ourselves ; we have 
 built and maintained light-houses at remote and almost inac- 
 cessible points, at a very heavy outlay, and which are free to the 
 shipping of all nations ; we have devoted all our resources to the 
 construction of works of internal communication, which would 
 greatly facilitate the defence of the colony in case of aggression. 
 Sir, we have been acting the part of a nation rather than of a 
 colony. We have not been clinging helplessly to the skirts, nor 
 relying on the aid of the old world. By our interprise and energy 
 we have developed the resources of this country with a rapidity 
 to which the history of few colonies affords any parallel. (Hear, 
 liear.) True we have not as yet, because it has been unnecessary, 
 withdrawn the great mass of our people from the pursuits of 
 industry to train them to the art of war, but when danger 
 threatened, was any backwardness evinced — or was an uncertain 
 sound heard in any village, town or hamlet from Gasp^ to Lake 
 
 fill v\<-k 
 
 iiperior ? 
 
15 
 
 overnment.y 
 I (when the 
 lihvay com- 
 nd althougli 
 relieved the 
 ssume ? We 
 armed and 
 ty of aiding 
 ince. They 
 r, even for 
 ave adopted 
 ! gulph and 
 :)fwar have 
 ntained the 
 j; we have 
 Imost inac- 
 i free to the 
 urces to the 
 hich would 
 aggression, 
 r than of a 
 ! skirts, nor 
 and energy 
 !i a rapidity 
 el (Hear, 
 nnecessary, 
 pursuits of 
 ben danger 
 n uncertain 
 ip6 to Lake 
 
 The case of Canada has unfortunately been mixed up with all 
 the other Colonics, and fortified posiiion.s, some of which from 
 their circumstances can do little for themselves, and tlie British 
 ratepayer is told that he is heavely taxed for Colonial Defence. 
 The expenditure on Hong Kong lor instance is taken ; that is 
 not a Colony, but a station maintained for imperial purposes only— 
 So is Malta with its three garrisons and score of men of war. 
 Mauritius is necessary for the naval supremacy of England in 
 those seas, and a military force is necessary in Western Australia 
 because England choses to send her convicts there. There is a 
 great fallacy in generalising on the subject of colonial military 
 expenditure ; but no one who investigates the subject can deny 
 that the force maintained in times of peace in Canada has of late 
 been reduced to the minimum. 
 
 I have dwelt, Mr. Speaker, perhaps longer on this subject than 
 there was any occasion for so doing ; but before I le&ve it, let me 
 in conclusion advert to one fact which should conterbalance any 
 unfavourable impression that may have been produced in Canada 
 by the discussion of these theories, a fact to which I also alluded 
 in a former debate. When the risk of collision with the United States 
 was recently apprehended— was there any hesitancy on the part of 
 the British Government in despatching troops to our reliei ? and in 
 what spirit was their promptitude met by the Country 1 Was there 
 a voice raised in Parliament to censure them either for their policy, 
 or for the expense they had incurred in these measures of precau- 
 tion ? NcTcr was such unanimity shown in supporting a Government 
 Seldom such gratifying mention of the conduct of any Colonist as 
 that in which our readiness to stand by the fortunes and throne 
 of Englatid was spoken of ! ! (Hear, hear !) There were no 
 doctiinaries then to raised their voice against the precautionary 
 measurto the Government had taken— none to recommend that 
 we should be left to ourselves ;— and so depend upon it, it will 
 
16 
 
 ever be when actual danger arise. I cannot help quoting here 
 as illustrative of this, a passage which one might consider 
 almost inspired from Mr. Merivale's admirable work. Speaking 
 of the motives of abstract practical philosophy as influencing the 
 retention of colonial dominion, he says : " The sense of national 
 '' honor-the pride of blood-the tenacious spirit of such defence- 
 » the sympathies of kindred communities-the instincts of a 
 " dominant race-the vague but generous desire to spread our 
 "civilization and religion over the world; these are impulses 
 " which the student in his closet may disregard, but the statesman 
 " dares not, for they will assuredly prevail as they often have 
 " prevailed before, and silence mere utilitarian argument when- 
 " ever a crisis call them forth:'' 
 
 A crisis lately did call them forth, and well and generously was 
 it met. (Hear, hear.) 
 
 Having thus, as I trust, shewn that we need have no appre- 
 hension that the future will find England less ready than the past 
 to defend us; does this Bill provide the means of placing the 
 whole defensive power of Canada in a condition to be available 
 to co-operate with her when occasion shall arise ? I think, Sir 
 we should not be fulfilling our duty if we were to stop short 
 of that. We do not want our yeomanry to be perfect in 
 the graces of military exercise and drill ; but we want such an 
 organisation of the whole adult population as that the State 
 can avail itself of their services on the shortest notice. I 
 have heard it urged by many, for whose opinions I have 
 great respect that we ought rather to have a perfect small force 
 than an irregular large one, and that it would even be better 
 to make a money contribution to keep a certain number of 
 i:nperial troops in the Colony. I differ entirely from this view. 
 It is of the first importance, I think, to make our whole population 
 
loting here, 
 ht consider 
 Speaking 
 uencing the 
 of national 
 h defence — 
 tincts of a 
 spread our 
 e impulses 
 ^ statesman 
 often have 
 merit when- 
 
 'rously v/as 
 
 i no appre- 
 m the past 
 lacing the 
 i available 
 think, Sir, 
 stop short 
 jerfect in 
 t such an 
 the State 
 otice. I 
 3 I have 
 nail force 
 be better 
 umber of 
 bis view, 
 opulation 
 
 17 
 
 self roliant, to instil into ihom the notion that we must defend 
 ourselves, and to accustom them to the use of arm.s. We do not 
 want even a .Mnall force in time of peace,— we want the whole 
 population in time of war. I trust we may for many years, and 
 for ever, live in pcact; and amity with the United States, but we 
 cannot disguise from ourselves that irrespective of the dangers 
 that exist in the present unsettled condition of that country, 
 there are at all limes peculiar elements of danger in the American 
 population which tli(< government, however pacific, (tannot always 
 control. I am no alarmist, Mr. Speaker, but it is impossible for any 
 man to peruse the correspondence which took place last year 
 between the American Government and those of England and 
 France without rising from it with the conviction that we escaped 
 war on many occasions almost by a nu'racle ; and that many of 
 the elements of danger yet remain, any one of which may involve 
 the two countries iu a controversy which can be settled by the 
 arbitrament of tlie sword alone. 
 
 The surest way to avert war is to be prepar(.'d to resist attack. For 
 the defence of such a Country as this dependence must mainly be 
 placed on the people themselves. Suppose England could ihrow 
 in 50 or 75,000 regular soldiers, they could not protect the whole 
 of our frontier. Besides irregular troops who know the roads, are 
 accustomed to the woods, are far better adapted for defensive work 
 in Canada than regulars are. They want but organisation— a 
 moderate proficiency in the use of arms, to be accustomed to 
 move in bodies together, and to have the habit of discipline. 
 Under this Bill we shall liave 50,000 efficient men within a few 
 months, with a reserve of 50,000 more, and in case of war 
 a third levy will give us, with very short preparation, a defen- 
 sive force of 150,000 men. I do not wish to commit myself to 
 the details of the Bill, but I fully approve of the general plan. 
 I feel, however, that the expense which must accompany this, will 
 
18 
 
 be a severe pressure on llie people, bul it is like paying so much 
 for insurance against invasion. Our v(>ry existence as a people is 
 involved. A week's occupation of any one of oiu- cities by a 
 hostile force woultl entail far heavier burdens to make it good 
 than till- maintenance of onr Militia Bill. We have two great 
 advantages in Canada over the Americans ; we have dnlled Officers 
 ready to instruct our men, and in whoin ihey have confidence • 
 and our people eminently understand that in which American 
 character fails, the necessity of obedience and submission to 
 discipline To these defects the disasters of the American Army 
 have been in the main attributable. 
 
 Let it not, however, bo supposed that the amount of appropria- 
 tion, whatever it may be, represents the sacrifices which the people 
 of this country are about to make. We have no rich class no 
 men of leisure here as in England, to whom the work of drilling 
 is a pastime. Every man who gives a day's time here with- 
 draws ;so much from some pursuit which he follows for the main- 
 tenance of his family, and for which the mere pay is no compen- 
 sation whatever. Jt is in fact a contribution of so much of his 
 individual substance to the cause of patriotism, of which the 
 payment by the State, large as it may be, represents but a slight 
 proportion, it is all the more praiseworthy because it does not 
 spring from mere military instinct, nor from any vain love of 
 display. The most superficial observer can see that it is under- 
 taken as a serious business and duty, and springs from the very 
 highest and noblest of motives. Even now, (I speak from per- 
 sonal observation in the city which I represent,) in anticipation 
 of this Bill, we find middle aged men immersed in business 
 giving up hours every day to learn the manual exercise, merchants 
 and professional men standing, side by side, in the same ranks 
 
 TWltn thpii* atnr/>nnr>Ti anA /•Iprk" • tsr" ti-^A t-^A - i • 
 
 -'-'-— - • aist. virjh.T , vVv iiiii* ttaucoiiieu, mccaanics 
 
 and labourers, after toiling all day, assembling in some store or 
 
 ^\ix 
 
ng so much 
 fi people is 
 
 cities by a 
 Ifi' it good, 
 ^ two great 
 'led Officers 
 onfidence ; 
 
 American 
 mission to 
 ican Army 
 
 appropria- 
 
 the people 
 1 class, no 
 of drilling 
 here with- 
 
 the main- 
 o compen- 
 jch of his 
 which the 
 ut a slight 
 X does not 
 in love of 
 t is under- 
 n the very 
 
 from per- 
 iticipation 
 
 business 
 merchants 
 mc ranks 
 Mechanics 
 e store or 
 
 19 
 
 drill-room at night, devoting the wholi; (nonlng to the hard 
 and imaltractive work of company drill. The sacrifices, both 
 pecuniiiry and personal, which the Volunteers of this country 
 have made are not known as they ought to he. Depend upon it, 
 Mr. Speaker, that such a people cannot be ctmquered ; they may 
 for a time be ovf-rpowered by superior numbers, but they cannot 
 be long held in subjection. If the same feeling c(»ntinues to ani- 
 mate us, with the power of England to back us, and with such a 
 country and such a climate as ours, we need have no fears for the 
 ultimate result against any ei v, however numerous or powerful, 
 which undertakes offensive operations on Canada. 
 
 My lionorabh' friend, the. Alt >rney General West, in introtlucing 
 this Bill, described it as an Enabling Bill, and that it in no way 
 committed the House; to the whole forcse of 50,000 men. But as 
 I understand the liill, it is adapted both in principle and in the 
 machinery of its details to such an organization. You have divided 
 the Province? into a certain number of Districts, with a certain 
 population to (uich, and propose to raise a certain miinber of men 
 in each. You have adjutants and drill-sergi^ants lor each ; and 
 you may, just as well, even on grounds of economy, call out the 
 whole complement of men, even if you give them fewer days of 
 drill. 
 
 My honorable friend has said that the number which the 
 Government will call out must depend on the state of the iinances 
 and of the likelihood of danger, and he says the cloud which 
 lately appeared to warn us has passed away. But, Sir, can any 
 man say that it will not re-appear to-ujorrow— or that instead of 
 appearing in the disttmt horizon no bigger than a man's hand to 
 warn us, its approach may be heralded only by the blackness and 
 fury with which it will burst over our heads. (Hear ! Hear !) Depend 
 upon it, great as the linancial responsibility is in assuming this addi- 
 tional charge, far greater is the responsibility of neglecting the warn- 
 
20 
 
 ings of the past, ami disn.,^ur(iing,lKM:vents which .re .akinL'plarr 
 on our bordors. If war, with all its horrors, comes on us i.nnrc: 
 pared-if the two loyal and chivalrous races that people Canada, 
 find themselves without <.rqanization_without arms-without 
 drilled instructors-withont learning the rudimems of .eif-de- 
 fence-there will he a lasting and grave responsibility on those 
 whose duty it was to arouse the country from ti,e dangerous sleep 
 of false security into which it had fallen, 
 ' The financial reasons I admit arr. weighty, but l,.-t us see 
 whether some means cannot be devised of lessening their weic^ht 
 I do not fear. Sir, that England will be slow to provide us with 
 arms and equipments, if we go to her in the proper spirit. She 
 has never been ungenerous.-still less unjust to those who 
 espouse her cause. I do not b^'lieve that, except for Provincial 
 Armouries and Drill Gro.mds, the first outlay will cost us any 
 thmg. So large an organization as is proposed need not and 
 o.ight not to be kept up l.mger than the danger which calls it 
 forth shall exist. If the means cannot otherwise be obtained, it is 
 an object for which a loan might fairly be raised, and for such 
 an object we might hope to obtain the credit of the impe- 
 rial Government. Suppose, Sir, we should get, say £700,000 
 sterling at 3^ per c-ent. that would entail a permanent charge 
 on the country of but £24,500 sterling a year. This sum, with 
 what we now pay, would ami)ly sustain the force for four years 
 after which the danger would either have been met or passed away, 
 and w(^ should be left with a perf.>ct organisation, to keep which 
 up afterwards, a very small annual charge would suffice. This 
 £700,000 would give $70,000 for armories and drill fields, a mil- 
 lion of dollars as an annual grant for the first two years, and 
 $800,000 for the next two. By adding the amount of the present 
 grants, the difference in interest, and the direct return from sub- 
 stitutes and fines, which T estimate at $100,000 only, during the 4 
 
31 
 
 years, (and wliicli might be dispensed witli altogether,) you would 
 thus, :is I have shewn, areomplisli the whole object of tlio bill 
 at the eost of £24,600 sterling a y.-ar on posterity, nssniriing that 
 the arms and cquipmenls were given to us. 
 
 If our revenue was nourishing— if in fact we could aflbrd the 
 first outlay, as well as the annual charge, if might be more 
 satisfactory for us to rely wholly on onr own resources ; but we have 
 had a chronic deficiency for sonic! y(«ars, and I do not see liow 
 we are to inake it good. The ne(;cssiiy for assuming so lar^'e 
 an annual Inuden calls on ns to practise economy in every 
 department of Government. 
 
 I will not now cuter on that question, but content myself with 
 saying that while I believe the country is prepared to submit 
 to any needful sacrifice for its defence, it will expect the ])iactice 
 of a strict economy in all other branches of the public s(>rvice in 
 order that this the paramount object may be effectually carried 
 out. If it is not to be done efliciently, better not do it at all. 
 
 I hope the Government w'll also see that whatever is necessary 
 in a military point of view in the way of fortifications and Lake 
 defence is provided for. The joint commissior now sitting will 
 doubtless make proper suggestions on that head, and it would be 
 both premature and improper to discuss now in what respect or 
 where we arc vulnerable. If this country places its whole popu- 
 lation in an organized condition at the disposal of England for 
 purposes of defence, there is a corresponding duty of no ordinary 
 magnitude and gravity devolved on her. Indeed Mr. Gladstone 
 was pointedly asked by the Committee on Colonial Military Ex- 
 penditure the question, and his answer is eminently satisfactory. 
 When questioned whether on the supposition that it was 
 possible for troops to be raised in the colonies sufficient for their 
 defence, acording to the judgment of the colonists as to their 
 requirements, he would contemplate when necessary a contri- 
 
u 
 
 tMiou by England i„u rd« tlio inuintoiianco o| iheae troop«, he 
 wyJies : " [ do not l(K)U with so mii- 1, „nxu.'ty to the qucatiou of 
 "the uwjor*nt of contribution as I do lo thi; transfer of respon- 
 " sibility :_ihat is what I really desire. I tl.i.di that if the colonists 
 "andeoionial government, so far as it is really eolonial, had the 
 "primary responsibility m/jw^- upon them, no difficulty would 
 " occur betwvrii the colonies and lliis country ujion a mne question of 
 " amount:' I trust tlu-relore, Sir, that thoiigji \\ e ourselves assume 
 thepriniary obligation towards our own Militia, llie question of 
 contribution, by England, may form the subjeei of negotiation 
 between the two Governmenis, and 1 feel assured that England 
 will not be insensibl(- \^^ any just elaims we may have upon her. 
 In eonneclion wilh !li,. Mibjeot of fortiiicuiions and the defence 
 of the Lakes, I .should \>v. wanting in duty if I omitted to refer lo 
 the fact that this question has recently engaged the attention of the 
 Government and L(«gislalure of the Inited States. A .special 
 committee of congress, wliicb was nam(Hl, has recently made its 
 report, and that report contains matter of the deepest interest and 
 concern to Canada. They n^eonunend tl,c erection of shore 
 fortifications at various commanding positions— the immediate 
 establishment of a national foundry for the manufacture of arms 
 and ordnance at Chicago --three Naval Depots one on Lake 
 OKtarlo— anotlu-r on Lake Erie and tmotlier on Lake Michi- 
 gan. They throw out the hint that tjie treaty of 1817, which 
 limits the naval lurce lo be maintained on the lakes, may have 
 no application to Lake Michigan as being entirely with..^ t>ie> 
 own territory— an. I tliat they may therefore build and arm ships 
 at Chicago. IJy fortifying the Straits of Mackinaw— which is 
 -strongly urged,— they say that the entrance to Lake Michigan is 
 closed. , -i- recommendations are of so remarkable a charac- 
 ter, that i .v., ;i.;,dc,- of them in order that public attention 
 may be dTuwi; .; U-.- questioi' . 
 
 (( 
 
 (C 
 
 « 
 
23 
 
 ! tro<jp«, he 
 <lU(!stioa ol 
 of respon- 
 Ih! colonists 
 iai, had tht; 
 mlty would 
 '■ (juestian of 
 ves assume 
 lucstion of 
 nt'gotiutioii 
 It England 
 L' upon hvr. 
 ho defenci 
 to xc[v.r to 
 ntionofthe 
 A special 
 !y made its 
 iitorest and 
 I of short" 
 immediate 
 irc of arms 
 ! on Lake 
 ke Miclii- 
 17, which 
 mu^' have 
 it.' z' J'e,'' 
 arm ship.«( 
 -which is 
 ichigan is 
 a charac- 
 attontion 
 
 i 
 
 - Probably the most important Mratrgi.. place on the lakes, they 
 " say, is the Straits of Mackinaw. Tiiis Strait constituteN the 
 " door (o Lake Miciiigan, around wiiich U.k.' lie tlu; States ,.f Mi- 
 " chigan, In^liana, Illinois and Wisccnsin, with an aggregate 
 " popnlnuon iimonnting to nearly five millions. • • ♦ 
 
 « Th( "orraierce of this lake will exceed 200,000,000 a year. 
 " Tht grua, granary of the Union has its depots on the borders of 
 «' U.is lake. It can be defended by adequate fortifications at the 
 '' Straits of Mackinaw about 3 miles wide. • • • 
 
 " The importance of having a great Inland Sea like Lake Michi- 
 " gan converteil into a secure hiirhour where Jtecfs and navies may 
 " be gathered in security, where may be collected magazines of 
 " arms and munitions and provisions ran scarcely be exaggerated. 
 " Lak(! Michigan entirely within our own territory, unappr^ochablc 
 " by land and inaccessible by water by any foreign enemy, except 
 "• through a narrow strait or entrance, is a position of immense im- 
 " portance and the policy of closing up its entrance is too obvious to 
 " need illustration. Mackinaw should be made the Gibraltar of the 
 " l^pper Lakes." 
 
 I have endeavoured to discuss these delicate questions and 
 this all important measure in a dispassionate spirit, and with 
 a view to arrive at an honest conclusion as to the duties wc 
 owe to ourselves, to the Empire at large, and what the rest of 
 the Empire owes to us. I feci assured that this Country will 
 not seek 'o evade its measure of obligation, in a matter fraught 
 vvith such momentous issues, and I feel equally sure that wc 
 may firmly rely on the unpolluted honor of the Crown, and the 
 magnanimity and justice of the people of England. (Hear, hear.) 
 
 QoEnw3 :-.Printed by S. Derbishihk & G. Desbarats, 
 
 Printer to the Queoa's Most Excellent Blajesty.