•Ai>M 0~]Z(o C O M M U N I S T I N F I L T R A T I O N IN T H E U N I T E D S T A T E S ITS N A T U R E AND HOW TO COMBAT IT CHAMBER OF COMMERCE OF THE UNITED S T A T E S WASHINGTON 6, D. C. 1 9 4 6 C O M M U N I S T I N F I L T R A T I O U N I T E D S T A T E S Its Nature and How to Combat It Report of The Committee on Socialism and Communism Approved Unanimously by the Board of Directors September, 1946 C H A M B E R OF C O M M E R C E OF T H E U N I T E D S T A T E S W A S H I N G T O N 6 . 0 . C . P R E F A C E THE PROBLEM of Communist influence in our national life has taken on an entirely new signifi- cance since the close of World War II. So much has been said in the past decades on Communist infil- tration in the United States that many of us are dangerously immune to the new threat and the devious paths this infiltration is now taking. This report, prepared after the most painstaking research and verification, analyzes the nature of the techniques and devices now employed by the Communists as well as by their fellow-travelers to weaken us industrially and militarily. These groups have penetrated the labor movement, the church, literary, educational and other groups. Their in- fluence in the government is considerable as the fol- lowing documentation reveals. The report also sets forth a program of counter- attack, and it is hoped that all patriotic and demo- cratic-minded persons will supply talent and energy to help to combat this menace among us. The pro- gram calls not for sweeping indictment and broad- side attack, but for painstaking fact-gathering, interpretation and understanding. Given the facts, we will find a solution. Do You Know of Persons Who Should See This Report? SMALLER EDITION DELUXE EDITION 4 " BY 9 " 6 " BY 9 " S i n g l e c o p i e s . . . 1 0 * e a c h 2 5 * e a c h 2 t o 2 4 " . 9 * " 1 5 * " 2 5 t o 9 9 " . 8 * " 1 0 * " 1 0 0 t o 4 9 9 " 7 * " 9 * " 8 * " 5 0 0 t o 9 9 9 " . . . . 6 * " 9 * " 8 * " 1 0 0 0 o r m o r e " . . . . 5 * « 7 * • " The smaller pamphlet contains the entire report without deletion. ORDER POSTPAID FROM: ECONOMIC RESEARCH DEPARTMENT Chamber of Commerce of the USA, Washington 6, D. C. D e a f i f d B f e d C O M M U N I S T I N F I L T R A T I O N IN T H E U N I T E D S T A T E S • Its Nature and How to Combat It IN THE MODERN WORLD, unsettled by the greatest wars and depressions in history, new groups come into power, unproven economic and political systems come into being, and traditional standards and customs often give way to chaos and ferment. The first World War produced its brood of prob- lems, not the least of which was the advent of Com- munism, Fascism and Nazism. The conflicts within and among these power systems in turn plunged us into another world war. The world writhed in agony, because men made political and economic mistakes. After the fighting officially ceased in Europe and Asia in 1945, political ferment once again became the order of the day. Instead of the iron Statism of Germany and Italy during the thirties we now have two types of collectivism competing for favor in disturbed lands. The Soviet Union is evangelizing its creed of Communism in the nations which it controls. It is spending huge sums in propaganda efforts throughout the world. Many of our citizens are its agents and sponsors, wittingly, and some unwittingly. On the other hand, many nations outside the Soviet sphere are embracing the Socialist variety of collectivism which may be just as dangerous as Communism for freedom, religion and economic progress. England and France are in the vanguard in this movement, but undoubtedly they will have followers. Even if the American citizen thinks that he is not yet directly affected by these movements, he can not afford to be indifferent toward them. Men do not think in a vacuum. Consciously or unconsciously they are influenced by their environment. Accord- ingly, it behooves us to make a fair examination of the new collectivism. Only in this way can we in- * 5 telligently choose our own political and economic future. This brochure makes an accurate and dispassion- ate appraisal of the new world trends, including the infiltration here among us. It endeavors to study their implications for the United States. With clear understanding, the way will be paved for enlight- ened action. The Worship of the State IN the agony and chaos of recent years, we detect two recurrent themes. The first is the worship of the State. The second, and correlative theme, is the denial of the rights of the individual. As the State takes over, the individual must give way. The absolute State reached its malign perfection under Fascism, Nazism, and Communism. Under these regimes the State was all, the individual nothing. On the other hand, denial of the basic rights of man has existed, even where the evil tree of Sialism has not taken root. Thus, in our own land we have move- ments of organized private power, intolerance and hatred. The Ku Klux Klan, the persecution of racial, religious, and national minorities, and even out- right anti-democratic movements have had at least limited sway at different times in parts of the United States. Our democracy is great, but it is not perfect. In analyzing these trends from the viewpoint of American policy, a student finds that their impact and importance vary considerably. Thus, Socialism is not a strongly organized movement here, although step by step we too may become victims of this form of collectivism. Its importance in some parts of Europe is great. Fascism and Nazism lost their effectiveness with the defeat of the Axis in the Sec- ond World War although the idea may not be dead. Only in one of the cases portrayed above do we find a thoroughly organized and zealous campaign to introduce total tyranny in America. The Communist Party with its supporters alone is achieving real success in forcing upon us a program contrary to the ideals of our Nation. It is for this reason that the present study concentrates exclusively upon the Communist brand of State-worship and denial of the rights of man. 6 * The Communist Creed UNDER Communism, the State is the supreme master over the lives of its citizens. In its economic aspect, it is characterized by complete State ownership and control of productive property. In the political field, Communism makes no pre- tense of granting freedom. The Soviet Union and the nations it controls are rigid dictatorships. Freedom of speech and of assembly are denied. Dissent from government is considered treason, and is punished by all-powerful political police systems. Elections are merely formal, since no choice of candidates is offered. At times religion is openly persecuted, but under any circumstances tremendous obstacles are placed in its path. There is no likelihood that Communism will ever tolerate freedom. Some of its adherents argue that the present stage (of nearly 30 years) is merely transitional. But there is no evidence that a reversal of policy is possible so long as Communism persists. On the contrary, controls are being tightened and extended as an inexorable result of its political and economic system. Certainly if freedom were to come, it would be a gift from those in power, and not a demand from those under subjection. Yet, history gives few examples of rulers who voluntarily relin- quished absolute power. Communism in Practice EVEN A casual knowledge of life under Com-munism shows how language is debased when this system is classed as "peace-loving" and "demo- cratic." In Russia it has manifested itself by consis- tent expansionist policies and violations of treaties, as well portrayed by William C. Bullitt.* And the all-pervasive tyranny practiced upon its subjects would hardly merit the name "democracy." Americans take certain freedoms for granted. We find it hard to realize that today, after the overthrow of the Axis, hundreds of millions still live in virtual slavery. With some, it is actual slavery. The exist- ence of Soviet slave camps for political prisoners, * The Great Globe Itself: New York, Scribner. See espe- cially the appendix. * 7 those who for one reason or another fell out of favor with the government, is not denied. It is more diffi- cult to say with certainty the number of these hap- less victims. The consensus of authorities holds that it is a minimum of ten million, and may range as high as thirty million.* In America, labor is free, apparently free even to abuse its power to the detriment of the national welfare. But under Communism, the trade unions are agents of the State, used to discipline the workers in order to achieve higher production and political ends of the State. They are helpless to protect labor against cruel exploitation. Instances are cited in the Soviet press where workers were not paid for months. Yet, their unions dare not raise a voice against the autocracy of Communist factory managers. Only when the Party itself decides upon a purge are these conditions exposed and corrected. This tyranny carries over into every phase of life. There is no freedom of expression in press, radio, or schools. Propaganda indoctrination is complete and total. Courts exist, not to defend rights, but only to prosecute criminal and political offenses. Religion is grudgingly tolerated today, so long as it remains a creature of the State, but it is not free in the sense that we conceive freedom. Worship is permitted to a limited degree, but no churchman would dare raise his voice against violations of the moral law. A Faulhaber or a Niemoller would be promptly liqui- dated by the ubiquitous secret police. This absolute regimentation is apparently for export. It has been applied systematically in the nations occupied by the Soviet authorities. Only the blind can fail to see the gross reality of Communism in action. Even if it were to bring economic benefits to its subjects, it would be at an intolerable price, the sacrifice of the basic rights of man. And, in fact, it has only changed the form of exploitation. Instead of the Tsar and the nobility living upon the toil of the worker, it is now the Commissar, the Party members and a few favorites who prosper while millions slave.** * Not commonly recognized is the fact that this slavery is also a device for securing virtually costless labor. ** For a calm portrayal of the Soviet system, see: "Com- munism in Action." House Document 754, 79th Congress, 2nd Session. This can be obtained from your Congressman or Senator, or from the Superintendent of Documents at twenty^five cents a copy. 8 * Communism an Organized Movement COMMUNISM is an organized and even fanatical world movement. Its ideology holds that the opposition between it and private capitalism is complete and unalterable.* As a result, it holds that capitalism must die in the throes of bloody revolution. Such a movement cannot be appeased by improvements in the standard of living of the people in capitalist nations. It is dangerous to make any contrary assumption. Marx said that capitalism is essentially exploitive, that it must oppress the workers, and hence that it must be overthrown by force. Communists believe this with blind fanaticism and privately preach violent revolution. The suc- cessful working of free enterprise may make it difficult for Communism to gain recruits, but it will not dampen the faith of the confirmed Communist. Nor would it prevent the triumph of Communism here through conquest by a foreign power, aided by our domestic Fifth Column, namely, the infiltration of Communists and their sympathizers in govern- ment, the armed forces, labor, and other important spheres of American life. This dogma of essential conflict must be under- stood in order properly to evaluate Soviet policy. Thus, when Stalin, in February, 1946, announced a vast military program to counter foreign "encircle- ment," and in September, 1946, derided the idea of encirclement as a myth, the average reader was confused. Actually, the first proclamation was in harmony with the basic principles of Communism. The subsequent retraction was but another tem- porary tactical retreat, similar to many others which Stalin describes in his own writings. Signifi- cantly, there was no let-up in military preparations or stay in aggressive Soviet actions to prove the sincerity of Stalin's "peace message." The Comintern A s THE INSTRUMENT of the crusade to crush _Z~3l private capitalism, the Communist Interna- tional has been organized. The aims of this world * The U. S. S. R. operates under state capitalism, in con- trast to our voluntary private competitive capitalism. * 9 movement, called the Comintern, are to organize and stimulate Communist movements in all the nations of the world. Its openly professed objectives are to' foster revolution in all capitalist lands. While technically distinct from the Soviet Government, it is in fact an agency of that State. Its headquarters are in Moscow and its leaders are the most powerful men in the Communist hierarchy. The Comintern was ostensibly dissolved in 1943 as a gesture of cooperation between the Soviet Union and its allies. A detailed study of the Report of the Royal Commission, issued in June, 1946, in connec- tion with the Canadian espionage trials, casts grave doubt upon the reality of the dissolution. On the contrary, there is documented and irrefutable evi- dence that the Comintern organized major espionage rings among its allies throughout the war. Furthermore, the scope of coordinated propa- ganda activities of the Comintern since war's end is almost unbelievable both in extent and intensity. Such widely diverse regions as the Arab world, the colonial countries of Asia and the newly independent Philippines, and practically all Latin American countries are being thoroughly cultivated. Comin- tern agents were the guiding forces behind the 1946 elections in Chile, where Communists showed aston- ishing strength. In the small island of Cuba, they have a powerful radio station and a subsidized news service, both used to spread propaganda through other Latin American countries. Their staff in Mexico is large and skillfully organized. Little information has been released in regard to Comintern activities in the United States. Never- theless, the Canadian Report shows that the sev- eral groups there worked closely with similar and more extensive rings in the United States. It also reveals that the Tass News Agency in New York sends lengthy reports to the Soviet Union, of which only an infinitesimal fraction is used for the Soviet press. Purchasing commissions and other economic groups transmit most minute details of commercial and industrial activity, sending abroad tons of blue- prints and elaborate reports. In the fields of military and diplomatic secrets, according to the Canadian Commission, the Comintern seeks and usually obtains detailed and circumstantial accounts. The Canadian Report indicates that the present headquarters of the Comintern are still in Moscow. 10 * Nevertheless, there are indications that some of its functions have been transferred to Paris. At least, this latter city is the headquarters for the various international Communist groups of labor, youth, and women. Other groups still to be formed, such as a world federation of scientists, will undoubtedly center there. This transfer permits such groups to pose as democratic organizations. Furthermore, Paris is a better communication center for the pur- pose of reaching Western Europe and the Americas. The spirit of this movement was expressed by Comrade Yudin, one of the chief molders of the USSR policy, as quoted by Victor Kravchenko in I Chose Freedom: "There are two worlds . . . The two worlds of capitalism and Communism cannot forever exist side by side. As long as we exist in a capitalist en- circlement, we are in danger." Stalin reiterated this same view in his February, 1946, address. Soviet Expansionism IN ADDITION to the ideology of Communism, many persons see in the Comintern a tool of a new form of old-fashioned power politics. Indeed, the Trotsky branch of Communism maintains that the Stalinists have deserted Marx and are merely seeking personal power on a world scale. Whatever be the merits of this theory, it is a fact that the Soviet Union has expanded its territories tremen- dously as a result of the war. It currently controls Eastern and much of Central Europe, the Balkans (except Greece), Manchuria, Northern Korea and North China. It is pressing towards Turkey and the Near East, in order to control the Mediterranean and the Persian Gulf. The Soviet Union has openly announced plans for the greatest army, navy, air force, and military scientific arm in the world. It is questionable whether its own industrial potential could maintain such a force, although the new five-year plans are directed towards such a goal. But Soviet technology has been strengthened through the use of German and Czech workers and technology. Currently, the Soviet Union is putting pressure upon Sweden to * 11 orient its economy towards the East. Many analysts feel that the Molotov plan for a unified Germany would bring all German technology within the Soviet sphere. If the skill of the West can be wedded to the unlimited human and natural resources of the East, within twenty years the Soviet Union might be more powerful militarily than any combination of nations arrayed against her.* Against this background of Soviet hostility towards the capitalist world, gigantic military prep- arations, and an unabashed expansionist policy, the role of the Comintern seems ominous. It is revealed as a Fifth Column preparing the way for internal Communist revolution, when feasible, or for con- quest from without by imperial Communism. It is at once an agency for espionage and revolutionary agitation. Such were the clear findings of the Ca- nadian Commissioners, who reported that domestic Communists admitted a loyalty to the Soviet Union higher than that to their own country. The Workings of the Comintern THE COMINTERN supervises the several national Communist parties in the different countries. Where they are weak, it pours in funds and organizers. Where they are strong, it directs policy in accord with a master plan. Normally, Communist parties everywhere hold to the same line, although special circumstances may permit or even dictate deviation as a matter of tactics. An interesting example of the latter concerns Argentina. When American Communists both in and outside of the government were pressuring our gov- ernment to attack Perón, Latin American Com- munists were denouncing this policy as Yankee im- perialism. The result was the alienation of much of Latin America from us, and successful efforts by the Soviet Union to cultivate Argentina. Then the American Communist policy was changed to meet the new situation, denunciations of Perón ceased, and the new regime was openly approved. Similarly, Italian Communists may favor the retention of Trieste, and French Communists may agitate for French acquisition of the Rhineland. Such uniformity and flexibility is possible only * See "Communism in Action," p. 100. 12 * through the iron discipline which all Communist parties maintain. Outsiders sometimes find drastic overnight changes in policy ludicrous, but they illustrate the strength of Communist control over its members. Communists do not find such changes difficult, because they are carefully indoctrinated to subordinate truth to policy. They expect tactical changes in accord with the master strategy of over- throwing private capitalism. They have a blind faith in the wisdom of the Soviet policy. In addition to discipline, Communists excel in organization and planning. They zealously exploit every mistake or failure in the country where they live. They seek constantly to obtain positions in government and in agencies which can influence public opinion. They agitate continuously for strife in the domestic labor movements. They exploit the grievances of minority groups. They are particularly adept in forming "front" organizations, to use per- sons who would never consciously collaborate with Communism. And discipline, zeal, conspiracy, and secrecy have produced important results. Why Do People Become Communists? THE SYSTEM just described seems so fantastic to most Americans that it is almost incredible. Indeed, the Canadian investigating commission was hard put to explain why so many citizens professed a higher loyalty to a political power outside their borders. In fact, the motivation of Communists and their followers is extremely complex and unless this fact is recognized, countermeasures are likely to be ineffective. With a few, it is a perverted form of idealism, a worldly substitute for religion. Some people are personally maladjusted and are chronic rebels. The Communist movement gives them an outlet. Many became Communists as a reaction against abuses in the present social and political order. In particular, many Communists are rebels against one or another form of exploitation. In certain cases, their conver- sion may be traced to some bitter experience in the labor field. Others may have felt discrimination be- cause they were members of minority groups. To such persons, Communism is preached as a doctrine which promises equality to all. Many intellectuals have been won over to Com- * 13 munism on the basis of rosy accounts of life in the Soviet Union. These persons are well aware of the faults in our own system, and have been led to be- lieve that in Russia none of these evils exists. When the faults of Communism are called to their atten- tion, they either dismiss the charges as capitalist propaganda or else consider them as transitional evils to be overlooked in the great promise of the future. The urge to remake the world is strong among some intellectuals. Some are sufficiently de- tached from everyday life to be indifferent to the cruel sufferings of the so-called transitional period. Other motives are less creditable. Some individ- uals in civic and labor politics appreciate the sup- port of a disciplined minority. They know the value of the publicity which it affords. Such persons follow the Party for motives of expediency rather than conviction. In other cases, vanity may suffice. This is particularly true of specialists who feel their in- adequacy in broader affairs. A scientist or a motion picture star is often highly flattered in being asked to address a political meeting. In Hollywood, Com- munists arranged a meeting peopled by motion pic- ture stars and scientists, each group attracted by the prospect of meeting the other. This technique of using celebrities is widely practiced. Finally, many liberals follow the Communist line through confused good will. As one writer puts it, some persons are so busy doing good that they fail to realize the harm their efforts cause. These are the "joiners," who readily give their names to any organization whose apparent purpose is noble. Thus the president of a great State university has become affiliated with some twenty such "fronts." Actually, in scores of cases such names and money are used to promote Communist causes. The Party has even en- listed persons of wealth to support its causes through the medium of these "front" groups. Even a casual study of the power and influence of Com- munist "fronts" should dispel the notion that the Party is weak and ineffectual. Communist Fronts IT IS IMPOSSIBLE to realize the extent of Communist influence in American life without some knowledge of the "front" technique. Except 14 * possibly during the War period, everything labeled Communist is suspect to the average citizen. Accord- ingly, if public opinion is to be influenced, it must be done in an indirect and concealed manner. To do this, the Communists evolved the masterful strategy of the "front" organization. The setting up of a front involves two main steps. The first is the dis- covery of a proper cause and label. The cause is usually some form of alleged injustice or a proposed reform which will arouse the interest of the public, particularly the group which styles itself liberal. The label is some high-sounding word or phrase, such as "democratic," "peace," and the like. When the issue is picked and the title decided, the case is presented dramatically to some "innocent," who is both prominent and willing to have his name used for a "good" cause. His name is used as the bait to attract others, until a rather impressive list is obtained. Then the organization is announced publicly, funds are raised, and propaganda and pressure activities are begun. Communists, not gen- erally known as such, do the work for such groups and occupy the active, in contrast to the honorary, offices. They determine policies and direct the front in accord with the Party aims. The well-meaning sponsors are usually too busy even to inquire into the activities of the group to which they have given their names. Some fronts are permanent, particularly those which deal with some constant Communist objec- tive. Thus, for youth, the Communists have the American Youth for Democracy. To win over the Negroes, they have the National Negro Congress. In the field of insurance, particularly among the foreign-born, there is the International Workers Order. Other fronts, by contrast, are temporary. Such is the committee which in 1946 is staging the various "Win-the-Peace" rallies throughout the country. Other illustrations could be taken from groups promoting some specific foreign policy. Thus there would be committees for a "democratic" China, Greece or Japan. One of the more prominent and apparently re- spectable fronts today is the Independent Citizens Committee of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions (I. C. C.). This group has been successful in gaining publicity and support which would never have been accorded to the Communist Party. It has enlisted * 15 aid from persons who would not consciously col- laborate with Communists. Yet, the Party has claimed credit (in its 1945 New York State Con- vention) for founding the I. C. C. A large number of I. C. C. directors have participated in pro-Soviet activities. Its line on controversial issues is identical with that of the Daily Worker, the national Com- munist paper. While there have been some resigna- tions because of its leftist leanings, at this writing it is still a powerful influence in the liberal com- munity.* Not to be confused with Communist fronts are the various infiltrated organizations. A front is or- ganized by the Party and for the Party. An infil- trated group was organized for a legitimate purpose by citizens loyal primarily to the United States. Subsequent to its formation, Communists, by vari- ous devices, have obtained some degree of control. At times this control is extensive, as with the South- ern Conference for Human Welfare or the American Veterans Committee. At other times, it is local, as is the case with some chapters of the National Asso- ciation for the Advancement of Colored People or some locals of non-Communist labor unions. Infil- tration has been discovered in surprising places, even in religious publications "and seminaries, among atomic scientists, and in research groups dealing with foreign policy. The net effect of such activities was well sum- marized by J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the Fed- eral Bureau of Investigation, in his speech before the American Legion on September 30th, 1946: "The fact that the Communist Party in the United States claims some 100,000 members has lulled many Americans into a feeling of false complacency. I would not be concerned if we were dealing with only 100,000 Communists. The Communists themselves boast that for every Party member there are ten others ready to do the Party's work. These include their satellites, their fellow-travelers and their so- called progressive and phony liberal allies. They have maneuvered themselves into positions where a few Communists control the destinies of hundreds who are either willing to be led or have been duped into obeying the dictates of others." * For an extensive and accurate partial list of Communist fronts, see Andrew Avery, "The Communist Fifth Column," Chicago Journal of Commerce, ten cents. 16 * What Communism Means to America THE SYSTEM just described in general terms is by no means remote from American life. On the contrary, it affects us in many important ways. Among these the first in order of importance may well be the domain of international affairs. One has but to accept the surface, not the worst, interpre- tation of recent Soviet moves, and one is left with profound feelings of disquiet. The Soviet Union has proclaimed its intention to become the greatest military power on earth. It has already stretched beyond its borders to absorb nearly half of Europe and some of the richest parts of Asia. Parties under its control are active in the other half of Europe, with reasonable chances of extending Soviet influence to the Atlantic. Finally, the Comintern is meddling in most of the rest of the world, with special attention to Latin America, the orient, colonial countries, and the Arab world. Its theme is one of unremitting hostility towards the English-speaking world. When this activity is compared with that of the Axis during the late Thirties, the points of similarity are greater than the points of difference. Those who then perceived the drift before others and cried out, as did Winston Churchill, were called warmongers. The same treatment is given today to those who observe the well-publicized facts summarized above. Yet we would be remiss in duty towards our coun- try if we ignored them. We know that the Soviet people themselves want peace and good will towards other nations. But in the too familiar pattern, their leaders feed them warlike propaganda instead of peace, and military preparations instead of a higher standard of living. Observers of these facts tend to discount Stalin's peace line of September, 1946, as being a mere tactical move. The axiom that actions speak louder than words must be invoked once again against world Communism. What Communism Means to World Trade I F THE RECITAL of facts as given above savors too much of prediction, attention might be called to the immediate repercussions of Com- * 17 munism in the international sphere. Some American firms have suffered directly through the confiscation of their property abroad. We have virtually lost all oil wells and refineries in the Balkans, as well as giant industrial plants in Germany and Hungary. While present and future losses of this type may not be a major item to the Nation as a whole, they are a serious loss to the investors involved. They are a blow to future international investment, so badly needed to restore world production and Amer- ican foreign trade. Thus, would American investors be wise to develop regions of Latin America or China, if it were probable that Communist regimes would arise to seize possession of this wealth? Present Communist policies are badly disruptive of world trade. They have cut off the Danube, one of the great waterways of commerce. They are paralyzing economic life in Hungary, Austria, Korea, and Italy. Their reparations demands upon Italy are such as to make this nation an economic satellite. Strong pressure is being put upon Sweden and Denmark with the same aim. In many regions they are engaged in pre-emptive buying of scarce raw materials, disrupting prices and production in other lands. Thus, they seek hides from Uruguay and linseed oil from Argentina. Some of these prod- ucts are not needed for their own economy. The time will come when the destructive character of these activities to multilateral trade will work to our disadvantage. Communists and the Labor Movement COMMUNISTS have striven successfully to in-filtrate the American labor movement. Or- ganized labor, when captured, is to them a source of funds, a propaganda outlet, a means for stirring discontent, and, if necessary, a weapon of sabotage. Controlled unions contribute heavily to the various Party fronts and causes. They in turn serve as fronts for diverse propaganda schemes. They can picket consulates and government offices with practiced skill. When conditions warrant, strikes can be pro- voked so as to create the atmosphere of unrest in which Communism thrives. And, finally, if Com- intern policy so dictates, they can actually sabotage essential production. Thus, the 1945 shipping strike 18 * "to bring back the soldiers" (American, not Rus- sian) was an example of political sabotage. In general, American Communists have been more successful in seizing power in the Congress of In- dustrial Organizations than in the American Federa- tion of Labor. In the latter organization, they have some strength in New York and Los Angeles, and scattered control elsewhere. They have achieved real footholds in the painters union, in the hotel and restaurant unions, and in the film and stage unions. They are seeking, with some success, to infiltrate some of the independent railroad unions and the International Association of Machinists. But their stronghold is the Congress of Industrial Organiza- tions. History explains this success. When John L. Lewis sought to organize mass production industry, he suffered from an acute shortage of trained organizers. He used experienced Communist help, planning to discard it when the task was done. Nevertheless, he was outmaneuvered. Communists installed them- selves and their sympathizers in key positions in many of the new unions. The newly organized workers, with no experience in unionism, were no match for these skilled tacticians. The result was that in union after union, Communists controlled the top levels, although the membership was over- whelmingly American in its sympathies. In spite of this fact, the C.I.O. has been slow to learn. When its Southern organizing drive bogged down in 1946, it quietly accepted support from Communist or- ganizers. Earlier statements that no leftist aid would be used were conveniently ignored. Present Trend in the Labor Movement THE SITUATION TODAY is fluid, since Com-munist control is being occasionally challenged with success. On the other hand, Communists in turn make new gains periodically. At the time of this writing, two excellent surveys have been made of radicalism in labor.* The correctness of these • In early 1946, the Research Institute of America pub- lished a highly accurate listing of the leanings in C. I. O. unions. In June and July of the same year, Andrew Avery wrote an especially competent series of articles for the Chi- cago Journal of Commerce, op. cit. See bibliography. * 19 studies has been attested privately by non-Com- munist labor leaders. In general, the studies found that Communists had control of about one-third of the voting strength of the C.I.O. Executive Board. Their die-hard op- ponents controlled about one-fifth. Among the re- mainder, there were enough fellow-travelers to bring Communist strength to a majority in complex and obscure issues, such as foreign policy. On domestic issues the lines have been sharply drawn, with non- Communists having the balance of power. How Communists Control Labor WHILE COMMUNISTS initially seized power through organizing unions, they maintain or lose control largely in terms of their strength in the locals of these unions. To understand their control over labor, it is vitally necessary to real- ize how they gain control over the various locals. If they must start from scratch in a given situation, they usually send a few key organizers to work in a plant to join a union. These men show skill in speaking and fighting for workers' "rights," and soon- obtain a minor office. At the same time, they cultivate ambitious opportunists and disgruntled minorities. When they are ready to seize control, they usually make impossible demands upon the existing union officers and circulate slanderous rumors about them'. Then they form an election slate consisting of op- portunists with some following, representatives of racial and national minorities, and pleasant but weak characters who will be dependent upon them for advice. In large plants, where personal knowl- edge of the union officers is slight, the rumor cam- paigns and the aggressive program put out by the Communists are usually sufficient to install their slate in office in who}e or in part. Once Communists have gained power in a local, they often try to expel or discredit any potential opposition. They prolong meetings so that the mem- bership will not attend. This permits their minority to vote funds, pass resolutions, and adopt action programs. By such tactics they often perpetuate power indefinitely. If in the beginning the Com- munists control the international union, they can 20 * often assume and maintain power from the very beginning of a new local. Such tactics explain the comparative helplessness of non-Communists such as Philip Murray and James Carey. Carey was deposed from his own giant union, the United Electrical, Radio, and Ma- chine Workers, when he opposed the Communist clique which dominated it. The issues at the time were the Hitler-Stalin pact, our foreign policy, and national defense. Murray does not dare to discharge the two powerful Communist officials who exercise such major influence in the national C.I.O. He submits to a large proportion of Communists among the legislative representatives of the C.I.O. unions. He tamely accepts resolution after resolution which show remarkable similarity to the Communist Party Line. Communist Labor and the Businessman NTIL RECENTLY the average American tended to dismiss such maneuverings as some- thing foreign to his life. But the tremendous power of labor today permits no such complacency. Many an industrialist and businessman, and millions of union workers, have learned from experience that these moves do affect their lives vitally. When a businessman or industrialist finds that nothing he does can please his union, he tends at first to form a sour view of organized labor. But, as he becomes more sophisticated, he realizes that his difficulties may not arise from his own workers, who usually understand his problems, but from outside influ- ences controlling his local union. Their demands are insatiable, because they thrive on trouble. His work- ers are no more happy than he in such a situation, but they are not trained to cope with it. They may at times even be constrained to support extreme and impossible demands. Even where workers or their employers are not directly involved, they are often affected in an oblique manner. The national policies of organized labor, if influenced by the Communists, can some- times involve unions led by non-Communists. This is particularly the case where the objective seems reasonable to labor. An instance of this would be the Political Action Committee of the C.I.O. The * 21 general principle that labor has an interest in poli- tics is almost as old as unionism itself. The more direct and aggressive methods of the C.I.O. are new and in contrast to the established approach of the A.F. of L. Even here, however, many workers who are by no means radical would accept the new approach. The result is that practically all C.I.O. unions readily support P.A.C. Its philosophy and its pro- gram sound reasonable to them. What they do not realize is the nature of the forces which infiltrated this program. While Hillman was not a Communist, nor is Philip Murray, two of their top advisers are Communists, taking direct and frequent orders on P.A.C. policies from the very top levels of the Communist Party. At the other end of the scale, in many cities and regions, the local committees are Communist-controlled. They have the organization for ringing doorbells and getting out the vote. The easy thing is to use them, and. many labor leaders take the easy way. As a result, at the time of writ- ing such important Councils as those in New York and Detroit are Communist-controlled. The direct national effect of Communist infiltra- tion in P.A.C. may not have been serious. A few candidates deserving of labor's favor may have suffered because their foreign policy was opposed to the Communist line. A half dozen Communists may have gotten into our national legislature. The net effect of these moves would not be tragic. The real danger lies in the threat of the future. The feared power of P.A.C. forces politicians to select candidates in accord with the views of those who control the vote. In the day by day running of gov- ernment, administrators hesitate to clash with the left wing, lest their Party suffer reprisals at the polls. It was the follow-up of the November 1944 elections in the form of pressure, demands, and sug- gestions which made left-wing control of P.A.C. a real force in shaping national policy. Nor should the ambition of the local leader be overlooked. When a Communist minority can give the aggressive support needed to win an election, some politicians are willing to give their verbal aid in some specific policy, in order to obtain their help. Thus, a governor may attack our so-called "tough" policy towards Russia, knowing that he has no direct responsibility to make good on his promises. This has 22 * happened, not only in large metropolitan centers, but also in some less settled Southern and Western States. It was the cumulative effect of all these moves which led to increased Communist influence in both domestic and foreign policies of the United States. Communism and Government BOTH TRUTH and much nonsense have been written about Communist penetration into government. There were those who visualized all New Dealers as starry-eyed radicals. Some labeled any program which changed the established order of things as Communist. This loose use of terms has caused considerable mischief. The result has been that at times the Communists could take credit for widely popular reform measures. Indiscriminate denunciation threatened to make Communism quite respectable. This was unfortunate, since it covered up a real and dangerous penetration of government. Communist penetration of government since 1933 stems primarily from one phenomenon: the broad- mindedness of the average liberal both in govern- ment and on the outside. The period characterized as the New Deal was humanitarian and reformist in its aims. As a result, there flocked to Washington large numbers of self-styled liberals, bent on re- forming the Nation's economic system and curing social ills as seen by them. Bold experimentation became the order of the day. Our capitalist system was alleged to be so feeble that only daring and even recklessness could save the day. In such an atmosphere, practically any philosophy was tolerated, provided only that it promised some modification of capitalist free enterprise. No politi- cal system was too extreme for the liberal to treat with sympathy, save only Fascism, which Commu- nist propaganda had cleverly distorted into a "tool of reactionary big business." It was only natural that under these conditions, a considerable portion of Communists attained civil service status. Some reached positions of authority. Once they had power, they behaved in a most illiberal manner. They were careful to appoint only like-minded individuals to offices under their control, and they schemed re- lentlessly to drive their opponents from government service. They achieved a considerable measure of success. * 23 Communist Fronts as Lobbyists EVEN MORE SERIOUS in the long run were the effects of Communist pressure groups upon the liberals. Pressure came through two broad chan- nels. The first was the left-wing press, so widely read and highly regarded in Washington. Newspapers such as PM and periodicals such as The Nation and the New Republic enjoyed almost a sacro- sanct status among many government officials. These publications in turn were pro-Soviet and often fol- lowed faithfully the Communist line. Indeed,' the Washington staff of PM recently resigned, alleging continued Communist domination of the paper.* The tactics of these periodicals followed the familiar "club and carrot" technique so well used by the Communists. Favored public officials and policies were praised to the skies, while those dis- liked were flayed unmercifully. An illustration of their success can be found in the Department of State. By attacking this Department, and certain individuals, as reactionary and Fascist, this group succeeded in driving many faithful public servants from the government. Their successors were more careful not to offend such an aggressive group. They made appointments and advocated policies which would not be attacked by the vigorous leftist press. The result was the disastrous era of appeasement of Russia, the bitter fruits of which we have har- vested since VJ Day. The second major vehicle of pressure consists of the many Communist "fronts" and controlled or- ganizations. These groups are adept at creating publicity and thus forcing adoption of their policies at Washington. If the general public is uninformed and indifferent as to American interests in a given situation, such as China, it is relatively easy for a pressure group to have its way. They may not exert much pressure but it is the only pressure felt, and it is all in one direction. Inside Contacts NATURALLY these outside influences are the more influential because of their lieutenants within government offices. Front research groups * In this connection, see "A Tour of the Leftist Press" by Eugene Lyons, in The Nation's Business, August, 1946. 24* have been successful in placing "specialists" in the government bureaus. This is particularly true in the field of foreign affairs. These inside contacts in turn give the "fronts" advance information. As a result, propaganda and coercive efforts can be pre- pared carefully and released before the general pub- lic is aware that an issue has arisen. Thus, all too frequently, those whose interest is primarily Amer- ican are on the defensive and often beaten before the battle begins. Such was the case in regard to major policy de- cisions on China, Argentina, and Germany, to be described subsequently. The Communist hue and cry was in full operation at the moment that vital decisions were to be made. By contrast, more patri- otic and far-sighted forces had to content themselves with protesting after unsound government policies had been followed. In connection with Communist influence in gov- ernment, some mention should be made of their use of the balance of power. It is axiomatic in politics that where opposing forces are fairly evenly divided, an organized minority can decide the issue. Communists have used such methods in both civic and labor politics. One illustration may show the importance of their tactics. Communists and their sympathizers control the American Labor Party in New York City. This in turn often has the balance of power in a State whose vote is vital in a Presidential elec- tion. The result is that at times twenty thousand Communists can put great pressure upon both the major parties in the United States. Such a balance, of course, is precarious. But if the Communists through P. A. C. ever substantially control the or- ganized labor vote, they will be much more assured of the whip hand. The Results of C o m m u n i s m in Government SOME concrete illustrations will show the effec-tiveness of Communist infiltration and pres- sure tactics. They will be taken from the field of foreign policy, since this is the current Communist concentration. The first concerns the Potsdam policy in Germany. The long-range Communist policy on * 25 Germany was two-fold. The Comintern was to stir up pressure for a hard peace and unconditional surrender. This was to turn the German people against the Western Allies. In Russia itself, however, a much softer note was taken. A distinction was made between the Nazis and the German people. A committee of Ger- man prisoners including leading generals was formed in Moscow. When the Russians occupied Germany, after some excesses by undisciplined troops, a policy of conciliation was put into effect. Factories in the East hummed with activity, producing arms for Russia, while Americans and British concentrated upon de-Nazification! In accord with this policy, American Commu- nists formed fronts and used their influence in gov- ernment to force a harsh peace upon Germany. Through their control of certain influential officials in the Treasury Department at the time, they agi- tated for the Potsdam agreement, based upon a Treasury policy previously urged at the Quebec Conference. The result has been an unworkable economic program. German industry was cut to such levels that exports would be insufficient to purchase needed food. Rich agricultural regions were ceded to Poland and the Soviet, yet the indus- trial Western section was supposed to survive with- out these food sources. Plants were not permitted to manufacture badly needed fertilizers. Locomo- tives could not be made at a time when Europe's transport was paralyzed. Such a program could lead only to anarchy. Experts agree that its im- mediate effects were widespread misery and starva- tion in Western Germany. Its ultimate effects may be the driving of Western Germany into the Soviet sphere, since here alone it could obtain food. Thus, the entire economic resources of Germany could be integrated into the Soviet master plan for indus- trial and military supremacy. A similar situation existed in regard to American policy on Argentina and China. In the former case, pressure groups denounced the Peron government and successfully urged American intervention. The State Department issued a series of charges im- mediately prior to an election in Argentina. Argen- tine citizens rebelled against such an obvious effort to control their internal affairs. In reaction, they overwhelmingly elected the candidate which our 26* government opposed. The result was a decisive re- pudiation of our policy by Argentina, and a loss of prestige throughout Latin America. Other nations resented the apparent revival of "Yankee imperial- ism" in place of the Good Neighbor policy. Local Communists in these countries fanned the fires against the United States. Then the Soviet Union stepped in and cultivated our disgruntled good neighbors. In China we had an opportunity to obtain a powerful friend. If we lost China to Communism, hundreds of millions would be available for slave labor and military service in accord with the Soviet master plan. Our debt of gratitude to Chiang and his government was great, even though their im- perfections were admitted. So urgent was the need to keep China in the war, that at Cairo we solemnly pledged the return of Manchuria to China. This promise was cynically betrayed at Yalta, where the Soviet Union was given an immense booty for a nominal participation in the Far Eastern war. At Yalta, the Soviet Union was given concessions in Manchuria and North China so extensive as to threaten the continued sovereignty of the national government over these rich regions. These economic concessions were not only a repudiation of our prom- ise to China, they were also an abandonment of our long-standing "open-door policy" in regard to that nation. More recently we treated a rebellious faction, loyal to a foreign power, as equal to a long- suffering ally. From the moral point of view, such procedure was a cynical betrayal of trust. From the aspect of American interest, it was likewise a subordination of American policy to Russian aspirations. Yet such a policy sprang from the two-fold source mentioned above. Pressure groups were highly active, aided by the strongly pro-Soviet groups in the Far Eastern wing of the Department of State. History may judge harshly the decisions made in 1945 and 1946. Communists and Public Opinion IN ADDITION to the specialized pressure activi-ties noted above, the Communists have other techniques for influencing public opinion. They have * 27 endeavored to penetrate the general press, radio, book and magazine publishing, motion pictures, and lecture fields. Details of their success would con- sume too much space, but the sampling given in the Chicago Journal of Commerce booklet "The Com- munist Fifth Column" leaves little doubt that their accomplishments are real. The techniques noted below are illustrative rather than exhaustive. Radio commentators are important molders of opinion. Only a few on national networks are Com- munist or consistent followers of the Party Line. But great skill and pressure are exerted to keep the remainder under some control. To achieve this, one of the more prominent Communist front groups has established a quiet monitoring service. Broadcasts are combed to detect any tendency towards a so- called anti-Soviet line. If such is found, a "spon- taneous" letter-writing campaign commences, with letters to the sponsor, the station, and the commen- tator. The effeotiveness of this has been demon- strated in more than one case. On the positive side, such molders of opinion are flooded .with free litera- ture, digests, and the like. One noted columnist and commentator finds that the employing of a Communist research assistant pays off in the form of inside information, advance tips, and the like, from Party members and their followers in govern- ment. Communists have worked hard to use the motion pictures and the legitimate theatre as propaganda weapons. Their national leader, William Z. Foster, has openly laid down the line to be followed in this regard, and Dalton Trumbo, a leading pro-Com- munist scenarist, has listed pictures which they have sponsored and others which they have blocked. The list of Hollywood stars available for front organiza- tions is long and prominent. Some of the best propa- ganda brains of the Party are employed by our entertainment industry. Often we have the incon- gruity of business firms hiring such talent to write radio plays which subtly attack the system which sponsors them. Businessmen need to develop more sophistication in these matters. One of the most interesting attempts at totali- tarian control of thought is the plan issued in July, 1946, for an American Authors' Authority. The Authority is to be a marketing monopoly which will copyright and lease to users all writings by American 28 * authors. It is to begin with scripts for screen and radio and articles for magazines. By controlling this lucrative field, it will be the exclusive agent for America's most successful writers. This in turn will furnish a club to force all publishers and other users to employ only Authority material. The alter- native will be the denial of manuscripts by the writ- ers under the Authority's control. The grip on the publishers will then force recalcitrant authors into the Authority and the related guilds. It is obvious that these techniques are similar to those used successfully by Petrillo in forcing musi- cians to join his union and compelling radio and recording groups to follow his rules. The language and methods outlined when the plan was proposed leave no other interpretation. Significantly, this pro- posal appeared in the Screen Writer, edited by Dalton Trumbo, who writes for several Commu- nist publications. It was overwhelmingly accepted by the Communist-dominated Screen Writers' Guild and Radio Writers' Guild. It is currently being con- sidered by the Authors' League. In reaction, over a hundred of America's most prominent authors have been compelled to divert their talents and energies by forming an American Writers' Association to oppose thought control for the United States. Whether or not the Authority succeeds in its announced aims, it furnishes a graphic illustration of Communist objectives. If it succeeds in its original form, Communists and their sympathizers will literally be able to dictate to every publication agency for influencing public opinion. Thus far, in the book, periodical, and general press fields, Communists have had considerable tem- porary success, although much of it was due to spe- cial war conditions. Wartime restraints and govern- ment accreditation of correspondents, plus the Washington-inspired notion that any criticism of Communism or the Soviet Union was virtual treason during the War, effectively restricted the American press. Direct pressure was infrequent. Usually the subtle suggestion that anything offensive to Russia would ultimately cost American lives was sufficient. These conditions have changed, as is witnessed by the frank revelations about Russia since March, 1946. Communists in the government are still at- tempting to use the press through giving out in * 29 advance exclusive news favorable to their cause. The idea is to create a friendly press through this method of favoritism and to give their programs the impetus of an early start. A friendly correspondent gets more beats and is thus more useful to his news- paper or wire service. Again Communists have scored some enduring and spectacular, if isolated successes. Thus, a promi- nent and highly regarded metropolitan newspaper has followed the Communist line in its reporting and editorials on foreign affairs. A well-known conserva- tive magazine from a conservative city, and a book firm in the same city, have consistently followed this line in recent years. An attractive digest magazine has never deviated from Soviet policy, and is cur- rently sponsoring a lecture service. These illustra- tions could be expanded almost without limit. A Clouded Picture THE TOTAL RESULT of all these activities presents a clouded picture from the viewpoint of American interests. The composite story would seem fantastic, if each of its parts had not been carefully documented before the Chamber of Com- merce of the USA authorized the publication of this report. As a sample of the zeal and skill which goes into even minor details, one might consult Canada Lee's account of the promotion efforts for the play "On Whitman Avenue," narrated in The New York Times, August 11, 1946, after the play had received an adverse reception. It is a brilliant account of how left-wing groups work, and how they achieve success where others fail. When critics almost unani- mously gave an adverse judgment, the promoters turned to unorthodox channels. They appealed to union weeklies, the press serving minority groups, and to scores of organizations of every type. "We jimmied our way onto every possible radio pro- gram, we talked to teachers in schools, we called on our friends and neighbors, we talked to the barbers who cut our hair, and left leaflets every- where we went." The result was increasing attend- ance for a play which had aroused enthusiasm only in the left-wing press. The only conclusion obtainable from the facts is that the American Communist Party is an im- 30 * portant and growing influence in our national life. It is using this influence exclusively in the interests of the Soviet Union. It opposes both political democ- racy and free enterprise, and operates with surpris- ing effectiveness against both. Unfortunately, this influence has been seriously underestimated, often because of inept and uninformed attacks on Com- munism. Counterattack TO MEET the menace of Communism, the first need is to get the facts before the American public. In so far as the system is an attack upon free enterprise, the American businessman has a duty to show both in theory and in practice the superior merits of our present way of life.* But this is not enough. It attacks only one segment of a major problem. Communism thrives on secrecy and deceit. If its machinations were exposed to the public, if its front groups had the mask torn from them, its influence domestically would rapidly shrink. The same weapon of fearless truth should be used against the inhumanity within the Soviet Union. It should be shown as the ruthless dictator- ship it is, rather than as a "peace-loving democracy." The great need today is fact-gathering of un- questioned integrity and competence. Such research must content itself solely and rigorously with ex- posing the truth about Communism. It should not favor any special interest, no matter how legitimate and useful. Many important groups in America to- day are opposed to Communism. Church, veterans, business, anti-Communist labor, fraternal, and for- eign-language associations,all attack this evil. Their individual efforts have been largely ineffective, partly because of lack of adequate information and want of concerted action. Destroying the Fifth Column PUBLICITY ALONE will not solve the prob-lem. Much Communist success, as in the labor field, is due primarily to organizational methods. * See: THE AMERICAN COMPETITIVE ENTER- PRISE SYSTEM, by the Chamber of Commerce of the USA, Washington 6, D. C., 1946. * 31 To uproot Communists from labor unions and to expose them in the literary world, the American- minded majority must be trained and organized, so that it will not be dominated by a disciplined minority. Labor education today is vitally needed. Some unions excel in this field, but those which need it most do not want their members too compe- tent. A start has been made in this direction by a labor extension education service, in the Depart- ment of Labor, comparable to that afforded to farm- ers by the Department of Agriculture. Naturally, precautions should be taken to see that this re- mains in competent hands, since Communist influ- ence in the Department of Labor is increasing. Labor education likewise could be fostered by State and local governments, and by church and patriotic groups. The businessman who deals with a Communist labor union must realize that he faces a specialized problem. He is not normally trained to meet it, or even to recognize it. He, too, needs guidance and education. Unless, however, he becomes trained in this matter, he will be unable to distinguish real grievances from political demands.* We cannot be complacent about Communist in- fluence in government. The Canadian experience should be ample warning as to the dangers faced in this regard. Unfortunately, inept attempts to purge Communists have discredited the whole program. As a result, today the Civil Service Commission is starved for funds. There is an immediate need of reinstituting the practice of careful screening of new government employees, and even of existing employees where strong reasons exist to doubt their loyalty. Nor should proof be required that a given subject is actually a member of the Communist Party. If he follows its line, joins its front groups consistently, and shows constant sympathy with its aims, he should be open to question. Such activi- ties reflect either upon his loyalty or his judgment. Deficiency on either count should disqualify him from public service. Serious thought should be given today to expo- sure of the activities of the Communist Party. This proposal is advocated with great reluctance, be- * In this connection, the study prepared by the Research Institute of America is of superior quality. It should be required reading for all who handle labor relations. 32 * cause our traditions of freedom are rightfully sacred. Yet, we have never extended the principle of freedom so far that we have countenanced sedi- tion and treason. These strong words are accurate in describing the activities of the Communist Party. This Party is loyal to a foreign power which is constantly professing hostility toward us. It is en- gaged in secret and conspiratorial activities within our borders. In Canada, at least, it has been a breeding ground for espionage agents against its own government. It is doubtful prudence for any free government to tolerate movements which are directed towards the violent destruction of democracy. If such move- ments are weak and ineffectual, they may be ig- nored. But the Communist Party, although small in numbers, is neither weak nor ineffectual. Hence the least we can do in the way of self-protection is to demand that the Communist membership lists and sources of funds be made available for public inspection. The Department of Justice should use this and other information to expose front organiza- tions in their true light. Probably the searchlight of publicity would be sufficient to prevent Commu- nists from spreading their message through deceit. Of course, any communication of secret information to agents of a foreign power should be summarily punished. It would be wise to establish a principle of reci- procity with other nations in regard to entry and rights of their respective citizens and representa- tives. It is ludicrous that the United States, which is permitted an embassy, two consulates in the Soviet Union, and a few correspondents and a few visitors strongly restricted in their movements, should permit Soviet representatives to roam our land by the thousands. In the light of Canadian experience, it would be the part of wisdom that we insist upon complete reciprocity in such matters. There is reason to believe that much of our for- eign policy is being formulated in an atmosphere of excessive secrecy. While we realize that it would be impractical to have complete publicity for all diplomatic exchanges, yet the secret commitments at Yalta and Teheran were contrary to the spirit of democracy. Moreover, American public opinion has frequently been shocked by some development in international affairs, when our government knew * 33 many facts which would have prepared the public to meet the crisis. Such concealment is undemocratic. It is also imprudent, since hasty public reaction to a crisis may be less than satisfactory. Candor and complete honesty alone will permit an enlightened public guidance of our elected officials. Because the proposals outlined in this section form one of the most important parts of the present study, it might be helpful to repeat them in sum- mary. 1. Since Communism thrives upon deceit, ex- posure of the facts would be a potent counter weapon. We propose more fact-gathering, competent, impartial and patriotic. Both pri- vate groups and the government have a re- sponsibility here. 2. In the labor field, Communism thrives pri- marily through organization and discipline. Labor unions and non-economic groups, not directly interested in labor's relation with capital, should encourage labor education. This would give the non-Communist majority the training needed to fight their disciplined opponents. 3. The businessman, heavily preoccupied with business problems, should concern himself more with the problems of government and should make certain that he learns to detect Communist influence in his labor relations, his business, and other contacts. 4. Because Communist loyalty is primarily given to a foreign power, Communists and their followers should be excluded from gov- ernment service. Congress should appropriate adequate funds for a stringent but fair loyalty test. 5. As an agent of a foreign power, the Com- munist Party should be forced by law to reveal its membership, funds, and activities. 6. In view of the revelation of Comintern ac- tivities throughout the world, the United States should enforce strict reciprocity with the Soviet Union in regard to the number and 34 * freedom of movement of nationals of either country within the other. 7. Our government should follow a policy of frankness with its citizens in regard to the major facts which enter into the making of our foreign policy. Conclusion Collectivism today in the United States is pri- marily a problem of Communism. This does not mean that Socialism can be dismissed lightly. On the contrary, the tremendous bureaucracy and im- mense concentration of power which this system would entail would be a real menace. Ultimately, it would be as destructive of our liberties as the more ruthless Communist dictatorship. Nevertheless, So- cialism is not an immediate problem in the United States. The Socialist Party is relatively weak, and its appeal too limited, to make it an imminent danger. There is more danger that many of the evils of Socialism may be introduced through excessive cen- tralization of power in government. This could come about in two ways: The first would be the assign- ing to government of more and more of the func- tions which traditionally have been the field of individuals and of private business. The second would be the hampering of business transactions through unwise and unnecessary regulations. This could proceed to such a degree that our free enter- prise system might break down. Such a "failure" would then be used as an excuse for replacing the present system with Socialism or Communism. Need- less to say, we must be vigilant in protecting our- selves from such dangerous trends. Nevertheless, Communism must be opposed promptly with the utmost vigor. Not only should it be exposed and checked in this country, but its workings abroad should be told plainly and fear- lessly. It is utterly undemocratic. It denies basic liberties to the individual. It tramples under foot the dignity of man. If America is to remain strong and free, it must preserve itself from the encroach- ments of a system which is utterly alien to its ideals. We have never yet failed to meet a challenge to our freedom. * 35 P H A N N O T A T E D B I B L I O G R A P H Y * BOOKS KRAVCHENKO, VICTOR A , I Chose Freedom (New York: Scribner), 1946, $3.50. The autobiography of a Soviet official who tasted American freedom and decided to remain here. A revealing exposé of life in the Soviet Union, and the espionage activities of Soviet officials abroad. BULLITT, WILLIAM C , The Great Globe Itself (New York: Scribner), 1946, $2.75. An analysis of Soviet expansionist policy. The author asserts and documents plausibly the thesis that the U. S. S. R. seeks world domination. Much factual data, particularly in the appendixes. KOESTLER, ARTHUR, The Yogi and the Commissar (New York: Macmillan), 1945, $2.75. A brilliant series of es- says which explain the mentality behind Communism. Remarkable also for the accuracy of the author's pre- dictions. Note especially "Anatomy of a Myth" and "Soviet Myth and Reality." DALLIN, DAVID i., The Real Soviet Russia (New Haven: Yale), 1944, $3.50. A careful analysis of Soviet totali- tarianism. The author is exceptionally well-informed. LYONS, EUGENE, The Red Decade (New York: Bobbs-Mer- rill), 1941, $3.00. The best study of American Com- munism and its tactics up to the period of the German invasion of Russia. While some of the details have changed in the interval, the broad outlines are most illuminating. Human Events, Inc., Blueprint for World Conquest (Chi- cago), 1946, $3.50. A reprint of the documents pertain- ing to Comintern programs in 1921 and 1928. While some of the strategy has changed in the meantime, this is nonetheless remarkable for the insight it gives into this international conspiracy. The Report of the Royal Commission (To Investigate Dis- closures of Secret and Confidential Information to Un- authorized Persons) (Ottawa: King's Printer), June, 1946, $1.00. A practical illustration of the working of the Comintern in Canada. Fascinating in its details. TIMASHEFF, NICHOLAS S., The Great Retreat (New York: Dutton), 1946, $5.00. The growth and decline of Com- munism in Russia. Shows that the Revolution failed to accomplish the idealistic aims which it professed. HAYEK, FRIEDRICH A., The Road to Serfdom (Chicago: Uni- versity of Chicago), 1944, $2.75. One of the challenging documents of our time. The author argues that Socialism or even extensive over-all economic planning leads of necessity to totalitarianism. • T o be obtained from a bookstore or directly from the publisher. * 37 PERIODICALS AND PAMPHLETS Plain Talk (240 Madison Avenue, New York 16), Monthly, $3.00. A new publication under competent editorial di- rection. Deals primarily in exposing Communist activi- ties at home and abroad. The New Leader (7 East lSth Street, New York 3), Weekly, $3.00. A Social Democrat publication which to date has built an excellent record for opposing totalitarianism although favoring so-called democratic socialism. Review of World Affairs (J. M. Dent, Toronto), Monthly, $10.00. The finest news letter on world Communism. Reputed to have access to one of the world's best in- telligence files on the subject. The Communis» in Labor Relations Today (Research Inst i tute of America, New York). 1946 (available on request to the Institute). A sane study of Communism in the American labor movement. Analysis highly accurate and recommendations valuable. The Communist Fifth Column (Chicago Journal of Commerce, Chicago), lOtf. In many ways the most daring series of articles on Communism ever published here. The author gives names of individuals and organizations. Accurate. A valuable reference work on names of front groups. 38 * C O M M I T T E E ON S O C I A L I S M AND C O M M U N I S M 1 9 4 6 - 1 9 4 7 FRANCIS P . MATTHEWS, Chairman, Chairman, Securities Acceptance Corp., Omaha, Nebraska THOMAS C. BOUSHALL, President, Bank of Virginia, Richmond 16, Virginia FRED L . CONKLIN, President, Provident Life Insurance Company, Bismarck, North Dakota CARLYLE FRASER, President, Genuine Parts Company, Atlanta, Georgia RICHARD K. LANE, President, Public Service Company of Oklahoma, Tulsa, Oklahoma EM;ERSON P . SCHMIDT, Secretary, Director, Economic Research Department, Chamber of Commerce of the USA, Washington 6, D. C.