The Communistic Crisis Joseph A. Vaughan, S. J., Ph. D. THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS Joseph A. Vaughan, S. J., Ph. D. No. 79 OUR SUNDAY VISITOR Printers and Publishers Huntington, Indiana Imprimi Potest: — Zacheus J. Maher, S. J., Prae. Prov. Californiae. Nihil Obstat: — Hugh M. Duce, S. J., Censor Deputatus. Imprimatur : — 4*John J. Cantwell, Episcopus Dioecesis Ang. et Sit Didaci The Communistic Crisis “Religion is the opium of the peo- ple” — Marx. “Religion is the alcohol of the peo- ple.”— Lenin. “I consider the Communist Party of the United States one of the few communist parties to which history has given decisive tasks from the point of view of the world revolution- ary movement. You must prepare for that, comrades, with all your strength and by every means you must con- stantly improve and bolshevise the American Communist Party.” — Stal- in. “We hate Christianity and Christ- ians; even the best of them must be considered our worst enemies. They preach love of one’s neighbor and mercy, which is contrary to our prin- ciples. Christian love is an obstacle to the development of the revolution. 4 THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS Down with love of one’s neighbor! What we need is hatred. We must know how to hate ; only thus will we conquer the universe.” Lunachar- sky, head of the USSR educational system. Recently the Pope declared in a private audience that the Catholic Church is facing the greatest reli- gious crisis in four hundred years. But today it is no longer a question of Protestantism and Catholicism ; it is a question of Moscow or Rome, Atheism or God. Rome must still be considered the Capital of the reli- gious world. The bolsheviks them- selves frankly admit that since the United States have recognized the Soviets, the only international force capable of stemming the tide of world-wide social revolution is the Catholic Church. That admission is at once a compliment and a challenge. A compliment: judge a man by his enemies rather than by his friends. And it is a challenge that the Church accepts today as she has on past occasions. THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS 5 America today is suffering from a national headache and craves a bro- mide, something that will soothe. Facile writers and speakers concoct the remedy, mix the ingredients clevery disguised—few people after all can make a proper analysis—and sell their product. Perhaps the na- tional headache is momentarily soothed. But such concoctions cannot remedy the evil, rather they accen- tuate it. They resist instead of assist- ing nature. The Catholic Church smilingly holds aloof from such poli- tical and social organizations until, like the communists, they begin to deny God and to smash Christian morality. Cling to Basic Principles The Catholic priest is interested chiefly in faith and morals. When he seems to delve into sociology or poli- tics, he does so from the viewpoint of that primary interest. In these days of economic stress, social unrest and the blind rushing hither and yon in futile efforts to solve our prob- 6 THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS lems by the overthrow of everything true Americans hold dear, the Catho- lic Church still clings to the basic principles of our American Constitu- tion, principles that violate neither faith or morals, the Catholic Church still preaches the fundamental truths of constitutional democracy and staunchly rejects all the foreign de- vices that foreign agitators would introduce, whether these devices be Hitlerism, Fascism, Utopianism or Communism. For a century and a half America has led the way ; today she must refuse to surrender abjectly and confess she has been mistaken. About this time a century ago Na- poleonic wars had devastated Europe. Men asked : Was the almost univer- sal calamity that followed the ven- geance of an oifended God on the Age of Reason and Unbelief ? Was it, questioned Will Durant, a call to the penitent intellect to bend before the ancient virtues of faith, hope and charity? Schlegel, Novalis, Chat- eaubriand, De Musset, Southey, Wordsworth and others turned back THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS 7 to the old faith like wasted prodigals, happy to be home again. Others made harsher answer, Byron, Heine, Lar- montof, Leopardi and Schopenhauer; they struggled against the chaos with man made schemes ; they failed ; they became craven pessimists and pop- ularized suicide.” Today we also should smile at the fads and fancies of every political upstart. Today we should be loyal to the constitutional democracy that has brought the Uni- ted States in the past, a peace and prosperity, a personal dignity and liberty, unknown in previous world history. Catholicism is a religion of authority; whether ecclesiastical or political authority, she respects them both. Catholics stand behind the government and its legitimate execu- tive, our President. Catholics will do well to hold aloof from all the new “isms.” Their ideals we might partly praise; their methods we must con- demn. The great social problems will never be solved by mere declamation or more or less lurid oratory about the 8 THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS “predatory rich” and the “down- trodden proletariat,” while bombs and bullets, general strikes and so- cial revolutions and terrorism, and Fascism and Hitlerism and Utopian- ism and Communism and all the rest of the “isms” are too ultra-radical for any sane-minded patriotic Ameri- can. We need a Monroe Doctrine on all these foreign schemes. We have had a century and a half of unparal- leled prosperity. A few years of de- pression come upon us and we throw up our hands. We forget the pros- perous past and cry out that consti- tutional democracy is a fraud and a failure. A man buys an auto; he drives it ten thousand miles without a forced halt. Suddenly the carbu- retor begins to choke up or the spark plugs to miss fire. The driver gets out, he forgets the ten thousand miles of faithful duty, (or does he?), he whacks the engine with an iron wrench, declares it is a worthless machine. How impatient and short- sighted is man ! THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS 9 Capitalism Not Perfect Modern capitalism as tolerated by constitutional democracy even to its dearest friends is no dream of ideal beauty. Why tinker with the old machine? ask the Utopians and Communists. Why indeed, unless some of them can tell us where and how and when to get another mach- ine that is not immeasurably worse. True indeed, no reasonable person can fail to see the defects of our present economical system. Perhaps the machine needs to be overhauled. But why so foolish as to scrap it? It is not a high-powered, smoothly running miracle of perfection. It is not a Rolls-Royce, nor a Pierce-Arrow, not even a Buick. On the contrary, can- dor may compel the admission that too much honor is done it when we compare it to the well-known festive flivver in its many years of faithful, if inartistic, service. Its carburetor —perhaps occasionally a wicked trick of getting choked with grit; its wheels—mayhap long since have con- 10 THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS tracted the incurable habit of wob- bling ; the steering knuckles—perhaps not as reliable as they might well be and its gearing mechanism leaving a good deal to be desired ; in fact from radiator to exhaust the poor dear thing may not be all that it’s cracked up to be. BUT IT GOES. So medi- tated its contented owner. And when Henry Ford decided it was time to overhaul the whole outfit, he didn’t scrap it entirely and go out of busines. He adapted the carburetor, steering knuckles, gears and radiator to modern conditions, but the basic principles he kept intact. The communist would put a keg of dynamite under the car, blow it to pieces and offer us in lieu thereof his own original blue-print for a per- fectly marvelous product. Inspecting his design we find it calls for the main parts to be constructed of paste- board; for an engine burning H20 water, (very economical), and a transmisison system that defies all the known laws of mechanics. In fact we have nothing but the designer’s THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS' 11 word to assure us that though for a considerable period the new machine will travel only in circles, eventually it will move fast and straight and smoothly. Any machine, even the finest, when it has been running long, will develop trouble. This has happened in Amer- ica. But we must not scrap the mach- ine, abandon the general design. Re- call those ten thousand miles of faith- ful service; recall the century and a half of peace and progress. We must remedy the troubles. We do not sanction the past and present abuses of capitalism, abuses which have crept into our system through the covetousness of men with their utter disregard of social jutsice—whether this covetousness be on the part of capital or labor—even at times with the violation of the laws of the land. And any constructive proposals to remedy the evils must first of all pro- vide for a solid groundwork, to be found in the eternal principles of social justice which are based on a belief in God ; and after providing 12 THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS the groundwork, they must build on the real and true psychology of hu- man nature. “Do Unto Others . . Social justice has often been epito- mized in the words : “Do unto others as you would have others do unto you,” which words in turn are based on the command of God,” “Love thy neighbor as thyself.” Huge combines that de- mand undue returns on investments violate social justice; huge chain stores that starve out the smaller competitor violate social justice ; con- scienceless high-pressure promoters, whether of real estate, mines, bonds or investment corporations, violate social justice: the capitalist who de- mands twenty-five percent profit and squeezes his hired help violates social justice; bankers who gamble with trust funds violate social justice; workingmen who demand exorbitant wages, far more than the industry can stand, violate social justice—but why go on? All such violators of social justice, whether individuals or THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS 13 corporations, are without a con- science, which ultimately means reli- gious principles. One does not have to be a Catholic to admit this fact. Push God out of the picture and there is no sanction to law or justice, ex- cept the very doubtful sanction of the courts. Washington once said: “Re- ligion and morality cannot be di- vorced.” Were Washington alive to- day he would be more specific. He would say: Religion and the bank cannot be divorced ; religion and the factory cannot be divorced; religion and commerce cannot be divorced ; re- ligion and labor cannot be divorced; religion and the family cannot be divorced. Without religion there is no conscience, and each and every one will feel justified in getting what he can, no matter who is crushed. Without religion there is no con- science, without conscience there is no honesty, no justice; without honesty and justice there is no Golden Rule. “Do unto others as you would have others do unto you” becomes a rule or law without a compelling force. 14 THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS Social justice is a virtue that must be spontaneous; it must come from within. Not even the powerful Con- stitution of the United States can force social justice on a people with- out a conscience. Conscience is the practical judgment that this is right and that is wrong, that this act is good and that act bad, that we should do the one and avoid the other. Until men begin to observe of their own accord the dictates of conscience, no system whether it be constitutional democracy, Socialism or Communism will ever bring order out of chaos. If in the earlier days of America prosperity prevailed, it was because social justice between man and man, between corporations and individuals, between owner and worker, prevailed. If peace and prosperity have vanish- ed in later years, it is because social justice has gradually waned, until conditions have become impossible and the inevitable crash followed. But the evil is not due to constitution- al democracy, but rather to the viola- tion of the dictates of constitutional THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS 15 democracy. Americans will show themselves a lot more patriotic and level-headed in striving to remedy the violations instead of scrapping the machine. Again the real and true psychology of human nature must not be for- gotten. Nature, whether the term be applied to the material words about us with its law and order or be limited to the human being, nature is an autocrat, whose dictates cannot be violated with impunity. Nature is an exact and exacting teacher. She does not indulge in vague platitudes and plausible ingenuities. She is pre- cise. More, she demands obedience. She has a sanction sufficient for the man of common sense. The price of disobedience is chaos. Nature teach- es the tiny child to walk, to talk, to eat, to think. Nature reveals the purpose of every faculty or part of the human body, and not only com- mends but commands its proper use. Nature organizes mankind into so- ciety and demands respect for the social organism and every part there- 16 THE COMMUMCTIC CRISIS of. Order, says the adage, is the first law of nature, whether it be order in the individual or in society. In a word nature is an omniscient dic- tator, a dictator that rules with an arbitrary will, yet unselfishly alert to the needs of the masses she gov- erns, and scorning the interference of petty minds. Nature—let us give her her proper name—she is the Voice of God demanding harmony in the universe. Communists Scorn Nature The communists scorn nature, that is, human nature. Men will not read- ily surrender their inalienable rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of hap- piness. Russia has made the experi- ment in forcing men to surrender these rights. Writers who have come out of Russia are giving us instructive commentaries in the current maga- zines. Human nature demands the right of private property; Commu- nism denies it. Indeed give a com- munist a piece of land and he will soon cease to be a communist. Hu- THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS 17 man nature demands liberty ; this too is denied. No man wishes to work under the point of a bayonet. Human nature demands the rights of home and a family and modest conven- iences ; human nature demands the fruit of its labor; the quantity and quality and taste of its food, the style and cut of its clothes, the type of its recreations and the disposal of its leisure time. Human nature is an in- dividual factor met with in every hu- man being. And the more enlighten- ed the human being, the less readily will he surrrender his rights. Amer- icans are too well educated as a na- tion to become abject slaves to any such visionary system. On last Labor Day, the writer stood on the streets of San Francisco, one of the strongest Union towns in the country, and watched some forty thousand workers, proud of their workers’ garb, march the length of Market Street to the City Hall. There was no red flag in that parade; the marchers were thinking of no inter- national state; the Stars and Stripes 18 THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS floated over their heads every hun- dred yards, the bearers proud of that Banner, and the bands blared in mar- tial American airs. Those marchers smiled and cheered and sang, while the crowds on the curbs doffed their hats at every passing Flag and ap- plauded. Communism, Hitlerism, Fascism, Utopianism—none of that. It was a crowd of intelligent Amer- ican workingmen, the backbone of our country, and every determined step and every enthusiastic song and every mighty cheer was defiance to any and all of the foreign demagogues who would foist on the United States their un-American radicalism. Many men from Plato through Blessed Thomas More and Bacon down to Lenin and Kennedy of today have indulged their imaginations and feverishly guided their facile pens in an effort to remake society. It is like trying to re-color the rainbow. In vain ! Whether in re-coloring the rainbow or in reforming society they are coping with natural elements that cannot be altered. A doctor in curing THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS 19 ills assists nature, does not resist nature. Study history. The jungle savage claims his bolo and boomerang just as the thrifty executive or in- dustrious workingman of highly or- ganized society claims his factory, home or auto. Private property is natural. The possessive pronouns cannot be expunged from our speech. 20 THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS COMMUNISM AND RELIGION A Catholic priest was taken to task not long ago in the public press for having stated that Communism and Religion are not necessarily incom- patible. “Young man,” said Voltaire, “explain your terms.” If Communism signifies merely a social state in which property is held in common for the use of the masses, certainly reli- gion and Communism are not incom- patible. In this sense early Christian- ity was communistic, and in fact to- day all religious orders of the Catho- lic Church are communistic. If on the contrary Communism is to be ac- cepted for what it signifies today in Russia, and in the rest of the world where Russian-inspired agitators are active, there is an essential and ir- reconcilable antagonism between Communism and Religion. Communism, according to the teachings of its arch-priest, Lenin, is not merely a social and political doc- trine and practice, by which the state controls all property; it is a THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS 21 philosophy and a religion; or rather it is a materialistic philosophy which to be consistent must reject all reli- gion, and deny the existence of God and of the immortal soul. “In the socialistic party and its activities,” says Lenin, “man must find the ful- filment of his destiny. God and reli- gion are superfluous, even a hind- rance.” Recognize Eternal Truths The religious minded man believes in and worships a God ; he believes in an immortal soul which will find its perfect happiness not in this life but the next ; he believes he is “more than an insect of the hour which raises its tiny hum for a while and is gone”; he believes in “the laws of nature and of nature’s God”; he believes in a Providence that rules the world and a moral law that commands the good and forbids the evil, a law that is not without its sanction; he believes that in the observance of this law he will find temporal happiness on earth and eternal happiness in heaven. This 22 THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS is not exclusively Catholic doctrine, but a doctrine which the Catholic Church holds in common with all reli- gious minded men who worship a per- sonal God. Materialism is at once the philoso- phy of Lenin and his substitute for religion. There is no reality, no good beyond this world. The Summun Bonum or Highest Good—the Christ- ian description of God—is work for society. There is no immortal soul; whatever happiness is to be had must be attained in this life; beyond this life there is nothing. Man’s final des- tiny is not the beatitude or the perfect happiness of the man of’ faith, but the organization of earthly society and the economic conditions that control it. Lenin constantly talks of “the self-sufficiency of producing man- kind”—produce and you will be per- fectly happy! Yes, he must admit that we are mere “insects of the hour” like so many ants destined to slave our lives away gathering prod- ucts, and then to return to dust. Moral law or morality, it is doubt- THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS 23 ful if the bolshevists would recognize the word. Their morality is the mor- ality of combat—the end justifies the means. Propaganda, revolutions, terrorism, violence, the dynamiting of orphan asylums—as happened recent- ly in Spain—with the wanton des- truction of innocent children, sexual promiscuity, even incest and arbit- rary abortions—these they frankly approve; the end is all in all, and so all means are justified. Jaroslavsky has worded their moral law : “Every- thing that assists class war is good; everything that hinders it is bad.” Such the fundamental principle of bolshevik morals. The only law of nature that they recognize is the materialistic law, to wit, that the whole history of the world has been shaped by inexorable economic con- ditions, that the world has been labor- ing to evolve itself through material production, at times a little more suc- cessfully, at times a little less, and according to this law the bolshevist today has the obligation to assist the world upwards, aid its evolution along 24 THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS material lines. For this alone man exists. Briefly the bolshevist is a man of this world; the believer a man of the next. With such materialistic principles, it is quite evident that communism and religion are incompatible. Hog- lund, formerly a prominent commu- nist writer, taught the compatibility of religion and Communism, and was expelled from the Third Internation- al, the name of the party that now holds sway in Russia. But the bolshevist is not content with abstract atheism. Whipped into action by Lenin’s constant lashes — Lenm was a clever and insistent man and his eloquent words stung the slothful like whip-cords—the bolshe- vist must make his atheism concrete. Religion stands in the way of the so- cial revolution ; religion therefore must be wiped out. Article 4 of the Russian Federal Constitution deals with religion. There is separation of Church and State which was to be expected ; we have that also in Amer- ica. Freedom of conscience and wor- THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS 25 ship are also approved. That is a sop to foreign nations. Originally the Code read : — “To ensure genuine freedom of conscience to the workers, the Church is separated from the State and the schools from the Church. Freedom of religious and anti-religious propaganda is guai’- anteed all citizens.” In 1929 the last sentence was changed to read “Freedom of religious profession and of anti-religious propaganda is guar- anteed all citizens.” Clever rogues! Anti-Religious Propaganda The anti-religious, the atheist are free to spread all the propaganda they wish. The religious are restricted to a silent profession of their faith — which in the issue is de facto denied them—but are forbidden any form of propaganda. Under this clause, while the atheists are at liberty to raise their wings like so many pes- tiferous flies, spread far and wide, lay their eggs and multiply like re- pulsive maggots, the believer in God must keep silent, and be content with 26 THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS the very dubious and dangerous pro- fession of his faith in the secret of his heart. Ministers of religion, of what- ever creed, are forbidden to give reli- gious instruction, which includes preaching in churches. In private no religious instruction may be given to children under eighteen years of age. No religious organizations have juri- dical rights, but where existent, are merely tolerated as groups of be- lievers devoted to silent prayer. The government curries favor with the people by emphasizing constantly freedom of conscience, and even Len- in—inwords at least—condemned offi- cial repression. Ostensibly he was content to wait until religion should gradually perish from what he terms “the spread of enlightenment.” Uni- versity courses have been established to prepare field workers in atheism; pamphlets are published with detailed instructions for the campaign against religious prejudices; societies of the godless are organized amongst the workers and even the children; blas- phemous and obscene cartoons make THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS 27 a mockery of everything tradition- ally sacred. The theatres and the movies are devoted to atheistic propa- ganda, even the primary classroom platform being the scene of irreli- gious displays. All Church festivals including Christmas and Easter have been abolished, while the Sunday as the day of rest and prayer has been eliminated from the weekly cal- endar by a clever scheme—the five- day week. There is no day of abso- lute rest in the week, but part of the workers take one day off and part another, and so on ; thus on no single day of the week are all men idle. This eliminates the Sunday. But when the greater festivals, such as Christmas and Easter come around, no men at all are allowed off, this extra effort being necessary to combat the natural religious tendency of the people. From time to time a festival of the godless is declared, and all workers and children to hundreds of thous- ands are forced to march in the parade of the militant godless. March or starve ! Only by participation in 28 THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS the parade can one receive his credit card for that day. The march takes the place of work. Listen to Lenin : — “The masses must be provided with every species of atheistic propaganda, must be awakened by every possible approach in every conceivable way.” He thereupon calls for the transla- tion of books of other nations : — “The propaganda of the old atheists of the eighteenth century, brisk, lively, talented, acute and openly attacking the sway of the sky-pilots, is a thous- and times better adapted to awaken men from the sleep of religion than the dreary and dry rehashes of Marx- ism.” He calls particular attention to clever atheistic books published in the United States. But in spite of pretended tolerance and freedom of conscience, violence has been used constantly. True to its materialistic plan, the revolution- ary party confiscated the church edi- fices. Priests naturally protested, and for their protests were at once exe- cuted or condemned to a lingering death in prison on the frozen steppes THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS 29 of Siberia. Ten thousand Russian priests have disappeared in the last fifteen years; whither, no one knows, save Lenin and Stalin and their horde of sycophants. In 1922, the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Moscow, his secretary and fourteen young priests were arrested and condemned to death. On protests from abroad, all save the secretary had the sentences commuted to life in prison. The sec- retary was executed. Two years ago the writer met a fellow Jesuit who had spent three months in Russia, and asked him if ought was known of those fourteen young priests. (The Archbishop has since been released.) “Two,” he answered, “had died in prison; two more it was known had gone insane ; of the rest there is no trace.” Let the western world be not deceived. Toleration and freedom of conscience in Russia have been re- placed by vicious propaganda and vio- lence, violence similar to that used in the bloody annihilation of the Royal Family. Religion is the opium of the people; it must go. The end 30 THE COMMUlS'ISTIG CRISIS justifies the use of any and all means. Even President Roosevelt and his advisers knew that the so-called free- dom of conscience and worship is a fraud, and therefore in recognizing the Soviets demanded that foreigners at least should be guaranteed such freedom. For the natives it does not exist. But we must keep in mind that the struggle of the Catholic Church in Russia, this country or any other country, is not to be regarded, as the bolsheviks declare, as a defense of capitalistic society with all its patent evils, such as it exists today. On the contrary what a glorious opportunity for the Catholic Church if today ail property were voluntarily held in common as in the first days of Christ- ianity, and if covetousness were so far banished from the world that all would be content with equality, and perfect social justice were to prevail. This is indeed a Utopia devoutly to be wished for. The Catholic Church faces the facts as they exist. She has only one mission in this world, THE COMMUNISTIC CRISIS' 31 one concern, to secure for each and every human being the possibility of developing according to his true nature. Man’s end or destiny—ac- cording to all Christian teaching—is to praise, reverence and serve God in this life, and to be happy with Him in the next. Bolshevism is anti- church, bent on destroying the Church of Christ. Its aims is to ren- der the Church of Christ completely superfluous, and to establish itself in its place. All true Christians must join actively in the fight on bolshe- vism. Have You Read These New Popular Pamphlets? 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