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This

Nation

Under

God

7*

James Farley Henry Ford II

Judge Michael F. Walsh

Bob Considine Dr. Hugh S. Taylor

Maurice J. Tobin Howard Mitchell

Dr. George S. Sperti Loretta Young

J v



Digitized by the Internet Archive

in 2016

/

https://archive.org/details/thisnationundergOOwals



This Nation Under God





This Nation Under God

Nine addresses delivered on the Catholic Hour during July and August

1950, produced by the National Council of Catholic Men in cooperation

with the National Broadcasting Company.

BY

JUDGE MICHAEL F. WALSH

BOB CONSIDINE

JAMES FARLEY

MAURICE J. TOBIN

HOWARD MITCHELL

DR. GEORGE S. SPERTI

HENRY FORD II

DR. HUGH S. TAYLOR

LORETTA YOUNG

NATIONAL COUNCIL OF CATHOLIC MEN
1312 Massachusetts Avenue, N. W.

Washington 5, D. C.



Nihil obstat:

Reverend T. E. Dillon

Censor Librorum

Imprimatur:

JOHN F. NOLL, D.D.

Bishop of Fort Wayne



TABLE OF CONTENTS

LAWYERS AND THE NATION 7

THE NEWSPAPERMAN OF THE NATION 12

THE POLITICIAN AND THE NATION 18

LABOR AND THE NATION 21

MUSIC AND THE NATION * 25

THE SCIENTIST AND THE NATION /. 29

INDUSTRY AND THE NATION 35

EDUCATION AND THE NATION 40

THE ACTOR AND THE NATION U* . 46





LAWYERS AND THE NATION

Talk given on July 2, 1950

In the present temporal order,

no other group potentially can

do more for the peace and pros-

perity of this nation than the

members of the legal profes-

sion. In that group are law

students, teachers of law, law-

yers, administrators of law, leg-

islators and judges.

The ordinary professional ser-

vices rendered by an attorney

or counsellor at law are too often

underestimated and unappre-

ciated. He guides the family

through the legal steps of buying

a home. A lawyer represents

the bank which makes a mort-

gage loan
;

a lawyer draws a

will, handles the probate and

settles the estate and the gov-

ernment tax claims. Lawyers

represent small business and

big business. A lawyer is on
both sides of almost every liti-

gated case in our courts. In

some states, probably more than

half of all court trials involve

accident or negligence cases.

These grow out of invasions of

man’s most cherished rights, the

right to life and the right to

property. With increasing fre-

quency, commerce, industry and

finance call lawyers from private

practice to positions of trust and

responsibility. Lawyers, more

than any other group, are com-

munity leaders and the rep-

resentatives of the people in the

legislative, executive and judi-

cial branches of our government.

As such leaders they help to

form public opinion.

Before he may practice law, a

lawyer must demonstrate not

only his mental qualifications

but also must prove his sound

moral character and fitness. It

is true that some lawyers accept

retainers to obtain a result re-

gardless of the justice of the

cause or of the means employed.

In fairness to the profession,

however, it should be said that

those are a small minority, and

further, very rarely do lawyers

give the exhibitions witnessed

in some recent criminal trials.

The average American expects

every lawyer to be learned, alert,

honest, conscientious, dignified,

courteous, reasonable and con-

siderate. The conduct of the

individual lawyer is not merely

a private matter. He is expected

to follow a definite code of ethics.



8 THIS NATION UNDER GOD

For violation of it he may be

subjected to disciplinary meas-

ures. His conduct is a matter

of community concern. It is a

vital element in the moral fiber

of society. There are approxi-

mately 185,000 lawyers admit-

ted to practice in the United

States. They are officers of our

courts and should be agents of

justice. Their fulfillment or vio-

lation of their professional obli-

gations, their discharge or neg-

lect of the duties which they

assume in private enterprise and

in public office are primary fac-

tors in the social welfare, peace

and prosperity of the commun-

ity, the state and the nation.

Over and above all of this,

however, every lawyer, as a

citizen and because of his par-

ticular qualifications, has a pe-

culiar patriotic duty. Regard-

less of the nature of his practice

or his occupation, whether he

has only a desk in a shack at a

crossroads, or is the head of a

very successful and influential

law firm, or is the president of a

nationally prosperous corpora-

tion, or a first-year legislative

representative, or the Chief

Justice of the United States Su-

preme Court, or the President of

the United States, he should

know and understand the ulti-

mate source and purpose of civil

law, which is man-made law.

Particularly every lawyer should

understand the American philos-

ophy of law and its importance

to the present and future welfare

of this nation under God.

This year we observe the 174th

anniversary of the final adoption

of The Unanimous Declaration

of the Thirteen United States of

America. As a representative

of the legal profession, I turn to

that document not only for the

thoughts to which I give expres-

sion but also for some expres-

sions to which all of us should

give serious thought. By such

reflection we shall find the role

which lawyers must play and

how they should use their tal-

ents to preserve these United

States of America and to help

to guide them to their potential

greatness.

Thomas Jefferson wrote the

Declaration of Independence. He

first consulted Dr. Benjamin

Franklin and John Adams and

then reported to a committee of

five. He said later in a letter

to Henry Lee, Jr.:

“Not to find out new prin-

ciples or new arguments nev-

er before thought of, not

merely to say things which

had never been said before;

but to place before mankind



LAWYERS AND THE NATION 9

the common sense of the sub-

ject in terms so plain and

firm as to command their as-

sent and to justify ourselves

in the independent stand we

were compelled to take. Nei-

ther aiming at originality of

principle or sentiment, nor yet

copied from any particular

previous writing, it was in-

tended to be an expression of

the American mind. All its

authority rests upon the har-

monizing sentiments of the

day.”

In the second paragraph of

the Declaration, Jefferson com-

pressed the whole system of

American philosophy. It is an

entire theory of government. It

is based on the self-evident

truths of the equal creation of

men and their endowment with

inalienable rights. It sets forth

the idea of government by con-

sent. It was the first example

in history in which a new na-

tion erected its government “of

the people, by the people and for

the people” with a formal declar-

ation to the world of the prin-

ciples upon which that govern-

ment would rest. These immor-

tal words should be memorized

not only by every lawyer but

also by every other citizen

:

“We hold these truths to be

self-evident, that all men are

created equal, that they are

endowed by their Creator with

certain inalienable Rights,

that among these are Life,

Liberty and -the pursuit of

Happiness. That to secure

these rights, Governments are

instituted among Men, deriv-

ing their just power from the

consent of the governed.”

This one paragraph of the

Declaration is an excellent if not

the best possible condensation

of the natural law—common law
doctrines as they were developed

and expounded in England and

America for hundreds of years

prior to the American Revolu-

tion.

Today, in our courts, natural

law philosophy, the rights of

man growing out of the relation

of creature and Creator, is still

the foundation of our jurispru-

dence. However, most regret-

fully, it is rejected by some

teachers who train young peo-

ple to be lawyers. About fifty

years ago, a man who was later

to become president of one of

our great American universities,

said that the idea that man “is

endowed by nature with certain

legal rights which he cannot, or

at least which he never did, sur-

render has fallen into discredit,

and been abandoned by almost

every scholar in England and



10 THIS NATION UNDER GOD

America.” One of the most in-

fluential men in American edu-

cation said a few years ago,

“The intellectual basis of the

legal theory of natural law and

natural rights has been under-

mined by historical and philo-

sophical criticism.” Another

professor of political science has

written, “There are, of course,

no such things as inherent and

inalienable rights. They are

purely a figment of the imagina-

tion, wish-fulfillment in politi-

cal thinking.” And another pro-

fessor of political science has

written: “Most of the best

thinkers on politics of the pres-

ent day, I believe, will agree that

there is no such thing as a nat-

ural right. The citizen, then,

may and must do what the com-

munity determines it is best for

him to do. He must not do what

the state forbids ***(and) we

may not properly speak of a

natural right as opposed to the

power of the state.”

These quotations represent

the dangerous teaching of some

political and legal philosophers.

These men cannot be called Com-

munists, Nazis or Fascists, but

their thinking is essentially anti-

Democratic and totalitarian.

They disregard the Creator, the

ultimate source of all law. For-

tunately, there are other schol-

ars, many statesmen and great

jurists who have not succumbed

to the reaction which has per-

meated some of the thinking of

the legal theorists. Almost every

judge in his daily pronounce-

ments applies in the concrete the

sound principles of the American

legal philosophy. They still

grasp its beauty, its depth, and

its soundness and consider it the

bulwark of our liberty and the

source and the strength of our

nation. A few years ago, a dis-

tinguished New York jurist

said: “Statesman, prelate and

judge, Protestant, Catholic and

Jew, are united in the convic-

tion that the inalienable rights

of the individual, formulated and

assured by our law, rest upon a

foundation eternal and immut-

able because it is divine. There

lies America’s unity.” Our

courts have applied the natural

law philosophy from the days of

Justice Wilson, who signed both

the Declaration of Independence

and the Constitution and sat on

the Supreme Court of the United

States, through the days of Jus-

tice Marshall, down to our pres-

ent time, when we find a member

of the Supreme Court of the

United States stating in one of

his recent decisions, “The vic-

tory for freedom of thought re-

corded in our Bill of Rights rec-



LAWYERS AND THE NATION li

ognizes that in the domain of

conscience there is a moral pow-

er higher than the State.”

Nevertheless, America must

be saved from the schools of

false philosophy. The duty to

save America falls primarily

upon the lawyer. Almost 100

years ago in another national

crisis, a patriot said: “It may

be too late for Americans to

learn the lesson—nevertheless it
is a lesson of truth and of un-

speakable important truth, that

no people can be secure in their

right any further than they be-

lieve that their rights are de-

rived from God; nor any further

than they believe that laws to be

valid and obligatory must be

laws for the protection, instead

of the destruction, of rights.”

We must fight off the encroach-

ment of an absolute democracy

that is majority rule without

minority rights. We must pre-

serve the traditional American

democracy which is based upon

constitutional limitations of gov-

ernment and respect for the Bill

of Rights. Every American

Judge and every American law-

yer have the patriotic duty to

uphold and defend the Ameri-

can philosophy of law in which

this nation was born and with-

out which it cannot survive.



THE NEWSPAPERMAN OF THE NATION

Talk given on July 9, 1950

I am an American newspaper-

man whose stuff, as we call it,

is spread daily before a vast

cross-section of readers—among
them Catholics, Protestants,

Jews, Mormons, Christian Sci-

entists, agnostics, atheists and

others who make up the great

reading public of this most lit-

erate land.

I happen to be a Catholic. Oc-

casionally I get mail which states

categorically that—because I am
a Catholic—I am incapable of
presenting a completely un-

biased picture of any event re-

motely bearing on spiritual val-

ues. By the same token, occa-

sionally I receive mail saying

that this or that piece I wrote

was anti-Catholic.

Neither type of letter offends

me, really. The readers have

every right to say what they

please, just as I—within the
bounds of propriety—have every
right to write as I please. Yet,

letters of this nature give me

a certain amount of pause. They

make me attempt to re-evaluate

this whole question of being the

middle-man between events or

ideas, and the public.

In this great nation under

God, this last refuge of free

speech, the newspaperman or a

commentator on the radio is an

almost god-like figure. Our wis-

dom and our bird-brained prat-

tle reaches untold millions. We

are the oracles of the time. We

can do everything from tell you

how to bake a cake to how to

save your immortal soul. Though

you don’t budge from your arm-

chair, we can take you to Korea,

cure your golf slice, explain the

mechanics of U. N.’s Social, Cul-

tural and Humanitarian Com-

mittee, and tell you how to vote.

We are, in short, god-like fig-

ures. Most of us accept the nom-

ination with becoming immod-

esty. We feel singled-out, or-

dained, chosen. With a flick of

the wrist, or a switch, we reach

countless more multitudes in a

matter of seconds than Christ

was able to reach during his

three years of public life. Christ

was never syndicated. Christ

never had a radio hook-up. Nor

the protection of a First Arti-

cle of a Constitution . . . the

lack of which protection led to

His crucifixion.



THE NEWSPAPERMAN OF THE NATION 13

Yes, we are god-like in our

real or imagined power. But

whether we are Godly is a ques-

tion that must concern a lot of

us . . . from the publisher who

sets a course of action from

which no earthly or supernatural

power can sway him, to the sim-

ple leg-man who funnels facts

to the re-write desk.

I confess, as a working news-

paperman with 20 years of ex-

perience, that for most of those

years I never seriously consid-

ered the duties and responsibili-

ties that go with being the medi-

um through which news and

views are screened to a suscep-

tible public. It seemed enough,

for a long time, simply to re-

member the teachings of my old

journalism professor—who kept
hammering into our thick skulls

this dogma : that in the first

paragraph of our stories we

must tell the reader WHO,

WHAT, WHERE, WHY, and

WHEN.

That’s still valid advice, and

an adequate clue to the reason

why America’s press is the last

free one on earth. But in re-

cent years I’ve suspected that

perhaps it is oversimplification.

Five years ago this month I

was among a group of war cor-

respondents granted an audience

by Pope Pius XII. I think most

of us expected to enter his of-

fice, shake hands with him or

kiss his ring, have him bless a

rosary for us, and be thumbed

out—firmly but gently—by a
Papal secretary. His Holiness

had other ideas. Sitting there

behind his desk, with his white-

enameled portable typewriter at

his side, he began talking about

newspaper writing. He talked

for a long time.

I don’t recall his exact words,

spoken in his soft, sincere Eng-

lish. But the theme was some-

thing along these lines : that we,

a band of casual visitors, held in

the palms of our hands a tre-

mendous power ... a power

which in so many countries had

been perverted by despots and

scoundrels. His Holiness said

that we could be the instruments

of truth, the means by which

the torches of decency and in-

tegrity could be held aloft . . .

or we could be the reverse. We
had it in our power, he said, to

help mankind or do it great

harm. Of this, he said, we must

be constantly aware.

It was a thoughtful little

group which filed out of the

Pope’s office. One of our num-

ber, who had actually never been

in a church in his life and had

a loud antagonism toward all

things clerical, turned to me as



14 THIS NATION UNDER GOD

we stood on the steps of St.

Peter’s a few minutes later and

said, with a nod of his head,

“You know something?” I asked

him what. “That fellow made a

lot of sense,” my friend said,

with perhaps his closest ap-

proach to reverence.

Some of the Catholic writers

who were with us that day felt

that the Pope had asked them to

spread Catholicism through

their newspaper columns . . .

was beseeching them to become

sort of unofficial spokesmen for

the Church.

I didn’t think the Pope had

that in mind at all. And sub-

sequent audiences in the inter-

vening years have strengthened

that belief. His Holiness meant

what he said : that we must real-

ize our power and use it with

justice and wisdom.

Of course, the vast majority

of Americans who work for our

newspapers and other periodi-

cals have little opportunity to

express personal opinions. The

standard job on a newspaper

—

on the editorial side, that is

—

is that of straight reporter. He

or she is paid to go out, watch

an event, come back to the pa-

per and paint the most accurate

word picture that is possible.

There is little room for bias or

prejudice—and certain checks
and safeguards against it, a bot-

tleneck we call the copy-desk.

Yet, for all that, stories are

sometimes slanted and create

harm, intentional or otherwise,

where the exercise of a Christian

goodness could have caused good.

It is in the specialized type of

writing — syndicated columns,
let’s say, and editorials, book re-

views and the like—that the
greatest power is wielded. For

it is through this group that

public opinion is formed, convic-

tions cemented, prejudices so-

lidified, hatreds fanned, love fur-

thered. And to the credit of

the practitioners who are given

wide latitude of expression most

of them are vigorously honest

and, with scant exception, fair-

minded men and women.

If there is any apparent anti-

religious feeling among these

specialists in journalism it will

be found chiefly among the book

reviewers of certain leading New

York newspapers and literary

publications.

Here a rather shocking situa-

tion prevails. If you write a

book which steps on the toes of

our home-grown Left Wingers,

bamboozled Liberals or outright

Communists, or their idols

abroad, you can almost count on

receiving a number of sour re-



THE NEWSPAPERMAN OF THE NATION 15

views—where the reviews hurt
most.

There are, of course, outstand-

ing exceptions to this rule. But

the average big city book critic

sets himself up as a defender

and champion of the legend that

those who speak out against

Communists and their pale pink

carbon copies are automatically

cheap sensationalists, warmon-

gers and unctuous serfs of Wall

Street.

Some of these book-reviewers

get away with murder, even

though their reviews appear in

newspapers and magazines

which could not possibly exist

—

nor could the reviewers—under
Communism. Yet the reader of

a fat Sunday newspaper can di-

gest an editorial denouncing

Communism, or shudder through

such stories as the tortured

quote confessions unquote of

clergymen and businessmen be-

hind the Iron Curtain . . . and

then turn to the book review sec-

tion and encounter some inbred

critic beating to a pulp a book

author who is trying to say the

same thing.

They seem to produce nothing,

these critics. Their role is sim-

ply to belt over any writer who

has the industry and knowledge

to produce an anti-Communist

tome. Deplorably, few authors

have any way of retorting, re-

butting, or suing the critic for

pulling the rug from under years

of devoted work.

We have book publishers, too,

among them some grown quite

fat under our capitalistic sys-

tem, who will not touch an anti-

Communist book. Among these

are some shrewd fellows who

have sense enough to know that

such books will be solidly bat-

tered by the critics, and prob-

ably lose money. But there are

others who seem to believe with

the critics and, like them, are

Russia Firsters.

I can speak with a little per-

sonal experience, in this latter

respect. I had something to do

with the editing of a book named

“The Rape of Poland,” written

by the exiled Democratic premier

of Poland, Stanislaw Mikoljczyk.

He gave a most detailed account

of how Communists were able to

seize that predominantly Cath-

olic country with hardly the

firing of a shot—except in the
prisons of the secret police. The

publisher who originally plan-

ned to produce the book actually

asked Mikoljczyk to delete all

mention of the Catholic Church's

resistance to the invasion of

Communism. The publisher also

asked Mikoljczyk to tone down

his accounts of the tortures and



16 THIS NATION UNDER GOD

murders inflicted on Polish pa-

triots during the destruction of

that country’s hard-won liber-

ties.

Mikoljczyk, of course, refused

to go along with the treacherous

suggestions. He found another

publisher . . . one with the cour-

age to let the truth be told.

But these are the exceptions

that prove the rule . . . the rule

that goes : Give everybody a fair

shake. It is a tribute to this

great country under God that

no newspaper or magazine can

exist on an anti-religious basis.

A paper that is anti-Catholic

will be assailed by Protestants

and Jews just as Catholics would

rally to battle a paper that was

anti-Protestant or anti-Semitic.

For these are deep rooted

springs in the hearts of Amer-

icans . . . these are the pre-

cepts upon which we fed as a

young nation and matured into

the world’s greatest.

I have a prayer ... a news-

paperman’s prayer. It goes like

this

:

Dear God, may I be fair. Cir-

cumstances and luck have placed

in my thumby paws a degree of

authority which I may not fully

comprehend. Let me not pro-

fane it.

Give me the drive that will

make me check and counter-check

the facts. Guide me when, lost

for want of a rudder or a lead,

I stumble through the jungle of

speculation. Grant me, as the

poet said:

The courage to change

The things I can change;

The serenity to accept

Those I cannot change, and

The wisdom to know the differ-

ence.

The 26 sharp-edged tools we

call our alphabet can do what

other tools do: build or destroy.

Let me build. Let me know

clearly what must be destroyed,

what darkness, what bigotry,

what evil, what curse, what ig-

norance.

Never let me slip into writing

down
,
in fatuous fear that read-

ers otherwise will not under-

stand. Let me write from the

shoulder, and with the assump-

tion that those who read know

more than I.

Such news as comes my way,

let me tell it quickly and accur-

ately and simply, with an eye

to my responsibilities. For news

is precious. Few could live with-

out it. When it is stopped or

thwarted or twisted, something

goes out of the hearts of men.

Confront # starving man with

the choice of a succulent ham-

burger or the promise to reveal

instantly news of great impor-



THE NEWSPAPERMAN OF THE NATION 17

tance, and he will take first the

news.

Let me champion just causes,

avoid expediency, never lose the

stimulation engendered by

printer’s ink. Let me remem-

ber to be kind to copy boys, for

I’ll meet them on the way back

down, when they are editors.

Protect the innocent from me

when my aim is fuzzy.

Make me use my legs and

eyes, the better to track down

and see the truth. Deafen me

to the Lorelei song of rootless

hearsay, rumor and idle gossip.

When the customers write in to

accuse me of being a bum, let

me consider carefully the possi-

bility that I am . . . and try

to do better. Let me work hard-

er, try harder and remember

—

with proper humility—that his-
tory produced a few abler re-

porters . . . Matthew, Mark,

Luke and John, for instance.

But above all, dear God, let me

write with the fairness that

Christ would have used if He,

who stood for everything that

has made this nation great, had

ever found it necessary to sit

down to a typewriter and beat

out a story.



THE POLITICIAN AND THE NATION

Talk given on July 16, 1950

With true insight, the found-

ers of the republic acknowledged

the dominion of Almighty God

over the affairs of the nation. On

the great seal of the United

States they wrote in Latin, “He

has favored our undertakings/’

On the coinage they put in Eng-

lish, “In God we trust.” With

profound wisdom, Lincoln de-

veloped the same basic idea when

he said at Gettysburg that this

nation’s “new birth of freedom”

would be “under God.”

The great Civil War president

could, and no doubt did, hearken

back much further for the in-

spiration of his sage humility.

He could have gone back to St.

Paul’s epistle to the Romans.

There you will find political

teaching that is part and parcel

of the Christian tradition. The

epistle to the Romans says : “Let

every soul be subject to the

higher powers; for there is no

power but from God, and those

that are, are ordained by God.”

The Apostle is not talking mere-

ly of spiritual things, for he

says, as part of the same

thought: “Princes are not a ter-

ror to the good work, but to the

evil.”

What St. Paul is telling us is

that those who hold political of-

fice, are, so long as they operate

in the lawful scope of their au-

thority, ministers of God in the

temporal order, in a manner sim-

ilar to the clergy who are min-

isters of God in the spiritual

order. God, who created society,

wishes it to be kept in smooth

running order. And so He con-

fers authority on the public of-

ficers so that they can fashion

and enforce laws binding the

citizens of the State, and thus

exert a true moral force in order

to maintain social and political

order.

Lincoln might have gone back

even further yet and drawn on

those majestic and dramatic

words of the Master Himself,

“Render to Caesar the things

that are Caesar’s, and to God the

things that are God’s.” Caesar

and God—state and matter and
spirit—time and eternity—these
are the contrasting principles

that dominate the minds and

hearts of men. In Our Lord’s



THE POLITICIAN AND THE NATION 19

time they were striving against

each other for man’s allegiance.

With a great burst of light He

shov/ed us that this should not

be so. Caesar’s state and God’s

church are in different orders

of things—one political, the oth-
er spiritual—one temporal, the
other eternal. Christ meant us to

know that they should work in

harmony, each in its own proper

field, for each has rights over

man and both have their common

origin in God. Man is a citizen

and so owes obedience to the Gov-

ernment; he is a child of God

and so owes obedience to Him.

We Catholics acknowledge

that the teaching of Our Lord

binds us in conscience, strictly

and entirely. With more or less

success we try to carry that

teaching into effect in our daily

lives. But whether our success

be great or small, we recognize

the obligation. We realize when

we have fallen short, and we are

trying to do a little better.

So the Catholic view combines

two things: a sane and sound

judgment of the place assigned

to politics in the order of God’s

creation, and a constant desire to

see that politics and politicians

perform their proper function in

preserving the well being of

state and citizen.

To the Catholic, then, the pro-

fession of politics—the seeking
and holding of political office—is
not only an ancient one but also

an honorable one in the strictest

and truest sense of the word.

Obviously, a political office is

not only a public trust, but also,

in the ancient Christian and

Jewish view, a sacred trust, held

in the name of God Himself. How

can it be doubted that this is

something to be desired, honored

and cherished? There is, believe

me, no flippancy in the statement

that a political career, pursued

for the proper motives, is a true

vocation. From my own experi-

ence I can testify that the pre-

paration for a political career

deserves as conscientious care

and study on the part of young

people as engineering, law or

medicine. Unfortunately, the

prevalent attitude has been that

politics is unworthy of the at-

tention of a capable mind and a

good character. It is not so. Only

one who has been close to the

scene for a long time can know

what a vast amount of public

good is being done by able and

conscientious public servants

who, increasingly in recent years

have devoted themselves to poli-

tics out of a sincere desire to con-

tribute their talents to the im-



20 THIS NATION UNDER GOD

provement of public administra-

tion. We have not nearly enough

of them. We need many more,

and if we had them they

would gradually replace that

caricature of a public officer,

too often found in actual life,

who thinks of a public office as

a device for private gain. This is

an effort in which we Catholics

can apply our ethical precepts

with telling effect.

In this nation, politics has al-

ways, to some degree, meant

party politics. Let it be under-

stood that this also is right and

proper. The wise regulation of

the temporal order of human

welfare requires a host of spe-

cific measures on subjects as to

which there is no certainty about

wThat is better and what is

worse. As to these matters, there

can only be opinions. Whatever

differences of opinion may arise

in the application of govern-

mental power for the common

welfare, it is right and just that

there should be contending

views as to which is best. Hence,

we have political parties, and it

is most healthy that they should

thrash out their views in public

debate against each other.

Always the common welfare is

the goal. In a public order under

God, neither the heads nor the

members of the political parties

should try to advance merely

partisan or group interest. Self

enrichment is a betrayal of the

sacred trust of the public of-

ficer in his office and of the po-

litical party in its power. It

violates sound ethical principles

and is an offense against good

morals. We must never forget

that it is the common good which

is commanded by the natural law

—that is, by the eternal law of
God which we learn by examin-

ing human nature with our hu-

man reason.

Look at it as you will, from

the point of the Creator or of

the creature, from reason or

from revelation, politics and

politicians have a double honor.

In the order of temporal society

they are the representatives of

God in the civil and the political

life of men. From that double

honor flows a double responsibil-

ity. They are responsible to God

to keep a just account of their

stewardship. They are respon-

sible to man for the wise and

temperate exercise of their God-

given authority.

Let no one think that these

are trifling matters. Let no one

think that they are easy matters.

Let no one think that they are

matters which can be respon-

sibly handled except reverently

and prayerfully “under God.”



LABOR AND THE NATION

Talk given on July 23, 1950

Henry Ford II recently told a

group in Washington: “It now

seems clear that we have not

kept the development of our hu-

man relations in industry in pace

with the development of our pro-

duction technology. Perhaps for

every dollar we spent in scientific

research for the development of

better products and more effi-

cient machines, we should have

spent another dollar in research

into the problem of people in

industry.”

This is an expression of a

genuine concern for workers as

individuals. It is an expression

of friendliness, which is an off-

shoot of love, the love which the

Ten Commandments and the Ser-

mon on the Mount urge upon

us as the best proof of our rev-

erence for God.

Such an attitude on the part

of management, when recipro-

cated by labor, is bound to re-

duce industrial friction. It is

the doorway to social justice

—

fair wages under decent condi-

tions, on the one hand, and re-

spect for the rights of employers,

on the other. We cannot get any-

where by legalizing class war-

fare or by destroying property

rights. But we can go far if,

in industry as in other fields,

we try to apply the law of the

prophets, the law of Christ, the

Divine Law, which, because man

is fashioned in the image of God,

insists that we are all our broth-

ers' keepers.

That is the underlying prin-

ciple of the greatest pronounce-

ment on labor of modern times

—Pope Leo XIII’s encyclical of

1891, in which workers were

given a new birth of freedom

but not at the cost of undermin- -

ing property rights. Profoundly

aware of the menace of social-

ism, Leo refused to reject capi-

talism, but, by the same token,

he refused to countenance the

wrongs of capitalism. Above all,

he was concerned with giving

private enterprise a social con-

science.

So he said that the employer

“should never tax his work peo-

ple beyond their strength nor

employ them in work unsuited to

their sex or age,” and that “the

employer’s great and principal

obligation is to give to everyone

that which is just.” He said that



22 THIS NATION UNDER GOD

government must step in to pro-

tect a threatened group of peo-

ple, he encouraged wage-earners

to join unions of their choice,

he insisted that workers should

be well paid, decently fed, clothed

and housed. He frowned upon

child labor, called for the pro-

tection of workers’ health, de-

manded fair play in labor-man-

agement negotiations and agree-

ments.

He stressed the rights of

workers because workers were

at a disadvantage, but he did not

fail to point out that manage-

ment also has rights which de-

serve respect in a Christian so-

ciety. The rights of manage-

ment do not have priority over

the rights of labor, but they have

their own standing. But man-

agement can be sure of sur-

vival only when the security of

the worker is protected. It is

in such a climate that the free-

dom of the individual and the

sanctity of the human soul flour-

ish for the good of all.

It was nearly 60 years ago

when Pope Leo XIII spoke out in

this fashion. Yet he had been

to an extent anticipated by Car-

dinaL Gibbons, who in 1887 sent

to the Holy See a statement

which deserves a special place

among great American papers.

The Knights of Labor, predeces-

sor to the American Federation

of Labor, was then suspect in

some quarters, which were urg-

ing that Catholics should be bar-

red from joining or belonging to

the organization. But Cardinal

Gibbons, who knew the working

people of America and loved and

trusted them, argued against

such a course, and so prevented

the rise on our soil of that fric-

tion between organized labor

and organized religion which has

long been a feature of the Eur-

opean scene.

He sent to Rome a memoran-

dum, from which I would like to

quote the following:

. . . since it is acknowledged

by all that the great questions

of the future are . . . the so-

cial questions, the questions

which concern the improve-

ment of the condition of the

great masses of the people, and

especially of the working peo-

ple, it is evidently of supreme

importance that the Church

should always be found on the

side of humanity, of justice

towards the multitudes who

compose the body of the hu-

man family ... In our coun-

try, especially, this is the in-

evitable program of the fu-

ture . . .

So Cardinal Gibbons called for

the Church’s “maternal blessing



Labor and the nation 23

, . . upon every legitimate means

for improving the condition of

the people.” His advice was heed-

ed. His defense of American

workers strengthened our labor

movement. He contributed, more

effectively than he could have

foreseen, to the continuing prog-

ress of labor, religion and the

nation as a whole.

It was against this back-

ground—Cardinal Gibbons’ me-
morandum to the Holy See and

Pope Leo XIII’s immortal en-

cyclical—that a memorable doc-
ument was issued in 1919, which

has come to be known as the

Bishops’ Program of Social Re-

construction. This declaration,

published by a group of bishops

making up the administrative

committee of the National Cath-

olic War Council, undertook to

apply the truths of Leo’s encycli-

cal to the realities of the worka-

day world.

“Based upon principles of

charity and justice that have al-

ways been held and taught by

the Catholic Church,” the Bish-

ops’ Program consists of Prac-

tical proposals which “are mere-

ly an adaptation of those princi-

ples and that traditional teach-

ing to the social and industrial

conditions and needs of our own

time.”

* It was the late Monsignor

John A. Ryan who set the pat-

tern for this program. He work-

ed for years to win support for

a code of economic reforms based

upon Christian teaching. Hap-

pily, he lived to see most of his

hopes realized. He lived to see

the government of the United

States in 1933 begin to enact

laws which made operative vir-

tually the whole program en-

visioned by the Church as the

basis of individual security and

national prosperity.

Is this an exaggeration ? I need

only cite the major recommen-

dations of the Bishops’ Program

to prove that they are the sub-

stance of almost every step

which this Nation has taken in

recent years to build its economy

on the firmest possible founda-

tion. Here are some of the pro-

posals: minimum wage legisla-

tion
;

insurance against unem-

ployment, sickness, invalidity

and old age; a 16-year minimum

age for working children; legal

enforcement of the right of la-

bor to organize; a national em-

ployment service; public housing

for workers; maintenance of a

high level of wages, in order to

bring about the general prosper-

ity which cannot be preserved

without a wide distribution of

purchasing power among the

masses.



24 THIS NATION UNDER GOD

Far ahead of his time was

Pope Leo XIII when he issued

his ‘‘Christian Manifesto on La-

bor.” He was a pathfinder, be-

cause other creeds have since

spoken through their councils

and rabbinical bodies to the

same effect. Organized religion

in the United States stands four-

square for the fulfillment of

Leo’s vision of social righteous-

ness.

It stands for the obligation of

government to act as guardian

of the public welfare. It stands

for the use of every effort to

banish hunger, unemployment,

slums and ignorance. It stands

for the workers’ right to or-

ganize—for collective bargain-
ing, social security, economic

democracy.

These are only the application

of Catholic ideals to the needs

and conditions of our time—not

the liquidation of capitalism but

its purification; not the destruc-

tion of property rights but their

subordination to the weT-being

of the people as a whole
;
not the

end of private enterprise but its

strengthening for larger good

and service; not the setting up

of a labor tyranny, but the rec-

ognition of labor’s importance

as a molding factor in our dem-

ocratic life.

If we are to remain a free and

strong people, we must give

first place to human rights and

we must make sure of continued

prosperity based on an expand-

ing economy.

Thus religion, with its call

for brotherhood, blesses toil and

business, and gives to public af-

fairs the glow and power which

come from the supremacy of the

moral law.



MUSIC AND THE NATION

Talk given on July 30, 1 950

The man who said, “Let me

write the songs of a nation, and

I care not who makes its laws,”

was undoubtedly overstating the

case for the influence of music

in civil life. Good music will not

guarantee good laws or compen-

sate for bad ones; nor is the

prevalence of poor or bad music

in the nation a sure sign that we

are in for bad government and

hard times.

Nevertheless, the importance

of music cannot be denied, both

as an indication of the cultural

level of the people and as a fac-

tor in their social and spiritual

development. No less a bard

than the great Shakespeare re-

peatedly pointed this out, as in

his lines,

Since nought so stockish, hard

and full of rage,

But music for the time doth

change his nature.

The man that hath no music

in himself,

Nor is not moved with con-

cord of sweet sounds,

Is fit for treason, strategems

and spoils;

The motions of his spirit are

dull as night

And his affections dark as

Erebus

:

Let no such man be trusted . .

.

As a social influence, music

works through the folk songs of

a nation, its popular ballads and

dance rhythms, its art forms

and instrumental compositions

ranging from solo performance

to the opera and the symphony

orchestra, and the religious set-

tings for hymns and liturgical

service. Merely as a study or

indication of the sentiments and

aspirations of the people in the

various regions of our own coun-

try—the pace of their lives, their
loves, the importance they at-

tach to things, and their general

culture—music offers a most
rich source of material. The

“jazz” and “swing music,” with

its multiple developments in

these times, and even the jargon

that grows up around it, is an

interpretation of the forces that

have developed it and of the

minds and bodies that demand

music as an instrument of recre-

ation and expression. The “hill-

billy” music that has been sweep-

ing the country for the past se-

eral years points, not only to the



26 THIS NATION UNDER GOD

thinking and interests of peo-

ple from more segregated re-

gions but also to their move-

ment into the larger cities, and

their resultant personal and so-

cial problems and conflicts. The

popularity of cowboy music still

shows the love of the American

for the frontier.

We can gauge pretty well the

cultural standards and develop-

ment of people from their appre-

ciation of fine music; and it may

be noted that this appreciation

is not always proportionate to

their economic means. In this

field, at least, the poor and the

rich are equals.

Perhaps it is too much to say

that the spiritual and religious

standards and capacities of in-

dividuals and religious groups

are necessarily reflected in the

quality and character of their

hymns and liturgical music. On

the other hand, it undoubtedly

reflects and definitely influences

the sincerity, the depth, and the

refinement of spiritual under-

standing and expression in those

who participate.

These considerations, it seems

to me, clearly prove the need for

attention to musical values and

appreciation, on the part of all

people, but particularly on the

part of educators, parents, and

all leaders who share the respon-

sibility of social thought and

right development. I will not

go so far as to say that music,

by itself and as such, may be

classified as moral and immoral,

ethically, good or bad. But there

is such a thing as a moral atmos-

phere reflected in music, which

may be inspiring or debasing,

just as in music of higher am-

bition there is the evidence of

solid inspiration and legitimate

strength, on the one hand, or of

cheap and gaudy striving for ef-

fect, on the other.

As the poet Keats has writ-

ten,

Music, when soft voices die,

Vibrates in the memory.

The vibration of music in the

memory, as well as in its im-

mediate effects, is, perhaps,

deeper than we suspect. Not only

from the standpoint of physical

pleasure or even from that of

the esthetic delight of beauty,

but also in its moral and spir-

itual impact, music presents a

challenge of such importance

that we cannot afford to ignore

it.

Great strides have been made

in America towards bringing

fine music to the public. Most

of our principal cities have their

own symphony orchestras. Oth-

ers have set up concert series by

visiting orchestras and soloists,



MUSIC AND THE NATION 27

both vocal and instrumental.

Great opera companies are avail-

able, not only in such centers as

New York and Chicago, but in

many other cities while on tour.

Through radio programs, tre-

mendous contributions have been

made in the appreciation of good

music of all kinds. While the

vast bulk of musical programs

over the air leave much to be

desired, the people of America,

in the most remote rural sections

as well as in the metropolitan

centers, can hear first class pre-

sentations of the classics and

have come to distinguish and en-

joy the masterpieces of music

quite as much as the daily ava-

lanche of “be-bop” and “boogie-

woogie/’ In many schools, like-

wise, courses in musical appre-

ciation have been established, so

that young America may come

more fully into the heritage and

inspiration of great music.

In this tradition, the Catholic

Church has had a long and ex-

tremely rich experience and has

made some of the most outstand-

ing contributions. Mother and

patron of all branches of the

fine arts, including painting,

sculpture, and architecture, the

Church has communicated its

genius through religious and

secular music alike. Some of

the greatest composers of mod-

ern times have been members of

the Catholic faith, while others,

not Catholics, have drawn ex-

tremely upon Catholic tradition

and sentiment for their master-

pieces, such as Richard Wagner

in his opera Parsifal. These

facts should be stressed more

vigorously in our educational

processes, not merely as a mat*

ter of justifiable pride, but also

as an incentive to Christian

genius, in conservation of the

culture of the past and in stim-

ulation of creative impulse for

the present and the future.

In its own religious services,

the Catholic Church has always

utilized music to beautify the

act Of worship through one of

the finest talents which God has

given to man and, at the same

time, to intensify the union of

prayer. In the early Church, the

psalms of David were regularly

sung in religious services and

incorporated in liturgical ser-

vices of open character as well

as those of the monastic com-

munities. In the sixth century,

Pope Gregory I, known as Greg-

ory the Great, devoted himself

with particular vigor to the task

of organizing the existing re-

ligious music and of establish-

ing norms of propriety as well

as personally composing pieces

for the vast body of liturgical



2$ THIS NATION UNDER GOD

music which has become known

as the Gregorian Chant. In the

sixteenth century, the Church

again put itself to the work of

revising and purifying the music

of sacred services, with the aid

of such composers as Palestrina,

whose contributions will survive

all time. Within our own cen-

tury, the name of Pope Pius X

looms large, for his directives

on sacred music, in conformity

with the spirit and dignity of

public prayer and, at the same

time, with the highest standards

of musical excellence.

It is not enough to have music.

It is of the utmost importance

that this music be correct for the

occasion, that it be pitched on

a high standard of excellence and

inspiration, and that it be prop-

erly executed. If these obser-

vations are valid in the general

field of secular music and wide

social interest and influence,

they are equally cogent in the

field of religious and ecclesiasti-

cal music. Herein lies a great

challenge to the Catholic Church

in America.

We need more composers,

trained in the best standards,

inspired by the finest Christian

tradition, and willing to devote

their talents to religious as well

as secular composition for the

uplift of the American people.

We need more good musicians,

organists and singers, who are

willing to give their services,

whether on a volunteer or pro-

fessional basis, to the music of

the Church. And perhaps we

need a more vigorous voice of

leadership and direction which

will encourage activity in this

direction, and make definite pro-

vision for the correct fulfillment

of the canons of the Church in

this regard, including the wider

participation of the laity in con-

gregational singing of the Mass

and other beautiful services.

Musically, we have come of

age in America. It now becomes

our task to recognize the social

power and moral influence of the

music in our midst and to direct

that power and influence towards

the greatest good and highest

development of our people. With

this sense of responsibility and

this noble objective, we may ap-

propriately drink from the zeal

of the words of St. Paul : “Be ye

filled with the Holy Spirit, speak-

ing to yourselves in psalms and

hymns and spiritual canticles,

singing and making melody in

your hearts to the Lord: giving

thanks always for all things, in

the name of our Lord Jesus

Christ, to God and the Father.”

(Eph. v. 19-20).



THE SCIENTIST AND THE NATION

Talk given on August 6, 1950

If a third world war develops

it will be truly a battle of the

scientists: The God-loving sci-

entist versus the atheistic sci-

entist; the scientist whose prime

objective is discovering truth

and doing good for mankind as

opposed to the scientist who

preaches false doctrine and

whose objective is the conquest

of his neighbor. Whether or not

a third world war materializes,

so long as the threat of atheistic

communism exists, it is true that

the scientists of our nation, and

of all nations aligning them-

selves with us, will be forced, in

self-defense, to exert consider-

able effort for the destruction of

man rather than for his better-

ment.

I am sure that the scientists

of our nation who are devoting

their efforts toward the destruc-

tion of man have as their goal

not conquest, but a peaceful

world in which their fellowmen

may live and in which they may

work in searching for the laws

of God and seeking means for

the betterment of mankind.

So much publicity has been

given to the scientists who have

betrayed our nation and given

our atomic secrets to atheistic

communists, that the popular

impression may well exist that

the scientists of our nation are

predominantly communistic, that

those who favor God-less rule

represent the majority of our

leading scientists.

Many of the most capable

scientists in our free world, how-

ever, believe firmly in God and

welcome the opportunity to ex-

press publicly this belief. Men

like the great Pasteur and the

abbot Mendel find no difficulty

in accepting an all-intelligent

Creator.

Not only scientists who ad-

here to atheistic communism, but

many other scientists scattered

throughout the world who have

never had communistic leanings

contribute indirectly to com-

munism by undermining and

ridiculing the scientist who

does believe in God. The effect

of such an attack is of little

consequence to the mature sci-

entist, but it may have a far-

reaching and deleterious effect

on the innocent, budding sci-

entist by destroying his faith.



30 THIS NATION UNDER GOD

Once his belief in the existence

of a personal, almighty and just

Judge has been destroyed, the

budding scientist may be easily

led to act with little regard for

his fellowman, for he no longer

feels constrained to live accord-

ing to a set of fixed moral prin-

ciples. It would seem to be the

logical thing, that with the de-

nial of God, the scientist would

have as his goal in life only

his own selfish interest and that,

if necessary, at the expense of

his fellowmen, although, thank

God, the individual betrayed by

his fellow scientist may not al-

ways push his principles to their

logical conclusions. It is very

likely that such thinking will

eventually lead to atheistic com-

munism. These scientists who

ridicule their fellow workers who

believe in God would be horri-

fied if they were to be accused

of abetting communism. And

yet, I repeat, that is precisely

what they are doing.

Scientists of our nation, by

the desire for self-preservation

and the preservation of the na-

tion, have been forced to devote

their tireless efforts toward

means of destruction. How much

more would the God-loving sci-

entist of our nation prefer to

devote his energies to discover-

ing the truth for truth’s sake,

to discovering means for the

betterment of his fellowman;

how much greater would be his

satisfaction in contributing to-

ward the discovery of a means

for saving life rather than for

destroying it.

The God-fearing scientist

would prefer to work on a cure

for that dread disease—cancer

—

which annually claims more than

150,000 lives in the United

States alone, than to work on

means for waging bacterial war-

fare which could destroy many

times this number. The God-

fearing scientist would prefer to

work on the problems of atomic

energy with a view toward im-

proving living conditions in a

nation rather than with a view

toward developing a hydrogen

bomb for the destruction of that

nation.

The atheistic scientist asks the

question, “Why, if there is a just

God, must human beings Suffer

the agonies and tortures of such

a dreaded disease as cancer?

Why, if there is a just God, must

children be stricken with polio

and forced to spend the rest of

their lives as cripples, frequent-

ly with active and alert minds

and helpless bodies ? Why, if

there is a just God, must many

people who have done good

throughout their lives, be strick-



THE SCIENTIST AND THE NATION 31

en when they reach the prime of

life?” The believing scientist

finds the answer to such ques-

tions not only in the reality of

a just reward in the world to

come, but he is also quick to

point out that the Lord has

blessed us with intelligence with

which to find cures for such dis-

eases. It is true that for the

diseases we have mentioned

there are no known cures, but

today many diseases can be suc-

cessfully treated—diseases which
were thought incurable before

the work of such great men as

Pasteur, before the discovery of

sulfa drugs, of penicillin and of

streptomycin.

Before the discovery of anes-

thetics, people asked the ques-

tion, “Why does God allow the

injured to suffer as they do?”

Today we acknowledge grate-

fully the goodness of God in giv-

ing us anesthetics with which to

ease pain.

It has frequently been said

that the scientist deals only with

verifiable and controllable ob-

servations and that a true sci-

entist accepts only what he can

prove
;

he accepts nothing on

faith. Such a view has fre-

quently led to the conclusion

that a man cannot be a true sci-

entist and still believe in God. It

has been felt that this is par-

ticularly true of Catholics whose

religion is rich with dogmas.

Catholics have it upon the high-

est authority in their Church

that this is not the case. I need

merely to quote the late Pope

Pius XI, who said “. . . the

Church . . . blesses and fosters

every healthy initiative and has

no fear of the progress, even the

most daring progress, of science,

if only it be true science.”

In the laboratories of the In-

stitutum Divi Thomae of which

I happen to be the Director,

there is no discrimination of

race, creed or color. The In-

stitutum has had on its staff and

in its student body Catholics,

Protestants, and Jews, Negroes,

Chinese, and Japanese. Atheists

alone are barred. The state-

ment has been made that atheists

are barred from the Institutum

because they do not think

straight. It was not His Grace,

the late Archbishop John T. Mc-

Nicholas, of Cincinnati, founder

of the Institutum Divi Thomae,

Who said that atheists do not

think straight; nor was it I. It

was said by a man who started

in the field of science as an

atheist.

What made this man who for-

merly denied the very possibility

of the existence of a personal

God finally come to acknowledge



32 THIS NATION UNDER GOD

the existence of an all-wise, in-

telligent First Cause? A man

does not change his mind on

such a subject as easily as a

woman decides to wear a differ-

ent hat. It is not like changing

clothes
;

it is more like changing

souls. Where first this atheist

was a law unto himself, now he

must recognize the fact that he

is a creature, and, as such sub-

ject to the laws of the Creator.

Where before he considered

himself a lucky combination of

aimless atoms, he suddenly finds

himself a part of a plan as eter-

nal as the mind that conceived

it. It is easy to see that such

a change cannot be superficial.

A change that makes such a

fundamental difference in a

man’s personal life is not a con-

clusion to be accepted lightly.

It is an idea not only to be

thought out; it is an idea that

must be lived.

In the course of working in

the laboratory and studying the

findings of other scientists, our

friend the atheist, generally be-

gan to realize that he was liv-

ing in a well-planned universe.

Here are just a few of the facts

that made him pause and re-

flect:

For a long time men wonder-

ed how the Eskimos, who see so

little of the sun, ever got their

share' of sunshine vitamins. The

answer that the scientist dis-

covered was shockingly simple.

The vitamins they needed were

in the fish they ate, formed in

sunnier seas and shipped by

living express.

The scientist found that many

of the sun’s rays are destruc-

tive, that if they reached the

surface of the earth eventually

they might destroy all life. Some

of these very rays, we are told,

are the rays which would be

generated by the deadly hydro-

gen bomb. What keeps them

from getting down to us here?

Again a simple answer. The

gases which surround the earth

filter out these death-dealing

radiations and a’low only the

sunshine that we need and enjoy

to get through. If we were just

a little closer to the sun, it would

literally be too hot to live, and

were we a little farther away,

all of us would freeze to death.

We are right where we have to

be. Chance? What kind of odds

do we need before we will admit

there was no chance? To have

chance account for the arrange-

ment of the atoms in one single

protein molecule would demand

a hit against odds that are as-

tronomical in number. And yet

some men can confidently assert



THE SCIENTIST AND THE NATION 33

that this entire universe is the

product of chance.

We are all acquainted with the

fact that practically everything

contracts as it gets cold and

freezes. There is an important

exception to that rule—the freez-
ing of water. Water contracts

like all other substances until it

is just ready to freeze and then

suddenly it expands, becomes

less dense and floats upward.

That is the reason why rivers

freeze on top and not from the

bottom up. If they did not

freeze in that way, the ice form-

ing on the bottom would force all

the water creatures up and out

into the air. But in divine

providence, the ice forms on top

and its very presence protects

the aquatic life from the icy

winds that caused it to form.

These are just a few of the

things that made the atheist

pause and reflect. As he drank

in the beauties of the universe,

as he looked here and there and

saw purpose and plan, the doubts

of a skeptical and confused mind

began to disappear.

Although I am not in a posi-

tion to speak for the scientists

of the nation, I am in a position

to speak for the scientists of our

own laboratories. In all their

labors, both successful and oth-

erwise, our scientists have found

that never once was religion a

hindrance and that the consola-

tion of knowing that they were

working for a goal greater than

the immediate ends of natural

science was a stimulus that help-

ed carry them over the discour-

agement that every scientist

feels when months or years of

labor end in negative results.

A conscientious scientist real-

izes that he has a responsibility

greater than that of most men.

His work is aimed at discovering

truth. The truth is there be-

fore he goes to work. The knowl-

edge and the conviction that

what he finds must be honestly

and completely reported, with-

out regard for his own preju-

dice and without fear of criti-

cism, demands genuine courage

to back up such a conviction. If

he fails to do the job honorably,

he knows that he has perpetrated

a hoax on mankind which later

investigators will uncover. But

beyond that, he will know that

he has done violence to the truth,

God’s truth, and that he may

have confused innocent minds

that trusted him because he was

a scientist.

The atheistic scientist, who is

working for communism, has no

such inhibitions. On the con-

trary, he feels the necessity of

publishing whatever is best for



34 THIS NATION UNDER GOD

the communistic state, whether

it be true or false. He feels the

necessity of having had a fellow

traveler invent the telephone in-

stead of Alexander Graham Bell,

giving to some communist, in-

stead of to Marconi, the credit

for the invention of the radio.

The true and full worth of the

discovery of 4 scientist cannot be

judged by the size of the news-

paper headlines. Scientific find-

ings must withstand the test of

time, and only in the distant

future can progress be truly

evaluated. The wild claims of

the atheistic scientist behind the

iron curtain cannot be properly

evaluated by you, nor by me
;
not

today, not tomorrow, but only

in years to come and by genera-

tions yet unborn.

I would venture an opinion,

however, that the discoveries of

the true scientists of this nation

will be long remembered when

communists and their atheistic

claims will have long been blot-

ted from the earth.

Let us pray that the scientist

cooperating with all other ele-

ments of this nation may tri-

umph in order that Christianity

may thrive. Let us pray for

the day when the scientists of

our nation, yes, of the entire

world, may devote their full en-

ergies to uncovering the secrets

of nature to help man rather

than to destroy him.



INDUSTRY AND THE NATION

Talk given on August 13, 1950

As a Layman of the Catholic

Church, and as an American

it is a privilege and a pleasure

for me to talk with you on this

summer series of Catholic Hour

broadcasts.

I have been very much im-

pressed by the timeliness of the

theme of this series, which, as

other speakers have reminded

you, is “This Nation Under

God/’ Generations of American

School children have been, and

will continue to be, as familiar

with the short speech from

which this theme has been

chosen as they are with the

Lord’s Prayer, the American

Flag and the Pledge of Allegi-

ance.

Although the history books

label the famous text as “Lin-

coln’s Gettysburg Address,” I

have always considered it as de-

serving of a bright and shining

title. To my mind, this address

is not only a clear and eloquent

definition of the American Cre-

do, but is a reaffirmation of the

Christian ideals set forth in the

Declaration of Independence as

a foundation stone of our coun-

try:

“That all men are created

equal; that they are endowed

hy their Creator with certain

unalienable rights; that

among these are life
,
liberty

and the pursuit of happi-

ness . .

When Mr. Lincoln spoke on

the battlefield of Gettysburg on

a November afternoon in 1863,

he was doing far more than per-

forming the perfunctory role of

dedicating that battlefield. He

was restating—in simple, devout
terms—the continuing purpose
which underlies the dynamic

drive of the United States of

America

:

“That this nation
,

under

God, shall have a new birth

of freedom—and that, gov-
ernment of the people, by the

people, for the people, shall

not perish from the earth”

In Mr. Lincoln’s own words,

when this address was delivered,

the nation was “engaged in a

great civil war, testing whether

that nation, or any nation so

conceived, and so dedicated, can

long endure.” Those were dark

hours, indeed. But the clock

moved on. The nation endured,



36 THIS NATION UNDER GOD

and it has prospered greatly

since. There have been other

dark hours, but always we have

been sustained by that affirma-

tive Christian creed so simply

stated by Mr. Lincoln:

“That this nation, under

Gad, shall have a new birth

of freedom

It was no accident of history

that produced this nation of

ours. We have not prospered

by mere happy circumstance.

Rather, we have come forward

because of a faith which has

steadfastly upheld—as Jesus
Christ taught—the sacredness
and essential dignity of the indi-

vidual. Our triumphs and our

achievements are actually the

triumphs and achievements of

Christianity. Our faith has been

our lamp, and it alone can light

the way that lies ahead of us.

The hour that first heard Mr.

Lincoln’s imperishable defini-

tion of this faith at Gettysburg

was one of the gravest in our

history. Today, eighty-seven

years later, we—together with
the rest of the free democratic

world—face another grave hour.
It is a good thing for all of us

to turn back the pages to Gettys-

burg, and to realize that the

American Purpose as spelled out

then by Mr. Lincoln is a living,

continuing belief—as true today
as it was yesterday.

As an American, I find in this

purpose a sustaining hope for

continued progress toward a

better world for all of us. As

a businessman, I find in it the

promise of producing more and

better products which will con-

tribute to increased freedom and

enjoyment for everyone. As a

Catholic, I find in it an affirma-

tion of the living, dynamic Cath-

olic faith which enables us to

grapple with the day-to-day

problems that arise to plague us.

To my mind, freedom as we in

America know it and work at it,

is a way of life, the way the

Christ taught us to live—to up-
hold the sanctity and dignity of

the individual.

As we take stock of our sit-

uation today in this nation un-

der God, it seems to me that we

might list three freedoms which

have been responsible for our

progress to date, and which con-

stitute our greatest hope for to-

morrow.

FIRST:

WE ARE A NATION, UN-
DER GOD, IN WHICH

THERE IS FREEDOM FOR

ALL TO ACHIEVE—

Our economy is based on the

freedom of the individual to



INDUSTRY AND THE NATION 37

compete, and to make a reason-

able profit from his work. This

freedom has been put to work

to develop the greatest produc-

tive capacity and the highest

living standard the world has

ever known. The free, enter-

prising American people pro-

duce more goods, more necessi-

ties and conveniences which con-

tribute to increased freedom and

enjoyment for all our people

—

than are produced by any other

nation on earth.

Christianity holds that such

freedom is the birthright of all

individuals, but that basic fact

is by no means universally rec-

ognized. Addressing representa-

tives of various Chambers of

Commerce at Vatican City this

spring, Pope Pius XII called our

attention to this in the follow-

ing words:

“There are even countries

where a system is erected,

more or less absolute, that

places all commerce in the

hands of public authority . .

.

This is a tendency in opposi-

tion to the Christian concep-

tion of social economy. Com-

merce is fundamentally an ac-

tivity of the individual, and it

is this private activity that

gives him his first impulse

and lights the flame of his en-

thusiasm

The key to this freedom seems

to me to lie in these words of

His Holiness: “it is this private

activity that gives him (the in-

dividual) his first impulse and

lights the flame of his enthusi-

asm

The word businessmen use to

describe this is “incentive.” With

it, generations of Americans

have literally pushed across our

rivers, driven through and

around our mountains, utilized

our resources for the needs of

our people, and built a nation

unequalled in history. Without

this freedom to achieve, without

faith in Divine Providence and

in our own ability to succeed,

we could never have achieved

this monument to our Christian

faith.

SECOND:

WE ARE A NATION, UN-
DER GOD, IN WHICH
THERE IS FREEDOM TO
DO GOOD RATHER THAN
AN OBLIGATION TO DO
EVIL—

In the words of Mr. Lincoln

at Gettysburg,
v
“our fathers

brought forth upon this conti-

nent, a new nation, conceived in

Liberty, and dedicated to the

proposition that all men are cre-

ated equal

”

The American system, in ef-

fect, is actually Christianity at



38 THIS NATION UNDER GOD

work. It is the individual who

is served here, not the State. We

place no road-blocks here in the

way of the individual who wishes

to lead a useful, dignified life,

to take an active part in contin-

ued progress toward a better

life for everyone.

However, we have seen other

systems, in other nations, in

which the exact opposite was the

case—with the individual re-
duced to the status of a mere

automaton, obliged to do the

bidding of an all-powerful State.

In Russia today, and in Rus-

sian satellite countries, the lives

of hundreds of millions of peo-

ple are controlled by a small

group of willful men, a ruthless

dictatorship which holds human

life cheaply, and which openly

sneers at Christianity.

Under such a system—far
from simply being denied the

freedom to act on his own initia-

tive—the individual is literally
forced under pain of torture or

death—to do such evil, or to per-
form such un-Christian acts as

the State may direct.

THIRD:

WE ARE A NATION, UN-
DER GOD, IN WHICH

THERE IS FREEDOM TO

IMPROVE, TO GROW, TO

PROGRESS—

There is opportunity here for

every individual to learn a trade

or a profession, to enter upon

any lawful calling of his own

choosing, to get ahead by dint

of his own willingness to work

and to continue to learn to the

limit of his ability, to gain the

satisfaction and sense of well-

being that comes from contribut-

ing to progress.

We are perhaps the most pow-

erful nation in the world today,

and it can be fairly said that we

have achieved this position

through our individual determi-

nation and ability to exercise our

right to improve, to grow, to

progress—to share in the great
task of utilizing what we take

from our land and converting it

into more and better products

required by our steadily increas-

ing population.

There are those among us

who tell us that we have passed

the last frontier of our industrial

progress in this country. But

they are, I think, the men of

“little faith” who will probably

be with us always. Fortunately,

they are few. And in my opin-

ion, we have only begun to de-

velop our great industrial poten-

tial. We will fail to develop it

only if we are denied the free-

dom to do so.

I have said such freedoms as



INDUSTRY AND THE NATION 39

these three hold our greatest

hope for continued Christian

progress and the development of

our nation in the years ahead.

We cannot, of course, afford the

mistake of dismissing lightly to-

day’s growing tension between

the forces of the free western

democracies and the evil forces

opposing them. How this ten-

sion may finally be resolved is

one of those questions to which

there seems to be no clear, simple

answer.

On one point we can agree,

however. That is that we must

continue to be strong—both in
our faith and in our work. The

key to this strength lies in up-

holding and developing those

Christian freedoms we already

possess.

This, it seems to me, is the

challenge of our times. I be-

lieve that as Catholics and

Americans it is our responsi-

bility and our privilege to an-

swer that challenge by doing

what we can to this end:

“that this nation, under God,

shall have a new birth of

freedom — and that govern-
ment of the people, by the peo-

ple, for the people, shall not

perish from the earth”



EDUCATION AND THE NATION

Talk given on August 20, 1950

Almost one year ago it was

my privilege to be received in

private audience by His Holiness

Pope Pius XII, the Vicar of

Christ and presently reigning

Pontiff, in his summer villa at

Castel Gondolfo on the hills over-

looking the Eternal City of

Rome. A colleague of mine at

Princeton University shared

with me that privilege. We were

there for upwards of half an

hour, in private audience, by rea-

son of the fact that we both were

members of the Pontifical Acad-

emy of Sciences, my colleague, a

non-Catholic, recently elected by

reason of the distinction of his

services in the science of psy-

chology, myself, a Catholic,

elected as a chemist in 1936 on

the occasion of the reorganiza-

tion of the Academy by the pred-

ecessor of the present Pontiff,

His Holiness Pope Pius XI.

We may note, in passing, that

psychology is included in those

sciences the faithful pursuit of

which in a truly scientific spirit

merits the approbation of Holy

Mother the Church, who can

never be afraid of true science.

Indeed, the President of the

Pontifical Academy of Sciences,

Father Gemelli, is at once a

Franciscan monk and a distin-

guished psychologist.

It was the second occasion on

which I had been privileged to

meet and talk with His Holiness.

When the reorganized Pontifical

Academy of Sciences was inaug-

urated in 1937, Cardinal Pacelli

as Secretary of State had re-

ceived the members of the Acad-

emy in the grounds of Vatican

City in the beautiful villa erect-

ed by an earlier Pope, Pius IV,

now the home of the Academy.

As American Catholics well

know, the Holy Father is the

first of the successors of Peter

to have a personal knowledge of

this country. As Cardinal Sec-

retary of State, he visited this

country and became acquainted

with its cathedrals and churches,

its hospitals, its universities, its

colleges and schools. He spoke

to us with happy recollections

and enthusiasm of that visit to

the United States.

Most Catholics know also that

His Holiness possesses the gift

of tongues, can greet so many

of the pilgrims to Rome each in



EDUCATION AND THE NATION 41

his own language. Thus it was

that our audience was entirely in

English, the Pope giving us his

point of view unhesitatingly, un-

derstanding without difficulty

such observations as we might

venture to make. Last summer

the challenge of Communism to

organized religion lay heavily

on his mind. He had recently

uttered a vigorous condemnation

of the ruthless attacks made on

religion, especially the Catholic

religion, inside the Iron Curtain.

He was anxious to emphasize

that, as spiritual head of a vast

religious organization he was-

compelled to condemn all forms

of government which deprive

men of their religious oppor-

tunities and consolations. He

stressed the need for Catholics,

and indeed for all Christians, ac-

tively to engage in those areas

of effort, where, for lack of ef-

fort, the initiative would be

seized by the enemies of religion.

Education, government, com-

munication by newspapers,

books, magazines, tlw radio and

television, organized labor and

industrial relations, social ser-

vice, all these are avenues where-

by the Christian can help to

maintain “This Nation Under

God.” If we withdraw, there will

enter rapidly into the vacuum

which we create those who would

make of this a nation without

God.

The Pontifical Academy of

Sciences is composed of seventy

men of science drawn from all

nations and all creeds, Chris-

tians, Jews and all those who

recognize the supernatural ele-

ments in human life. It cannot,

from its very nature, admit

those who are hostile to the

spiritual forces in mankind. The

Academy which dates back in its

origins to the earliest of the sci-

entific academies of the Western

World, is an expression of the

Church’s abiding interest in sec-

ular truth where ever it can be

sought, as well as in the sources

and well-springs of Divine

Truth. To a Catholic, election to

the Pontifical Academy comes

as the most rewarding of all the

honors and satisfactions that

stem from a lifetime in the ser-

vice of science and of education.

From this background I ven-

ture to address myself this eve-

ning to the unseen audience of

the Catholic Hour to plead with

my fellow-Catholics in the

United States for a larger meas-

ure of dedication to the service

of education and science. There

is need for a larger measure of

intelligence in the service of

Christ the King. The American

Catholic family has contributed



42 THIS NATION UNDER GOD

generously of its children to the

service of the priesthood, to the

cloister and the convent. Not to

all of us is granted the privilege

of the religious vocation. To all

of us, however, in the religious

life or out of it, there is a call

to put our intelligence to work

for Christ and against those who

would deny Christ. The oppor-

tunity is at hand in the market

place and factory, in the trade

union, in the Catholic school and

college but also in the secular

school, high school, college and

university.

The Catholic community in

the United States can look back

with satisfaction upon a long

uphill struggle from poverty-

driven immigration, from ser-

vice as hewers of wood and

drawers of water, to a place of

material well-being and relative

comfort in the community.

Should it not look forward to a

future in which it will assume

an ever larger share in the work

of education and research, con-

scious that, in so doing, it will

be taking its part, and a not-

insignificant part, in the work of

salvation. If we are to preach

the gospel of that salvation effec-

tively, it must be done largely

through the laity. Ours is there-

fore, the duty to share with our

fellowmen by our efforts, our

achievements and our zealous

faith the Christian convictions

by which we live.

Such a choice involves renun-

ciation. Service in the cause of

education, dedication to things

of the mind in science, art or

philosophy demands frugal liv-

ing, for in none of these is there

abundance to provide material

things. Surely, however, such a

condition can be faced by an

intellectual apostolate which rec-

ognizes the Christian point of

view that Christ, not money, is

the King.

Such a choice involves also

strenuous effort and long years

of training and practice. For,

as the French philosopher Etien-

ne Gilson has pointed out in an

illuminating essay on this

theme: “No one, nor anything,

obliges the Christian to busy

himself with science, art or phi-

losophy, for other ways of serv-

ing God are not wanting; but

if that is the way of serving God

that he has chosen, the end itself,

which he proposes for himself

in studying them, binds him to

excellence. He is bound by the

very intention which guides him

to become a good savant, a good

philosopher or a good artist.

That is for him the only way of

becoming a good servant.
,,

The same thought was ex-



EDUCATION AND THE NATION 43

pressed a little differently in an

address by Father Gerald B.

Phelan, formerly President of

the Institute of Mediaeval

Studies in the University of

Toronto and more recently a

member of the faculty of the

University of Notre Dame in

Indiana. Speaking in 1938 to

the members of the Catholic

Educational Press Conference,

he said: “One must know his job

and be as expert in his calling

as he can be before he can be-

comingly turn his talent to the

defense and propagation of the

truth. . Poor science, poor phi-

losophy, poor journalism, poor

writing can never be good apol-

ogetics, no matter how piously

they may be used in the defense

of the Faith. The only way to

make science, philosophy or art

of any kind good apologetics is

to make them good science, good

philosophy and good art. Piety

cannot replace technique.”

In respect to this view of Fa-

ther Phelan, we have to recog-

nize that good science, good phi-

losophy and good art are the only

apologetics for our Faith that

many of our fellowmen will now-

adays recognize. The secular-

ization of Western civilization

that has proceeded apace, with

increasing acceleration especially

in the twentieth century, has

brought it about that piety and

theological discussion are un-

known territory to many of our

fellowmen. Our only points of

intellectual contact are on the

level of the arts and sciences,

purely secular, divorced in large

measure, if not entirely, from

the spiritual. These modern

secularists can discuss at length

the implications of the Kinsey

Report but they are totally in-

capable of discussing the vir-

tue of chastity. To establish

contact with such men it is es-

sential that our qualities as so-

ciologists or psychologists shall

be no less than theirs, that they,

seeing our competence in the

field of their specialization, may

be led to grasp something of the

Catholic matrix in which the

science is embedded.

That Catholic setting for the

intellectual apostolate demands a

perseverance in the accumulation

of grace, in the acquisition of

spiritual values in an environ-

ment in which spiritual values

often hardly exist or play only

a minor role. We shall need to

learn the antidotes for isolation,

discouragement, cynicism, amid

the materialism and stark pagan-

ism in which we shall find our-

selves. But these antidotes are

available wherever the battery

of the soul can be recharged with



44 THIS NATION UNDER GOD

grace. The problems of the

spiritual life are basically the

same for the man of thought as

for the man of action: prayer,

self-discipline, the exercise of

charity, participation in the sac-

raments and the liturgy of the

Church, the cultivation of the

virtues and of the gifts of the

Holy Ghost, that we may be

“always truiy wise and rejoice

in His consolation.”

Effective intellectual service

in the cause of Christ demands

organization. Among American

Catholic scholars a beginning

has been made, with approval of

the Catholic Hierarchy, to mar-

shal Catholic intellectual and cul-

tural forces in this country for

unity and effectiveness. The

movement started in the Cath-

olic University of America in

1946 and has spread across the

continent wherever Catholic

scholars are found in both Cath-

olic and secular colleges and uni-

versities. Some 200 members

now constitute the Catholic Com-

mission for Cultural and Intel-

lectual Affairs. One of their

conferences has been devoted to

the problem of the Catholic

scholar in a secularist world and

what steps can be taken to re-

verse the trend towards secular-

ism. Father John Courtney Mur-

ray, in his analysis of the prob-

lem, emphasized the need for the

“presence” in half a dozen cen-

ters of learning in the United

States of an apostolate of ability,

learning and scholarly achieve-

ment, which, through participa-

tion in the basic activities of

the university, shall mediate

Christian truth and Christian

spirit to the institution.

To supply that apostolate is

the duty of Catholic parents and

of educators in the Catholic col-

leges. A conscious effort is need-

ed* to locate and then to stimu-

late and encourage those who

could participate. There must

be a deliberate recruiting of tal-

ent and a cooperation in Catholic

homes to these ends.

From the nature of my own

experience I have been speaking

of education and scholarship at

the college and university levels.

Everything that I have said is

equally applicable at all levels of

education. As in the colleges and

universities, so in the high school

and grade schools and secular

climate tends to produce at best

educated pagans. Can we expect

anything else of the average

product of our completely secu-

larized mass-production unit of

education in all of our large

cities. The only contribution

that Catholics can make in re-

versal of this trend is to enter



EDUCATION AND THE NATION 45

these schools as teachers, excel-

lent teachers of their own spe-

cialty, teachers who, by their

character and the conduct of

their whole life, can reveal the

Christian spirit and Christian

truth which animate it. Every

place so occupied by Christian

men and women is one less place

for those to enter who would

drive God from our lives. To

the extent that Christian men

and women withdraw from that

task, to that extent do we

abandon the secular institutions

to the secularist and to the pa-

gan. In the secular school, the

college and the university is the

firing line of the battle between

Christianity and paganism.

Those who are there need all our

help and prayers.



THE ACTOR AND THE NATION

Talk given on August 27, 1950

My name is Loretta Young.

My address is—Hollywood. My
business is acting. I am an

American. I am a Catholic.

These are the yital statistics

about me—and about a lot of
others, whose names are widely

known, because they are identi-

fied with the profession we af-

fectionately call show business.

Because my branch of this

profession is motion pictures

—

because I’ve grown up in the

motion picture industry, I speak

with the authority of knowledge

when I say that there are more

misconceptions about the people

in Hollywood, (which name is

used today, incidentally, not so

much as the name of a town

—

but as a designation of a way of

life)—than any other group of
people—anywhere.

Every person has his two sides

—I suppose—his private, and
his public personality—each of
these two personalities is equally

important—to his job in life.
Heaven knows this is true of the

actor.

To illustrate what I mean, in a

small way—I’d like to go back a
few months to a certain Satur-

day night while I was playing

Sister Margaret in the picture

“Come To The Stable.” I had

patterned the part after two

wonderful, saintly nuns, with

whom I work in a very needy

little hospital and adoption

agency here.

I loved that part and I guess

I went into it rather deeply.

Be that as it may, Saturday

nights are the only nights that

my husband and I can entertain

while I’m working on a picture,

and we had invited sixteen

people to dinner on the night of

which I speak.

I had worked late that day and

as I walked through the door at

home, I must still have been on

cloud nine back at the studio

—

because my husband met me

—

beautifully groomed I remember

thinking in a detached way—and
I said, “Why dear, where are

you going?”

“Crazy,” he answered briefly

—“You invited quite a few
people here to dinner tonight

—

remember? Dinner is twenty

minutes from now—think you
can make it?”



THE ACTOR AND THE NATION 47

I raised my hand a la Sister

Margaret and said, “Don’t worry

—it’ll be all right.”

He grinned
,
“Thanks for the

blessing, Sister, but may I re-

mind you—sixteen people are on
their way here to dinner—all
laymen—all hungry—and may
God forgive them, your rever-

ence, not all of your faith.”

We laughed—and the humor
reintroduced my two personali-

ties—the public and the private.
I don’t know about anyone else

—but I need both of mine with
which to face the actualities of

life. I strongly think—uncom-
fortably at times—that I will be
judged in the end by a combi-

nation of the two.

I have a few things— about
this actors’ community, in which

I live, that may help me present

Mr. and Mrs. Hollywood and

family as they are perhaps too

seldom seen—as private citizens
of the U. S. A.

Approximately 30,000 people

constitute the personnels of the

motion picture industry. Strip-

ped of the sensationalism that

surrounds some of the individu-

als—here are some cold facts

about this American community.

79 percent are married 70.1

percent have never been di-

vorced; 60 percent have chil-

dren; 63 percent attend church

regularly; 80 percent voted in

the last congressional election;

73.1 percent are active par-

ticipating members of either

civic, educational, religious or

college organizations ; 88 per-

cent give to permanent charities

(average of $22.00 a year—com-
pared to a national average of

$4.00). The motion picture in-

dustry is the only industry

which gave its product free to

the country during the war.

These facts, I am told, com-

pare most favorably with the

national averages —• and exceed
them in certain important re-

spects.

I’m telling these to you be-

cause they bring into focus the

relationship I am here to speak

about today—the actor and the
nation.

Patriots honor their country

more by their work—than their
words. The sweat from the brow

of the saint is what sweetens

and keeps constant the flow of

his prayers.

The average of global godli-

ness must climb much higher

—

here, there, and everywhere—
God help us—else why those base
errors, Nazism, Fascism, and

Communism, which have devas-

tated half the world? Else why



48 THIS NATION UNDER GOD

—you Catholics,—the warnings
of Our Lady of Fatima — so
often repeated nowadays? Her

pleas for penance, for a return

to simple Christian living?

What evidence is there of an

awareness of this in Hollywood?

What is the actor doing to

carry the message of godliness

to the place where it has ceased

to be heard?

“The Family That Prays To-

gether—Stays Together!”
“More Things are Wrought .

by Prayer Than the World

Dreams of.”

That message on Father Pey-

ton’s Family Theatre program

reaches millions weekly with the

conviction born of faith and the

practical honesty of men of good

will.

Have you seen the short mo-

tion picture called, “You Can

Change the World”? It’s the

work of the Christopher move-

ment—that blueprint for daily
American, daily Christian liv-

ing conceived by Father James

Keller—a Catholic priest.
The picture carries its mes-

sage well—but even more so did
the making of it. Stars, crafts-

men, assembled at the Hal Roach

Studios to make this picture—to
give of their services. This was

no perfunctory gesture. It took

time and effort and a belief in

what they were doing. I know

because I was there.

Here’s a partial list of the par-

ticipants — Leo McCarey, direc-
tor—Norbert Brodine—^director
of cinematography — William
Holden— Irene Dunne— Eddie
“Rochester” Anderson — Anne
Blythe — Bing Crosby — Paul
Douglas—Jack Benny and Bob
Hope.

That cast might be a repre-

sentative cross-section of this

country in regard to race, creed

and color. It might also have

carried the title of this program

— the actor and the nation, I
mean.

Just what is the responsibility

of the actor to the nation ?

Let me quote from the ency-

clical on motion pictures written

by Pope Pius the Eleventh.

“Recreation in its manifold

variety has become a necessity

of people who labor under the

fatiguing conditions of modern

industry. But it must be worthy

of the rational nature of man,

and therefore must be morally

healthy. It must be elevated to

the rank of a positive factor, for

good—and must seek to arouse a
noble sentiment. A people, who

in time of repose give them-

selves to diversions which violate



THE ACTOR AND THE NATION 49

decency, honor or morality; to

recreations which, especially to

the young, constitute occasions

for sin, are in grave danger of

losing their greatest even their

national power.”

This is the end of the quota-

tion from the papal encyclical.

The meaning of it is very

clear. Very clear too, after read-

ing it— is the nature of the
actor’s vocation—his duties and
obligations.

It implies, moreover, a re-

sponsibility on the part of the

audience, to indicate to the actor

and the producer the moral tone

of the entertainment he will pay

to see and hear.

Who is to say whether the

Greek Theatre in its despairing

pictures of the darker sins was

presenting bizarre entertain-

ment—for its own sake—or just
reflecting the tastes and habits

and sins of many of its viewers.

Who is to say which preceded

the downfall of the Roman Em-

pire—the brutalizing effects of
its entertainments—or the jaded,
brutish tastes of its audiences

—

their racial and religious prides

and prejudices—their undiscip-
lined absorption with self and

sin and sex.

Fortunately we do not have to

answer this question.

I don’t think we need worry

too much about the basic tastes

of American audiences. They

patronize and make popular such

pictures as “Song of Berna-

dette,” “Stars in My Crown,”

“Going My Way,” “Samson and

Delilah,” “Bells of St. Mary,”

“The Broken Arrow”—and that
currently true picture of family

life in America, “The Next Voice

You Hear.”

We salute the courage and

good taste of the producers who

made them. And since the ele-

ment of success in those pictures

was their essential honesty in

writing, producing and treat-

ment—I think we can look for-
ward to more of the same.

I hope no one thinks I am

advocating that we make only

pictures with messages. Life is

real, life is earnest, that’s true

—

but a well-balanced life has in it

a lot of good clean healthy fun

—

and thank the Lord there’ll al-

ways be an audience for that

—

witness, “Annie Get Your Gun.”

The theatre is neither a pulpit

nor an auction block—its place
lies somewhere in between.

I can hear someone saying,

“But you’re only presenting the

positive side of the picture.”

If so—it’s because I fear it’s
the least known side. The nega-



50 . THIS NATION UNDER GOD

tive side—well—we’ve all heard
too much of that.

We’ve been treated now and

then, when once would have been

much too often—to the ugly
spectacle of the personal sins of

one or another of our colleagues.

Sins are unspeakably ugly

whether we deal with them in

ourselves or in others.

I’ve gotten so I just don’t read

those stories once I’ve seen the

headlines—whether they feature
people in the show business

—

social or business world.

I know I don’t miss anything

either.

For there’s one thing we’ve

all been promised at the Last

General Judgment. We’ll all

stand together — exposed and
pitiful—with all our sins—the
most secret and the most vicious,

apparent to all.

My appearance here today

would be a monstrous injustice

to my fellow actors and my lis-

teners—if I were to gloss over
any part of the picture I was

asked here to draw.

This is not the best of all

possible worlds we live in.

From wherever you stand, the

view is touched with the tragic

taint of pure materialism—the
mark of the approaching pagan.

The view to the east is cut

oft* by an iron curtain. The view

to the west by an abandoned wall

— the 38th parallel in Korea.

There is no industry I know

of—and no nation that has not
been affected by this.

It will take all the good of

which we are capable—all the
spiritual strength we can give

each other—to gain for our chil-
dren the glorious freedom of an

unimpaired view.

Each one of us—be we actor
or steelworker—has a job to do
in this. It begins, I would think,

with a sense of personal respon-

sibility—for what has befallen
the world—and what we hope
for the world to be.

I have seen, here in Holly-

wood, among fellow actors, a

growing awareness of their

special opportunities—an eager-
ness to use their talents in this

way.

“To whom much has been

given—much is expected.”
That actor is successful —

whose life—public and private

—

reflects a portion of the grati-

tude he feels for the talents God

gave him—and his audience en-
couraged him to develop.

Pictures are still sold on the

strength of the names of its ac-

tors. Their example is a force

for good or evil among those who



THE ACTOR AND THE NATION 51

pay to see them. The inference

is inescapable.

Once during one of those dis-

cussions about the right of an

actor to his own private life—

a

woman I admire very much told

me this story.

It was of a Great Actress—she
said—the Greatest.
Shy and modest by nature

—

She combined to perfection the

purest of private lives with the

Sweet Gift of Drama She car-

ried within her. Like many of my

colleagues who have generations

behind them of the tradition of

great drama—She was Jewish.
Her great play was a tragedy

—and in it She was to portray
all the emotions that have ever

contributed to the salvation of

man. In the first act She played

a very commonplace small-town

housewife—of a period when wo-
men worked and said little. Not

once did She take the center of

the stage.

In the second act She played

a self-sacrificing Mother. Her

Son had become something of a

celebrity. She had only one line

in that act—a request She made
of Him for a very small miracle,

an act of self-effacing charity,

—

that He change water into wine.

When the scene changed for

the last act;—when the stage
was darkened—the green fields
and the gently grazing sheep

—

and the miracles of healing were

forgotten;—when the Hosan-
nahs of Palm Sunday were lost

in the cries of “Crucify Him,
,,

and the dark tides of men’s pas-

sions engulfed their souls—She
stepped forward. As Her Son

hung before Her, bruised, bat-

tered and bleeding—She aband-
oned Her anonymous role. She

stood there for one_ shattering

moment—all Mother—all Sor-
rowing; and the curtain of Cal-

vary fell on Mary at the foot of

the Cross.

Mother of Fair Hope and Holy

Love

—

Of strong-hearted courage and

womanly sorrow.

Be the Sweet guiding Star of

those whose profession calls for

so much aid, whose labor is hard

and arduous, whose rewards are

great, and temptations many,

that they may hail Thee at one

time, their Examplar — their
Model—and Their Queen.



THE PURPOSE OF THE CATHOLIC HOUR

(Extract from the adcTress of the late Patrick Cardinal Hayes at the in-

augural program of the Catholic Hour in the studio of the National

Broadcasting Company, New York City, March 2, 1930.)

Our congratulations and our gratitude are extended to the Nation^ 1

Council of Catholic Men and its officials, and to all who, by their financial

support, have made it possible to use this offer of the National Broad-

casting Company. The heavy expense of managing and financing a

weekly program, its musical numbers, its speakers, the subsequent an-

swering of inquiries, must be met. . . .

This radio hour is for all the peonle of the United States. To our

fellow-citizens, in this word of dedication, we wish to express a cordial

greeting s^d, indeed, congratulations. For this radio hour is one of

service to America, which certainly will listen in interestedly, and even

sympathetically, I am sure, to the voice of the ancient Church with its

historic background of all the centuries of the Christian era, and with

its own notable contribution to the discovery, exploration, foundation

and growth of our glorious country. . . .

Thus to voice before a vast public the Catholic Church is no light

task. Our prayers will be with those who have that task in hand. We

feel certain that it will have both the good will and the good wishes of

the great majority of our countrymen. Surely, there is no true lover

of our Country who does not eagerly hope for a less worldly, a less

material, and a more spiritual standard among our people.

With good will, with kindness and with Christ-like sympathy for

all, this work is inaugurated. So may it continue. So may it be ful-

filled. This word of dedication voices, therefore, the hope that this radio

hour may serve to make known, to explain with the charity of Christ,

our faith, which we love even as we love Christ Himself. May it serve

to make better understood that faith as it really is—a light revealing
the pathway to heaven: a strength, and a power divine through Christ;

pardoning our sins, elevating, consecrating our common every-day duties

and joys, bringing not only justice but gladness and peace to our search-

ing and questioning hearts.



127 CATHOLIC HOUR STATIONS

In 42 States, the District of Columbia, and Hawaii

Alabama Mobile _WALA
Montgomery WSFA*

1410 kc
1440 kc

\r izona Doug las KAWT
Globe . KWJR
Phoenix KTAR
Prescott KYCA
Safford .KGLU
Tucson KVOA
Yuma .KYUM

1450 kc
1240 kc
620 kc
1490 kc
1450 kc
1290 kc
1240 kc

California Bakersfield KERO 1230 kc
Fresno KMJ 580 kc
Los Angeles KFI 640 kc
Sacramento KCRA 1340 kc
San Francisco KPO 680 kc
Santa Barbara.... KIST 1340 kc

Colorado. Denver. KOA 850 kc

Connecticut Hartford. .WTIC* 1090 kc

District of Columbia Washington .WRC 980 kc

c
lorida. .Jacksonville WJAX

Miami WIOD
Orlando WORZ
Pensacola WCOA
Tampa ...WFLA

930 kc
610 kc
740 kc
1370 kc

970-620 kc

Georgia - Atlanta WSB 750 kc
Augusta .WTNT 1230 kc
Savannah WSAV 1340 kc

Irlnhn Boise . ... ..KIDO* 1380 kc

1 Minnie . Chicago WMAQ 670 kc
Peoria WEEK 1350 kc

Indiana Flkhart WTRr 1340 kc
Fort Wayne.... WGL 1450 kc
Indianapolis WIRE* ...... 1430 kc
Terre Haute .WBOW 1230 kc

Iowa Davenport. . woe* 1420 kc
Des Moines WHO 1040 kc

Kansas Hutchinson KWRW 1 450 kc
Wichita KAN 5; 1240 kc

Kentucky .—Louisville .... WAVF* 970 kc

Louisiana Alexandria KYSL 1400 kc
Baton Rouge.. WIRO 1150 kc
Lafayette KVOL 134ft \tr
Lake Charles KPI C 1490 kc
Monroe KNOE 1230 kc
New Orleans... .WSMB 1350 kc
Shreveoort KTBS* 1480 kc

Maine Augusta WRDO 1400 kc
Bangor WLBZ* 620 kc

Maryland Baltimore WTBO 1450 kc
Cumberland..... WBAL 1090 kc

Massachusetts Roston WBZ 1030 kc
Springfield WBZA 1030 kc

Michigan Detroit _ . WWI 950 kc
Flint WTC.R 600 kc
Saginaw WSAM* ...... 1400 kc



127 CATHOLIC HOUR STATIONS

In 42 States, the District of Columbia, and Hawaii

WFRC
Hibbing

Mankato
WMFG
KYSM

Minneapolis-St Paul

Rochester

KSTP
:KROC

Rilling^ k^hi

Bozeman KRBM
Butte K<qiR

Great Falls
Helena

KXLK
___ KXI 1

Nebraska North Platte . KODY
Omaha ... . . — . wow

Nevada.... Reno KOH*

New Hampshire.. Manchester . WFEA*

New Mexico Albuquerque KOR

New York— ..............Buffa 1o WRFN
New York _ WNBC

North Carolina

Schenectady

----- Asheville

WGY

WISF*

Charlotte

Raleigh

Winston-Salem

WSOC
WPTF
WSJS

North Dakota.

Ohio

KFYR
WDAY

.Cleveland WTAM
Lima WLOK
Toledo -WSPD*
Zanesville WHIZ

.Bismark.

Fargo

—

Oklahoma.

Oregon

.Oklahoma City.

Tulsa

Pennsylvania

Rhode Island—.

South Carolina.

WKY*
KVOO

. Medford L KM ED
Portland KGW*

.Altoona WSAN
Erie WFBG
Johnstown WERC
Lewistown WJAC
Philadelphia ...WMRF

Pittsburgh KYW
Reading .KDKA
Wilkes-Barre WRAW
Williamsport WBRE
Allentown WRAK

. Providence WJAR

..Charleston - WTMA
Columbia -WIS*

Greenvi He WFBC*

1320 kc
1300 kc

1230 kc

1500 kc
1340 kc

. 790 kc

.1450 kc

.1370 kc

.1400 kc

.1240 kc

1240 kc

590 kc

630 kc

1240 kc

1030 kc

930 kc
660 kc

810 kc

1230 kc

1240 kc

680 kc
600 kc

550 kc
970 kc

1100 kc
__1240 kc

1340 kc

1240 kc

930 kc
1170 kc

1440 kc
620 kc

.1470 kc

.1340 kc

.1230 kc

.1400 kc

.1490 kc

.1060 kc

.1020 kc

.1340 kc

.1340 kc

.1400 kc

. 920 kc

—1250 kc
— 560 kc
—1330 kc

South Dakota.

Tennessee

.Sioux Falls.

Texas.

.Memphis....... WMO
Nashville * - WSM*

..Amarillo KGNC*
El Paso .KTSM*

Fort Worth .WPAB*
Houston KPRC*
San Antonio WQAI
Weslaco ..KRGV*

.KSOO-KELO ..1140-1230 kc

790 kc
650 kc

Utah

Virginia

.Salt Lake City. ..KYDL*

Harrisonburg ** WSVA
Martinsville ...WMVA

Norfolk WTAR*
Richmond WMBG

1440 kc
1380 kc

820 kc
950 kc
1200 kc

1290 kc

1320 kc

550 kc
1450 kc

790 kc
1380 kc



127 CATHOLIC HOUR STATIONS
in 42 States, the District of Columbia, and Hawaii

Washington .^.Seattle KOMO* 950 kc
Spokane KHQ* 590 kc

Wisconsin Eau Claire WEAU 790 kc
LaCrosse ...WKBH 1410 kc

Marinette WMAM* 570 kc
Hawaii Honolulu .KGU 760 kc
* Delayed Broadcast

* AM and FM
(Revised as of March 6, 1949)



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