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The Case for

Conscience

ThomasSmith Sullivan





THE CASE FOR CONSCIENCE

By

Rev. Thomas Smith Sullivan, O.M.I., S.T.D.

EDITOR OF THE OBLATE WORLD

Three addresses delivered in the nationwide Catholic Hour

(produced by the National Council of Catholic Men, in

cooperation with the National Broadcasting Company),

on Sundays from June 29 through July 13, 1941

Page

The Stilled, Small Vocie 5

Anti-Social Consciousness 12

The Oracle of God ...... 19

National Council of Catholic Men

Producers of the Catholic Hour

1312 Massachusetts Ave., N.W.

Washington, D. C.

Printed and distributed by Our Sunday Visitor

Huntington, Indiana





THE STILLED, SMALL VOICE

Address delivered on June 29, 1941

Tonight we begin a series of three addresses on

the subject of conscience. The subject is most timely.

The world is caught in the throes of a titanic con-

flict, the ultimate outcome of which is hidden in ob-

scurity. Countless factors are being brought to bear

to decide the issue ; and not the least of them is that

moral force we call conscience.

In the name of conscience the American people

are being asked to take up arms. But unfortunately

too many of us do not know what conscience is—or
why we should obey it.

This has not always been the case. The found-

ers of this republic believed in conscience
;
and when

they appealed to the people of the colonies to fight

in the name of conscience, men understood what they

were being asked. The common man could be per-

suaded to risk his life only when he was convinced

that conscience was on his side. He believed that

more than his life was at stake, and that in the long

run only a cause approved by conscience could win.

But for the past two hundred years an intellect-

ual and moral revolution has been going on in the

Western world which has been far more radical in

nature than the revolt of the thirteen American

colonies against the British Crown. It has been

aimed at the soul of man
;
and one of its basic tenets

is the claim that what we call conscience is but a

delusion—an invention of priests and princes to
make the people slaves.

Today the cause of conscience is being cham-

pioned again. The same intellectual leaders who a



6 THE CASE FOR CONSCIENCE

short time ago were destroying the last vestiges of

conscience in the minds of American youth now

appeal to them to risk all they hold dear, including

life itself, in the name of conscience. What are they

to believe?

It is my purpose in this series to explain the

Catholic teaching on conscience and to contrast it

with the chief moral heresies of our day. This Cath-

olic doctrine will not sound strange to the non-Catho-

lic who hears it for the first time. It will seem to

him no more than rational common sense—unless he
has learned at some university to doubt the testi-

mony of his senses and question the ability of his

reason to discover truth.

What do we mean by conscience? In the Latin

and French languages the word conscience means

simply consciousness. When the French speak of

conscience, as we understand it, they call it moral

consciousness. Now consciousness is awareness. We
are conscious when we are aware of things—of ex-
ternal objects, or of our own thoughts and actions.

We are morally conscious when we are aware of the
moral quality of our actions—whether they are right
or wrong. Conscience then is nothing more than the

moral judgment by which we distinguish right and

wrong in conduct.

Some moral philosophers attribute conscience

to a special moral sense, thus reducing the distinc-

tion between right and wrong to mere instinct.

Others claim that conscience is the voice of God

speaking to us in direct command. Catholic theolo-

gians, following the indications of Scripture and the

teaching of St. Thomas Aquinas, make for consci-

ence no such extravagant claims. To them it is the

work of no special faculty but is the operation of the



THE STILLED, SMALL VOICE 7

same practical intellect with which we make the

commonplace decisions of our workaday lives. Con-

science is sacred in that it directs our actions not to

temporal but to eternal ends. And it is the voice of

God in the sense that it applies the Divine Law to in-

dividual actions
;
so that the man who obeys his con-

science may be truly said to obey God.

There is no person within the sound of my voice

tonight who has not experienced the workings of

conscience in his heart. It speaks to us many times

a day, however deaf we may be to its promptings. It

comes to us as the voice of duty, spurring us on and

giving us no rest until our appointed tasks have been

accomplished. It stands over us as a stern monitor,

forbidding us to do evil, and embittering our stolen

pleasures when we sin. It rises up to rebuke us for

past offenses, leaving us no peace until we have

sought forgiveness and made amends. “My con-

science hath a thousand several tongues, and every

tongue brings in a several tale, and every tale con-

demns me for a villain.” Conscience, we are told,

“maketh cowards of us all;” and true it is that the

fear of Divine Justice has kept many a man on the

narrow path of virtue. But it is conscience too that

gives the world its heroes—be they soldier or states-
man, scientist or saint. No man can achieve lasting

greatness who does not listen to—and heed—the
promptings of the “still, small voice”—conscience.

The testimony of conscience is something that

the average man takes for granted. This is true

even though he be not of the faith of Christ
;
for, as

St. Paul tells us, “the Gentiles, who have no Law, do

by nature what the Law prescribes . . . their con-

science bears witness to them” (Romans 2:14-15).

But if the average man has faith in conscience, it is



8 THE CASE FOR CONSCIENCE

in spite of some of his intellectual leaders. Many of

our so-called intelligentsia leave no room for con-

science in what they call the “liberal, modern mind.”

To appreciate how intelligent men can thus throw

overboard the traditional norm of human conduct,

we must realize that conscience is no isolated phe-

nomenon standing apart from an integrated phil-

osophy of life. The Christian doctrine of conscience

rests on three essential postulates, none of which

can be denied without repudiating the whole teach-

ing. It presumes first of all that there is an order in

the universe—that all creation is subject to a Divine
Law which directs each creature to its proper end

in a manner harmonious with its nature. Secondly it

presumes that man, made to the image and likeness

of God, attains his end not by the determination of

instinct, as do irrational creatures, but by his own

free, deliberate choice. Thirdly it presupposes that

if man deliberately fails to choose the path of law

and virtue, he is subject to the sanctions of the

Divine Law which will punish him for his trans-

gressions. On these three postulates—Divine Law,
human freedom, and inevitable sanctions—rests the
whole structure of conscience and Christian moral-

ity.

The religious history of the past four centuries

has been the story of a struggle to undermine these

three foundation stones of Christian ethics. It began

with the attack on the freedom of the will by the

reformers of the sixteenth century who denied man’s

ability to choose between right and wrong, making

conscience but the witness of man’s preelection or

prereprobation. Descartes, by questioning the divine

government of the universe, left reason, unaided by

revelation and unsupported by a concept of divine



THE STILLED, SMALL VOICE 9

law, the sole arbiter of human conduct. It remained

only for Rousseau, champion of the supremacy of

instinct, to overthrow the cold rule of reason and

reduce the children of God to the level of the beast.

Following the leadership of these moral revolu-

tionaries, rationalists of the past two centuries have

used the discoveries of physical science to complete

the annihilation of the image of God in the soul of

man, until the whole story of human history has

been reduced to the interplay of electrical charges.

The still, small voice of conscience is stilled indeed;

its testimony explained away as an accretion of

prejudices and superstitions. Modern man is at last

free from the slightest restriction of morality or

religion—without conscience, without faith, without
even the will to live

!

A decade ago Herman Hess pictured modern
man as a wolf of the steppes, “roving restlessly

through the desert of modern civilization and crying

out hideously in his hunger and thirst for eternity.”

At the time, most critics thought this picture was

exaggerated
;
they felt sure that the cynicism he de-

plored was restricted to the intellectuals and would

never penetrate to the mass of the people. Today, as

Europe shudders beneath the shock of falling bombs,

we realize that Hess was too moderate in his judg-

ment. Modern man is not the lone wolf of the

steppes; he is the ravenous raider of the forests

which hunts with the pack and which has already

covered half the face of the earth, seeking whom it

may devour. So well have the rationalists done their

work that their throats have been cheerfully cut by

the very cynics manufactured in their classrooms.

For what is it that distinguishes man from the

beast of the field but that much-despised faculty



10 THE CASE FOR CONSCIENCE

which we call conscience? Explain it as you will, it

is the only thing which keeps the crafty and dan-

gerous animal, man, from living by the ruthless law

of the jungle. Train a man’s mind, place in his hands

the latest inventions of science—but kill his sense of
responsibility for his own actions, and you have

made a Frankenstein which will destroy the civiliza-

tion which gave it birth.

The men, however, who are responsible for the

dehumanization of the modern mind did not foresee

the destruction they would work. Theirs was the

vision of a universe ruled by the law of inevitable

progress, in which the natural goodness of human

nature—once freed from the gloomy rule of con-
science—would erect a terrestrial paradise. Unfor-
tunately for themselves and for the world these false

prophets had lost more than their faith in the teach-

ings of Christ; they had lost their common sense.

They could not imagine the depths to which human

nature can sink when the abdication of reason gives

passion full sway. They know no god but liberty;

but they forgot that liberty divorced from responsi-

bility is license. License for the strong to oppress

the weak; license for the rich to exploit the poor;

license for the impious to desecrate the sacred;

license for the lustful to defile the innocent
;
yes, and

license for the Quisling to betray liberty itself

!

And how vain was their revolt against the

moral teaching of Christ! The Divine Law which

they tried to overthrow is no arbitrary restriction

imposed upon man as tribute for divine favor ; it is

the law of nature itself and the secret of a happy

life. The moral freedom they so readily repudiated,

to don the livery of the slave, is for man no intoler-

able responsibility when he is aided', by the sustaining



THE STILLED, SMALL VOICE 11

power of grace. The sanctions of God’s law hold no

terror for the repentant sinner ; nor can mere nega-

tion of them stay their inexorable onset, as this war-

torn world so sadly proves. Even the ceaseless prick

of conscience—which they tried vainly to escape

—

brings despair to him alone who denies God’s image

in his soul.

There will be a new order in Europe, and in the

world, never fear. Human nature will not forever be

denied. Whether this new order will be imposed by

the iron heel of the “superman” who knows no law

but might, or whether it will rise from the minds and

hearts of free men, united in a common effort for

the common good, remains to be seen. But the de-

cision will not rest with arms alone. It will lie to a

great degree with those who have the power to loose

the stilled tongue of conscience and swell its small

voice until its roar can be heard in Heaven itself.

Dare you add your voice to the rising chorus of the

children of God?



ANTI SOCIAL CONSCIOUSNESS

Address delivered on July 6, 1941

One hundred years from now the world-shaking

events of the past twelve years will be so much his-

tory. Schoolboys will study it diffidently, forget it as

soon as they have learned it, and grow up to have

crises of their own. But all their lives they will

speak a language which the recent depression and

current war have enriched with scores of new words

and expressions.

Culled from scientific, military, and revolution-

ary literature, these additions to our speech are a

history in themselves. They bear witness to the tre-

mendous changes which have taken place in our

patterns of living and thinking during the past

decade. And none of them better illustrates the in-

tellectual revolution which Americans have gone

through than that now commonplace phrase, “social

consciousness.”

The implications of that term came as a distinct

shock to a generation raised in the belief that the

highest ethical ideal was strictly to mind one’s own

business. That in such a short space of time we have

been able to overcome this native prejudice, and

make the possession of a social conscience our new

criterion of judging an individual’s worth, is a trib-

ute to the essential soundness of the human reason-

ing processes. The average man is capable of adopt-

ing any fashionable philosophy which does not ser-

iously interfere with the business of earning a living.

But if a false theory, however time-honored, comes

between him and his daily bread, he will soon ferret



ANTI-SOCIAL CONSCIOUSNESS 13

out the fallacy which more sophisticated minds

ignore.

The individualism which characterized the reli-

gious, political, and economic thinking of the past

two centuries was founded on the naive principle

that the less human nature is restrained, the better

it must become. Absolute, unconditioned liberty was

its goal. Consequently it waged a continuous, and

generally successful war on the external governor of

human actions, the law, and upon their internal

monitor, conscience.

The warnings of thinking men the Individual-

ists brushed aside with the record of their material

achievements. The proof of the pudding was Prog-

ress !

The folly of this philosophy of life was brought

home to millions of its advocates by the world eco-

nomic crisis which followed in the wake of the fren-

zied twenties. Hunger is a powerful teacher. And as

two, four, and even six years went by with no res-

toration of economic prosperity, even those whose

fortunes were least affected began to realize that the

“crash’' of 1929 was no ordinary panic. We had
obviously come to the end of a chapter in our eco-

nomic history. Hungry, bewildered, frightened, man

the individual became conscious of the group.

A few hardy spirits are still holding out for the
old order. But since the outbreak of the war the

tide against which they stand has become a flood.

The platforms of the two major parties in the

last election put the pre-depression Socialists to

shame. Refugee writers from Europe, who once se-

duced us with the charms of paganism, now stump

the country for democracy and plead for aid in con-

science’s name. Capitalists sign labor contracts

;



14 THE CASE FOR CONSCIENCE

pacifists preach war; old-time Liberals cry shrilly

for a more powerful State. The order of the day is

“social consciousness.”

This moral fervor for the common welfare is all

to the good. It is cleansing the human soul of the

cynicism which poisoned our civilization and gave

grounds for the belief that democracy was decadent.

It justifies the hope that a more human social order

will arise from the chaos of the present war.

But if it is not guided by reason, it will destroy

us.

A man who could see objects only in one dimen-
sion would be better off blind. In a three dimension

world he would soon break his neck. Now consci-

ence is the eye of the spirit; and a man whose con-

science operates in a single dimension suffers from

worse than moral blindness. His misguided moral

fervor will bring himself and countless others to

ruin.

This is nowhere more evident than in the case

of the totalitarian rulers. They are commonly held

to be cynical opportunists who lied and butchered

their way to power. Only when we see in them pos-

sible allies are we willing to look upon them as

human beings whose social consciousness was mis-

guided.

The verdict of history may be more lenient.

Not even the Bolsheviks have been able to dispense

altogether with conscience. Marx’s dialectical ma-

terialism may be their substitute for Providence,

but the hard, dull, and often perilous labor by which

revolutions are made is not for the self-indulgent

nor for the power-hungry alone. You cannot build a

new social order, or save one, without sacrifice
;
and



ANTI-SOCIAL CONSCIOUSNESS 15

the average man will make sacrifices only for what

his conscience tells him to be true.

There is a basic truth in Cotnmunism—as there
is in National Socialism and in Fascism: namely,

that man is a social animal. You will find that prin-

ciple enunciated in Aristotle and in St. Thomas

Aquinas. Supernaturalized it reads, “Thou shalt

love thy neighbor as thyself.”

The late Holy Father, Pope Pius XI, clarified

this doctrine in the Encyclical, Divini Redemptoris,

when he stated, “God has destined man for civil so-

ciety according to the dictates of his very nature. In

the plan of the Creator, society is a natural means

which can and must be used to reach his destined

end.”

This principle of the social nature of man has

been graphically vindicated by the great social revo-

lution of our century which, beginning in Soviet

Russia in 1917, has swept across the world, leaving

no nation untouched. Two centuries of Individualism

have been unable to destroy the social instinct in the

human heart. But how, you ask, could social con-

sciousness have produced, in the totalitarian regimes,

the most ruthless tyranny that modern man has ever

witnessed?

Precisely because the social revolutionaries of

our day have allowed their hatred of Individualism

to carry them to the opposite extreme. Instead of

rationally inquiring into the true relationship be-

tween the individual and society, they have made the

welfare of the nation, the race, or a social class their

sole criterion of good. In a short century and a half

history has reversed itself so that today we must

cry out not “0, Liberty,” but “0, Humanity, what

crimes are committed in thy name
!”



16 THE CASE FOR CONSCIENCE

If the fallacy of Individualism was the denial

of man’s social nature and the need for moral con-

sciousness, the fallacy of Collectivism is the denial

of man’s individual nature and the belief that social

consciousness is enough. Whether it be Marx’s dic-

tatorship of the proletariat, whether it be Hitler’s

doctrine of a master race, whether it be Mussolini’s

dictum, “nothing beyond, nothing without the State,”

the basic error is the same.

“Society,” Pope Pius tells us, “exists for man”

. . . not man for society. True, the common good is

greater than the individual good—as the whole is
greater than its parts. Thus the individual may be

called upon to sacrifice his material goods, and even

his life, for the common welfare. But the common

good means no more than the opportunity for all

members of the community to live a human life, in

keeping with their dignity as children of God. The

State which violates the sacredness of the human

personality and denies the rights of the individual

conscience betrays conscience and society alike. Its

social consciousness is anti-social.

Today we are being called upon to defeat the

totalitarian menace by force of arms. This is not

the time or place to discuss the merits of that pro-

posal. But whatever course of action we decide to

follow, let us remember what it is we are trying to

defend.

If we are defending Christian civilization, we

must base our methods, as well as our objectives, on

the teachings of Jesus Christ. We can match tank
for tank, gun for gun, plane for plane. But we can-

not match lie for lie and call ourselves Christians.

If we are defending the democratic way of life,

we must not abandon democratic processes or lose



ANTI-SOCIAL CONSCIOUSNESS 17

our faith in the common man. The heroism of the

revolutionaries we can equal, and excel. But if we

imitate their moral cynicism, we shall be the losers

in the end. We shall have a totalitarianism of our

own making which pays lip service to democracy,

but which has sold its soul as the price of victory.

Already we have gone a long way in that direc-

tion.

We denounce the racial theories of Nazi Ger-

many, yet we see some of our citizens treated as eco-

nomic and political slaves.

We deplore the ruthlessness of the Fascists, but
are silent about the violence of our own economic

strife.

We condemn the unscrupulous tactics by which
the dictators rose to power, while we encourage, for

political ends, the dependence of our citizens on the

bounty of the State.

We glory in our right of free speech, only to
smear the character of those who dare oppose our

opinions and sentiments.

We boast of our devotion to truth, yet we reveal
to the average citizen only such facts as we deem ex-

pedient.

We speak piously of Christian principles, then
undermine their citadel, the Christian home.

We pride ourselves that we are a spiritual
people, yet we hesitate to make the sacrifices essen-

tial to adequate defense.

From these faults no arms can save us. Our

worst enemy lies within.

There are those who say this is no time to

scruple over the choice of means; that the glorious

cause we serve justifies all but the most treacherous

behavior. This is not an original thought. You will



18 THE CASE FOR CONSCIENCE

find it in the writings of every political adventurer

from Machiavelli to Stalin. Sometimes it wins vic-

tories. But in the long run it can only destroy what

it set out to save.

We are told that the world cannot exist half

slave and half free. Neither can a nation exist half

pagan and half Christian. The still, small voice of

conscience does not serve collective ends alone. With

the same force that it impels us to seek the welfare

of the State, it insists that we walk worthily in the

eyes of Almighty God. It bids us to be loyal—as it
commands us to be honest, to be chaste, and to be

just. It orders us to obey not only him who is ruler

of the nation but Him who is ruler of all nations and

of whom all peoples are the children.

Let us have the courage to be faithful to the

commands of conscience, whatever expediency may

seem to ask. If we are on God’s side, what have we

to fear?

“Sell not thy conscience

;

Thus are fetters wrought.

He only is a slave

Who can be bought !”



THE ORACLE OF GOD

Address delivered on July 13, 1941

To find a parallel for the conflict which is now

cleaving Europe one must go back to the religious

wars of the seventeenth century. Then, as now,

nation was set against nation and class against class

—with the remaking of Europe hanging in the bal-
ance. Opportunists on both sides took advantage of

the religious turmoil to further their own selfish

ends. But the common man spilled his brother’s

blood not primarily for trade or empire but because

of his faith in an idea. The issue was whether

Europe was to be Catholic or Protestant—whether
the principle of unity or of diversity in religion was

to prevail.

The present European war is also a war of ideas

—or of ideologies as we call them today. After a
quarter century of debate the supremacy of two poli-

tical philosophies, the democratic and the totalitar-

ian, is being settled on the field of battle. Both sides

claim that the outcome will determine the fate of

Europe for centuries. They insist that man’s way

of life is at stake and consequently that the war they

fight is a holy war, a crusade. They plead their cause

to the world not in the name of greed or of glory but

in the sacred name of conscience.

This moral idealism predominates in the propa-

ganda of every belligerent, the Union of Soviet So-

cialist Republics not excepted. Politicians talk like

churchmen. Churchmen, previously ignored by all

but their own flocks, become national figures when

they support the war. The whole world listens when

the Holy Father speaks, each nation hoping against



20 THE CASE FOR CONSCIENCE

hope that the Sovereign Pontiff will throw upon their

side the great spiritual strength of the Catholic

Church.

To the student of history the pattern is striking-

ly familiar. But there is one all-important difference.

Today the world is trying to fight a Crusade with-

out the Cross, a Holy War without God.

It is not that God’s name is not mentioned, or

that millions of sincere men are not praying for

divine aid. But God, in this religious war of the

twentieth century, has been reduced to the status of

an ally. He has not even been made a member of the

war council; nor is there any evidence that He will

be a member of the peace council. In short we are

not fighting God’s war; we are asking God to fight

our war. We speak piously of conscience, but our
prayer is not “Thy Will” but “Our will be done.”

The Protestants and Catholics of three cen-

turies ago, who endeavored to settle their religious

disputes with sword and musket, differed radically as

to the means God had appointed to make His Will

known to men. But on many essential points they

were in complete agreement. They believed that

whatever the livery they wore or the flag they fol-

lowed they were in the service of the Eternal King

whose reign could alone bring peace to a troubled

world. The doctrines which they defended with their

life’s blood they held sacred not as the findings of

philosophers or sociologists but as the revealed word

of God. To them an oath of allegiance was more than

a pledge; it was a sacred pact which an all-just God

would vindicate with a vengeance far more terrible

than the cannon of an opposing army. And the con-

science which steeled their hearts for battle was no

mere desire to be thought well of by their fellow



THE ORACLE OF GOD 21

men
;
it was a never-silent voice which re-echoed the

words of Christ, “What does it profit a man, if he

gain the whole world, but suffer the loss of his own

soul?” (Matthew 16:26).

In the present conflict, pacts are signed, treaties

made, pledges given—only to be broken on the mor-
row as a nation’s fortunes rise or fall. In two years

of fighting two belligerents have already changed

sides, while Soviet Russia has become successively

freedom’s enemy and ally.

What has happened to our much-vaunted civili-

zation that what should be its greatest century re-

calls rather the barbarism of a thousand years ago?

Is it lack of education? Never before in human his-

tory has man possessed such a detailed knowledge of

the secrets of the physical universe. Is it the bogging

down of technological progress? Science and in-

dustry united have raised the productive power of

the earth beyond the consumptive capacity of its

human population. Is it the dearth of political and

economic theory? The findings of our sociologists

overflow the libraries while the printing press and

radio carry their discoveries to the remotest sec-

tions of the planet.

No, it is not scientific knowledge, technical skill

or sociological data that we lack. What we lack is

something that transcends the world of matter and

the order of physical science. We lack the one thing
without which all our other knowledge is meaning-

less and our progress purposeless. What we lack is

faith in God.

We seemed to do very well without God for a
time, so well that few men took seriously the scien-

tific atheism that was gradually undermining the

religious beliefs of our people. Nineteen centuries of



22 THE CASE FOR CONSCIENCE

Christian tradition still carried us along. We thought

we could get rid of the bothersome restrictions of

Christian morality without sacrificing the essential

values of a Christian civilization. We were certain
that by teaching men to read and write we could

wipe out all those evils which our fathers called

original sin.

It was not until unbelief had spread from the

rarified atmosphere of the philosopher’s study to the

market place, the factory, the school room and the

home that we began to realize we had lost something

greater than we knew.

We have done more than rid ourselves of a
policeman who restrained our greed and quenched

our lust with threats of the punishments of hell. In-

sofar as we have surrendered our faith in God, we

have thrown away the only absolute standard by

which we can measure truth and goodness in this

changing world; we have cast over the only trib-

unal to which the common man can appeal from the

tyranny of his earthly masters
;
we have cut off the

only help that can sustain the soul of man in his

struggle for justice; we have extinguished the eter-

nal light of which human freedom is but the re-

flection.

Out of this half-light of unbelief in which the

world lives today have sprung these neo-pagan

faiths, these twentieth century barbarisms, which

threaten us with destruction.

With what can we oppose them? With bullets?

Steel may stop men, but it can never stop ideas. The

only thing that can stop them is faith—not faith in
democracy, not even faith in man

;
but a deep, rever-

ent and abiding faith in the One who both made man

and gave him freedom—God.



THE ORACLE OF GOD 23

There are those who say that if faith alone can

save us we are already lost because it is too much to

expect that civilized, sophisticated, modern man can

really believe in God. The “acids of modernity” have

eaten away our faith. Try as we may we cannot be-

lieve in the divine government of the universe, that

puny little man can have an eternal worth. Perhaps

if God were to reveal Himself anew to men, if He

were to send some sign from Heaven. . . .

“An evil and adulterous generation demands a

sign” {Matt. 16:4). Can not we too know the signs

of the times? Were Sodom and Gomorrah more elo-

quently persuaded than the cities of Europe upon

which death rains daily from the skies ?

What new revelation do we need, or what can

avail us, if we have deafened our ears and hardened

our hearts to the voice of reason and the dictates of

common sense? Have we wandered so far in the

maze of biblical criticism and philosophical specula-

tion that not even a bomb’s roar can bring us back

to the Reality beneath all reality to the Eternal Life

without which no man can live?

Not to all men is given the gift of faith in the

full revelation of Jesus Christ. But there is no man

to whom God refuses the essential grace of faith in

the Divine Law, if only he have the will to believe.

For that we need no special revelation. It is written

on the fleshy tablets of our hearts. In the words of

the poet, “Man’s conscience is the oracle of God.”

Never did the world need more to heed that

oracle. The longest war must inevitably come to an

end. But if a war be fought without conscience and a

peace made without conscience, the evil that is sown

will plague the world for generations to come.

We would not talk of crusades and holy war,c



24 THE CASE FOR CONSCIENCE

unless beneath all our boasted self-sufficiency there

was the reluctant conviction that the task to which

we have set ourselves is too great for us to accom-

plish without divine aid. Let us be mindful then

whose aid it is we ask. The God to whom we appeal

is no remote deity to be invoked in time of need and

then forgotten. It is He whose name the Israelites

dared not even mention; He who proclaimed Him-

self to Moses: “I am the Lord thy God . . . Thou

shalt not have strange gods before me” (Exodus

20:2). He is our Ruler, our Father, and our Judge.

If we ask God’s aid, it can be only on God’s

terms. Those terms are Justice—because all nations
are His subjects; and Charity—because all men are
His children. If we proclaim a holy war to free the

world from domination by a master race only that

we ourselves may be the masters, to save not God’s

rule but our rule—then His judgments will be upon
us and upon our children.

A quarter century ago we had our chance to
make a new world in which democracy would be

more than a campaign slogan and in which the poor

of all nations would truly inherit the earth. We be-
trayed that sacred trust with a so-called peace which

had but a single aim
;
to assure the victors the great-

est possible profit from a bloody sacrifice which cost

ten million lives.

Today we are arming again to defend the four

freedoms without which there can be no peace upon

the earth. That is a noble cause, a glorious cause, a

cause that cannot fail—if our hands and hearts are
clean. Let us not betray it by our greed.

The eyes of the world are on America today.

Millions look to us in hope—and other millions look
to us in fear. Men hope in us because we are strong



THE ORACLE OF GOD 25

and generous and because we have pledged our-

selves to the sacred cause of freedom. Men fear us

because they know how quickly strength can beget

ruthlessness, generosity can turn to selfishness, and

the proud pledges of the crusader can be forgotten

amid the heady joys of victory.

To reassure those troubled millions who fear

our might—and yet upon whose cooperation we must
depend—mere promises will not suffice. There must
rise from the consciences of the common people of

America a mighty tide of faith—faith in the hon-
esty, the justice and the charity which are every-

where the birthmark of the children of God. That

faith must be reflected in our every public and pri-

vate act, in our every foreign and domestic policy.

Thus armed we shall be invincible.

“Seek first the kingdom of God and his Justice,

and all these things shall be given you besides.”

{Matt. 6:33).



101 CATHOLIC HOUR STATIONS
' In 41 States, the District of Columbia, and Hawaii

Alabama Birmingham WBRC 980 kc
Arizona Phoenix KTAR 620 kc

Safford KGLU 1420 kc
Tucson KVOA 1260 kc
Yuma KYUM 1420 kc

Arkansas Little Rock KARK 890 kc

California Bakersfield KERN 1370 kc
Fresno KMJ 580 kc
Los Angeles KECA 1430 kc
Sacramento KFBK 1490 kc
San Francisco KPO 680 kc
Stockton KWG 1200 kc

Colorado Denver KOA 830 kc

Connecticut Hartford WTIC 1040 kc

District of Columbia Washington WRC 950 kc
Florida Jacksonville WJAX 900 kc

Lakeland WLAK 1310 kc
Miami WIOD 610 kc
Pensacola WCOA 1340 kc
Tampa WFLA-WSUN 620 kc

Georgia Atlanta WSB 740 kc
Savannah WSAV 1310 kc

Idaho Boise KIDO 1350 kc
Pocatello KSEI 900 kc

Illinois Chicago WMAQ-WCFL 670 kc
Indiana Evansville WGBF 630 kc

Fort Wayne WGL 1370 kc
Indianapolis WIRE 1400 kc
Terre Haute WBOW 1310 kc

Iowa Des Moines WHO 1000 kc
Kansas Pittsburg KOAM 790 kc

Wichita KANS 1210 kc

Kentucky Louisville WAVE 940 kc
Louisiana New Orleans WSMB 1320 kc

Shreveport KTBS 1450 kc

Maryland Baltimore WFBR 1270 kc

Massachusetts Boston WBZ 990 kc
Springfield WBZA 990 kc

Michigan Detroit WWJ 850 kc
Minnesota Duluth-Superior WEBC 1290 kc

Mankato KYSM 1500 kc
Minneapolis-St. Paul KSTP 1460 kc
St. Cloud KFAM 1420 kc

Mississippi Jackson WJDX 1270 kc
Missouri Kansas City WDAF 610 kc

Springfield KGBX 1230 kc
Saint Louis KSD 550 kc

Montana Billings KGHL 780 kc
Bozeman KRBM 1420 kc
Butte KGIR 1340 kc
Helena KPFA 1210 kc

Nebraska Omaha WOW 590 kc
Nevada Reno KOH 1380 kc

New Mexico Albuauerque KOB 1180 kc



101 CATHOLIC HOUR STATIONS
In 41 States, the District of Columbia, and Hawaii

New York

North Carolina

North Dakota

Ohio

Oklahoma

Oregon

Pennsylvania

Rhode Island

South Carolina

South Dakota

Tennessee

Texas

Virginia

Washington

Wisconsin

HAWAII

SHORT WAVE

Buffalo WBEN 900 kc
New York WEAF 660 kc
Schenectady WGY 790 kc
Asheville WISE 1370 kc
Charlotte WSOC 1210 kc
Raleigh WPTF 680 kc
Winston-Salem WSJS 1310 kc

Bismarck KFYR 550 kc
Fargo WDAY 940 kc
Cincinnati WSAI 1330 kc
Cleveland WTAM 1070 kc
Columbus WCOL 1210 kc
Dayton WING 1380 kc
Lima WLOK 1210 kc
Springfield WIZE 1310 kc

Oklahoma City WKY 900 kc
Tulsa KVOO 1140 kc

Medford KMED 1410 kc
Portland KEX 1180 kc

Allentown WSAN 1440 kc
Altoona WFBG 1310 kc
Johnstown WJAC 1310 kc
Philadelphia KYW 1020 kc
Pittsburgh WCAE 1220 kc
Wilkes-Barre WBRE 1310 kc

Providence WJAR 890 kc
Charleston WTMA 1210 kc
Columbia WIS 560 kc
Florence WOLS 1200 kc
Greenville WFBC 1300 kc

Sioux Falls KSOO-KELO 1110-1200 kc

Chattanooga WAPO 1120 kc
Nashville WSM 650 kc
Knoxville WROL 1310 kc

Beaumont KFDM 560 kc
El Paso KTSM 1310 kc
Fort Worth KGKO 570 kc
Houston KPRC 920 kc
San Antonio WOAI 1190 kc

Norfolk WTAR 780 kc
Richmond WMBG 1350 kc
Seattle KOMO 920 kc
Spokane KHQ 590 kc

Eau Claire WEAU 660 kc
Madison .*. WIBA 1280 kc

Honolulu KGU 750 kc

Schenectady, N. Y WGEO 9.53 meg

(Revised as of April, 1941)



Catholic Hour Radio Addresses In Pamphlet Form
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more, 10c each. In quantities, $6.00 per 100.

“War and Guilt,” by Rt. Rev. Fulton J. Sheen of the Catholic Uni-
versity of America, 196 pages and cover. Single copy, 60c postpaid ; 5 or
more, 50c each. In quantities, $30.00 per 100.

“The Purposes of Our Eucharistic Sacrifice,” by Rev. Gerald T. Bask-
field, S.T.D., 32 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c
each. In quantities, $5.00 per 100.

“The Case for Conscience,” by Rev. Thomas Smith Sullivan, O.M.I.,
S.T.D., 32 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid ; 5 or more, 8c each.

In quantities, $5.00 per 100.

Complete list of 99 pamphlets to one address in U. S., $11.75 postpaid.

Price to Canada and Foreign Countries, $14.75

Address: OUR SUNDAY VISITOR, Huntington, Indiana