THE OVATION TO MH. FILLMOHE

SPEECHES OF MR. FILLMORE.

The Press of the State of New York has recorded the brilliant ovation, and
triumphal progress homeward of Mr. Fillmore

;
from the time he landed in New

York till he reached Buffalo, the Empire State poured out its thousands and

tens of thousands to welcome home its favorite son
;
and from the mouth of the

Hudson to the Lake, never public man before had such a testimonial of regard,
affection, and sympathy. Men of all parties, and without distinction of party,
were in the crowds, and the municipalities; and he there made a series of

speeches, always in good taste, and often with great freedom in the expression

of his opinions. Three of these speeches we have here rescued from? the many,
as being the most important, and as we have seen they have most attracted the
attention of the country.

MR. FILLMORE IN NEWBURGH.

Mr. Fillmore went up the North River, in the steamer Alida, and stopping at

Newburgh, Washington’s head-quarters during the Revolution, and being warmly

welcomed, said

—

Fellow-Citizens of Newburgh :

Accept my cordial thanks for this hearty greeting. My friend has
introduced me as the standard-bearer of the American party, and a

friend of the Union. For the former position I am indebted to the par-

tiality of my friends, who have without my solicitation made me your
standard-bearer in the contest for President, which has just commenced

;

but I confess to you that I am proud of the distinction, for I am an

American, with an American heart. (Cheers.) I confess, also, I am a

devoted and unalterable friend of the Union. As an American, occu-

pying the position I do before my countrymen, I have no hostility to
foreigners. I trust I am their friend. Having witnessed their deplora-

ble condition in the old country, God forbid I should add to their suf-

ferings by refusing them an asylum in this. I would open wide the

gates and invite the oppressed of every land to our happy country, ex-

cluding only the pauper and criminal. I would be tolerant to men of

all creeds, but would exact from all faithful allegiance to our republican

institutions. But if any sect or denomination, ostensibly organized for

religious purposes, should use that organization, or suffer it to be used,

for political objects, I would meet it by political opposition. In my



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2

)

viex, Church and State should he sepai'ate, not only in form, hut fact

—

religion and politics should not be mingled.

While I did this I would, for the sake of these who seek an asylum

on our shores, as well as for our own sake, declare as a general rule,

that Americans should govern America. (Great cheering.) I regret to

say that men who come fresh from the monarchies of the old world, are

prepared neither by education, habits of thought, or knowledge of our

institutions, to govern Americans. The failure of every attempt to es-

tablish free government in Europe, is demonstrative of this fact ; and if

we value the blessings which Providence has so bounteously showered

upon us, it becomes every American to stand by the constitution and

laws of his country, and to resolve that, independent ot all foreign influ-

ence, Americans will and shall rule America. (Cheers.)

I feel, fellow-citizens, that I need hardly allude to the importance of

maintaining this Union. I see the national flag floating from yonder

height which marks the consecrated spot of Washington’s head-quarter's.

There was performed an act of moral heroism before which the bravest

deeds of Alexander pale, and with which the greatest achievements of

Bonaparte are not to be compared. It rvas there, on that sacred spot,

now shaded by the flag of a free republic, that Washington refused a

crown. (Cheers.) It was there that the oflicers of the army, after ow'

independence had been achieved, made him the offer of a cr own, which

he indignantly spurned. I am sure I need not urge upon you who live

near this hallowed spot, and in sight of that flag, the duty of observing

in all your actions, the farewell advice of the Father of his Country,

“that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment

to the Union
;
accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of

the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity ; watching for its

preservation with jealous anxiety
;
discountenancing whatever may sug-

gest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned ; and indig-

nantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any

portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which

now link together the various parts.” Again I thank you most sin-

cerely for this unexpected and hearty welcome to my native State.

(Cheers.)

MR. FILLMORE IN ALBANY.

Immense crowds pouring out in the Capitol of the State, and the Mayor wol-

coming, Mr. Fillmore replied

—

Mr. Mayor and Fellow-Citizens ;

This overwhelming demonstration of congratulation and welcome al-

most deprives me of the power of speech. Here, nearly thirty years

ago, I commeniied my political career. In this building I first saw a



legislative body in session (cheers)
;
but at that time it never entered

into the aspirations of my heart that I ever should receive such a wel-

come as this in the capital of my native State. (Cheers.)

You have been pleased, sir, to allude to my former services and my
probable course if I should again be called to the position of Chief

Magistrate of the nation. (Applause.) It is not pleasant to speak of

one’s self, yet I trust that the occasion will justify me in briefly alluding

to, one or two events connected with my administration. (Cheers.) You
all know that when I was called to the executive chair by a bereavement

which shrouded the nation in mourning, that the country was unfortu-

nately agitated from one end to the other upon the all-e.xciting subject

of slavery. It was then, sir, that I felt it my duty to rise above every
sectional prejudice, and look to the welfare of the whole nation. (Ap-

plause.) I was compelled, to a certain extent, to overcome long-cherished

prejudices, and disregard party claims. (Great and prolonged applause.)

But in doing this, sir, I did no more than was done by many abler and

better men than myself. I was by no means the sole instrument, under

Providence, in harmonizing those difficulties. (Applause.) There were

at that time noble, independent, high-souled men in both houses of Con-

gress, belonging to both the great political parties of the country

—

Whigs and Democrats—who spurned the dictation of selfish party lead-
ers, and rallied around my administration, in support of the great meas-
ures which restored peace to an agitated and distracted country.

(Cheers.) Some of these have gone to their eternal rest, with the

blessings of their country on their heads
;
but others yet survive, deserv-

ing the benediction and honors of a grateful people. By the blessing of

Divine Providence, our efforts wore crowned with signal success (cheera)

;

and when I left the presidential chair, the whole nation was prosperous

and contented, and our relations with all foreign nations were of the

most amicable kind. (Cheem.) The cloud that had hung upon the

horizon was dissipated. But where are we now 2 Alas ! threatened at

home with civil war, and from abroad with a rupture of our peaceful re-

lations. I shall not seek to trace the causes of this change. These are

the facts, and it is for you to ponder upon them. Of the present ad-

ministration I have nothing to say, for I know and can appreciate the

difficulties of administering this government
;
and if the present execu-

tive and his supporters have with good intentions and honest hearts

made a mistake, I hope God may forgive them, as I freely do. (Loud

and prolonged applause.) But if there be those who have brought these

calamities upon the country for selfish or ambitious objects, it is your

duty, fellow-citizens, to hold them to a strict responsibility. (Cheers.)

The agitation which disturbed the peace of the country in 1850, was

unavoidable. It was brought upon us by the acquisition of new terri-

tory, for the government of which it was necessary to provide territorial

organizations. But it is for you to say whether the present agitation

which distracts the country and threatens us with civil war, has not been

recklessly and wantonly produced by the adoption of a measure to aid

in personal advancement rather than in any public good. (Cheers.)



Sir, you have been pleased to say that I have the
union of these

States at heart. This, sir, is most true ; for if there be
one object dearer

to me than any other, it is the unity, prosperity, and
glory of this ^eat

republic
;
and I confess frankly, sir, that I fear it is m danger. I say

nothing of any particular section, much less of the several candidates

before the people. I presume they are all honorable men.
But, sir,

what do we see ? An exasperated feeling between the North and
the

South, on the most exciting of all topics, resulting in bloodshed
and or-

ganized military array.
.

But this is not all, sir. We see a political party presenting candidates

for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency, selected
for the first time from

the free States alone, with the avowed purpose
of electing these candi-

dates by sulfrages of one part of the Union only,
to rule over the whole

United States. Can it be possible that those
who are engaged in such

a measure can have seriously reflected
upon the consequences which

must inevitably follow in case of success ? (Cheers.)
Can they have

the madness or the folly to believe that our Southern
brethren would

submit to be governed by such a Chief Magistrate 2 (Cheers.)
Would

he be required to follow the same rule prescribed by those who elected

him, in making his appointments 3 If a man living south of Mason and

Dixon’s line be not worthy to be President or Vice-President,
would it

be proper to select one from the same quarter as one of his
cabinet-

counsel, or to represent the nation in a foreign country 3 or,
indeed, to

collect the revenue, or administer the laws of the United States 3
If

not, what new rule is the President to adopt in selecting men for office,

that the people themselves discard in selecting him 3 These are serious

but practical questions
;
and in order to appreciate them fully, it is only

necessary to turn the tables upon ourselves. Suppose that the
South,

having a majority of the electoral votes, should declare that
they would

only have slaveholders for President and Vice-President, and should

elect such by their exclusive suffrages to rule over us at the North.

Do you think we would submit to it 3 No, not for a moment. (Ap-

plause.) And do you believe that your Southern brethren are less sen-

sitive on this subject than you are, or less jealous of their rights!

(Tremendous cheering.) If you do, let me tell you that you are mis-

taken. And, therefore, you must see that if this sectional party suc-

ceeds, it leads inevitably to the destruction of this beautiful fabric
reared

by our forefathers, cemented by their blood, and bequeathed to us as

a priceless inheritance.

I tell you, my friends, that I feel deeply, and therefore I speak

earnestly on this subject (cries of “You’re right!”), for I feel that you

are in danger. I am determined to make a clean breast of it. I will

wash my brands of the consequences, whatever they may be ; and I tell

you that we are treading upon the brink of a volcano, that is liable at

any moment to burst forth and overwhelm the nation. I might, by soft

words, inspire delusive hopes, and thereby win votes. But I can never

consent to be one thing to the North and another to the South. 1

should despise myself, if I could bo guilty of such duplicity. For my

conscience would exclaim, with the dramatic poet.



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)

I

* * * » jg tiiere not some chosen curse,
Some hidden thunder in the stores of heaven,
Red with uncommon wrath, to blast the man
Who owes his greatness to his country’s ruin !"

In the language of the lamented, but immortal Clay : “ I had rather

be right than be President 1”

It seems to me impossible that those engaged in this can have con-

templated the awful consequences of success. If it breaks asunder the

bonds of our Union, and spreads anarchy and civil war throughout the

land, what is it less than rrioral treason ? (Cries of
“ Nothing—nothing

less 1”) Law and common sense hold a man responsible for the natural

consequence of his acts, and must not those whose acts tend to the de-

struction of the government, be equally held responsible ? (Cries of

“ Yes
1
yes !”)

And let me also add, that when this Union is dissolved, it will not be

divided into two republics, or two monarchies, but broken into fragments,

and at war with each other. (Sensation.)

But, fellow-citizens, I have, perhaps, said all that was necessary on

this subject (cries of “ Go on 1 go on !”) ; and I turn with pleasure to a

less important but more agreeable topic. It has been my fortune during

my travels in Europe, to witness the reception of royalty, in all the

pomp and splendor of military array, where the music was given to

order, and the cheers at the word of command. But for myself I prize

the honest, spontaneous throb (great cheering of atfection with which

you have welcomed me back to my native State (renewed cheering),

above all the pageants which royalty can display. (Cheers.) There-

fore, with a heart overflowing with grateful emotions, I return you a

thousand thanks, and bid you adieu.

• MR. FILLMORE IN ROCHESTER.

After returning his thanks for the manner in which he had been re-

ceived, and for the flattering terms in which the chairman had been

pleased to speak of his administration, Mr. Fillmore said that he had no

reason to disguise his sentiments on the subject of the repeal of the Mis-

souri Compromise, which seemed to be the chief source of the unfortu-

nate agitation that now disturbed the peace of the country. He said

that it would be recollected, that when he came into the administration,

the eountry was agitated from centre to circumference with the exciting

subject of slavery. This question was then forced upon the eountry by

the acquisition of new territory
;
and he feared that the eloquent ad-

dress of the chairman had given him more credit for the settlement of

that question than he was entitled to—not more, however, than he
would have deserved, had his power equalled his desires. But the truth

was, that many noble patriots, Whigs and Democrats, in both Houses of

Congress, rallied around and sustained tire Administration in that trying



time, and to them was chiefly due the merit of settling that exciting

controversy. Those measures, usually called the Compromise Measures

of 1850, were not in all respects what I could have desired, but they

were the best that could be obtained, after a protracted discussion, that

shook the Republic to its very foundation, and I felt bound to give them

my official approval. Not only this, but perceiving there was a dispo-

sition to renew the agitation at the next session, I took the responsibility

of declaring, in substance, in my annual message, that I regarded these

measures as a “ final settlement of this question, and that the laws thus

passed ought to be maintained until time and experience should demon-

strate the necessity of modification or repeal.”

I then thought that this exciting subject was at rest, and that there

would be no further occasion to introduce it into the legislation of Con-

gress. Territorial governments had been provided for all the territory

except that covered by the Missouri Compromise, and I had no suspicion

that that was to be disturbed. I have no hesitation in saying, what

most of you know already, that I was decidedly opposed to the re-

peal of that Compromise. Good faith, as well as the peace of the coun-

try, seemed to require, that a compromise which had stood for more

than thirty years, should not be wantonly disturbed. These were my

sentiments then, fully and freely expressed, verbally and in writing, to

.all my friends. North and South, who solicited my opinion. This repeal

seems to have been a Pandora’s box, out of which have issued all the

political evils that now afflict the country, scarcely leaving a hope be-

hind, and many, I perceive, are ready to impute all the blame to our

Southern brethren. But is this just? (No, no.) It must be borne in

mind that this measure originated with a Northern Senator, and was

sustained and sanctioned by a Northern President. I do not recollect

that even a single petition from a Southern State solicited this repeal

;

and it must be remembered that when a Northern administration, with

large numbers of Northern senators and Northern meinbers, offered the

Southern States a boon. Southern members of Congress could not, if

they would, safely refuse it. To refuse what seemed a boon, would have

been to sacrifice themselves, and this is certainly expecting too much

from political men in times like these. The blame, therefore, it appears

to me, with all due deference, is chiefly chargeable to those who ori^-

nated this measure
;
and however we may deplore the act, it affords no

just ground for controversy with our Southern brethren—certainly none

for which they should be deprived of their political rights. But, we

now see a party organized in the North, and for the first time selecting

its candidates exclusively from the Northern States, with the avowed in-

tention of electing them, to govern the South as well as the North. By

what rule is a President, thus elected, to select a cabinet-council, his for-

eign ministers, judges, and administrative officers ? Are they also to be

selected exclusively from the North ?—or may you take a cabinet officer
from the South, though you cannot a President or a Vice-President ?

These, in practice, as I have said on another occasion, must become em-

barrassing questions. The North is, beyond all question, the most pop-



tilous, the most wealthy, and has the most votes, and therefore has the
power to inflict this injustice upon the South. But we can best judge
of its consequences by reversing the case. Suppose that the South was
the most populous, the most wealthy, and possessed the greatest number
of electoral votes, and that it should declare that, for some fancied or
real injustice done at the North, it would elect none but a President and
Vice-President of slaveholders from the South to rule over the North.
Do you think, fellow-citizens, you would submit to this injustice

? (No,

no.) No, truly, you would not
;
but one universal cry of No would rend

the skies ! And can you suppose your Southern brethren less sensitive
than yourselves, or less jealous of their rights ? If you do, let me tell
you that you are mistaken—and you must therefore perceive that the
success of such a party, with such an object, must be the dissolution of
this glqrious Union. I am unwilling to believe that those who are en-
gaged in this strife can foresee the consequences of their own acts.
Why should not the golden rule which our Saviour has prescribed
for our intercourse with each other, be applied to the intercourse be-

tween these fraternal states ? Let us do unto them as we would that
they should do unto us in like circumstances. They are our brethren

—

they are our friends, and we are all embarked in the same ship
;
and if

she founders in consequence of the mismanagement of the crew, we
must all go down together

;
this Union must be torn asunder

;
this

beautiful fabric, reared by the hands of our ancestors, must be scattered
in fragments, and the people, in the language of the eloquent address of

your chairman, be converted into a nation of Ishmaelites. I cannot

contemplate such a scene without horror, and I turn from it with loath-
ing and disgust.

I fear that your chairman anticipates too much when he supposes it
would be in my power, if elected to the Presidency, to restore harmony
to the country. All I can say is, that in such an event, I should be
willing to make every sacrifice, personal and political, to attain so de-
sirable an object. But I cau never consent to be the President of one
portion of this nation as against the other. I can give no pledge for the
future that is not found in my past conduct If yon wish a Chief Magis-
trate to administer the Constitution and laws impartially in every part
of the Union, giving to every state and every territory, and every citi-
zen, his just due, without fear or favor, then you may cast your votes
for me. I repeat here, what I have said elsewhere, that if there be those
at the North who want a President to rule the South—if there be those
at the South who want a President who will rule the North—I do not
want their votes. I can never represent them. I stand upon the broad
platform of the Constitution and the laws. If I should be called upon
to administer the government, the Constitution and laws of the country
shall be executed, at every hazard and at every cost. ,



/

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CAMPAIGN DOCUMENTS.
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enable every friend of the cause to place in the hands of voters all the evidence

necessary to secure the triumphant election of MILLAKD FILLMORE and A. J.
DONELSON in November.

OVATION TO MR. FII.I.MORE.
ITLLMOEE’S THEEE SPEECHES—at Newburgh, Albany, and Eochester.

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DEFENCE OF FIEEMORE, AND m§ POSITION.
THE SPEECH OF HON. JAMES BEOOKS before the Americans in CincinnatL

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SPEECH OF HON. ERASTFS BROOKS
AT HARTFORD, CT.—July 8, 1855.

MILLARD FILLMORE—FREMONT—SLAVERY—SECTIONALISM—ROMANISM, AND PATRIOTISM.
1000 copies, $10. 100 copies, $1.25. Per dozen, 20 cts.

FREMONT’S PRO-SEAVERY RECORD.
Twice voting against the Abolition of Slavery in Washington, the Federal Capital-

— “ Fremont was so ultra-Southern in 1850, as to refuse to pay an honest debt
to the American Colonization Society.”

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SPEECH OF HIRAM KETCHFM, Esq., at New Haven,
On the 13th of August, 1856, “ On the state of the Country.”

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THE ROMANISM OF FREMONT, as demonstrated toy
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/ KEAD! KEAD! READ!
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