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Our Faith And Diir

Public Problems





OUR FAITH AND OUR

PURLIC PROBLEMS





OUR FAITH AND OUR

PURLIC PRORLEMS
Five addresses delivered in the nationwide Catholic Hour, produced by

the National Council of Catholic Men, in cooperation with the National

Broadcasting Company, from June 1, 1947 through June 29, 1947.

BY

JEROME G. KERWIN
Professor at the University of Chicago

National Council of Catholic Men

1312 Massachusetts Ave., N. W.

Washington 5, D. C.

Printed and distributed by Our Sunday Visitor
Huntington, Indiana



Nihil ObstQt:

REV. T. E. DILLON

Censor Librorum

Imprimatur:

^ JOHN FRANCIS NOLL, D.D.,
Bishop of Fort Wayne



TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

The Catholic and Democracy 7

The Catholic and Communists 14

The Catholic and Minorities 20

The Catholic and the Functions of Government 26

Catholics and Non-Catholics 33



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4

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THE CATHOLIC AND DEMOCRACY
Address given on June 1, 1947

The struggle against tyranny,

oppression, and arbitrary power

is never-ending. The centuries

of man have been marked by

ceaseless struggle to realize and

maintain freedom from irre-

sponsible authority. Men have

fought the power of kings, of

selfish oligarchs, of exploiting

empires, and of Duces and Fuer-

hers seeking to dominate the

earth. Men still fight the power

of economic autocracies that

would seek to crush the inde-

pendence of soul and body. Men

come to realize the blessings of

freedom in their own states, only

to find those blessings menaced

by foes outside the national

borders. Power is a heady po-

tion that must need be watched

and checked. Freedom is easily

lost, and the price of its recap-

ture comes high.

The foes of freedom have

numbered perhaps as many
among good men as among the

evil. Men who love order, men

who love peace, men who abhor

violence have been among its

foes. Men who cherish freedom

but who reject the irresponsible,

lunatic fringe, who associate

themselves with great causes,

have fought against the cause of

freedom. Men who espouse the

cause of the oppressed but who

renounce attendant errors that

arise among those who struggle

in desperation against entrench-

ed power, have fought the forces

of freedom. Many good men

have opposed the continuing

struggle for emancipation, for

few crusades in its behalf have

appeared as unmixed blessings

for mankind. Caution and the

very much misunderstood virtue

of prudence have often thrown

the weight of the good men to

the evil cause.

Men being what they are, and

human nature being what it is,

few, if any, great causes come

before the judgment of the

people as pure, unalloyed gold,

free from all dross. Particularly

is this true of revolutions which

are born under stress, moving

forward with intense rapidity,

picking up every malcontent and

every cause for discontent, real

or imagined, as they go their

wild and often leaderless way.

The history of man's struggle

for freedom has not escaped the



8 OUR FAITH AND OUR PUBLIC PROBLEMS

blight of error that has marked

good causes from time imme-

morial. The persecuting anti-

clericalism and the fantastic,

idolatrous worship of the God-

dess of Reason in the French

Revolution, turned many a

Churchman against the whole-

some purging 'of a decadent no-

bility. The rampant secularism

of the revolution of 1848 drove

many a good Catholic into the

camp of the conservative oppo-

sition. It is not easy to separate

the permanently good from the

transiently evil in the confusion

of the moment. Nor can men

always assure themselves that in

the success of any great move-

ment the evil will not become

paramount over the good.

The history of the western

world has been a revolutionary

history. In no other part of the

world has revolution been so fre-

quent. The reason for this lies

in our Hebraic-Christian cul-

ture. No more revolutionary

doctrine has been given to man

than that which came out of

Palestine two thousand years

ago. Found in the teachings of

Christianity was a standard of

judgment for rulers and ruled

—

a message of hope and liber-

ation for the oppressed. The di-

vine charter of Christian liber-

ties set in motion the centuries-

long struggle for political and

evil freedom which continues

throughout time. I do not mean

to say that Christian teachings

constituted primarily a political

philosophy— they are for our
guidance in a spiritual and su-

pernatural sense. Yet they af-

fected all the thoughts and ac-

tivities of ensuing generations.

Consider the far-reaching effects

of such teachings as the equality

and brotherhood of men under

God; man as destined for eter-

nal union with God; man as the

image of his Creator; man as

rational and responsible
;
man

directed to the perfection of his

soul and talents—man another
Christ. Clothed with such dig-

nity, man could no longer con-

tent himself with the slavery of

oppression. The struggle for

recognition in the political order

of the true nature of man has

been waged ceaselessly from the

first centuries of Christianity;

but two years ago the nations

concluded the bloodiest war in

history in the same cause.

The justification and sanction

of free government rest in the

teachings of Christianity. This

remains true despite those lead-

ers in Christianity both of yes-

terday and today who have sup-

ported oppressors and tyrants.

Too frequently critics of the



THE CATHOLIC AND DEMOCRACY 9

Church have judged her by the

actions of erring men, overlook-

ing the golden thread of doc-

trine laid down and preserved

through the centuries by the

heroes, saints, and scholars of

Christendom. Incorporated last-

ingly in this doctrine is the sub-

lime truth : the supreme creation

of God Almighty is man, for

whom all other created things

exist. In addition to the villians

of history, there were great

souls who, never losing sight of

this sublime truth, developed po-

litical doctrines that form the

foundation theories of all re-

sponsible government.

Let us note some of these the-

ories. There is the theory of

natural law and natural rights

appealed to in every struggle

against tyranny since the con-

version of the western nations

to Christianity. That there ex-

ists a law above all governments,

and human rights which no gov-

ernment gives and no govern-

ment may repeal has been con-

sistent Catholic teaching since

the birth of the Church. Only

in the nineteenth century was

this doctrine undermined, pre-

paring the way for the totali-

tarianism of our own 'day. And

churchmen did not undermine

the doctrine. It was largely the

work of men who sought free-

dom on secular foundations

alone and who saw in the Church

only the enemy of progress.

There is the theory which

flows from the conception of

natural law that no state and no

government can be absolute.

Through the Ages of Christian

Faith it was held that no ruler

was above the law, but was

bound by divine, natural, and

customary law. His coronation

oath included a solemn promise

to rule according to these grades

of law.

There is the theory that the

political order exists for man

and his happiness, not man for

the political order, as taught by

the idealist philosophers of the

last century. The political order

exists to make life possible and

to make it good. The Christian

conception is not a negative con-

ception. The functions of the

political order are positive—^to
correct injustices and to rectify

abuses by direct government ac-

tion. Men must have the oppor-

tunity to work; to live in peace

with their families, friends, and

fellow men; to live without fear

of poverty and starvation—^pri-
marily that they may seek their

true end— eternal happiness
with God.

There is the theory that man

is not simply a part of a mass,



10 OUR FAITH AND OUR PUBLIC PROBLEMS

but a person with a soul and a

distinct character. Each man is

a special creation of God, with

specific functions in life to per-

form and with definite ends to

pursue beyond time. To pursue

these ends, he has a free will and

consequent responsibility to his

Creator, to himself, and to his

fellowmen. No over-all political

authority can assume these re-

sponsibilities for him. The po-

litical order but provides the

means whereby he may the bet-

ter assume the responsibilities.

The individualism of Christian-

ity stands in definite contrast to

all totalitarianism.

There is the theory that gov-

ernments serve the purpose of

men and that when they cease

to serve these purposes they may

be altered in form or personnel.

The right of revolution against

unjust rulers and systems of

government has ever been in-

herent in Catholic teaching.

There is the theory that all

political authority descends from.

God to the people and is a grant

from them to their rulers.

There are the theories of

jurisprudence and legal practice

which come down to us from the

Ages of Faith for the mainten-

ance of justice among men.

There is finally the great in-

stitution of representative gov-

ernment, cherished among free-

dom-loving pqople and coming to

us from those days when the

Church held sway over the

hearts and minds of men in the

western world.

Much of the philosophy, there-

fore, that underlies free, respon-

sible government today comes to

us from Christian, yea. Catholic

teaching. Yet how many are

aware of this? Is it not charged

that being a faithful Catholic

inclines one to absolutism, even

to totalitarianism? Is it not said

that the loyalty to Church and

the loyalty to the democratic

state are incompatible? Why are

these charges made?

First, critics point to the po-

sition of churchmen in the

French Revolution and in the

various nineteenth century lib-

eral movements in Europe. We

grant that it was indeed un-

fortunate that a close tie-up ex-

isted between the Bourbon mon-

archy and the Church in France

—a tie-up that resulted from the
accidents of history. Yet it

should never be forgotten that

many of the lower clergy joined

with the revolutionaries in the

early days of the Revolution.

Aside from these facts, however,

as the Revolution became san-



THE CATHOLIC AND DEMOCRACY 11

guinary and ant i-religious,

Churchmen very naturally turn-

ed against the movement; and it

should be remembered that

many non-Catholics in other

parts of the ’world did the same

thing. We cannot expect church-

men any more than other people

to look benignly on the move-

ment that deteriorates into wild

anarchy—despite the deep-seat-
ed causes for the revolt which

should have been remedied years

before in orderly fashion. It is

always so easy after the event

to see what remedies might have

been applied.

The misfortune of the French

Revolution was its casting a

shadow over all liberal move-

ments for a century. Churchmen

had been driven into a position

of caution and opposition with

regard to all revolutionary move-

ments, particularly since all of

them carried a virus of anti-

clericalism regardless of the

abuses that legitimately called

for reform. Most people live in

their time and social situation

—

the daring prophets and leaders

of a new age are ever few. The

Church had, in proportion to its

size, no fewer such prophets in

the nineteenth century than any

other group. It had its Pope Leo

XIII, its Lord Action, its Count

de Mun, and its Bishop Von Ket-

tler. The vast majority of its

higher clergy, however, followed

the dominant social pattern of

the age in which they lived, and

they endorsed by silent consent

dr public statement the political

system in which they had to

carry on their spiritual missions.

From a long-run point of view,

this position may not have been

wise, but it is understandable.

Thousands were lost to the

Church in the anti-clerical move-

ment and in the new Marxism

who might otherwise have been

saved had Catholic leaders mani-

fested more sympathetic under-

standing of the deep-seated

causes of revolt.

The association of Catholics

with non-democratic regimes in

Europe and especially in Latin

America has been frequently

used as an indication of a

necessary compatibility between

Catholicism and the absolutism

of certain civil regimes. The

opposition of many South Amer-

ican churchmen to liberal move-

ments is not necessarily an op-

position to democracy as such.

North American Catholics fre-

quently question the wisdom of

this opposition, but they know

that it has a long history. In

the minds of many South Amer-

ican leaders, the term democracy

has been associated in past years



12 OUR FAITH AND OUR PUBLIC PROBLEMS

with Yankee imperialism; it has

been associated with an anti-

clericalism aimed at emptying

churches and establishing a soul-

less secularism. Not that these

movements have not often been

led by able and sincere leaders

seeking some measure of po-

litical freedom and honesty, and

a just economic order for op-

pressed people, but like so many

movements in history, a clear

black-and-white case is not pre-

sented to the minds of sincere

men. North Americans, both

Catholic and non-Catholic, be-

lieve that they could solve South

American problems with great

ease and rapidity, but before at-

tempting it, they should spend a

few years in the study of South

American history.

The Catholics of these United

States are not bound by custom,

tradition, or faith to support

any undemocratic political prin-

ciples of their co-religionists in

Europe or South America. They

cherish the freedom that is

theirs in America. They are de-

scendants of men and women

who have suffered political and

religious persecution. They do

not forget this. They are per-

fectly satisfied with established

American institutions; they are

deeply loyal to them. They have

prospered under them and their

Church has flourished.

One thing they and their non-

Catholic fellow citizens should

ever keep in mind : in the philos-

ophy which their Church has

fought for and maintained for

centuries are some of the main

philosophic concepts of demo-

cracy without which no demo-

cracy may exist. To maintain

this philosophy in those ages

when Europe was not far re-

moved from barbarism was a

herculean task. To be sure,

democratic institutions as we

understand them were long in

evolution-—in fact only within
the last hundred years have they

come into full operation. Let us

not forget, however, that the

theories of natural law and

natural rights, the equality of

men, the purpose of the political

order and limitations on the po-

litical order, the dignity of man

and his important position in so-

ciety—all these the Catholic
Church has taught. This is not

to minimize the contributions of

other groups—religious or secu-
lar—^to the theory and practice
of responsible government. I

simply call attention to a great

heritage for all men which owes

so much to Catholicism and of

which not only non-Catholics but

in some cases Catholics them-



THE CATHOLIC AND DEMOCRACY 13

selves are so little aware.

“Considering the extent and

nature of the sacrifices demand-

ed of all citizens,” says Pope

Pius XII, “the democratic form

of government appears to many

a postulate of nature imposed by

reason itself.” So it appears to

American Catholics. On princi-

ples derived from their Faith

and their philosophy, they ad-

here to it. They will never be

found wanting in their loyal de-

fense and maintenance of the

institutions built upon such firm

foundations.



THE CATHOLIC AND COMMUNISTS
Address given on June 8, 1947

Democracy places a burden

of restraint on Ml of us. It is

indeed a burden, for to hold one-

self, in check when a fellow citi-

zen is advocating measures with

which one disagrees runs con-

trary to the desires of most of

us. However much we praise

tolerance, there are some people

that we at times feel we would

willingly liquidate— or, to use
Woodrow Wilson’s famous
phrase, “Knock into a cocked

hat.” There are, of course,

things which the consensus of

American belief does not permit

either by word dr action or any

means of communication. In

matters political, economic, or

social, we prize the freedom that

is ours, however inconvenient it

may become.

The Catholic accepts the guar-

anteed freedoms of the Federal

and State constitutions. To him

these freedoms are not ends in

themselves; they are the means

to ends. Every freedom used

must satisfy the answer: “For

what purpose and to what end?”

This has been the doctrine of the

United States Supreme Court.

In addition, we judge the legal-

ity of the use of any freedom by

attendant circumstances. A man

may mount a soap-box and advo-

cate the abolition of our republic

and the substitution of a mon-

archy, but except in some super-

patriotic areas no one would pay

much attention to him because

there would not be much likeli-

hood that any sizeable number

of people would take to the

barricades to defend monarchial

ideas. In the words of the late

Mr. Justice Holmes, no clear and

present danger to peace and

order exists in such a case. A

man may go into an open public

square and shout, “Fire,” but

except for the general curiosity

aroused, he creates no danger

even if . there be no fire. If,

however, he cries, “Fire!” in a

crowded theater, he may create

panic, and his foolish trick, an

abuse against freedom of speech,

may be justly punished. We

know that despite the fact that

in this land, fortunately, there is

no such practice as the suspen-

sion of constitutional guaran-

tees, during wartime many re-

strictions operate which unques-

tionably restrict arid abridge our



THE CATHOLIC AND COMMUNISTS 15

guaranteed freedoms. Very often

these restrictions border on the

ludicrous, as in the case of a

state law of 1919 which forbade

the display of any red flag,

making no allowance even for a

danger signal.

It is wiser very often to tol-

erate even when the end aimed

at by a speaker is to some degree

inflamatory. The dangers of cre-

ating martyrs, of giving in to our

prejudices, of misjudging the

words spoken, of creating bad

precedents of suppression, cause

the true democrat to hesitate

before applying the law. The

policy of leaning over backwards

in applying restrictions is not

the universal tendency it should

be. There are many of us who

enjoy the witch-hunt. In a great

fervor of emotional patriotism,

such people mount their spirited

steeds for the hunt with no clear

idea of what it is they are hunt-

ing. They resemble hunters who

are out after foxes knowing

nothing about foxes except that

they have fur coats. On the

hunt, therefore, they pick up

squirrels, rabbits, pole-cats, and

even a few stray pedestrians

wearing fur coats. Such has been

the nature of most American

witch-h u n t s, legislative and

otherwise. Investigations start

out after subversive elements

and gather in (without regard to

reputations involved) anyone

who has accidentally rubbed el-

bows with these elements. Or

they may start out after Com-

munists, and before they are

finished, they will take in for

investigation even the good

American who advocates the pub-

lic ownership of the local electric

light plant.

This brings us to the impor-

tant consideration of the re-

lationship of Catholics to Com-

munists. It is not my intention

to tell why Catholics oppose

Communism. That has already

been done on this program.

There are, however, questions of

practical tactics within the

framework of the American

order that must be consid-

ered. No Communists have

left the Communist fold because

of over-heated denunciations.

Nor do Communists change

their ideals or methods because

of threats of jail or other puni-

tive measures. This constitutes

the easy and futile way of deal-

ing with a menace. It is not un-

usual for this method to be advo-

cated by the insincere to turn

the minds of the people from

more pressing problems. No one

likes to grant to any group the

protection of the Bill of Rights

which that same group would



16 OUR FAITH AND OUR PUBLIC PROBLEMS

use now to its advantage and

destroy later if it came to power.

Yet v/e have to consider the dan-

gers of setting afoot patriotic

crusades which readily get out

of hand.

The memory of the 1920’s

should be a lesson to all of us

—

the period when duly elected

representatives of the people

were thrown out of legislative

halls, when frequently the judi-

cial process became a farce,

when the guaranteed rights of

eminent citizens were subverted,

and wholesale and indiscrimi-

nate arrests by government

agents made a mockery of Amer-

ican freedom. The hysteria of

such movements blinds even

good Americans to those whole-

some remedies which alone can

render ineffective the secret

machinations of misguided men

or traitors. Hysteria is a symp-

tom of a lack of faith in our in-

stitutions.

At present such terms as

“communist” or “fellow-travel-

ler” or “radical” have an emo-

tional connection with great

numbers of our people and offi-

cials. Little of the rational goes

into the determination of what

these terms mean. One member

of Congress from the Middle

West was asked if he considered

advocates of social security,

minimum wage legislation, and

the Wagner Act to be commu-

nistic; and he replied with an

emphatic, “Yes.” Extreme as

this case may seem to be, it

may be multiplied by the thou-

sands. The term has come to be

used as a substitute for all ra-

tional consideration of public

politics and public men. One has

only to drag forth the terms

“red,” “radical,” “fellow-travel-

ler,” and all argument ceases.

We very often determine a

man’s leaning toward or belong-

ing to Communism according to

the group of which he is a mem-

ber. This is a dangerous and

mischievous method. Collective

guilt is difficult to assess. Every

Catholic resents being judged a

villian because there undoubt-

edly are imprudent, unwise, and

unworthy Catholics, and the

same is true of Protestants and

Jews. There are labor unions

and other organizations to which

Communists belong. If a labor-

ing man finds that he must be-

long to no union or one in which

Communists happen to be mem-

bers, I do not believe that there

is any obligation for him to re-

sign and leave the field for the

Communists. His determination

to remain and fight the Com-

munist influence or to keep the



THE CATHOLIC AND COMMUNISTS 17

goals of the organization clear

is both understandable and very

laudable. The same is true of

members of other organizations

where Communist influence has

crept in. Are we to condemn

such people because they belong

to these organizations, even if

momentarily the left-wing ele-

ment has gained the upper

hand? We often do. Yet these

people do more effectively to

stem Communism than all the

loud and noisy patriots who de-

claim and do little else.

The Communist tactic should

be obvious to the average intelli-

gence. They work their way into

good American progressive and

liberal movements simply for the

purpose of discrediting them. It

is to their advantage to show

that ordered change by political

action is out of the question.

The greater the number of such

organizations which they can

ruin, the stronger becomes their

plea for violent changes. Con-

servatives unwittingly play the

Communist game every time

they bring these organizations

into disrepute. Perhaps this

gives us one of the reasons why

progressives and liberals are

more cordially disliked by Com-

munists than are the conser-

vatives.

Men and women seek extreme

remedies for their ills, for the

most part, when they are des-

perate. Communism is born of

desperation. When governments

heedlessly follow policies which

upset the economic order, fear-

ing to harness the unbridled

greed of selfish vested interests

and inviting economic depres-

sion with all its tragedy for the

lives of millions of people—then
are the gates thrown wide open

for Communists and all rebel-

lious elements, and no amount of

denunciation or repression will

undo the ensuing mischief. If

the American economy fails as

it did in 1929, nothing less than

total collapse and disaster will

overcome the economy of the

world and nothing will halt the

onward march of the victorious

hosts of Communism. Despite all

laws, all denunciations, and in-

judicious legislative investiga-

tions.

At present we are in grave

danger of losing those social

gains so long advocated by Papal

Encyclicals: protections for the

little fellow which have been

won after years of struggle;

protections for the laboring man

whom some would penalize for

demanding a just wage, while

those who control the economic

life of the country demand what

they wish, without threat or



18 OUR FAITH AND OUR PUBLIC PROBLEMS

penalty. If economic collapse

comes, down to the depths of

misery and starvation go the

working classes. Who then is re-

sponsible for the making of Com-

munists out of desperate men

and women ?—very often the
very people' who cry loudest for

punitive measures against Com-

munists. It is as if they would

salve their conscience for their

own lack of patriotism by mak-

ing loud but empty, false protes-

tations. The first practical cure

for Communism is an earnest

and constructive effort to

remedy the defects in a social

and economic system in which

economic injustice is turned into

an inexorable economic law and

the common good of all gives

place to special good.

Not so many years ago, a book

circulated freely in this land

calling the attention of people to

the alleged Reds operating in

our midst. Among the Reds were

listed the late Msgr. John A.

Ryan and the present bishop of

Grand Rapids, Most Reverend

Francis Haas. What care was

used in compiling the list is

demonstrated by the fact that

one man was named because his

wife was a director of the Y.W.

C.A., which in turn was cata-

logued as a Red institution. No

distinction was made between

the quick and the dead, for on

the list were to be found Karl

Marx and Friedrich Engels.

From the character of the people

named and the ridiculous meth-

ods used in compiling the list,

one could judge the useless and

silly nature of the book; yet

thousands of Americans adopted

it as their official list of Red

Americans. Such is the indis-

criminate way in which the red-

baiter works. Such is the usual

lack of sense shown by profes-

sional patriots.

At the present moment we

have suggestions for legislation

banning the Communist party.

This is like using a sledge ham-

mer to open a peanut. Of some

sixty million potential voters in

the United States, a maximum

of 30,000 vote the Communist

ticket. Most times the number is

less. Would such legislation aid

our nervous citizens in sleeping

more peacefully? Does experi-

ence not show the folly of driv-

ing opposition underground.

Will this provide a guarantee

against the growth of subver-

sive radicalism? Will this pro-

tect the great American com-

monwealth against destruction?

How shall we define the Com-

munist party? Quite likely we

shall prescribe all parties advo-

cating the violent overthrow of



THE CATHOLIC AND COMMUNISTS 19

the government. Perhaps we

shall ban any party named Com-

munist. What will prevent the

Communists from organizing

under a different name? It is

always easy to say: “There

ought to be a law . . and quite

another matter to write an ef-

fective law.

Sound American common
sense should govern our actions.

Popes have warned Catholics

that they may lose the masses

from failure to understand their

problems. Communism exists be-

cause good people have refused

to face their social and religious

responsibilities. Communism ex-

ists because of the broad hiatus

existing in Catholic and non-

Catholic circles between theory

and practice—between a theory
of brotherly love and racial op-

pression
;
between a theory of

equality and an overbearing

class-consciousness
;

between a

theory of justice for all and the

payment of starvation wages

;

between a theory of the high

dignity of man and the main-

tenance of loathsome, crime-

breeding slums
;
between -a the-

ory of honesty, and tolerance of

political thieves and racketeers;

between a theory of the common

good and the support of a system

which makes the ordinary medi-

cal needs and safeguards of

health impossible to the poor.

The Cardinal Archbishop of

Toronto has branded the preval-

ent approach of some Catholics

to the problem of Communism

as stupid. We have contented

ourselves with wholesale, vio-

lent, and frequently ignorant de-

nunciations of the manifesta-

tions of an underlying social and

spiritual maladjustment, but we

have failed to strike at the

causes. Paradoxically enough, to

strike at the causes of Commu-

nism leaves one open to the

charge of being “Communist.”

Witch-hunts, fiery denuncia-

tions, and repressive legislation

are no substitutes for the prac-

tice of justice. There will be

fewer Communists when there

are more and better Christians.



THE CATHOLIC AND MINORITIES
Address given on June 15, 1947

What debt of gratitude do we

not owe to the men and women

in our midst who daily labor

among those whom man’s per-

versity has condemned to sub-

human standards of living! The

noble work of men and women,

clergy and laity alike, who sacri-

fice themselves that better living

may be realized by our Negro

population— despite the discour-
aging obstacle of deep-seated

prejudice manifested by those

who know not the spirit of

Christ—will one day .stand out
as one of the striking evidences

of Christian love in an age of

war and bloodshed. Against the

work of these great souls, what

a catalogue of sins against

charity and justice could be reg-

istered were we but able to list

the sentiments, the outspoken

prejudices, and the individual

deeds of injustice of people who

follow the Nazi doctrine of racial

supremacy.

It is humiliating and terrify-

ing to good Catholics and good

Americans to realize that mil-

lions of our fellow-citizens, be-

cause of the accidents of color,

live exploited lives and suffer

the denial of those fundamen-

tal rights which a dynamic

Christianity has given to the

world. It is terrifying not

alone because of the essential

evil of it and the grave offense

to God it is, but also because of

the potential danger to the peace

of society which is involved. To-

day it is as true as when Lin-

coln said it: no nation can exist

half-slave and half free. This is

true of chattel slavery as well

as the flagrant inequality which

is imposed today upon Negro

citizens. Men endowed with the

dignity that comes to all as sons

of God will not in peace endure

the injustices which run counter

to the will of God Himself.

All of us need to realize that

this is not a question that can

be passed off easily with com-

forting and lazy defenses and

excuses. The hard kernel of

Catholic truth which affirms the

essential equality of men and

which emphatically denies the

right of exploitation and the re-

garding of any man as inferior

because of his color must be con-

sidered. This constitutes a doc-

trine among all who acknowledge



THE CATHOLIC AND MINORITIES 21

the Fatherhood of God. We

simply cannot escape it; we can-

not deny it; we cannot violate it

without sin. If tradition and

long years of malpractice have

made a solution to this problem

more difficult, then with greater

labor, greater effort and greater

courage must we attack it.

The great truths of Christian

revelation must be tirelessly and

vigorously driven home by the

written and spoken word. The

parallel teachings of democracy

and all that is implied in them

must be emphatically taught.

The error of discrimination on

racial bases reveals the gross

stupidity and ignorance of

the prejudiced, many of whom

consider themselves among the

social elite, little realizing that

intellectually they are fools. The

danger to all our political, eco-

nomic, and social institutions

and to the peace of the land

must be taught with uncompro-

mising honesty.

How many of our racially-prej-

udiced fellow-citizens have seen

the fruits of their prejudices in

all sections of the country?

—

squalid tenements where ten to

fifteen people live in a single

room; hovels without heat,

light, and sanitation, maintained

by exploiting landlords who wax

wealthy on the misery of their

Negro tenants; the economic

system which pays inadequate

wages to the Negro, whatever

his talents, and which drops him

from the payroll at the first sign

of a depression
;

the crowded

class-room facilities
;

the un-

accredited schools
;

the bans

raised against Negroes in ho-

tels, restaurants, and places of

amusement; the ill-kept, disease-

ridden, segregated areas, breed-

ing crime, juvenile delinquency,

and bitterness. Can any sane

person deny that all this consti-

tutes a plague in this fine land,

that it is an invitation to social

upheaval? Is there anyone so

naive as to believe that this sit-

uation can be permanently main-

tained?

Patience, it is true, is to be

urged in the solution of this

problem. But in the minds of

many people, patience has lost

its virtue, because frequently it

is but an excuse for no action at

all, or for ineffective palliatives

put forth with disgusting unc-

tuousness so readily by the in-

sincere.

Forces of the left take ready

advantage of the evils which the

prejudices of democratic citizens

breed. Unfortunately for all of

us, there is no gap between

their preaching and their prac-

tices on this question. Fortu-



22 OUR FAITH AND OUR PUBLIC PROBLEMS

nately, however, the great ma-

jority of the Negro population re-

mains steadfastly loyal to Amer-

ican institutions—a great trib-
ute to its perseverance and gen-

eral common sense. Let us not,

however, presume tod far on the

forebearance of any group of

human beings. Americans are

justifiably incensed at the in-

trigues of Communists to under-

mine the principles and struc-

ture of our form of government.

Yet are there not many of these

same Americans who consist-

ently violate and undermine both

the principles and structure of

democratic society in cruelties

and injustices towards Negro

citizens? The Communist, on

the one hand, rejects American

principles and goes on his way

of destruction
;

the race-con-

scious American accepts the

principles and proceeds at lower

speed toward the same goal.

In the history of nations, cru-

cial problems are solved through

the calm, reasoned, and far-

sighted judgment of the people

sensing the need for reform; or

they are solved by revolutionary

demagogues with all the attend-

ant crime, violence, and hatred

which destroy one evil and pro-

duce a dozen more. We prefer

our changes to come by orderly

means. If we would realize this

method, the change effected must

be genuine—a change of heart
and action.

Our 'second great minority

problem is anti-semitism. One

would normally have concluded

that confronted with all the hor-

rors and butcheries visited upon

the Jewish people in recent

years, any person of sound mind

would have busied himself to

eradicate anti-semitism once and

for* all—both in himself and, as
far as possible, in others. The

tragedy of Israel is not alone

bound up with the subject of

natural rights. Sincere Chris-

tians realize the Jews are play-

ing a part in God’s plans and

that one day they will return to

that destiny—not necessarily a
political, but a spiritual destiny

—^which an All-Wise Providence
has ordained. Chosen by God as

the channel through which the

knowledge of the One Supreme

Being came to mankind, as the

race which gave the world its

Redeemer, it is a holy people.

True, it rejected that Redeemer

and the teachings of his Proph-

ets, but as Leon Bloy has so well

asked, how great are the untold

numbers of Christians who have

turned their backs on the Re-

deemer and His Saints? And



THE CATHOLIC AND MINORITIES 23

among these Christians are

found so many of the violent

anti-semitics.

How often have we heard the

words, which are supposed to re-

veal the objectivity and fairness

of the speaker’s judgment: ‘'Un-

derstand, I am not opposed to

Jews; it is only the bad Jews

that I oppose.” There is such a

familiar ring about this. It has

so much in common with “Some

of my best friends are Catho-

lics.” We should pray and work

for the correction of evil every-

where, but if I do not mistake

the law of charity, it teaches us

that we should begin in our own

household. Or do some people

believe that we have done a com-

plete job in that sphere? No

there are bad Jews, and there

are bad Protestants, and bad

non-believers, and bad Catholics.

The most effective attacks upon

bad Jews that I have ever heard

have come from Jews. That’s

as it should be. When non-Jews,

however, go forth on a special

crusade to reform evil Jews, I

suspect that they are overlook-

ing a great many evil-doers in

their own midst.

Some will complain that Jews

are materialistic, that they are

aggressive, that they are loud,

that in the field of the arts they

are immoral. The complaints

take many forms. Not a little

envy can be detected in the com-

plaint that in the business and

professional spheres Jews are so

successful. If they are success-

ful, if they are aggressive, even

if they are loud—did they get
that way by chance? In our so-

ciety, a Jew must at times be

twice as good as a non-Jew to

get very far. If Christians in-

sist upon raising all kinds of

bars and impediments to a Jew’s

success, he will work twice as

hard, twice as long, and twice as

aggressively as any non-Jew to

get on in the world. In the face

of the discouragement he faces,,

he should, in the normal nature

of things, be praised. Too many

of us Christians, when faced

with similar prejudices, are too

willing to cry discrimination and

to "explain for the rest of bur

lives our lack of success to this

one cause. We do not always

show the added perseverance

which the Jew seems to have. It

would seem to be, then, that the

bigot in our own midst envies

the success of Jews, although

sociologically speaking, the idea

of universal Jewish success is

exceedingly exaggerated. There

are unsuccessful Jews; and in

the material sense, there are

poor Jews.



24 OUR FAITH AND OUR PUBLIC PROBLEMS

Some of my fellow-Christians

tell me that Jews in the business

world engage in all manner of

sharp practices and double-deal-

ing. I have known of many vio-

lations of the moral code in

business and in the professions

in my time. Sometimes I have

been the victim. I cannot say

how many of these violations in-

volved Jews, but I have a fairly

clear impression that as far as

my own experience goes, the

larger number involved Chris-

tians. Maybe the number was

in mathematical ratio to the

number of each group in the

country. There is no special

consolation for the victims of

malpractices when the exploit-

ers are Christian. Loss of hard-

earned reserves and disillusion-

ment are just as difficult to bear

when suffered at the hands of

Christian or Jew.

A great deal of unbalanced

judgment forms the foundation

of this anti-semitic prejudice.

One can always find reasons for

bolstering his preconceived no-

tions by citing individual and

isolated instances. When we

were trying to prevent run-away

inflation under the OPA, every

critic of the measure knew this

man or that woman who was get-

ting away with every conceivable

infraction of the law. A common

argument was that chiselers are

breaking the law: therefore, let

us do away with the law. So it

is often with the person preju-

diced against the Jews; he can

always cite the case of Jews who

have violated the canons of

morality. He may know of any

number of cases in which non-

Jews were guilty of the same

misdeeds, but to him that is a

different matter.

I have known no people more

generous in their benefactions

than the Jewish people. Nor are

the objects of their benefactions

the Jewish people alone. They

would be quite justified if this

were frequently the case, but

every one of us has in some way

been benefited by their great

charity. Whether it be in the

field of medicine or education,

the promotion of the sciences or

the promotion of the arts—all of
us are their debtors. As a peo-

ple, they know only too well the

burden of suffering and injus-

tice—^even in free, democratic
America. America owes to their

great men in all lines of endeav-

or more than it can ever re-

count. Spiritually, Catholics



THE CATHOLIC AND MINORITIES 25

must ever be aware of what they

owe to them.

Are they too complaining

about anti-semitism? Do they

talk of it too much ? What group

does not talk about its troubles

when it is aware of any injustice

practiced toward itself? It is nat-

ural. A greater awareness of

what the persecution of one

group means to each and every

one of us has still to be acquired

by Jew and Christian alike.

America will be a better, more

democratic, more Christian land

when all of us are quickly

aroused by prejudice against

any group—^when we realize that
justice is a universal concept

applicable to all men and that

any violation of it, no matter

against whom practiced, is a

common concern of the children

of God.

No one has better expressed

the Catholic attitude on this

problem of anti-semitism than

Fr. Gregory Feige in an excel-

lent pamphlet entitled Catholics

and Jews, published in 1945 by

the Catholic Association for In-

ternational Peace.* Father Feige

says:

“Every sin must be confess-

ed, repented of and atoned for,

if its moral and material effects

are to be wiped out. Anti-Semi-

tism, as a sin, must receive the

same treatment, we must ac-

knowledge it before God and man

as a transgression of God's law,

we must be of humble and con-

trite heart in the face of it, and

we must firmly resolve to avoid

it, combat it, and amend its in-

justices as far as we can, singly

and collectively . . . Anti-Semi-

tism is a sin which in its vicidus-

ness undermines the three fun-

damental pillars on which all

social life among men is placed:

truth, justice and charity. Its

harm should therefore never be

belittled or underestimated, and

the need for its elimination

should never be ignored. It

offers a fertile field for Catholic

action and can become a proving

ground for good will.”

*1312 Massachussetts Avenue, N. W.,

Washington 5, D. C. Priced SOc a copy.



THE CATHOLIC AND THE FUNCTIONS OF

GOVERNMENT

Address given on June 22, 1947

The two propositions that gov-

ernment is a necessary evil or

that that government is best

which governs least do not come

to us from any Catholic political

theory. St. Thomas would say

that government is a necessary

good and that its functions are

positive, making for the good

life and happiness of the citizens.

Yet some people seem at times

to subscribe quite whole-hearted-

ly to these theories that have

nothing of Catholic origin in

them. A most dangerous school

of thought has flourished in this

country, particularly among some

business men
;
it ascribes to gov-

ernment the character of an evil

Leviathan grasping control of

the lives and affairs of citizens

and administering them tyran-

nically and inefficiently. This

democratic government of ours

which untold numbers have given

their lives to establish and main-

tain, is pictured in terms that

have usually been applied in the

past to absolute and irrespon-

sible tyrannies. Some people be-

lieve, too, that unless they or

their class own the government

outright with only such strings

attached as remain in their

hands, that the government is

an over-powering, rapacious

giant.

No allowance is ever made by

such people for the day-to-day

services which they all receive

from governmental sources. The

preservation of peace and order,

the water supply systems, the

schools, the postal communica-

tions, the extended systems of

highways, the parks, the main-

tenance of hospitals, the stupen-

dous work of research, the ju-

dicial processes, the laws that

govern our relations with other

people, which we owe to the gov-

ernment—all of these are for-
gotten. Were it not for the in-

convenience that would be caused

to those who have faith in the

operation of government, it

would be salutary if the govern-

ment were to cease operating for

twenty-four hours in order that

some of these malcontents could

learn what value the govern-

ment has in their lives.

What a horrible example in

patriotism these people give to



THE CATHOLIC AND THE FUNCTIONS OF GOVERNMENT 27

the generation growing up! On

the one hand, the schools try to

show what a debt we owe to the

great leaders of government in

the past and what beneficial

things are being performed by

the government every day. The

teachers seek to instill respect

and admiration for the govern-

mental process. After school, the

students return home and hear

all about this evil thing, the

government, that is crushing all

our freedom.

It is trite to say, but it must

be said: our living these days

is very complex. For the past

seventy-five years, our social and

economic life has been growing

more complex. I do not need to

prove this. Bigness and complex-

ity have seized upon everything.

In our day-to-day living, we do

more, we have more, and we ex-

pect more. I am not saying that

this is good or bad—it has as-
pects of both. I simply state the

situation as a fact that must be

faced. While I have great ad-

miration for some of my sociolo-

gist friends who would send us

all back to the land where we

could weave our own clothes, cob-

ble our own shoes, mill our own

flour, and quite likely die from

taking our own home-made rem-

edies for illness—I believe that,
for the most part, they are not

all facing our modern problems

with intelligent realism. There

is nothing inherently bad in our

mechanical civilization
;

it is

here, but it is necessary to hu-

manize it.

If all life has become more

complex, so has the greatest of

our social institutions which

deals so intimately with life

—

the government. It has grown,

not despite our needs, but be-

cause of our needs. That the

good things of the earth belong

to all men is good Catholic doc-

trine; but for weal or woe most

men won’t have enough of these

goods even to maintain existence

unless the government helps

them. The government cannot

take its hands off our great eco-

nomic and social system without

danger to the health and lives

and property of every citizen.

When I say every citizen, I mean

the rich industrialist as well as

the poor laborer, for the free

enterprise that the former so

frequently craves could be free

to the point of bringing dis-

aster to him as well as anyone

else.

It is nonsense to say that if

you give enterprise free rein all

will be well. If any people on

earth have tried and found false

this doctrine, it is the American

people. In the last thirty years,



28 OUR FAITH AND OUR PUBLIC PROBLEMS

economic enterprise has been

freer in the United States than

anywhere else in the world. En-

terprise is freest of all after

World War I—^the consequent ef-
fects need not be retraced. En-

terprise was free again after

World War 11, and the rest of

the world watches with amaze-

ment and apprehension, and

wonders if once again our idol-

atry of the slogan “free enter-

prise’^ will bring economic dis-

aster to every corner of the

globe.

The trouble with those people

who may be classed among the

greedy and selfish in our busi-

ness life is that they do not

realize that the second half of

the nineteenth century has pass-

ed. They would wish the spe-

cial conditions of that era to be

perpetual. It was an era when

all the energies and activities of

government were bent towards

developing the country and build-

ing industry. The government

gave generously of its land; it

gave bonuses to business in the

form of high tariffs; it dealt

gently with the barons of in-

dustry and their numerous male-

factions. In the same period, it

laid a heavy hand on labor; and

through the courts and legisla-

tion it beat down ruthlessly the

attempts of the workingman to

improve his lot. According to the

theory of the day, the working-

man was on the way to bigger

things; he would be a capitalist

himself in time; and if he re-

mained a workingman, it was

due to his own lack of initiative

and due to his own laziness. The

words of a great Pontiff of that

era, Leo XIII, concerning the lot

of the workingman, did not pene-

trate far in America.

Reform does not come gradual-

ly in America. It comes with a

rush and a start. It lies neg-

lected until conditions can no

longer go on as they have. The

crying need for reform does not

strike home until a tragic de-

pression occurs. Were leaders of

business wise in the days of their

control of power, they would

have foresen the inevitable, as

the leaders of some industries in

England saw it as far back as

1890, when they recognized and

dealt wisely with organized la-

bor. Not wishing to deal with

labor in peaceful and rational

fashion in earlier days, business

leaders in this country had to

take their remedial medicine in

very large doses after 1932. It

was like applying radical sur-

gery to a condition that might

have been cured at an earlier



THE CATHOLIC AND THE FUNCTIONS OF GOVERNMENT 29

stage by a mild dosage of two

pink pills per day for a week.

In any case, government had to

take on and compel what privato

business refused to do. In the

history of government action, it

will be found again and again

that the government acts when

private groups through negli-

gence and inaction are throwing

the whole social system out of

joint. Whatever consolation any

group may find in the postpone-

ment of reform of abuses, they

must know that reform will come

under a democratic system, and

may be harder to take at a later

stage than earlier.

Wiser heads have come to real-

ize it is better to try to foresee

our social needs and to meet

them gradually than to move by

fits and starts in a manner that

invites confusion and error. They

have recommended that we plan.

I realize that the word chills

some people to the marrow of

their bones. Yet the individual

if he is prudent plans; and big

business plans; but the govern-

ment, in the minds of some peo-

ple, must never plan. The state,

according to Catholic teaching, is

a perfect society, yet there are

those who would do their best to

keep it at all times in a condition

of imperfection by denying it the

means to perfect itself.

Planning is an American pro-

duct. It had its origin in our

cities when we made up our

minds that urban areas should

be places in which to live and

not merely to exist. We first

planned for the physical develop-

ment of the cities. Yes, some

freedom was lost to individuals.

One could not use his property

as he desired in all cases. One

could not build a factory on a

site zoned for a residence. One

could not operate a plant for

manufacturing explosives next

to a church. One could not build

a forty-story building in the

face of building height restric-

tions. Generally, however, we

found the idea very good.

We decided to apply the idea to

government finances. The day

was passing when governments

could spend without limit and

after the spree try to find out

where the money was coming

from. As a result of our deter-

mination to bring order out of

chaos, in this field we adopted

government budgets. Some cities

went in for long-range financial

planning covering periods of ten

years and more. Only since 1921

have we been operating on a

planned budget in our national

government.

The greatest need for planning



30 OUR FAITH AND OUR PUBLIC PROBLEMS

was seen, and still remains to be

seen in connection with our nat-

ural resources. The names of

Theodore Roosevelt and Gifford

Pinchot will long be remembered

for their prolonged struggle to

get consideration for the policy

of conservation. We have been a

most profligate people in the

handling of our natural riches.

Lumber, coal, oil, gas, minerals,

and other forms of natural

wealth we have wasted without

thought of future needs. The

story is now familiar. These

God-given riches have become

necessary for the very lives of

all our people. They may be

held by private citizens, but the

regulation of their use is a con-

cern for all of us. Yet, for such

regulations as we have, we have

had to fight every inch of the

way against interests who by

the standards of positive and

natural law have sinned griev-

ously against the common good.

In recent years, we have

striven to bring decent standards

of health and living to thousands

of people by planning for the

most beneficial use of our great

river valleys. I doubt if any

intelligent citizen would question

the magnificent accomplishments

under government initiation of

the Tennessee Valley Authority

—a plan for a vast area and its

inhabitants. Has freedom been

lost by that?

Plans have been devised, but

not adopted, to avoid economic

depressions. Plans have been

devised, but not adopted, to meet

these depressions. Plans have

been formulated for the best use

of our great land areas. All of

these plans allow for the greatest

measure of local control and a

minimum of federal supervision.

They have been devised with all

the safeguards that any friend

of democracy could sanction. But

why must we go crazily down

the road of the future without

guide or compass ? Because

Russia also has a plan? Is it true

that only totalitarian states can

protect themselves against fu-

ture errors and disasters while

a free people in a democracy

cannot ? Perhaps we shouldn’t

fool ourselves. Back of this Rus-

sian argument are combined all

those interests that would have

to submit their lawless ways to

social control.

Are we so lacking in ingenuity

and practical wisdom in Ameri-

ca that we cannot devise and

operate plans against destruc-

tive economic and social forces?

We fool ourselves if -we think

we can operate a nineteenth cen-

tury economic, social, or political

system today. We may try it



THE CATHOLIC AND THE FUNCTIONS OF GOVERNMENT 31

once again as we tried it in the

twenties with the same results. I

do not mean that we have to go

over to a system of complete

planning and socialization. There

are mid-points between capi-

talism and socialism. It is not

the case of choosing one or the

other. It is a case of the appli-

cation of wise, temperate, far-

sighted thinking to our present

and future social needs. Each

proposition for government own-

ership is a separate problem to

be judged and justified on the

basis of the good of the people in

a way which permits the applica-

tion of rational analysis to pub-

lic policy.

The majority of American

citizens cannot be legitimately

considered as wealthy. There-

fore, they are the chief bene-

ficiaries of social measures which

the government takes—^measures
designed to strengthen their lack

of economic security. At times

some of the measures are turned

down by pressure of selfish forces

on the ground that they are

Communistic. In some instances

it may well be that the poor in

time will be justified in the con-

clusion that only in Communism

is there justice and like thou-

sands of their brethren in Eu-

rope will throw their support to

the Communist party. This would

be extremely unfortunate for all

of us. Courage and foresight are

needed in solving our foreign

and domestic concerns as never

before.

In closing, let me quote the

words of Pope Pius XII in his

address of June 2:

“Fear, which is a shameful

thing in itself, excels in its many

disguises. At times it puts on

the misleading garb of a de-

clared Christian love for the op-

pressed; as if suffering people

could derive advantage from

falsehood and injustice, from

mob-tactics and from promises

that can never be fulfilled.

“At other times it hides un-

der the appearance of Christian

prudence and under this pretext

remains silent when duty should

require it to utter a fearless

‘non licet’ to the rich and power-

ful, and to caution them thus : it

is not lawful for you, in follow-

ing a greed for gain and domin-

ion, to stray from the inflex-

ible lines of Christian principles

which are the bases of political

and social life which the Church

has repeatedly and with great

clarity expounded to the meni

of our times. To you especially

the invitation is addressed tO'

collaborate without reserve in

forming a public order which

will realize, in the highest posr*



32 OUR FAITH AND OUR PUBLIC PROBLEMS

sible degree, a healthy economic

life and social justice.

“Thus the exploiters of class

warfare will be deprived of the

possibility of ensnaring the dis-

appointment and the despoiled

people of the world, by telling

them that the Christian Faith

and the Catholic Church are not

their allies, but their enemies.

“By disposition of the Divine

Providence the Catholic Church

has formulated and promulgated

its social doctrine. She points

the path to be followed, and no

fear of losing possessions or of

temporal gains, of appearing less

in harmony with modern civiliza-

tion or less national or social,

could authorize true Christians

to deviate even a hair’s breadth

from this path.”



CATHOLICS AND NON-CATHOLICS
Address given on June 29, 1947

The American Republic is ded-

icated to the proposition that

men of varying creeds can live

together in peace and under-

standing and good-will. It is

not a secular state in the sense

France or Russia are secular

states; for in all its official acts,

God is recognized and honor is

paid to Him. It respects religion

and solemnly guarantees its free

exercise.

Religious convictions are deep-

seated in men who sincerely ad-

here to their creeds. Lest these

convictions become the source of

strife, the law of charity must

be fully understood and applied.

It means particularly that we

must try to understand differ-

ences while we do not accept the

creeds of those who differ. This

is not the same thing as an in-

different attitude which pro-

claims that one religion is as

good as another. In most cases,

this doctrine is not believed, for

men accept the faith they follow

because they believe it to be

true. We are called upon to re-

spect the sincere religious con-

victions that men hold, while at

the same time we may disagree.

This fortunate land has been

freer from religious strife than

many other lands. Periods of

brief persecution and bigotry

have marred our history, but

generally some sort of good-will

has been maintained. All good

Americans heartily desire that it

continue. Men and women who

dedicate themselves to this fun-

damental American proposition

of understanding among men of

varying faiths perform one of

the greatest possible services to

the Republic. It is not an easy

task for one to undertake, for

there is in every group a loud,

lunatic fringe that in our day

can undo the work of years. They

do not speak for the group, de-

spite the fact that they often

pretend to speak with authority.

At times it is a Catholic who

emerges and adopts the tone of

a herald of the Church Univer-

sal. Then it is a non-Catholic

who gets excited, particularly if

he happens to be the victim of

another’s verbal shafts. He too

may then assume an authority to

which he is in no way entitled.

Freedom of speech and com-

munication is guaranteed, how-



34 OUR FAITH AND OUR PUBLIC PROBLEMS

ever, since Americans believe

that citizens by and large are

people of discrimination and

common sense and that they will

take upon themselves the civic

burden of coming to rational con-

clusions after a study of the

facts. In ordinary political ques-

tions it is not easy for people to

perform this function with judi-

cious calm; but when questions

pertaining to religious groups

are raised, all the dormant preju-

dices of centuries are apt to be

aroused, and reason departs. It

is of fundamental importance to

the peace of this land that we all

realize this. I do not mean to

say that a general hush-hush

policy must forever characterize

our discussions of vital public

questions touching religious be-

lief. Such a general self-imposed

censorship is neither healthy nor

wise. It is necessary for all of

us, however, to keep certain im-

portant modes of procedure in

mind. First, public questions in-

volving inter-credal relations

should be raised only with the

greatest moderation and re-

straint. Secondly, an equal mod-

eration and restraint must be

exercised by those affected by

the questions raised. All parties

must assume the good faith of

contestants, despite occasional

evidence to the contrary. It goes

without saying that we ought to

keep these things in mind even

in matters wherein public policy

is not involved.

It is not necessary for me to

emphasize the grave crisis that

now confronts not only Ameri-

cans but all people throughout

the world. It is especially a time

when all people holding to the

fundamental belief in the Su-

preme Being and His law are

called upon to minister to spir-

itual and material needs in the

spirit of the tradition that un-

derlies our Western heritage.

The promotion of religious strife

at such a period distracts from

the greater task and undermines

the religious faith of men. The

divisions that separate peoples

into warring, hostile camps are

numerous enough without one

giving emphasis to the tragic

differences that characterize the

religious world.

The Catholic citizen vigorously

denies that he seeks openly or

covertly, through plan or through

plot, to subvert any guaranteed

right or established institution

of this free democracy. He asks

first that his fellow-citizens ac-

cept this attitude and he offers

as his guarantee the lives and

services of the many intelligent

and sincere Catholic Americans

who are not, nor could not be.



CATHOLICS AND NON-CATHOLICS 35

duped by the clever machinations

of sinister forces. Catholics, as

other people, may be in error on

questions of public policy, but

they will never be convinced of

that error by charges of disloy-

alty or aspersions cast upon their

creed or their religious leaders.

It is the fairly frequent refer-

ence to these matters that has

made so difficult the urgent need

for cooperation of Catholics and

non-Catholics on the vital prob-

lems of a broken world.

Those of us familiar with the

modes of organizing public opin-

ion are not unfamiliar with the

uses of various techniques fre-

quently applied to stimulate the

crusading spirit. We know how

every presidential campaign in

its final irrational stages invari-

ably reaches the crucial issue of

saving America. America may

not be in the slightest danger;

but we can all act and even get

ourselves to feel that if our can-

didate does not win, the doom

of the Republic is sealed. In any

movement organized as a cru-

sade, particularly as a religious

crusade, no matter how prosaic

the issue at the start (taxation

for the private schools, etc.), bit-

ter recriminations and charges

of disloyalty are certain to arise

;

and reason takes flight. Before

raising the cry: “To your tents,

0 Israel!” about any issue re-

garding inter-credal disputes, it

is well for any religious group to

consider well in advance whether

the losses will not offset any

gains. Despite the fact that al-

most twenty years have passed

since the presidential campaign

of 1928, we have not, as a coun-

try, completely recovered from

the ignominy and shame with

which we covered ourselves in

that year.

Nor should one neglect to

mention the grave dangers which

all clergymen face in allowing

themselves to be taken into camp

by politicians for political pur-

poses. No one religious group

has a corner on virtue in matters

of this kind. No political cam-

paign has ever been waged with-

out the use of what are common-

ly known as gum-shoe tactics.

This approach should be well

known. The Protestant political

leader, supposedly a good Chris-

tian and a member of his church,

approaches his minister and tells

him ever so confidently and con-

fidentially that Catholic forces

are at work in the opposition

camp and will surely undermine

the Protestant position. At the

same time, a Catholic leader,

sometimes from the same party,

may be relating to his pastor and

his Catholic friends that the



36 OUR FAITH AND OUR PUBLIC PROBLEMS

same opponent represents big-

otry, intolerance, and that he

possesses a determination to

wipe out all Catholic influence in

political life. So the good clergy-

men and their followers may take

to the political conflict in sincere

and serious manner; and the

campaign that might have been

fought on honest issues develops

into an ignoble religious war

—

either open or underground
;
and

the political leaders may sit back

and enjoy a holiday. They have

not made their choice on the

basis of whether a man refuses

to eat pork, or any meat on Fri-

day, or whether he abstains from

liquor; they seek to capture the

offices and the jobs that go with

them.

Some years ago when William

Hale Thompson of international

fame, not unschooled in the wis-

dom of politics, ran for mayor of

Chicago for the first time—and
against a Catholic opponent—his
political assistants had worked

so successfully on the religious

issue that before the campaign

was over, parades of good Prot-

estant men and women holding

Bibles aloft marched somberly

and with great determination

through the streets of Chicago,

warning all and sundry that

America’s second city must be

saved from the hosts of Rome

through the election of Thomp-

son. A few years later, the same

Thompson, faced again by a

Catholic opponent, regaled the

Irish Catholics with the iniquit-

ies of King George of England

—

George III or George V, of the

numeral he was not certain

—

while the next night he would tell

the Protestant Swedish popula-

tion he had never kissed a car-

dinal’s ring as his opponent had.

It all seems amusing now, but it

carries a sober lesson to re-

ligious leaders and followers of

all creeds. The religious issue

is always a potent red-herring

in any political campaign. It

always saves a candidate the

trouble of talking on real is-

sues, and as a technique it never

wears out. Good people continue

to be caught in its toils.

All of us seem to love the mys-

terious. Any public occurrence

which we do not readily under-

stand is easily worked up into a

plot or a conspiracy. Due to the

large numbers of Catholics living

in urban communities, many

Catholics are found in the metro-

politan school systems, therefore

according to some non-Catholics

there is a Catholic plot, led by

that mysterious force the hier-

archy, to capture the school sys-

tem. When a fair sprinkling of

Jews comes into position of



CATHOLICS AND NON-CATHOLICS 37

prominence in any field, then

there is a Jewish plot. Our edu-

cational institutions in the minds

of some people are either hatch-

ing plots or serving as henchmen

of the plotters. Perennially the

plot to put the Pope in the White

Hours rears its silly head, while

millions of Catholics wonder why

they have not been consulted on

“Operation Vatican”. In times

of social stress, the public is

plot-minded. If a semblance of

order ever comes to this dis-

tressful world, we shall all have

time to sit down and have a good

hearty laugh about these horrify-

ing conspiracies.

Before all of us lies a world

—

over half of its wealth destroyed

by war, half of its population

starving and maimed. This is

the time for mercy; this above

all times is the time for the al-

leviation of hatred and suffering.

If men holding a belief in a com-

mon natural and moral law and

in a Supreme Being waste their

time in creating and furthering

inter-credal ill-will and suspicion,

a crusading, rampant paganism

will know how to use the oppor-

tunity for conquest. Each day of

prolonged uncertainty increases

the despair, the bitterness, and

the hopelessness of men. No

short cut to reconstruction lies

before us. The struggle for the

salvation of men’s souls and the

healing of their bodies has never

in all history been more urgent.

I do not wish to minimize the

problem that religious strife con-

stitutes. It is a problem, and not

easy of solution. Despite the

secular nature of our age, relig-

ious convictions are firmly and

deeply held by millions of the

American people. Strife comes

only when men care about the

truth but do not agree upon it.

We can be thankful that they

care. Our problem is to prevent

the misunderstanding of motives

and to establish the law of char-

ity among people who differ on

basic religious truths. Self-re-

straint and respect for the dig-

nity and personality of all men

will, of course, help. A Catholic

may never accept, nor could any

practical realist accept, an amal-

gamation of all creeds into a com-

mon nondescript deism. Nor

may a Catholic believe that it

makes no difference what creed

one follows. Indifferentism most

certainly leads to the destruction

not only of creeds but of faith

itself. All men of good-will must

sooner or later turn their serious

consideration to the solution of

this problem for the avoidance of

scandal among the non-believing,

for the releasing of positive

forces for good, for promotion of



38 OUR FAITH AND OUR PUBLIC PROBLEMS

cooperation where that is per-

missible, and for stabilizing do-

mestic peace.

Recent Popes have said repeat-

edly that the struggle of the pres-

ent day is between believers in

God and the moral law on the

one hand, and those who reject

both God and the law on the

other. They have urged paral-

lel action on socio-economic prob-

lems by religious bodies. In cer-

tain European countries this is

already being realized.

Most Catholics have numerous

Protestant and Jewish friends

who have enriched their lives,

who have given excellent example

in charity, unselfishness, and un-

failing integrity. Thanks to the

spirit of America, we live on

terms of friendship, understand-

ing, and neighborliness with

them. This spirit we are deter-

mined to preserve.

It is related that on a certain

public occasion a procession of

dignitaries was forming before

proceeding to the hall for the

ceremonies. Among the digni-

taries was the late Cardinal Gib-

bons and a prominent bishop of

the Episcopal Church. The bish-

op, turning to the cardinal, said

:

‘‘I believe. Your Eminence, that

according to the rule of prece-

dence the place of honor at the

end of the procession should be

yours.” The Cardinal, taking the

bishop^s arm, replied : “Let us go

forward together, brother.”



THE PURPOSE OF THE CATHOLIC HOUR

(Extract from the address of the late Patrick Cardinal Hayes at the in-

augural program of the Catholic Hour in the studio of the National

Broadcasting Company, New York City, March 2, 1930.)

Our congratulations and our gratitude are extended to the Nations?

Council of Catholic Men and its officials, and to all who, by their financial

support, have made it possible to use this offer of the National Broad-

casting Company. The heavy expense of managing and financing a

weekly program, its musical numbers, its speakers, the subsequent an-

swering of inquiries, must be met. ...

This radio hour is for all the people of the United States. To our

fellow-citizens, in this word of dedication, we wish to express a cordial

greeting and, indeed, congratulations. For this radio hour is one of

service to America, which certainly will listen in interestedly, and even

sympathetically, I am sure, to the voice of the ancient Church with its

historic background of all the centuries of the Christian era, and with

its own notable contribution to the discovery, exploration, foundation

and growth of our glorious country. . . .

Thus to voice before a vast public the Catholic Church is no light

task. Our prayers will be with those who have that task in hand. We
feel certain that it will have both the good will and the good wish^ of

the great majority of our countrymen. Surely, there is no true lover

of our Country who does not eagerly hope for a less worldly, a less

material, and a more spiritual standard among our people.

With good will, with kindness and with Christ-like sympathy for

all, this work is inaugurated. So may it continue. So may it be ful-

filled. This word of dedication voices, therefore, the hope that this radio

hour may serve to make known, to explain with the charity of Christ,

our faith, which we love even as we love Christ Himself. May it serve

to make better understood that faith as it really is—a light revealing
the pathway to heaven: a strength, and a power divine through Christ;

pardoning our sins, elevating, consecrating our common every-day duties

and joys, bringing not only justice but gladness and peace to our search-

ing and questioning hearts.



106 CATHOLIC HOUR STATIONS
In 40 States, the District of Columbia, and Hawaii

Alabama .. Birmingham WBRC* OAn Irr
MobileT... ..

Montgomery
WALA
WSFA

1410 kc
1440 kr

. Arizona KWJR 1240 kc
Phoenix k^tar 620 kc
Safford KGLU 14.S0 kr

KVDA lOOn kr
Yuma KYIIM 1940 kr

California KMI .SRO kr
KFI 640 kc

Sacramento KCRA 1340 kc
San Francisco —KPO 680 kc

Colorado koa 850 kc

Connecticut Hartford . WTIC* 1090 kc

District of Columbia WRC 980 kc

Florida WJAX 930 kc
Miami WIOD 610 kc
Pensacola WCOA 1370 kc
Tampa WFLA 970-620 kc

Georgia WSB 750 kc
Savannah WSAV 1340 kc

ldaho_. Kino 1380 kc

Illinois WMAO 670 kc
Indiana Elkhart WTRC — 1340 kc

Fort Wayne WGL 1450 kc
Terre Haute WBOW 1230 kc

Kansas___ -Hutchinson KWBW 1450 kc
Wichita KANS 1240 kc

Kentucky
_ Louisville WAVE* 970 kc

Louisiana -Lafayette KVOL 1340 kc
Lake Charles KPI C 1490 kc
Monroe KNOE 1930 kc
New Orleans WSMB 1350 kc
Shreveport KTBS -.1480 kc

Maine Augusta _..WRDO 1400 kc

Maryland -Baltimore . . WBAL 1090 kc
Cumberland WTBO 1450 kc

Massachusetts Boston WB7 1030 kr
Springfield WBZA 1030 kc

Michigan Detroit WWI 950 kc
Saginaw WSAM 1400 kc

Minnesota . Duliith-Si jperior WFBC 1320 kc
Hibbing WMFC 1300 kc
Mankato KYSM 1230 kc
Minneapolis-St. Paul. KSTP 1500 kc
Rochester KROC 1340 kr
St. Cloud KFAM 1450 kc
Ny'irginia WHI B 1400 kc

Mississippi Jackson WJDX 1300 kc

Missouri Kansas City WDAF <S10 kr
Springfield KCBX 1960 kr
Saint 1 oiiis Ksn^ 550 kr

Montana Billings KCHI 790 kc
Bozeman KRBM 1450 kr
Butte KCIR 1 370 kc
Helena KPFA 1240 kc



106 CATHOLIC HOUR STATIONS
In 40 States, the District of Columbia, and Hawaii

Nebraska. .North Platte KODY
Omaha WOW

Nevada

New Mexico-

New York

.
Reno. .KOH

North Carolina-

North Dakota...

Ohio

. Albuquerque. KOB

..Buffalo .WBEN
New York WNBC
Schenectady ...WGY

. Charlotte WSOC
Raleigh WPTF
Winston-Salem WSJS

.Bismark KFYR
Fargo WDAY

1240 kc

. 590 kc

. 630 kc

.1030 kc

. 930 kc

. 660 kc

. 810 kc

.1240 kc

. 680 kc

. 600 kc

- 550 kc

. 970 kc

Cleveland.

Oklahoma.

Oregon

Lima WLOK
Toledo WSPD

Oklahoma City WKY
Tulsa KVOO

......Medford KMED
Portland KGW*

Pennsylvania Allentown WSAN
Altoona ...WFBG

Erie WERC
J ohnstown .*. WJAC
Lewistown... WMRF
Philadelphia KYW
Pittsburgh . KDKA
Reading WRAW
Wilkes-Barre WBRE
Williamsport ^^..WRAK

.WTAM 1100 kc
1240 kc

1340 kc

930 kc

1170 kc

Rhode Island Prnvidpnro

South Carolina.. Chnrlpstnn '

Columbia ,..

Greenville

South Dakota Sion>f Falls

Tennessee . Kingsport

Memphis
Nashville

Texas Amarillo

1440 kc

620 kc

1470 kc

1340 kc

1230 kc

1400 kc

1490 kc

1060 kc

1020 kc

1340 kc

.1340 kc

1400 kc

. 920 kc

1250 kc

560 kc
1330 kc

KSOO-KELO ..1140-1230 kc

Utah......

Virginia.

Washington

Wisconsin

WKPT
,WMC*
WSM*

..KGNC
Dallas WFAA
El Paso KTSM
Fort Worth , WPAB*
Houston KPRC
San Antonio WOAI
Weslaco KRGV

Salt Lake City KYDL*

......Harrisonburg WSVA
Norfolk WTAR*
Richmond WMBG

Seattle KOMO
Spokane KHQ

1400 kc

790 kc
650 kc

1440 kc

820 kc

1380 kc

820 kc
950 kc

1200 kc

1290 kc

1320 kc

.... 550 kc
790 kc
1380 kc

950 kc
590 kc

.Eau Claire WEAU 790 kc
La Crosse WKBH 1410 kc
Marinette WMAM 570 kc

Hawaii. .Honolulu ...KGU 760 kc

* Delayed Broadcast

(Revised as of May, 1947)



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