THE CATHOLIC HOUR LIGHT ON THE PATH BY FULTON OURSLER An Editor of the Reader’s Digest The second in a series of addresses by prominent Catholic laypien entitled “THE ROAD AHEAD,” delivered in the Catholic Hour, broad- cast by the National Broadcasting Company in cooperation with the National Council of Catholic Men on June 9, 1946, by Fulton Oursler, an editor of the Reader’s Digest. After the series has been concluded on the radio, it will be made available in one pamphlet. National Council of Catholic Men Washington, D. C. LIGHT ON We have seen that the trend of the nations in their approach to the future has seemed to bend toward evil rather than good. Each day the need for moral leadership grows more nakedly visible. We behold that need in every failing and collapsing pow- wow of the prime ministers, as in Paris and London; with every compromise and stale-mate in the Assembly sessions of the United Nations here in New York. Greed and fear and hypocrisy, yes, and even hatred, and scorn for principle, can no longer be concealed from the dullest eye. The international discord is loud enough to jar the ear-drums of the deaf. Yet the stern, clear voice of conscience speaks in the souls of common people every- where. They want their leaders to make peace. In many places, 'we are hearing that moral leadership of all mankind should be assumed by the United States. The question is, are we capable and deserving of such leader- ship? How stand matters with our own conscience? Toward what destination is our country headed? Whither goes the great Republic? Have we, in our na- tional life, demonstrated such moral force and strength that THE PATH we may admonish the rest of the world? At first glance, it would surely not seem so. If ever there was a time when moral leadership was needed at home, it is now. To- day the problem of character education is concerning far- sighted men and women in every field, precisely because in every field there is the inescapable evi- dence of internal moral collapse. If I had hours to speak, there would still not be time enough to recite the penalties already visit- ed on our national life solely be- cause we have turned our faces away from plain and simple duty. We are living through a year of formidable and dangerous strikes. Are strikes immoral then? Men are driven to strikes by immorality. Force is always the confession of moral failure. And that is what a strike is — the employment of force, of su- perior power to make sure that you get what you want. The fault may lie with a greedy or power-crazy employer or with an equally greedy or power-crazy union leader. Often it lies with both. Where the blame lies is incidental; the fact remains that when all negotiations fail, and the strike order comes, there can be but one conclusion—on one side or the other, someone want- ed too much! The black market ! Who would dare defend it in principle? Who will not admit its corruption? Yet who does not patronize it? All too few ! The black market is caused by the meeting of two immoral forces—in him who buys is gluttony or pride or covetousness ; in him who sells is greed. Juvenile delinquency! Ex- amine into its causes and you will find first blame laid by all authorities on the doorstep of home. Further, you will find the home weakened to its deepest foundation by three modern de- vices of evil—a conspiracy of mutual infidelity, regarded as modern and sophisticated; sepa- ration and divorce. And these destroyers of family life are born of deadly sins; they rise out of lust and anger, covetousness and pride. Who will deny that juve- nile delinquency represents a moral breakdown in our national life? As for crime—does an intelli- gent American audience need to be reminded that, no matter what trophies we win or lose in international sports, we never lose our trophy as the world's champion in crime? Since I be- gan talking into this microphone there have been committed in the United States 21 crimes. I do not mean minor offenses or mis- demeanors. I mean highway rob- bery, murder, arson, kidnapping, and other crimes of violence. Every 22 seconds of all the minutes, of all the hours, of all the 365 days of the year—three major crimes a minute is our average. The cost to you and me, as taxpayers, is more than fifteen billion dollars a year. That is four hundred percent more than we spend for edu- cation. It exceeds all our normal taxes. It figures down to one hundred and twenty dollars a year for every man, woman and child in the United States. Yet, even as a matter of dol- lars and cents, the average citi- zen is cynically indifferent to the situation. He thinks the cost of crime does not reach him per- sonally. He thinks he does not pay any part of this underworld bill. He is very much mistaken. Because of the police and courts and prisons, but more especially because of racketeerings in busi- ness and industry, every Amer- ican citizen is taxed to keep the criminal army going. There is a crime tax on every meal we eat, on the hats and coats and shoes we wear, on our' rent, laundry, moving picture tickets—on al- most everything. Clearly, if we could cut that cost only in half, we could pay a large portion of our defense bill without further expense of any kind. Only a strange public apathy to this disease of demo- cracy prevents us from greatly reducing our annual crime bill, a bill reckoned not only in bil- lions of dollars but also in untold human misery and death. In twelve months nearly one million five hundred thousand violent crimes were committed in the United States—robbery, assault, burglary, larceny, kid- napping, manslaughter, murder. These figures are from the Fed- eral Bureau of Investigation of the Department of Justice. Take murder as an example. In one year eleven thousand and nine hundred criminal homicides were committed. That was at the rate of thirty-two murders a day, more than one murder every hour. In that same year there were more than fifty-five thou- sand robberies and forty-six thousand assaults. That is why we have to finance one hundred and twenty state and federal prisons, four thousand city and county jails and ten thousand police lock-ups, with a prison population of half a million. And when we realize that only twenty-two percent of the crimi- nals who are put on trial are ever convicted, and when we further consider the percentage of unsolved crimes for which no one is ever tried, we begin to get a true understanding of the ex- tent of this problem. Nor can we tell the police they are not on the job; they will retort that the prison population has increased more than eighty percent in the last ten years. In suggesting that the United States assume the moral leader- ship of the world, who can ig- nore this unparalleled and fac- tual picture of our own immoral record? For much of this, we may hold accountable the secularized edu- cation in our public schools. You can teach about banks and labor unions, about hospitals and or- phanages, about public buildings and art museums, but you dare not say one word about the churches and synagogues in the community—for that would be religious instruction. In this na- tion religious instruction in the public school is illegal. It is a crime to teach about God. Is it any wonder that millions of Americans are religiously illiter- ate, that they entertain a nega- tive prejudice towards religion? In the name of separation of church and state a havoc had been wrought in public schools that would make our founding fathers turn in their graves. We have deviated a long way from the principle of the Northwest Ordinance— "religion, morality and knowledge” are "necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind.” The one grave question of the future is—in what direction will this country go? Whither the United States? Far beyond our boundaries that riddle is impor- tant. To many it must seem that here is the last sanctuary of freedom; if the fires lighted by Washington and Jefferson and Lincoln die out on this hearth, then there will be no fire in all the world to warm the hands of freedom. . The greatest oppor- tunity the United States will ever have is right now. We have the chance to better the world by setting our own home in order. By being true to ourselves we shall give the rest of the world its greatest moral example. No iron curtain can hide that example forever from men’s eyes. What then shall we do to be true to ourselves as we seek to go down the road of the future? Again, as always, while the de- tails may be complex, the whole is simple. Our duty is never hard to understand, if we face prob- lems honestly. In the teachings of our Church there is light on the path. As a nation, we must help the rest of mankind. Not within our means but beyond and far be- yond our means. We must over- come in ourselves the sin of glut- tony, and, forgetting the full dinner pail, the two chickens in every pot, two cars in every garage and such cheap-jack ap- peals to the stomach and well- being generally. We must go the second mile, we must give not only our coat but our cloak also. We must never be able to sit at banquets and forget that mil- lions of babies perish for food that we can spare them. The nation must go back to God. For the pride of nationalism, we must prefer the humility of heavenly citizenship under our Father, Almighty God who has made us brothers and sisters to red men, yellow men, black men ; one family. We must not % only abjure covetousness in our own national policy but we must re- fuse to be a party to it in im- moral deals with other powers. We must not be an accessory to the fact of another nation steal- ing its neighbors’ land or re- sources. Yet in all this, we must lock up anger so that it cannot destroy us. In meekness of spirit, we must be firm as the saints were firm; meek as they were meek when they were burned to death for the faith that gave them strength to die as martyrs. For envy, we must turn to brotherly love. Let the world see in our eyes as we meet the scrutiny of other nations, charity and patience, fidelity and mercy. Let them know that we are sincere in our high ideals, because we practice them at home. To practice the virtues and works of mercy here at home, as they are taught in our Holy Mother Church can be the only right road into the future for us. Let us in our domestic life go back joyously to the sanctity of the home, and return moral and religious education into every school room. These are the very first steps on the road that will lead us forward in achievement —because it leads us back to God.* Let us be Christians and pray to the Holy Ghost for wis- dom and understanding; forti- tude and the fear of the Lord, which, so we were taught of old, is the beginning of wisdom. Let us be Christians and seek, as the fruits of the Holy Ghost, all patience and goodness and joy—for that, too, belongs to the Christian. Let us remember and practice the Beatitudes as uttered by Our Lord in the Sermon on the Mount. If we are truly Christian we shall be poor in spirit, not lauding .ourselves over others; we shall mourn not only over our own sorrows but over the sorrow of our fellows, and know that they, as well as we shall be com- forted. Mourning over the sor- rows of others means that we care about all the social injustice that man has worked upon his brothers and his sisters. We shall hunger and thirst after jus- tice—and having found it, we shall practice also the Beatitude that comes right next to justice —“Blessed are the merciful !” We shall be clean of heart and m we shall be peace makers—and if it becomes necessary, we serve notice on the world, we are ready to suffer persecution. And let us be so Christian that in all the struggles that seem to loom on the road ahead, we shall most surely avoid these final, horrible ultimate sins that cry to heaven for vengeance. Let the world never forget what are those sins, worst deeds of all, sins that cry to heaven for ven- geance. Wilful murder! Natu- rally! All would agree to that. The sin of Sodom. Yes! But the other two! Let all the church- haters and atheists and mission- aries of class hatred, and stirrers up of working people against their brothers be reminded of this—the two remaining sins that cry to heaven for vengeance, in the glorious historic position of the Catholic Church are—op- pression of the poor and de- frauding laborers of their wages. Let us be Christian and prac- tice these virtues in our domestic life. Their observance is a part of our Christian duty. Let Amer- ica as a nation go back to these first principles. By practicing them, we shall have taken the only sure way to moral leader- ship, because we shall be prac- ticing morality before we seek to impose it on others. Until we do that, all admonishment to the rest of the world will avail us nothing. The way to moral leadership is to lead a moral national life. THE CATHOLIC HOUR 1930—Seventeenth Year—1946 The nationwide Catholic Hour was inaugurated on March 2, 1930, by the National Council of Catholic Men in cooperation with the National Broadcasting Company and its associated stations. Radio facilities are provided by NBC and the stations associated with it; the pro- gram is arranged and produced by NCCM. The Catholic Hour was begun on a network of 22 stations, and now carries its message of Catholic truth on each Sunday of the year through a number of sta- tions varying from 90 to 110, situated in 40 states, the District of Columbia, and Hawaii. Consisting usually of an address, mainly expository, by one or another of America's leading Catholic preachers—though some- times of talks by laymen, sometimes of dramatizations —and of sacred music provided by a volunteer choir, the Catholic Hour has distinguished itself as one of the most popular and extensive religious broadcasts in the world. An average of 100,000 audience letters a year, about twenty per cent of which come from listeners of other faiths, gives some indication of its popularity and influence. Our Sunday Visitor Press Huntington , Indiana 454