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THE JESUITS:

THEIR HISTORY, CONSTITUTION, MORAL

TEACHING
,
POLITICAL PRINCIPLES,

RELIGION, AND SCIENCE.

BY

DE. OTTO HENNE am EHYNY

NEW YORK:

J. FITZGERALD & CO.

28 Lafayette Place.

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THE JESUITS:
by

W. H. A1STI)EKDOX, SJ.

1881 .





.\5
~

THE JESUITS:

THEIR HISTORY
,
CONSTITUTION

,
MORAL

TEACHING
,
POLITICAL PRINCIPLES

,

RELIGION
\
AND SCIENCE.

BY

DB. OTTO HENNE am EHYN.

Copyright. 1895, by J. Fitzgerald.

NEW YORK:

J. FITZGERALD & CO.,

28 Lafayette Place.





CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGE

I. Introduction to the History of the

Jesuits ...... i
II. Founding of the Society: its Growth.

7

III. Suppression and Restoration of the

Society ...... 20
IV. Constitution of the Society

39

V. Moral Doctrine of the Jesuits .
. 47

Addendum on Probabilism
. 59

VI. Political Principles of the Jesuits . 65

VII. Religion of the Jesuits.... 71
VIII. Educational System of the Jesuits . 76

IX. Pro and Contra ..... 8g





THE JESUITS

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY

OF THE JESUITS.

That the opposition, in Germany and Switzerland,

to the repeal of the Jesuit laws springs solely or chiefly

out of fear of the Jesuits on the part of Protestants, we

hold to be entirely erroneous: nay, such opinion in-

volves a total misconception of the German character.

Not only Protestants, save such of them as have been

won over to Rome or are moving in that direction, but

also educated Catholics who are not in any way depen-

dent on the Ultramontane party, are enemies of the

Society of Jesus on principle: such Catholics, however,

if they care to remain in the Church of Rome must not

speak out, because for a good while or ever since Pius

IX. renounced his liberal opinions (1849), that church



2 THE JESUITS.

has been dominated by the Jesuits. This hatred of

Jesuits has nothing in common with fear or apprehen-

sion: it is a healthy inborn Germanic hatred for a

society that with the greatest persistence has ever com-

bated and depreciated whatever is held dear and sacred

by the German nation as a whole. And this is posi-

tively no question of Protestantism, though it was the

Jesuits that reduced the numerical strength of Protest-

antism in Germany in the 16th and 17th centuries from

being nine-tenths of the population to one half. Nor

does this enmity toward the Jesuit order imply any,

depreciation of the services rendered by Jesuits in the

propagation of the Christian religion, or in various

departments of science, or in the care of the poor and

the sick, etc. The thing that is attacked is the J e s u i t

system, which in the first place is thoroughly hos-

tile to the progress of science in the broad sense of the

term, secondly to freedom of thought, and thirdly to

Germanic civilization. We say nothing here of moral-
ity, though most of the Jesuits who have written on

morals with permission of superiors, favor the immoral

principle of Probabilism; because the maxim, ‘ The end

justifies the means ”—a too free version of their dis-
tinctive principle—is accepted by most non -Jesuits and
even by many anti-Jesuits. But it is to be remembered

that the Jesuits were the authors of the papal ‘‘Syllabus,”

which anathematizes all the achievements of modern

civilization and in particular the independence of states

and the freedom of conscience; that the Jesuits still

hold fast the belief in devils, witches, and sorcerers

;

and that it is by the Jesuits that the already too

materialistic faith of the unlettered classes is made

still more materialistic and base by the cult of the

“sacred heart” and other senseless forms of devotion.

To obtain a correct notion of the history of the rise of



INTRODUCTION. 3

the Jesuit order, we must glance at the general history

of Christian nations prior to that event : without such

retrospect the history of the Jesuits cannot be under-

stood.

Christianity, at its introduction into Europe, found

already existing the antagonism of the Germanic and

the Romanic peoples—the Romanic without a common
descent, and held together only by the language and

culture of Rome : the Germanic of one common stock,

with its native vigor unimpaired by the overrefinement

of Rome and the degeneracy of Roman morals and

Roman vices. It was inevitable that Christianity should

assume among the Romans and Germans respectively

forms as diverse as it did among the races of Grecian

speech and culture in eastern Europe and in western

Asia. But whereas the nations of Grecian origin occu-

pied a territory apart, the Germanic and Romanic races,

after the great migration of nations, lived not only side

by side, but also, in part, intermingled with each

other. Wherever the latter situation existed the

Germanic and Romanic ideas of Christianity of course

permeated each other; but wherever the two stocks

lived apart, the specific ideas of each asserted supremacy.

In the Scandinavian North the memories of Germanic

heathenism survived fora long time, and were collected

in the
4 *Edda” even under the dominance of the Christian

religion. In Germany these memories were effaced by

the Romanic apostles, especially by the Romanized

Anglosaxon Boniface, save a few remnants that were

fixed in the fireside tales, and in popular usages
;
never-

theless most of the days of the week continued to be

named after the Aesir of the Scandinavian mythology.

So too in the Romanic lands the week-days retained the

names of Roman gods, and that with the Church’s

consent; and Roman morals and manners persisted in



4 THE JESUITS

many instances, though modified by Christianity.

After the great emperor Karl (Charlemagne), in

spite of many a blemish, one of the foremost heroes of

civilization in the world’s history, had turned his atten-

tion to the ancient Teutonic traditions, those traditions

again took root among the Germanic nations, unhindered

by the zealous efforts of his son Louis the Pious for their

suppression. Although these nations, with the entire

West, acknowledged the primacy of Rome, because it

was the fashion to regard Rome as the capital of the

world, nevertheless they maintained their right to their

own conception of Christianity. The imperial power,

which they had made fast to their own race stock, gave

to the Germanic spirit (Germanism, Teutonism) a stand-

ing over against the Romanic Papacy, and in the

“Roman empire of the German nation” (Imperium

romanum nationis germanicae) asserted its superiority

over the Romanic popedom, till the weak Henry IV.,

crowned in his childhood by his own evil fortune, came

to the throne; but after its decline under that weakling

Germanism rose again under the vigorous Hohen-

staufens. During the Middle Age German poetry

in its masterpieces shows itself independent of Romanic

influences. In the “ Heljand ” though that poem was

written in the time of Louis the Pious, Christ appears not

as a pope, cardinal, or bishop, but, as a kingly hero, his

disciples as his royal train, and the last supper as a

banquet of heroes. In vain do we seek in it for manifes-

tations of extreme Christian lowliness
;
and the ideas of

heathendom are treated as gently as possible. In the

grand epic, the Nibelungenlied, of the Hohenstaufen

era, there is very little that is Christian, and the Papacy

has no place at all. But still more striking is the total

absence of reference to the Roman hierarchy in
“ Parcifal,” a poem full of devout Christian sentiment.



INTRODUCTION. 5

Even the Trinity of the Godhead is not named; the

mystery of the atoning death of the Son of God is

guarded, not by a priest in a church, but by knights in an

enchanted castle; and a “ paynim, ” i. e. a Moslem, is

brother of the Christian hero.

In the dreadful Kaiserless times (after the excom-

munication and deposal of Henry IV.) the splendor

of that empire in which men in those times recognized

a universal Christian Kingdom, was made naught.

The alliance of a part of the German nation with the

Papacy against the Empire, i. e. with Romanism against

Germanism, had brought about this lamentable incident

in a glorious history. But the Papacy found in the

result little cause of rejoicing: simultaneously the

Church began to show signs of dissolution. Satiric

allusions to the Papacy and the clergy were to be seen

in the work of sculptors even in Gothic cathedrals. A
number of sects sprung up, all aiming at the restora-

tion of primitive Christian simplicity in the place of

Roman hierarchism. At last, in the fourteenth century

the Papacy was split up into hostile factions under

three or four popes. A universal reaction had set in
against the efforts not only of the Church, but of the

State also, for unity.

The separation of Church and State reached its

consummation at the Schism of the church, or Reforma-

tion. The politico-religious movement of the sixteenth

century which we call “the Reformation” was no sudden

occurrence happening at that moment unexpectedly, by

which the Church of Christ was wickedly and maliciously

rent asunder; it simply marked a period in the history

of the opposition to the system that had become domi-

nant in the Church, and to creeds imposed by force—an
opposition that had been persistently maintained from

the earliest ages of Christianity, and that had found



6 THE JESUITS.

forcible expression among statesmen and churchmen,

among scholars and artists, but especially among the

adherents of the numerous sects. Nor did the reform-

ers concoct the Reformation so that they might take

wives, as is often alleged : though surely the desire of

marriage is nothing censurable, nay rather must ap-

pear highly virtuous in view of the concubinage so pre-

valent among the clergy shortly before the Reforma-

tion, when priests could, without marrying, indulge

every lustful desire, as is fully established by contem-

porary documents and by the statements of writers of

the times who were strict Catholics, as Sebastian Brant,

Thomas Murner, Erasmus, and others. The fact is

that at the Reformation the revolt of the Germanic

spirit against the now dominant Romanic element had

reached its height and an outbreak was inevitable.

Respect for the Church had fallen so low, because of

her corruption in the fifteenth century, that with the

new movement were associated all kinds of excesses,

each aiming to remedy the existing evils in a way of its

own. The ancient authority of the Church was wrecked,

chiefly by her own fault, and no new authority had

taken its place. This state of things wrought mischief

as well in the political field through the bloody war of

the peasants (1525) as in the religious field through

disastrous schisms. Sundry remnants of those sects

which during the Middle Age had striven to keep alive

the ideas of primitive Christianity and who had been

persecuted as heretics, refused scornfully to join the

Reformation, because the reformers wanted a state

church instead of a free congregational church
;
hence

they were mercilessly put down by both Catholic and

Protestant governments. To these sectaries—erronne-
ously called Anabaptists because, after the example of

the early Christians, they baptized not children but only



FOUNDING OF THE ORDER. 7

adults—flocked the worst elements of the population

;

and thus was the cause of free religion brought into

disrepute in the minds of after generations by the religio-

political fury of those people. But there was one act

in the Anabaptist drama which marked the culmina-

tion of their insanity, namely the founding of the

“Kingdom of Zion” in the Westphalian city of Munster

—a kingdom which had so bloody an ending. And this
fact appears to us all the more worthy of remark, be-

cause here we see insanity aiming to realize the selfsame

fundamental idea which the Jesuits afterward realized

with consummate sagacity, namely, the founding of a

spiritual kingdom designed to comprise all mankind.

CHAPTER II.

FOUNDING OF THE JESUIT ORDER:

ITS GROWTH.

So great was the advance of the Protestant cause
during the struggles of the Reformation era, that its

Roman opponent became alarmed, and the fall of its
spiritual empire was ever before its eyes as a terrifying

phantom. The question then was for Rome, To be or
not to be—to do or die. But for effective action she
had need of an aggressive force armed with the sword
of the spirit. The Papacy was not, such a force

;
for the

popes who immediately preceded as well as those who
reigned during the period of schism, had, by their



8 THE JESIUTS.

weakness, frivolity, avarice, and want of principle,

disgraced the See of Peter in the sight of all Christen-

dom. Hence the weapons to be employed against the

advance of Protestantism had to come from a different

arsenal from that upon the Tiber—from believing Spain,
which had just happily ended an 8oo-year war against

the enemies of Christianity, and which was therefore

still fervid in zeal, and in its religious belief un-

touched by the skepticism of the age. The devout chiv-

alry of that fanatic country produced the hero whose

mission was, if not by his personal efforts, then by

those of his Institute, to revive Catholi cum, to recon-

quer many of its lost provinces, and to re-establish the

tottering chair of St. Peter.

If the ingenioso hidalgo Don Quixote, knight of the

rueful countenance, instead of being a figment of the

brain of Cervantes had actually lived and had founded

according to his own fancy an order of knights which

should, under the direction of more realistic successors,

assume practical shape, such a phenomenon were not

more marvelous than the Society of Jesus—-the resusci-
tation, under a new form better adapted to the age, of

monkery which was supposed to be dead and buried in

consequence of the Reformation. The founder of that

institute, Inigo (Ignatius) Lopez de Recalde, born 1491

in the castle of Loyola (whence his surname) in the

Basque province of Guipuzcoa, was severely wounded

in the defense of Pampelona against the French 1521,

and after a risky operation on a shattered leg was lame

for life. Thus rendered incapable of military service,

he was, by reading the lives of saints while confined in

bed, transformed into a soldier of Gcd and the Virgin.

Quite naturally, under the excitement of this reading

he had visions in his fever dreams, the Virgin appear-

ing to him with the infant Jesus. In their honor he re-

nounced all worldly lusts and vowed himself to a godly



9 FOUNDING OF THE ORDER

life. As knight of Mary he kept vigil one night before

her miraculous image on Montserrat, a mountain near

Barcelona
;
in the morning he suspended his sword from

the altar, gave away his secular garb and all his

money, and wrapped him round in sackcloth with a

thick cord as girdle. He now lived a vagabond beggar;

fasted, prayed, scourged himself, wore around his body

an iron chain and a girdle of thorns
;
and by dint of

these mortifications reached such a state that at the

mass when the priest elevated the host Ignatius clearly

discerned therein the body and blood of Christ. He

had frequent ecstasies and visions; evangelized the

people, converted sinners, adopted the famous motto

“Ad Majorem Dei Gloriam ” (to God’s greater glory);

pilgrimed to the Holy Land, and on his return began,

though 33 years of age, to learn Latin, and studied

philosophy at Alcala and theology at Salamanca. But

the sciences, with the “poison ” contained in them, gave

offense to his devout spirit, and his religious zeal

brought him under suspicion of heresy with the Inquis-

tion : at both Alcala and Salamanca he was imprisoned,

but was released after a few weeks, nothing having

been discovered to his prejudice. He must have seen

that there was nothing for him to do in Spain, that foe

of all innovation; he therefore set out afoot for Paris.

At Paris he took up his studies again, beginning at the be-

ginning (for the requirements there were more strict than

in Spain) i here again he was denounced to the Domini-

cans’ Inquisition, but was not brought to trial. He now

gathered to himself six young men, three of them

Spaniards, one a Portuguese, one a Navarrese, and one

a Savoyard. These enlisted for his project of going to

Jerusalem, and if that were not feasible, of offering

themselves to the Pope, to be sent by him whitherso-

ever he would. On the feast of the Assumption, 1534, in



10 THE JESUITS.

the crypt chapel of the church of Montmartre, after re-

ceiving the communion and pronouncing the three mon-

astic vows, they pledged themselves in common to carry

out the project. Such was the solemn and mystic

founding of the Society of Jesus. Without a moment’s

delay its founders set about their work of confirming

the Catholics in the faith, leading back the doubters

into the bosom of the Church and strengthening them

against the “ heretical plague of the time,” as the

Reformation is designated by the historian and encomi-

ast of the Jesuits, Professor Buss. Friends in Spain,

men and women, as is shown by the letters of Ignatius,

provided in abundance all things needed. At Venice

the brethren saw their number increased to ten by the

accession of a Savoyard and two Frenchmen. Every

day on the route they heard mass and communicated, and

they everywhere wore the rosary beads around the neck

as a public profession of their faith in heretical localities.

The war emergencies of the time hindered their jour-

ney to the Holy Land; so they presented themselves

before Pope Paul III. (the first real pope since the out-

break of the religious revolt), who gave them encourage-

ment and support. Those of them who before were not

priests were now ordained, but they traversed Italy in

ragged garb and distinguished themselves from the body

of the clergy by the extreme austerity of their lives. In

1537 they decided to settle in Rome, and Loyola gave to

his society the name “ Company of Jesus,” thus signify-

ing that it was designed to be a battalion of Christian sol-

diers in the service of Jesus and his vicegerent on earth.

In Rome where they were received with very scant

favor, being persecuted and opposed by the pampered

clergy, and even denounced as heretics, the first Jesuits

had the sense to trust in their founder’s energetic

character and his ready eloquence as a defense against



POUNDING OP THE ORDER. 11

their enemies. From Paul III. they received signal

tokens of approval, whereupon they added to the three

customary vows a fourth, of unconditional devotion to

the Pope. Among the cardinals they still had some

enemies
;
but certain princely patrons worked for them,

and on the 27th of September 1540 the Pope gave in

the bull “ Regimini Militantis Ecclesiae” his sanction

to the Constitution of the Society drafted by Loyola.

“The aim of the Society,” says a recent writer, “was

to battle against heresy with every possible means—by
preaching, by teaching, by publishing works on literary,

scientific, and political subjects.” “My idea,” said
Loyola,

‘
‘ is not that I have given up military service

but that I have transferred it to God.” Of course

Ignatius was immediately chosen as the Society’s first

General. At the election he himself cast a blank bal-

lot, and was sufficiently assurred that his formal

declination would not be accepted. He lived entirely

for the end he had proposed to himself, and rejected

all other aims. Being a man of purest moral character

he surely had no thought of the extravagant principles

which later were published by so many of his disciples

;

yet he laid the foundation of such maxims in his say-

ing that “exceptional prudence, joined with middling

sanctity, is of more account than a greater sanctity

with less prudence.” For Loyola was not only an ideal

enthusiast but also a shrewd man of affairs; and in

admitting new members he used, as his secretay Pob

anco informs us, to prize more highly stability of

character, business capacity, a good understanding,

worldly wisdom, and a pleasing exterior, than goodness

and piety; and in his later years he not only quit the

use of the discipline himself, but dissuaded therefrom

his foremost colaborers in the most express terms.

The Society of Jesus, after its approval by the



12 THE JESUITS.

P°pe
, grew rapidly. Loyola from the first impressed

on it a strictly international character. He permitted

no member to live in his own country, but sent his dis-

ciples into foreign lands where they would be freed

from all ties of kindred or of friendship. Six years

after the order was founded it numbered already sev-

eral hundred members, and had its representatives in

all countries
;
and this though it had in many lands to

contend against a popular prejudice fanned by the jeal-

ousy of other religious orders and of the secular clergy.
r Even in Spain, the founder’s native land, the order

met with resolute opposition. The Dominicans called

the Jesuits (by whom they deemed their own conse-

quence as inquisitors menaced) forerunners of Anti-

Christ. Alcala and Salamanca were zealous opponents

of the institute founded by their alumnus. The

Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo inhibited them from

hearing confessions
;
in Saragossa they were mobbed.

It was Francis Borgia, duke of Gandia, himself a mem-

ber of the order, that made peace between Spain and

her son.

In France the Sorbonne (the Paris theological fac-

ulty) in 1554 condemned the Society and declared it to

be ‘ ‘ a menace to the faith
;
calculated to disturb the

peace of the Church, to overthrow the monastic orders,

and fitted rather for destruction than for edification.”

At length, however, Catholic France recognized in the

Jesuits its trustiest confederates in the struggle with

Protestantism, and tolerated them.

The number of adherents of the order was restricted

to sixty in the bull of institution
;
but Loyola did not

stand at that, taking the sixty to mean so many Pro-

f e s s i or members in the highest grade. The complais-

ant Pope, however, who knew the value of this army as

against the Reformation, annulled the restriction in



FOUNDING OF THE ORDER 13

1543, and thereafter loaded the society with privileges.

“In 1545 he conferred on the order the largest fac-

ulties for reservation of the eucharist, hearing confes-

sions, and absolving penitents in all quarters of the

world, also for preaching. Two years later he freed

the Jesuits in perpetuity from the obligation of direct-

ing convents of nuns. October 18th 1549 by the bull

“Licet Debitum” once for all he granted to them all

the privileges of the monastic orders, particularly the

faculty of imparting absolution to all their members and

subjects for all and singular their sins which were by

the canon law reserved to the Holy See. This latter

faculty regularly would be in abeyance during the

jubilee year, but Pope Julius III. allowed an exception

in favor of the Jesuits: for them this restriction was

never to stand. In 1551 the Pope threatened with the

greater ^excommunication and all the penalties conse-

quent thereon, all persons whosoever should impugn

the rules, rights and privileges of the Society, or who

should hinder its members in the lawful exercise of

their functions. ”( M . Philippson, Westeuropa
in dem Zeitalter von Philipp II. Berlin
1882. Compare Cretin eau-Joly, Hist, de

la Comp, de Jesus).
By promising the help of the order, as also by the use

of flattery and a submissive deportment, as related by

the Jesuit Orlandino, historian of the Society, Loyola

won the favor of the Catholic princes and potentates.

His letters show that he did not scruple to propose and

to urge upon those in authority a division of the proper-

ty of other religious orders between the princes and his

Society. This was tried in Bavaria, and a like offer was

made to Charles V. with regard to Spain; but the

scheme failed through the Emperor’s aversion for what-

ever would prejudice his sovereign rights. In the mid-



14 the jEsmra

die of the centuiy was established at Rome the first
educational institute of the order, the Collegio Romano,

which within five years of its being founded sent one

hundred of its alumni into every quarter of the globe.

In the meantime the Collegium Germanicum was also

founded, with the object of counteracting by the aid of

Germans the reformatory movement in Germany, where

already nine-tenths of the people had gone over to the

Protestant cause.

Such being the situation, Germany must needs be

the chief objective point of the Jesuits’ struggle for the

restoration of the ancient creed. But their success was

neither complete nor speedy, nor was it won by their

own efforts alone: it was only partial, was won very

slowly, and with the help of other instrumentalities,

whether spiritual or, as was most largely the case,

mundane.

The Society was still young. Loyola the enthus-

iast was still living (he died 1556) and no Escobar, San-

chez, Vasquez, Busembaum had yet written their pecu-

liar moral treatises, when the new Institute was planted

in Germany: there the Catholic party regarded the

Society in all good faith as the prop of the Church. In

1551 the Jesuits under the patronage of Ferdinand I.,

king of the Romans, founded their college at Vienna,

in 1554-56 the colleges at Cologne, Ingolstadt and

Prague, in 1559 that at Munich, in 1561 those at Treves

and Mayence; and in 1556, mainly through the indefa-

tigable industry of the Dutchman Peter de Hondt, known

to us as Canisius, they had spread a great net over the

whole of Bavaria, Tyrol, Franconia, Suabia, the great-

er part of Austria, and the Rhine countries; and were

on the eve of settling in Hungary. Ingolstadt was the

focus of Jesuit scholarship, the rays of which dazzled

the eyes of the short-sighted. Even the Protestants



FOUNDING OF THE ORDER 15

suffered themselves to be cajoled, and sent their sons

to the Jesuits. Wherever they got foothold they forth-

with brought back again the almost obsolete relics of

saints, rosaries, fasts, and pilgrimages. It was a mili-

tary expedition of the Roman- Catholic spirit into the.

domain of German and Protestant culture.

The results appeared first in Bavaria. Duke Albert

V.
,

previously inclined to make concessions to his peo-

ple (a majority of whom had embraced Protestantism),

at the close of the Council of Trent suddenly turned

against the Protestants, sent Jesuits among them as a

proselytizing army, and wherever they remained true to

their faith drove them into banishment. Quantities of

the books named in the “Index Expurgatorius” were

burned, and Jesuit books spread abroad instead. But

the Duke did not limit himself to his own dominion.

His ward, Philip II., son of Philibert, margrave of Ba-

den-Baden, who had died in France in the ranks of

the Huguenots, was by his command brought up in the

Catholic faith; and in the two years 1570-71 he pro-

cured the conversion of the people of the margravate

to the ancient creed by his Jesuits. At the same time

Canisius was commissioned to visit the Catholic princes,

to exhort them to united action, unconditional acceptance

of the Tridentine decrees, and denial of any concessions

to the Protestants. His efforts were crowned with suc-

cess : clerical seminaries sprang up everywhere : in the

Catholic universities beginning with Dillingen, no can-

didate was now admitted to degrees without signing the

Tridentine confession of faith; and the same subscrip-

tion was required of all schoolmasters in the bishopric

of Treves. The ecclesiastical princes, previously so

indifferent, now appeared in every church procession,

at every vesper service. Daniel Brendel, elector of

Mayence, till then tolerant, went forth now, with Jesuit



THE JESUITS.is

assistance, conquering, expelled the Protestant preach-

ers from his Saxon possessions in Eichsfeld, and put

Jesuits in their stead. The abbot of Fulda acted in the

same way. Imperial privileges, pleaded by the Protes-

ants, were everywhere disregarded. This aroused the

Protestants to resistance. In the domain of Fulda the

doughty abbot was set upon by his nobles and compelled

to abdicate, 1576. A noteworthy attempt at withstand-
ing the Catholic movement—and it was an attempt that
required no little courage—was made by Gebhard
Truchsess, archbishop of Cologne, on taking possession

of that see 1577. Truchsess openly confessed a lean-

ing toward Protestantism
;
he never performed the

mass; he meditated transforming his electorate into a

secular and hereditary princedom. He actually declared

his purpose of turning Protestant and marrying, and

herein he had the backing of the Count Palatine John

Casimir: but in 1583 they both succumbed to the power

of the- Pope and the arms of Bavaria and Spain; Truch-

sess had to flee and to give place to the Bavarian Prince

Ernest, a young man of dissolute life, who already pos-

sessed four bishoprics. Henry von Lauenburg, Bishop

of Paderborn and Osnabriick, who had been inclined to

follow the example of Truchsess, died 1585 by a fall

from his horse. Jesuits, backed by armed force,

swarmed into the jurisdictions of these two bishops,

and afterward into Munster in Westphalia, Hildesheim,

and other districts. Julius bishop of Wurzburg con-

verted his capital and the appurtenant territory to

Catholicism by force
;
and the bishop of Bamberg fol-

lowed his example: in both dioceses monasteries were

again fifled With monks and nuns. In the free city of

Cologne attendance at Protestant preaching was pun-

ished with fine and imprisonment; in Augsburg and

Regensburg the Protestants were visited with banish-



FOUNDING OF THE OEDER. 17

ment. Nay, the papal nuncio and the Jesuits and their

understrappers even made attempts to convert Protes-

tant princes in Saxony, Hesse, and the Palatinate, and

with the princes their people; and strenuous efforts

were made to purge the imperial supreme court of its

Protestant members. Disciples of the Jesuits climbed

into the places of the ecclesiastical princes, and then with

fearful conscientiousness did away every remnant of

Protestantism.

The carrying out of this system encountered great-

est difficulty in Austria, but precisely in that country

was the process of conversion most ruthless and bloody.

The Reformation had spread widely over Austria, and

the University of Vienna was for the South of Germany

a focus of Protestantism as Wittenberg for the North.

High officials favored the Reformation, and the mona-

steries were many of them deserted. In vain were dra-

conian decrees, threatening death by fire and water,

published by the government at the instigation of the

bishops. The diet of Austria was almost wholly Prot-

estant; in Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola the nobility

zealously promoted the new doctrine, and Protestantism

was in the ascendant. Nay, in Tyrol the tendency to-

ward the reformed religion degenerated into a furious

peasant revolt, tinctured with anabaptistry
;
but the

tendency was put down, and first of all in the heredit-

ary dominions, with the sword, the scaffold, and the

stake. In Bohemia, Hussitism, its embers still glim-

mering, was transformed into the most pronounced

Lutheranism
;
but it warred with no less zeal for the

triumph of the Czech language than for that of the new

doctrine.

At the middle of the 16th century hardly one-tenth

of the population of Austria, and of upper Austria

hardly one-twentieth, was Catholic. Even monasteries



18 THE JESUITS.

gave stipends to Austrian youths studying at Witten-

berg. Still it is to be remarked that Austrian Protes-

tantism was narrow, intolerant, a slave of the letter;

nevertheless its agencies effected much good in the way

of instruction and works of benevolence. The Sua-

bian humanist Nicodemus Frischlin labored with

abundant good results at Laibach, though only for a

short time.

The Protestant cause received a blow in the death

of the Emperor Maximilian II., who had at first favored

it, but afterward turned against it, yet did not resort to

oppressive measures. The Jesuits, held in check dur-

ing his reign, regained their former influence, and now

with their obscurantist outfit of sermons and confrater-

nities, and with the support of the most zealously Cath-

olic archdukes, and of the learned and esthetic Rudolf

II. (who however did not understand the popular mind)

proceeded to wage ruthless war for the suppression of

Protestantism. In 1578 the University of Vienna was

forcibly detached from the cause of the Reformation,

and after a stubborn resistance was in 1610 passed over

to the Jesuits absolutely. The common people were

constrained by brute force, the nobility were brought

by gentle means, to profess the faith of Rome accord-

ing to the catechism of the Jesuit Canisius.

There were many revolts of the peasantry in the

latter part of the 16th century, against this compulsion

of belief, but they were mercilessly put down. The

spirit of the kindred Spanish royal house had become

fully dominant in the house of Austria, and its rage

suffered only a brief intermission when, in the rivalry of

brothers, Matthias, for political reasons, again guaran-

teed toleration to the Protestants, in order to receive

their homage.

The victory of the Jesuits in Austria was made



FOUNDING OF THE OEDEE. 19

decisive by their pupil and unconditional devotee,

afterward styled Ferdinand II. While yet archduke of

Styria he visited Rome, and there in 1598, falling at the

Pope’s feet, promised that he would make the Catholic

religion the sole dominant religion of that province;

and he kept his word. Thereupon he had his portrait

painted in the Capuchins’ church at Gratz, in the

character of the Archangel Michael conquering the

Devil in the form of Martin Luther. Carinthia and

Carniola came next. It was the fashion of that time to

give the name of “reformation ” to the tearing down of

Protestant churches and banishing their preachers, and

to the wrecking of Protestant schools and burning of

Protestant books. The Emperor Rudolf in 1601 took a

like course in Upper and Lower Austria, nay, in the

Kingdom of Bohemia and Hungary, though these

countries enjoyed laws of their own. An Italian Augus-

tin friar succeeded in preventing the allowance by the

Emperor of the prayer of the Protestant princes that the

Jesuits should be forbidden to write against the religious

peace of 1555; so the Protestants seceded from the

imperial diet, 1608, and founded the “Union.” The

following year the Catholic princes united in the

“League,” and thus was occasion given for the disas-

trous thirty-years war. The cause of the Reformatipn in

Bohemia suffered a death blowin the defeat at the White

Mountain (November 8, 1620), and in Austria itself

through the suppression of the peasants’ revolt under

Stephen Fadinger by the Catholic ‘ 1 army of saviors
’

(Seligmacher). Nevertheless hundreds of thous-

ands of Austrians, indeed the best elements of the

population—nobles^ townspeople, and peasants—es-
caped a cruel persecution by emigrating fo Saxqny,

Brandenburg, Switzerland and other countries. In

Austrian lands there were left only
J
esuits, a fanatipal



20 THE JESUITS.

soldiery, and a downtrodden commonalty sunk in gross

superstition.

CHAPTER III.

SUPPRESSION AND RESTORATION

OF THE SOCIETY.

In the 17 th century and in the beginning of the

1 8th the Jesuits exercised the highest powers they have

ever possessd.

With incredible astuteness, exchanging the pious

enthusiasm of their founder for wise calculation, they

contrived to insinuate themselves into all manner of

concernments, as confessors to Kings and their consorts,

to ministers of state, and to military commanders; as

professors in universities and principals of high schools;

as missionaries among the heathen and founders of

colonies. They understood the art of winning over the

world to themselves in the pulpit and the confessional

in drawing-rooms, in the sick-chamber as well as amid

scenes of gayety
;
they accomodated themselves to the

opinions of all: among Protestants were tolerant, in

China palmed off Buddhism for Catholic worship
;
were

enthusiastic with enthusiasts, sportive with the wordly

;

argued with the visionary, and comforted the downcast.

Be it fully admitted that during the thirty-years war

they rendered good service in alleviating the miseries



SUPPRESSION AND RESTORATION. 21

of that time, and that in several great pestilences they

cared for the stricken with great self-devotion.

But an evil day dawned on the Society when in the

the latter half of the 18th century the so called “ era of

enlightenment” set in. In Catholic countries this move-

ment (Illuminism) naturally took a direction oppos-

ed to the Papacy. At first the extreme west of the

European continent was in the lead of the movement:

it was in little Portugal that Catholic Liberalism so

called made its debut, and the name that is coupled

with its appearance there is that of Sebastian Joseph de

Carvalho y Melo, afterward Count of Oeyras and finally

Marquis of Pombal. While yet simply a page at the

court of King John I. he was noted for his continual plan-

ning and contriving, and hence was sent on diplomatic

errands to London and Vienna, though only with the

result of making him more familiar with European, and

particularly with French Illuminism. By favor of his

Queen he was called home as minister of state 1750;

and the King dying soon after, Pombal now ruled

Portugal in the name of John’s successor, Joseph, a

minor, a sensualist, and a slave of superstition. Having

from the first decided to play the part of a reforming

dictator, Pombal still followed the example of the other

1 8th century reformers; he began many enterprises and

brought few to completion
;
he had no regard for conse-

quences, acknowledged no restrictions, and hence the

result was a mixture of good and evil. His first attack

was directed against the Jesuits, who at that time were

supreme in Portugal, and whom he hated above all

things. Occasion was given for this attack by the

moral maxims of the Jesuits, notorious especially since

the publication of Pascal’s letters ; also by the secular

dominion set up by the Jesuits among the Indians of

Paraguay in Spanish and Portguese territory
;
and by



22 THE JESUITS.

Father Lavalette’s ugly commercial speculations in the

West Indies, whereby in 1 756 several of the greatest mer-

cantile houses of France suffered heavy losses. The So-

ciety offered to make good these losses by masses for the

dead, but was adjudged by the Paris parlement in 1 760 to

make restitution, and was debarred from all commercial

business. In the same spirit Pope Benedict XIV. had

already
(
February 1741 ), by his bull

4 4

Apostolicae Ser-

vitutis, ” interdicted to the regular clergy all commer-

cial and industrial business, all acquisition of secular

dominion, and all buying and selling of converted Indi-

ans
;
and in the bull 44 Immensa Pastorum ” of the same

year had condemned the doings of the Jesuits in distant

lands, and their disobedience to the bull of February

;

they were forbidden under pain of excommunication to

make slaves of Indians, to sell or to barter them, to

separate them from wife and children, to deprive them

of their property or to take them away from their homes

—all which things they had previously been doing.
( Bullarium Benedicti XIV., t. i

,
p. 101). This bull hit

especially the Jesuit State in Paraguay, the patriarchal

government of which attracted so much attention at that

time, being now praised in unmeasured terms even by

Illuminees, anon as strongly condemned.

When the Indians, blindly obedient to their Jesuit

superiors, rose in arms under Jesuit command against an

exchange of territories in Paraguay between Spain and

Portugal, Pornbal (1753-55) despatched ait army to

South America with instructions strictly to e^epute the

before mentioned papal bull and to make an end of the

Jesuit Statp. Nor did the Lisbon earthquake of 1755 and

the teriible calamity thereby produced retard the carry-

ingout of his plans. He did away the autos de fe, cur-

tailed the power of the Court of Inquisition, reserved to

the secular tribunals the power of inflicting punishment.



SUPPRESSION AND RESTORATION. 23

limited the right of monastic houses to admit novices.

And if these measures were aimed at the Church, Pom

bal on the other hand struck a blow at the noblesse

by annulling the graces whereby the crown had enrich-

ed great families with estates in the Portuguese pos-

sessions over sea. Any manifestation of discontent with

the ordinances of the powerful minister was punished

with imprisonment or even with death, and there was

a veritable reign of terror. In the meantime the

flourishing Jesuit State in Paraguay was being conquer-

ed with fire and sword. To relieve the distress caused

by the earthquake, Pombal opened the government

magazines of grain, prohibited the export of farm

products, lifted the tariff on their importation, and

ordered the water conduits, destroyed by the earth-

quake, to be restored
;
the robber bands that arose out

of the public calamities he suppressed by summary exe-

ecutions. As the clergy were violently denouncing

Pombal as the author of the earthquake, and striving

to gain influence over the King, Pombal banished from

the court Father Malagrida, the most influential Jesuit

in Portugal, and then all other Jesuits, whom he re-

moved by force, having obtained the bigoted king’s

approval of the measure by assuring him that his royal

person was in danger from the Jesuits, and that in

Pombal alone could he find a defender. To foreign pow-

ers he justified his act in a letter written in his own name.

He asked of the Pope a reform of the Society, and the
reform was duly ordered 1758. Cardinal Saldanha,

who was commissioned to execute the reform, forbade

to the Jesuits all trading, also excluded them from

the pulpit and the confessional. An attempt on the
life of the king, contrived by a family two of whose

female members had been debauched by him, though

with the connivance of their husbands, gave occasion



24 THE JESUITS.

to Pombal for wreaking a terrible vengeance on the

family as also on the J esuits ; they were intimate friends

of the family, and their houses were kept under surveil-

lance. After an investigation carried on with the aid of

the torture and other cruelties, came the terrible spec-

tacle of the executions. The belongings of the Jesuits

were attached, and the protests of the Pope, the cardi-

nals, and of hundreds of bishops were vain. Then

(1759) Pombal ordered 113 Jesuits to be put on board a

ship and transported to Rome, and all members of the

Society to be banished from Portugal under pain of

death. Soon there was a second cargo, nor was mercy

shown to any though in their number were many aged

and feeble men. Next Pombal picked a quarrel with

the nuncio and, 1760, had him conveyed to the frontier

by a troop of dragoons. Malagrida, as presumptive

author of the attempted assassination, though he was

now a feeble old man, was given up to the Dominicans

by the enlightened minister, and by them was burned

as a heretic. These terrible doings—terrible, though,
except the last, they served the cause of enlightenment,

were defended and justified by Pombal in fugitive

pieces which though they were not read at home, were by

the favor of Kaunitz published and commented on in the

ne wspapers of Austria. The revolutionary minister next

set about providing a better educational system to take

the place of the Jesuits' system. He contemplated the

establishment of common schools, of which there were

hardly any, a reform of the University of Coimbra, the

founding of a new college for the education of the

sons of the gentry, and of an industrial school for the

compulsory training of indolent apprentices. He abol-

ished monopolies, made the grain trade a function of

the state, and declared all slaves brought into Portugal

from foreign countries freemen. He reformed several



SUPPRESSION AND RESTORATION. 25

of the monastic orders, retrenched holidays, ana patio-

nized literature and the book trade though he let the

censorship remain—a censorship according to his own
heart, however. Curiously enough, he extended like

favor to the Inquisition, nay even to the autos de fe,

but the autos were never practiced after the death of

Malagrida. Pombal did much also for the advance-

ment of agriculture, trade, and commerce, for the

adornment and the sanitation of the capital city, but

nothing toward providing better dwellings for the poor.

Yet with all these reforms Portugal languished under

the most fearful despotism, a despotism all the more

unjustifiable as it purported to be enlightened. The

prisons were glutted with convicts, and the surplus was

transported to the deadly climates of Africa and of

Brazil. A political inquisition planted distrust in all
ranks of society. In 1777, the king lying dangerously

ill, Pombal, who foresaw the fortune that awaited him,

gave in his resignation and surrendered to the state a

full treasury. The king was succeeded by his daughter

Mary I. who under papal dispensation married her

uncle, just as her son afterward married her sister.

The queen being very devout, even superstitious, an-

nulled Pombal’s reforms one after another, and freed

from prison all his victims. She could not recall the

Jesuits, the Society having been in the meantime sup-

pressed by the Pope. There was no lack of strong

charges against the retired minister. His written de-

fense was publicly burned. Pombal died 1782.

Portugal’s example in persecuting the Jesuits had

a notably stimulative influence on the countries then

ruled by the house of Bourbon, in all other respects so

strictly Catholic; it seemed as though the spirit of their

ancestor Henry IV. had decended again upon his pro-

geny or rather upon the ministers of state.



26 THE JESUITS.

France led. We have already mentioned the case
of Lavalette, the outcome of which was that the Society

was juridically outlawed, though it was still recognized

by the government. By the judgment of the parlement

all bulls protecting the Jesuits and certain other papal

ordinances were declared to be infringements of the

laws of France
;
the Society was forbidden to admit novi-

ces, its penmen were condemned as corrupters of morals

and guilty of high treason
;
their books were ordered to

be burned. But Louis XV. protected the convicted

Jesuits, accorded them a suspension of judgment for a

year, procured a vote of the clergy which was favorable

to the Society
;
and now at court the clergy labored on

behalf of the Jesuits while the minister Choiseul and

the king’s mistress the Marchioness de Pompadour were

in opposition. The king had no recourse save that of

asking Ricci, General of the Jesuits, to modify the ob-

jectionable points in the Constitution of the order. He

received the memorable answer, “Sint ut sunt, aut

non sint” (they shall stand as they are or not at all).

Thereupon Louis suffered matters to take their course.

In 1762 seals were set on all archives and libraries of

Jesuits in France, and an account taken of theposessions

of all the colleges, whereupon the Jesuits, known to be

enormously wealthly, declared themselves insolvent.

The parlement then decreed the further existence of the

society to be inconsistent with the well being of the

realm, prohibited Jesuits from wearing the garb of

their order, released them from the obligation of obe-

dience to their General, and dissolved all their colleges

and houses. The parlement instituted a suit against

Beaumont archbishop of Paris for defending the Jesuits

in a pastoral letter
;
at the same session the parlement

ordered Rousseau’s “Emile” to be burnt by the hang-

man. The archbishop had written a pastoral letter



SUPPEESSIOtf AND EESTOEATION. 27

against the same book. When the Pope also interven-

ed on behalf of the Jesuits, the parlement, 1764, con-

demned and suppressed the papal briefs. And then

the king sought to end the strife by his absurd decree

:

he quashed all the ordinances of the parlement touch-

ing the Society, but at the same time suppressed the

Society in France.

Spain followed. Charles III. who in 1759 had ex-

changed the throne of Naples for that of his mother’s

country, was in his new position surrounded by men

devoted to the cause of Illuminism and admirers of the

French minister Choiseul. Grimaldi, Genoese, mere

tool of Choiseul and believer in Diderot’s principles,

was minister of foreign affairs. His fellow ministers

were the unprincipled Campomanes, man of letters,

the cultured and patriotic Aranda, the learned Figueroa,

skilled in civil and canon law, the egotistic Olavides,

and the temporising Manino (afterward Count de Flori-

da-Blanca). Charles III. who was a thorough “en-

lightened despot” (though not in matters of belief),

readily suffered himself to be enlisted against the Jesuits

as the most formidable rivals of every throne. Herein

he was in accord with men of undoubted piety, e, g,

.

Palafox, archbishop of Mexico, who had unmasked the

Jesuits of America, and nevertheless after his death had

been proposed for beatification. Palafox’s yicar general

had, as early as 1747, at the instance of the people, re-

fused to Jesuits unprovided with the proper faculties,

permission to hear confessions and to preach
;
in return

the pious fathers so persecuted the archbishop that he

had to flee; afterward they hindered his beatification.

Charles III. cancelled the decrees by which the Inquisi-

tion, at request of the Jesuits, had condemned to be

burnt Palafox’s letters against their brethren, and then

ordered an investigation into the doings of the order in



28 THE JESUITS.

America. Again, in 1766, because the minister of fin-

ance, Squillace, already hated as a foreigner and one of

the partisans of Illuminism, had made a monopoly of

the trade in oil and other necessaries of life, there was

a popular outbreak in Madrid, during which the populace

wrecked the minister’s house, cheered for the Jesuits, and

besieged the king in his palace till he was compelled to

promise, much against his will, that he would dismiss the

minister. Afterward the king in revenge for the violence

that had been offered him had a prosecution entered by

Aranda against the authors of the outbreak, who were

found to be J esuits. After due preparation all Jesuits in

Spain, more than five thousand, were in one night arrest-

ed, their goods sequestered, and themselves put on board

ships and deported to Rome : it was precisely as under

Pombal, but the thing was done with greater dispatch

and thoroughness. The Society was next suppressed in

Spain by royal edict and its members declared felons,

nevertheless a very scanty pension was granted to

them. Clement XIII. would not even allow the fathers

to land, wretchedly packed as they were on shipboard
;

so dumfounded was he at the fate of his proteges and

at the scorn expressed in the ’’manifest’' of the
4

‘cargo”

shipped. Butin Spain, Aranda, Campomanes, and their

associates, despite the resistance of the king’s confessors,

proceeded with the work of reform. The supreme

ecclesiastical court of appeal was made independent of

the nuncio, and the monastic orders of their heads at

Rome
;
the privileges of church asylum were restricted

;

the censorship also was regulated: and the royal pla-

cet was made essential for the publication of papal

briefs. Instead of the regular clergy the secular clergy

were charged with the work of instruction in the schools

(a step of progress in that day
!

)and new seminaries took

the place of those conducted by J esuits. An agricultural



SUPPBESSION AND BESTOBATION. 20

and industrial school was set up in the college of the

Jesuits. For the first time a census of the population

was instituted. But as the king grew older, more com-

pliant with the suggestions of his father confessor, and

more mistrustful regarding the tendency of Aranda’s

policy; and as moreover Aranda’s friend Olavides, a

native of Peru, in his capacity as intendant general of

Andalusia was importing German and other colonists,

without any selection and without regard to their fit-

ness, some of them Protestants even, into the wastes of

the Sierra Morena; the Inquisition took up this last

point and, Aranda being fortunately absent as envoy at

Paris, brought prosecution against Olavides, one of the

colonists, a German Capuchin, filling the role of accuser.

Olavides was thrown into prison as a heretic, 1776

;

the

theatre which he had erected at Seville as a means of

counteracting the bloody bull fights was closed
;
after a

long interval autos de fe were held again
;
the anathe-

mas against heretics were again publicly proclaimed,

and every Spaniard of ten years or more obliged to be

present on the occassion
;
finally Olavides after a con-

finement of two years, was made to recant publicly.

He might easily have made his escape from his place of

imprisonment in a monastery; but during the French

revolution, out of alarm for that movement, he volun-

tarily returned to Catholic orthodoxy. Aranda, from

his post at Paris, and Campomanes in his place as min-

ister, labored yet a while as ever before; but under the

next king, Charles IV., things took a retrograde turn,

not without the cooperation of the new minister, Count

de Florida-BJanca.

In those days what Spain did Naples must not

leave undone. Having been ever since the 15th

century a vassal state of the western peninsula, after

the middle of the 18th century it was a secundo-



80 THE JESUITS.

geniture of the same. When the first independent

king of Naples Charles IV. succeeded to the Spanish

crown (as Charles III.
)
in 1759, he left there his trusty

minister Tanucci as regent for his still minor son Fer-

dinand, who showed no fitness for any station save that

of a sturdy lazzarone. The kingdom, which embraced

south Italy, had then 22 archbishops, 116 bishops, 56,-

500 priests. 31,800 monks and friars, a total of 112,000

spiritual persons, together with 23,000 nuns; in the

city , of Naples alone were 16,000 spiritual persons.

These were all independent of secular jurisdiction, as

also were all persons taking refuge in places enjoying

rights of asylum. Even while Charles was king of Na-

ples, a concordat had been negociated with Rome de-

signed to remedy these evils
;
but as the terms seemed

disadvantageous to the government, steps were taken

to make them more favorable. Hence, to reduce the

number of churchly parasites, it was proposed that for

each thousand souls not more than one priest should be

ordained
;
that papal bulls should not be published with-

out the royal placet; that the spirituality (clergy and

religious orders) should not inherit any new properties

;

and that episcopal anathema should be of no effect

against royal ordinances. After the change in the gov-

ernment Tanucci continued to act in the same spirit.

He suppressed ten convents on the continent and

twenty-eight in Sicily, and confiscated their property in

the interest of the state: he first reduced the church

tithes, and then did them away; forbade to the clergy

the acquisition of real estate; restricted ecclesiastical

jurisdiction: cut down the number of clerics permitted

(one to each 1000) by one half; and abrogated the

authority of ancient bulls that had not been approved

by the state. Finally, in the selfsame year that the

Jesuits were expelled from Spain, (1767) the like was



SUPPRESSION AND RESTORATION. 31

also done in Naples. They were driven from all parts

of the kingdom to the Roman frontier
;
nor was there

in this case sent any “manifest” to the Pope, nor was

any apology deemed requisite.

The fourth Bourbon state of Europe (or the Span-

ish tertio-geniture* in Italy), the duchy of Parma, did not

tarry long in the rear. The duke, a minor, who began

his reign 1756, was a ward of Louis XV., his maternal

grandfather. In this duchy the regent, Du Tillot, ab-

rogated the privilege of appeal to Rome from the judg-

ments of ecclesiastical courts, and annulled the force

of papal bulls 1768. Thereupon the Pope did what he

had not dared to do in the case of more powerful states

—

issued an emphatic brief against Parma, cited the bull

“In Coena Domini,” first published in the 14th century

by Urban V., and extended by PiusV., 1567, and by

Urban VIII., 1627. This bull is directed against all

heretics and schismatics and their protectors; it de-

clares that “the spiritual order should not obey the sec-

ular power where the rights of the Church are con-

cerned. ” The Pope furthermore excommunicated the

duke and threatened the duchy with interdict and the

duke and his minister with anathema unless the ordin-

ance was repealed. Du Tillot replied in a scornful

proclamation and with arrest of the Jesuits, who were

packed off to Rome. But the Bourbon governments

sided with Parma against the bull
;
their envoys de-

manded of the Pope withdrawal of the brief of excom-

munication; and their ministers took new measures

against the ecclesiastical jurisdiction in their re-

spective states; the royal tribunal of Naples even,

because of the Pope’s attack on the secular jurisdiction,

ordained the seizure of the pontifical enclaves, Benevento

and Pontecorvo. Tanucci put forth the declaration that

A third son’s portion.



32 THE JESUITS.

the Pope is no more than another bishop
;
and the parle-

ment of Paris ordered the suppression of the brief

against Parma. Other governments joined in the move-

ment. The Grand Master of Malta also expelled the

Jesuits, Venice condemned the bull “In Coena,” and

Modena suppressed the religious houses.

Austria and Catholic Germany were now astir.

Joseph II., co-regent with his mother, and the power-

ful minister Kaunitz, were likewise opponents of the

Jesuits and of their protector Clement XIII., and like

views were held by Van Swieten, counsellor of the

Empress. Maria Theresa was induced to confer upon

a special commission all the rights till then exercised in

Lombardy by the Pope and the bishops over the person

and property of ecclesiastics, to require the clergy to

sell all property acquired by them since 1722, and to do

away with the appeal to Rome. About the same time

arose in Germany a professor of canon law who reduced

to system the essential principles of all the legislation

of the Bourbon states and Portugal against the church

hierarchy. This was John Nicolas von Hontheim,

coadjutor bishop of Treves, just coeval with the century,

who in 1765, under the pseudonym “Justinus Febron-

ius” published the work “De Statu Praesenti Ecclesiae

et de Legitim a Potestate Romani Pontificis. ” The

secular authorities and their numerous adherents, i. e.,

at that time all educated persons of the laity and very

many of the clergy, hailed with exultation the “gospel

of liberal Catholicism;” in Portugal a special edition of

it was published; the Spanish writer Campomanes

quoted it in all his tractates of the canon law
;
as for

Joseph II., he so took the volume for his chart and

compass that the system therein defended has ever

since gone preferably by the name of “Josephinism.”

But Hontheim, whose authorship was no secret, was



SUPPRESSION AND RESTORATION. 33

harried by the obscurantists and by his superiors, at

the special instigation of the Jesuit father confessor of

the archbishop of Treves, ever till he made a declara-

tion that looked like a retractation, though in a printed

document issued at the same date, in which he defended

his original views, he maintained the correctness of

that formula * Hontheim died 1790.

Meanwhile in Germany also the dissatisfaction of

enlightened Catholics with the Roman system, especi-

ally with the Jesuits, was rising. Even in the then

bigoted electorate of Bavaria this spirit was making

headway. Under the elector Maximilian Joseph the

Tyrolese Ferdinand Sterzinger, like Thomasius, was

laboring for the abolition of trials for witchcraft. Even

so late as 1750 two girls of 13 years fell victims of such

prosecutions, which were approved by the Jesuits. The

Elector protected Sterzinger when attacked by the

pious fathers
;
about 1769 he established in Munich the

ecelesiastical commission under the direction of his pri-

vy counsellor Peter von Osterwald, for the purpose of

compelling the clergy, regular and secular, to pay taxes

to the state and of limiting the admission of novices.

Osterwald too, like Houtheim, wrote, but in German,

against the laziness and avarice of the clergy : his book

was censured by the clergy but approved by the elector.

The Placet was also introduced, and the Jesuits were

declared—the same action being taken simultaneously

*That is, held the form of his so-called
‘

‘retractation” to be

consistent with the doctrine ©f his work “De Statu Prsesenti,” etc.

The second work of Hontheim referred to in the text was published

at Vienna 1771 and was entitled “Eebronius AbbreviatusetEmen-

datus. ” This he followed, 1781, with a third tractate, “Febronii

Commentarius,” in which he still defended his original opinions

It is a curious circumstance that Houtheim’s main work was form-

ally dedicated to the Pope, Clement XIII Translator.



34 THE JESUITS.

in the episcopal electorate of Mayence—enemies of the
state, for that they revamped Bellarmin’s seditious

writings for their own ends.

While affairs were in this situation the Jesuitophil

Pope Clement XIII. died 1769, and was succeeded by

Clement XIV., Lawrence Ganganelli, his opposite

pole. The election of Ganganelli was the work of

Joseph II. in conjunction with the anti-Jesuit govern-

ments of southern Europe: the Emperor had corre-

sponded personally withChoiseul, Aranda, and Pombal;

and Maria Theresa, though loth, had to give approval.

The intrigues of Migazzi, Archbishop of Vienna, were

thwarted, and the casuists of the Society of Jesus were

inhibited in Austria. It was high time to come to the

rescue of the Catholic Church. Her very existence

was threatened; for had the new Pope not moved

against the Jesuits, the governments that had already

expelled them would beyond doubt sooner or later have

cut their dominions loose from the Catholic hierarchy.

Hence Ganganelli at his election had been obliged to

promise that he would take the step indicated; but

began his official career with other reforms, e. g. , doing

away with the reading of the bull “In Coena,” and

revoking the brief against Parma, whereby he hoped

to quiet that government and to spare himself the

necessity of taking the step for which he feared the

vengeance of the Jesuits. But in vain: France pro-

claimed her purpose to hold Avignon and the Venaissin,

and Naples to hold Benevento and Pontecorvo till their

demands were satisfied. Ganganelli must needs com-

ply. He closed the Roman Seminary 1772, then the

other colleges in the papal dominion; finally, July 23,

he published the world-famous brief (to take effect

August 19, 1773) “ Dominus ac Redemptor Noster,”

whereby the Society was suppressed. The world credit-



SUPPRESSION AND RESTORATION. 35

ed whether to the prudence or to the craft of the Pope

the fact that the weightiest charges against the Jesuits

were passed over. These were, the despotic system and

mechanical, superficial method of their school instruc-

tion; the dominion acquired by the Society through

affiliated lay members in all countries, places, and

classes; the espionage through the confessional, and

the misuse of that institution (the confessional), of

which the fathers were notoriously guilty
;
the wrong

principles of morality taught in their writings; their

state within state, so richly endowed, so blindly obedi-

ent, and therefore so dangerous to the political regime.

But his cautious policy availed Ganganelli nothing: he

died one year after the act of suppression—doubtless
the boldest act ever done by any Pope.

At the suppression the Jesuits had 24 houses of the

professed, 669 colleges, 176 ecclesiastical seminaries,

61 novitiates, 335 residences, 273 missions, and 22,600

members, half of them priests—not counting “Jesuits
of the short robe.”

The suppression of the order however proved of no

effect; for its spirit, obscurantism (fitly called also

Jesuitism), still endured. Even the personnel of the

order held its ground as such in countries subject to

paleocatholic governments, as in Greco-Orthodox Rus-

sia, where Catherine saw nothing repulsive in the

frivolity of the order
;
and in Protestant Prussia, where

Frederic would not have it said of him that the victor

of Rossbach had any fear of men exiled by his van-

quished enemies. Even where the order had been

suppressed, not only was the absence of the Society of

no advantage to the cause of progress: there was even a

a general, almost an epidemic inclination toward retro-

gression. The well nigh unlimited dominion exercised

down to the middlq of the century over the educated



36 THE JESUITS.

classes in Europe by the ideas of Illuminism was by

degrees checked, particularly in the seventh decade, by

a serious reaction, though the utterances of the spirit

of progress had declined neither in force nor in reach.

The reaction was seen in the reappearance of the Kab-

bala, in the doctrines of Lavater and the allied doctrines

of Hamann and Jacobi; in the juggleries, exorcisms,

and spiritisms of Mesmer,. Gessner, Saint-Germain and

Cagliostro, of Swedenborg and Jung- Stilling, and of

their counterpart in France, the enthusiast-seer Saint-

Martin; finally, in the Jesuitic perversion of free-

masonry by the Rosicrucians. At the same time

opportunely came the fall of Pombal in Portugal, of

Aranda in Spain, beside the suppression of the

Illuminati in Bavaria and of the freemasons in Austria;

for the ex-Jesuits were slinking about and restlessly

contriving how they might regain their lost power, and

so became more dangerous than confessed Jesuits had

ever been. Already in 1780 the Jesuits had control of

the catechisms and schoolbooks
;
they were for shutting

out even the faintest glimmer of light; for example,

they would not suffer one to say ‘ ‘ I believe o n God, ” but

only “in God.” Nay, “judgments’ did service in

giving instruction on Christian faith and morals.

All the arrangements that had been broken up by

the French Revolution and its sequels having been now

substantially restored, Pope Pius VII in 1814 restored

also the corporate existence of the Society of the

Jesuits and all its rights. Since then the order has

grown somewhat, but very slowly, and it has never

attained anything like the strength it had at the

suppression. Its members in 1844 numbered 4, 133, in

1857 6,303, in i860 7,144 (among them 2,939 priests),

in 1865 7,956, (priests 3,389), and in 1872 (before its

expulsion from Germany) 8,809. Thus in not quite 30



SUPPRESSION AND RESTORATION. 37

years the numerical strength of the society was more

than doubled: a notable fact. Nor is its influence by

any means inconsiderable. To the Jesuits is to be

credited the founding of the Catholic universities,”

namely institutions of advanced instruction in which the

teaching is only such as the Pope and the Jesuits allow

—a phenomenon that were laughable but for the shame
and scandal that such things can be. To institutions of

this kind belongs the University of Louvain in Bel-

gium
;
and the scheme has got footing in France where

there are several such establishments : but, because of

altered tendencies in political affairs, the institutions

seem not to prosper as well as the party could wish. There

is already a
4

‘Catholic University ” in Switzerland, at

Freiburg; but it has not yet a medical faculty. In

Germany and Austria the Ultramontanes are hoping for

clerical schools to be established at Fulda and Salzburg.

Even in the United States one of these institutions

has been set up, and that in the national capital,

Washington.

That the whole system of damning as heretical all

free thought, nay thought itself, and superseding it with

a mechanical soulless faith, is steadily gaining strength

in the Catholic church and alienating from her all can-

did thinkers
;
and that this system is none other than

that of the Jesuit Society, is apparent from its general

characterization; for it reduces the Catholic, as the

Jesuit rule requires, to the condition of a corpse in the

hands of the ghostly shepherd. And this appears

more plainly when we attend to the fact that the moral

system of the Jesuits is compiled and condensed in

recent text books and set forth in all its immoral nudity

with the imprimatur of the highest church author-
ities. These textbooks, one of them written by the

Jesuit father Gury, another by the American Archbish-



38 THE JESUITS.

op Kenrick, have as a matter of fact* been introduced

into Catholic theological seminaries; and the confessors

that are to be, are by such authors led to acquaint them-

selves with all the foulness of immoral conduct down to

the minutest hairsplitting details.

As the Jesuit moral doctrine or rather Jesuit

casuistry betrays itself in these writings, so is the schol-

astic logic or rather dialectic of the Society plainly

revealed in recent acts of the Holy See dictated by

the Jesuits. Pius IX. was a good man and of the best

intentions as far as his point of view allowed : but it was

his foible that he must use every opportunity for

asserting his power and dignity. This the Jesuits had long

known, and hence, while humoring his fancies and let-

ting him think that he was carrying out his own pur-

poses, they induced him to adopt measures which their

system held to be of service in assuring to the Society

absolute control of the Church and thereby of the

largest aggregations of humanity in Christendom.

Such Jesuit-inspired papal acts are, i, the dogmatic

definition of the immaculate conception of Mary; 2, the

encyclical “ condemning the principal errors of the

time/’ with the “Syllabus” annexed;
3,

the decree of

the Vatican Council regarding papal infalibility.

That the decree of infallibility should have been

coincident in time with the declaration of war by France

against Germany, we hold to have been no accident.

True, the decree of the Council got its answer in the

overthrow of the papal State, and the declaration of war

in the ruin of the French empire and the humiliation

of the aggressor. But that the Ultramontanes every-

where sympathize with France, and that everywhere

* “As a matter of fact” Kemick’s “ Theologia Moralis,”

never has obtained a place in tlieolgical schools as an ordinary text

book. It is used for reference. Translator.



CONSTITUTION OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS. 39

they are hostile to Germany is known. Nor is it an ac-

cidental coincidence that, while France is courting- an

alliance with Russia againstGermany, renouncing in Rus-

sia’s favor her earlier sympathies with Poland, the Aus-

trian Ultramontanes unite with the Slavs whose race idea

is separation from Austria and union with Russia
;
while

the Croat bishop Strossmayr, formerly the opponent of

papal infallibility, writes to the Russian Church a letter

of congratulation, nor receives from the Pope any sort

of reprimand. Significant also is the fact that in 1872

the Ultramontanes and the Italian Swiss were a unit in

rejecting the draft of a liberal federal constitution for

their country, while to-day the Ultramontanes coalesce

in many points with the Social Democrats, with whose

assistance they hope to abolish the creedless state, or

rather the state independent of creeds. In entire con-

sistency with this, the Social-Democrats of Germany

have aided to bring forward in the Reichstag the noto-

rious and, as we hope, the effectless resolution in favor

of the Jesuits.

CHAPTER IV.

CONSTITUTION OF THE SOCIETY

OF JESUS.

By ‘‘ constitution ” we mean here the process by

which a man becomes a Jesuit, and the rules which gov-

ern the Jesuit in his work. The former point is settled

in the “ Exercitia Spiritualia, ” the work written by the



40 THE JESUITS.

enthusiastic founder of the order, and which is based on

his own experiences. The other point is contained in

the
‘ 4

Constitutions ” of the order, the rough draft of

which by Ignatius was worked over by his successor,

the politic Janies Laynez. The “ Exercitia ” is the

spiritual life of the Jesuit Society, the “ Constitutiones
”

its body.

The aim of the Society is defined to be “not only,

with the help of God’s grace, to laboi for the salvation

and tfye perfecting of those who constitute the Society,

but also, with that same help, and with all one’s strength

to labor for the salvation and perfecting of the neigh-

bor”. To gain these ends, the members take the three

vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience. The vow of

poverty is to be understood in the sense that the individ-

ual members as well as the churches and houses shall

have no incomes, but shall be supported by alms.

The members are enrolled in four classes which,

rising from lower to higher, are as follows:

I. Novices, who, as a rule, pass two years in a novi-

tiate house under close observation
;
of their eventual

place in the order the novices learn nothing. They are

subjected to severe tests to decide whether there be any

inpediment to their reception
,
such impediments being

deviation from the faith, crime or grievous sins, attach-

ment to another religious order, wedlock, serious bodily

blemishes. Investigation is made of all their personal

family, and other relations; their natural dispositions

and aptitudes, their opinions and aims. They must un-

dergo five capital tests, giving to each one month’s time,

viz., performing the spiritual exercises; serving in hos-

pitals; journeying moneyless and begging; rendering

lowly and despised service; instructing children or un-

educated persons in the catechism
,
or in the articles of

Christian belief. They may associate only with



CONSTITUTION OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS. 41

such of their comrades as the superiors may determine;

of their parents they are to speak only as though they

were dead; and they are counselled to sever every tie

that binds them to their family. A general confession
ends the career of the novice, whose occupation from

hour to hour during the day is carefully prescribed for

him.

II. Scholastics take the three vows, bind them-

selves to enter the order
;
if required, study the sciences

according to the system of the Jesuits; and again go

through the “ exercises ”, and another period of test.

III. Coadjutors are still free to be either clerics or

seculars. In the latter case they serve the order as

cooks, gardeners, hospital attendents, and servants of

whatever sort
;
the clerics devote themselves mainly to

the instruction of youth.

VI. Professed must, as coadjutors, have received

priest’s orders
;
they take a fourth vow, viz. to be uncon-

ditionally at the call of the Pope, to obey his order

sending them anywhere whithersoever he may please.

(They are called “professed” because they have taken

(professi sunt) the fourth vow). The Professed are the

rulers of the order and devote themselves entirely to its

aims. They numberonly about two per centum of the

membership.

Besides these four classes there are also affili-

ated Jesuits, that is persons who without taking the

monastic vows, labor for the good of the order and obey

the order unconditionally. These are called “Jesuits of

the short robe. ” Their organization and their relation

to the order and the outside world, as also their person-

ality, are secrets. So, too, there are Jesuitesses.

The supreme dignitary of the Society is the Father-

General who possesses absolute power
;
who names all

officials of the order, and can depose them : he is elected



42 THE JESUITS.

for life. For his cabinet ministers he has A s s i s t*
ants (assistentes), four to six in number, each of

whom has supervision of a determinate portion of the

globe (the assignment being often altered). Each

Assistant has charge of a certain number of the

“Provinces” into which the globe is divided: at the

head of each province is a Provincial. There are

to-day in Austria and Germany with the Netherlands

three provinces, in Italy four, in France two. The

total number of provinces is seventeen. The heads of

'local communities are Superiors. These communi-

ties are either houses of professed, and of these

there are three, in Rome, Palermo, and Genoa, respec-

tively
;
retreats (or houses for the exercitia) two, one in

Rome the other in Lyons
;
then, a number of novitiates,

seminaries, colleges, boarding schools, and missions.

Attached to each dignitary—the General, the Assistants,
Provincials, Superiors, is an A dm o n i t o r o r a Con*
suitor to remind him of his duties. For superin-

tendence of the provincial administration Visitors are

appointed by the General. Procurators attend to

the accounts and the law affairs of the order and R e vi-
sor s to the censorship of the writings of members.

The general assembly, which consists of the Assistants

and of delegates, under the presidency of the general,

chooses the General and Assistants, in case of necessity

decides on their deposition, and confirms changes of

the Constitutions made by the General, and all aliena-

tions of the order’s property. In very grave emergen-

cies a general congregation is called in which all the

professed may take part. Each province has further-

more a provincial congregation.

Whatever order is given by Superiors in the Society

of Jesus to their subjects must be executed without

question by them “as though they were a corpse” (per-



CONSTITUTION OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS. 43

inde ac si cadaver essent) ; and they must submit to be

treated by Superiors “like the staff in the hand of an

aged man,” to use the words of the “Constitutions”

(Part vi., chap. i). And in the same code (vi., 5) occurs

a sentence that has been variously translated, and

which therefore we give in the original. “Visum est

nobis in domino nullas constitutiones, decla-

rationes, vel ordinem ullum yivendi posse obligationem

ad peccatum mortale vel veniale inducere, nisi supe-

rior ea in nomine domini Jesu Christi vel in virtu te

obedientiae jubeat.” * On this Ranke “History of the

Popes,” vol. I, p. 223 of the 4th edition) remarks:

“From this it would appear that the Superior’s power

to give a command involving a sinful act, is one of very

exceptional character indeed.”

As this relation (of inferiors to superiors) involves

blind obedience, so too the mutual relations of equals as

well as those of superiors to inferiors involve mistrust.

All letters written or received by Jesuits must be read

* Whatever may have been the mind of the writer of the sen-

tence, or whatever the meaning that an apologist may give it, a

fair translation, without shadow of bias, would be: “It hath

seemed to us in the Lord . . . that no constitutions, declara-

tions, or order of life [no monastic rule, for example] can impose

obligation to a sin, mortal or venial, unless a superior commands

them in the name of Lord Jesus Christ or in virtue of obedience.
,,

But what is the meaning of t he phrase obligat on to a sin,

mortal or venial ? Does it mean, as Ranke appears to think, and

obligation to commit a sin or, obligation to observe the constitu-

tions etc.
,
so binding that to violate them is a sin ? It must be admit-

ted that the grammatical construction of the sentence requires us

to refer “ them ” (ea) to constitutions, declarations, and order of

life, and not to “sin ” (peccatum). The sentence would therefore

1 e un to be innocent enough, viz.
,
that a Jesuit violating the rules

of the Society commits no sin unless a superior commands their

observance “in the name of Lord Jesus Christ,” oto.—

Translator.



44 THE JESUITS.

by Superiors. The Jesuit Mariana writes of this: “The

entire rule of the Society rests ondelationes (the stories

of informers), which like a virus permeate the whole

body so that no brother may trust another. With bound-

less love of dominion our General takes up all the

reports of informers in his archives, and puts faith in

them without ever giving a hearing to the one against

whom they are directed.” (Mariana, “De Morbis Soci-

etatis Jesu,” Cap ii., Aph. 24). Everyman in autho-

rity reports to his superiors at stated times upon his sub-

jects
;
each officer’s Admonitor or Consultor reports upon

him to the General; on certain occasions also the Supe-

riors report direct to the General, without intermediation

of the Provincials; finally the Assistentes watch the

General himself, and must proceed against him when he

is delinquent. Precise lists of all members and their

doings are kept at headquarters.

From the foregoing it is sufficiently evident that

among the Jesuits, of all their vows greatest stress

is laid on obedience. By this obedience every independ-

ent thought is strangled, nay all individual development

of character is made impossible, so that the Society in

fact has produced no men of high original genius. The

vow of chastity is mentioned in few words (“Constitu-

tions,” vi., 1.); and the poverty enjoined on the mem-

bers (“Const.” ix., 3, 6, 7) is subject to so many excep-

tions, that this vow is really non-existent in the Society.

Even the member who is expelled does not get back

the offerings made by him to the Society. According

the declarations of Father-General Laynez, whenever

the ends of the Society require it the Jesuit may spend

considerable sums of money, live in ease and comfort,

and wear costly attire (all “for the greater glory of

God,” adds this disciple of Loyola).

Regarding the “Spiritual Exercises” of Loyola,



CONSTITUTION OF TEE SOCIETY OF JESUS. 45

to which every Jesuit yearly as long as he lives must

devote eight days at the least, and the novice thirty

days, we will quote the just remarks of a recent histor-

ian : “The whole book is a psychological masterpiece.

With the skill of a virtuoso he controls the whole heart

of man, its most recondite motives, its finest and its basest

sentiments. The loftiest thoughts and the sensual in-

stincts of man are made to serve the purp oses of the

writer, which contemplate the total subjection of the

soul to God, i. e., to the Catholic Church. No means

is overlooked, least of all external means, such as keep-

ing an exact account, in writing, of our sins; repeated

confessions; exciting the imagination to the point of

hallucination
;
regular dialogues between the penitent

and his own soul, his conscience, Jesus Christ, the Vir-

gin, the saints; urging the penitent to acquire a sense of

moral pain and a feeling of self abasement, and the gift

of tears
;
suggesting fervid prayers, always fitted to the

case in hand
;
presenting before the mind the image of

the crucified Jesus
;
portraying hell with all its tortures.”

(Philippson, “ Westeuropa, ” Introd., p. 56). The no-

vice is awakened at midnight : skeletons are displayed

before his eyes when he is to be attuned in melancholy

mood
;
flowers greet his senses when the purpose is to

strike the lighter chords. Certain postures and move-

ments are prescribed to him
;
fasting and use of the disci-

pline are not omitted. But the aim of it all is complete

subjection of the will and of the whole being to the

Roman Church. The fathers of the church, Thomas of

Aquino, and the pet theologians of the Jesuits must in the

mind of the one who goes through the spiritual exercises

be of equal authority with the Bible. What the Church

calls black, says Ignatius, the disciple must recognize as

black though it appear to him white. The Jesuit Bellar-

min goes farther still and says that even sin, when order-



46 THE JESUITS.

ed by the Pope, becomes a duty
;
or to cite his own words,

‘ 4 Were the Pope to err and to recommend vice and to

condemn virtue, the Church is bound to believe that the

vices are good and the virtues are evil, if she would not

sin against her conscience : she must believe what he

commands to be good, and what he forbids evil. ” ( ‘ ‘ De

Controversiis, ” T. I., de Romano Pontifice, lib. IV., c. 5).
The count Paul von Hoensbroech, who quit the Society of

Jesus 1893 bears this testimony: “Jesuitism levels

down the spiritual independence of its members
;
it forces

individualities into one all-receiving, all subduing mould,

thus deforming them and preventing their coming to

their natural development .... What the novice is
to do from one quarter of an hour to another is prescrib-

ed by authority . . . If a novice wants a draught of

water, a piece of paper, a book, a pencil, he must ask

leave . . . Each novice has assigned to him a guardian

angel, so called, that is to say : two novices are required

daily at a fixed hour to observe each other and note the

faults they may commit. Several times a year comes

what is called the * stoning ’ : each novice in turn must

kneel, and then each of the rest may fault his outward

defects, for instance his too rapid gait, or too slow, his

speaking too loud or too low, etc. . . . Every week

certain of his comrades are named, with whom alone he

is to converse. In brief, it is the whole man, in all his

movements and all his behavior by day and by night

that is taken in hand and moulded.”



CHAPTER V.

MORAL DOCTRINES OF THE

JESUITS.

The moral principles of the Jesuits are usually ex-

pressed in the proposition, The end justifies the means.

It has not indeed been proven that this proposition

occurs in the same order of words in any work written

by a Jesuit: but its Jesuit descent appears as well from

the fact that, as regards its sense, it follows, as we shall

clearly see, from the opinions of moralists who were

members of the Society; as also from the following

propositions of Jesuit theologians. Herman Busem-

baum, in his “Medulla Theologiae Moralis” (first

published at Frankfort on the Main 1650) gives this

as a theorem (p. 320): Cum finis est licitus, etiam

media sunt licita (when the end is lawful the means

also are lawful); and p. 504: Cui licitus est finis, etiam

licent media (For whom the end is lawful the means

are lawful also). The Jesuit Paul Layman, in his

“Theologia Moralis,” lib. III., p. 20 (Munich, 1625),

quoting Sanchez, states the proposition in these words:

Cui concessus est finis, concessa etiam sunt media ad

finem ordinata (to whom the end is permitted, to him

also are permitted the means ordered to the end).

Escobar, in his “ Universae Theologiae Moralis Receptae

Sententiae,” t. IV., p. 336 (Lyons 1652-3) has this:

Non peccat qui ob bonum finem in actibus ex natura



48 THE JESUITS,

sua mails delectatur (he sins not who for a good end

takes pleasure in acts of their own nature evil)
;
finis

enim (he explains) dat specificationem actibus, et ex

bono vel malo fine boni vel mali redduntur (for the end

gives specific character to acts, and theyare rendered good

or evil through a good or evil end). The same propo-

sition is also found in the writings of Sotus, Toletanus,

Navarra, Vasquez, Sanchez, Lessius, Sayre, Sylvester,

and others. In Charles Anthony Casnedi’s ’’ Crisis Theo-

logica;”t. I. p. 119 we read: Nunquam posse peccari sine

advertentia ad malitian, nunquam cum bona intentione

(never can sin be committed without advertence to the

wickedness [of the act], never with a good intention

[i. e. never when the intention is good]. And the

same, in t. 2, p. 381 writes: Bonum morale non pendet

nisi a judicio operantis, quod, sive sit sive non sit

materialiter conforme legi dei, dummodo ut est sub

judicio prudenti, sit formaliter conforme legi dei, ut ab

operante apprehensae, satis est deo, qui primario oper-

antis intentionem considerat (the moral goodness [of an

act] depends solely on the judgment of the doer, which

[the judgment] whether it be or be not materially con-

formable to God’s law, provided only it be, as it is in

the case of a prudent judgment, formally accordant to

God’s law as understood by the doer, is enough in the

sight of God, who considers chiefly the intention of

the doer). James Illsung says in his “ Arbor Sap-

ientiae” etc.,p., 153: Cui licitus est finis, illi licet etiam

medium ex natura sua ordinatum ad talem finem

(to whom the end is lawful, to him are also lawful the

means naturally ordained to such end). Louis Wage-

mann, Jesuit professor of moral theology, in his“Syn.

opsis Theologiae Moralis ” (Innsbruck and Augsburg

1762) has: Finis determinat moralitatem actus (the end

decides the morality of the act). Edmund Voit, in his



MORAL DOCTRINES OF THE JESUITS. 49

“Theologia Moralis,” part I. p. 123 (Wurzburg 1790,

new edition i860) teaches that Cui finis licet, ei et

media permissa sunt: and p. 472 he says, Cui concessus

est finis, concessa etiam sunt media ad finem ordinata.

Father Vincent Filliucius (Figliuzzi;) of Siena, in his

“ Quaestiones Morales de Christianis Ofhciisin Casibus

Conscientiae ” t. II. p. 161 (Lyons 1634), teaches that

Intentio discernit actionem (the intention gives character

to the act). And in recent times John Peter Gury, in

his “Casus Conscientiae,” p. 332 (Regensburg 1865) states

the proposition in this form : Ubi licitus est finis, etiam

licita sunt media per se indifferentia (means in them-

selves indifferent). Finally, the most recent of all Jesu-

it moral theologians, Augustin Lehmkuhl, in “Theo-

logia Moralis” I. p. 32 5th ed; Friburg, 1888) says:

Moralitas desumitur ex fine (the morality is deduced

from the end).

But inasmuch as to the foregoing phrases are attach-

ed numerous exceptions and reserves; and as in many

cases “bad means ”—a rather elastic expression surely
—are excluded, therefore the oft cited proposition can-
not pass for one expressly and in that very form taught

by the Jesuits. On the other hand the passages quoted

give indisputable proof that the proposition “ The end

justifies the means ” has been not without reason credi-

ted to the Jesuits.

It is too true that even outside of the Society of

of Jesus, and even among its stanchest opponents, the

rule that the end justifies the means is widely adopted.

But that is inevitabie, for the adoption of that maxim

cannot be brought within the limits of a paragraph in a

criminal code. Yet the maxim that when the end is

lawful the means are lawful also, would be of little

importance if it stood alone and were not linked to

practical consequences. But the mischief is that the



50 THE JESUITS.

whole moral teaching of the Jesuits from their early

days till now is but a further extension of this proposi-

tion, so redoubtable in its application. And this moral

teaching is all the more dangerous because in many

instances it stands in flat contradiction to the life of its

first propounders and therefore the more likely indirect-

ly to encourage men in ill doing or at least to excuse

them. For among these moralists one of the most

eminent is Antony de Escobar (born 1589, died 1669,)

who ;led a life of the most austere morality, and who

devoted himself to his clerical duties with the most

exact fidelity: and the same can be said of most, if

not all of the other Jesuit moralists. Nevertheless

these men, by the lax morality of their teaching, have

indirectly given a sanction to whoever regards their own

austere lives as unnecessary for the attainment of relig-

ious and moral good.

No artificial coloring can hide the fact that nearly

all the Jesuits who have written on morality, and among

them fifty or sixty diligent authors and gifted scholars

of distinction, have taught regarding acts which the

sound human understanding and the moral precepts of

all civilized peoples pronounce evil, in some cases that

such acts are permissible, in other cases that their good-

ness or badness is an open question. And now as no

Jesuit teacher of morality is known whose principles

accord entirely with the universally accepted morality;

and as the writings in which the opposite stand is taken

have been expressly approved by the Society, therefore

the historian is fully justified in regarding the doctrine

of noted Jesuit moralists as the doctrine of the Society

itself. It is, however, our duty to say that as compared

with the older Jesuit moralists (of the 16th to the 18th

century) the more recent writer Gury (1870) strikes a

much more severe moral chord
?

and that the still more



MORAL DOCTRINES OF THE JESUITS. 51

recent Lehmkuhl, as compared with Gury, makes a fur-

ther advance in the direction of the generally recognized

code of morals. If the Jesuits are in earnest in the

matter, we have reason to be glad
;
yet in view of their

past they must not blame us for a certain mistrust of

their sincerity.

The theories of the Jesuits in their so-called moral

theology may all be reduced to sundry artifices whereby

they get a moral code of greatest possible laxity and

least possible stringency; so that the French wit Hallier

once said of the Jesuit Bauny, Lo, there is he who

taketh away the sins of the world. These artifices are;

Probabilism, the Method of Directing the Intention, and

Mental Reservation; and to these principal instruments

are added certain subordinate ones, as Equivocation,

Utilism, Clandestinism, Quietism, and Formalism.

“Probabilism,” the ground principle of all Jesuit

moral doctrine, teaches that any act is lawful which is

pronounced lawful by any respectable authority (doc-

tor gravis); and of course in the eyes of a Jesuit “a

respectable authority ” means Jesuit authority. This is

the teaching of the Jesuit moralists Sanchez, Navarra,

Escobar, Sa, and others; these distinctly hold that the

opinion of one learned man (that is, of one respectable

authority on morals), though a hundred other learned

men differ with him, is a “probable” opinion and may

be acted on without hesitation. Now suppose that sev-

eral “learned men” (doctores graves) hold, some of

them that a given act is lawful, the rest that it is not

lawful: in that ease one is free tp dp the act or not.

Emanuel Sa goes still farther and says that “a person

may do an act which he holds on a probable opinion to

be lawful, though the opposite opinion be safer in con-

science.” And Escobar teaches that one may act on a

less probable opinion, rejecting the more probable;



52 THE JESUITS.

and even that one may give tip the safer opinion and

adopt another if that other is but equally probable.

Among several more or less ‘ ‘probable” courses of

action the Jesuit will naturally take for himself, and on

occasion counsel others to take, that one which may

seem the most advantageous to his Society (magis con-

veniens Nostris, as the phrase runs in the “Declar. in

Const/’) whether that same be good or bad.

This theory seems most dangerous as applied in

the confessional, one of the most important branches of

the Society’s work. The Jesuits Escobar and Vasquez

teach that the father confessor may according to cir-

cumstances recommend to a penitent a less probable

course of action (i. e. one backed by a less probable

opinion), and even one that is opposed to his own (the

confessor’s) view, if the course recommended be easier

and more advantageous; and the Jesuit Bauny carries

this principle farther, saying that if the opinion upon

which a person has acted is probable, the father confes-

sor must give absolution though his own opinion be
totally different; and if he withholds absolution he com-

mits mortal sin. Sanchez and Suarez teach the same

doctrine.

Lehmkulil thus states his view of probabilism : “In

all doubtful matters and wherever dispute exists

whether a thing is lawful or no, one may adopt a

really probable opinion which declares lawful the doing

or the- not doing, and this even though the contrary

opinion declaring it to be unlawful be equally probable

or even more probable/’ (“Theologia M oralis,” I,

65). Plainly any course of action may be justified

according to this doctrine.

What has just been said gains strong confirmation

from the fact that one set of Jesuit moralists hold to

be lawful the self same act which another set condemn.



MORAL DOCTRINES OF THE JESUITS. 53

While Vasquez distinctly condemns homicide, Lessius

and Escobar exculpate homicide for revenge. Gregory

de Valencia taught that the judge who finds as good

probability of right on the side of one litigant as on that

of the other, may decide in favor of the one whose

counsel is the judge’s friend
;
nay that, to oblige his

friend, the judge may decide in one way now, anon in

another—if no scandal ensue! Azor and Escobar
(“Theol. moral.” I, 48) allow a physician to prescribe a

remedy the effect of which, it is hoped, may be benefi-

cial, though it be more likely to do harm.

An equally handy instrument is the 4 ‘directing the

intention,” which means that an act that on ordinary

rules is sinful becomes lawful by the injection of some

element of good. Thus, for example, the Jesuits Vas-

quez, Hurtado, and Tanner agree in teaching that a son

may wish the death of his father and even may rejoice

over it, provided he does not regard the father’s death

as an end, but has in mind only the heritable or in-

herited estate. And not content even with this, Father

Fagundez gives allowance of the son’s satisfaction, if

while drunk he kills his father.

But specially important as regards the views of the

earlier Jesuits is the doctrine of
‘

‘mental reservation,”

with which in most cases the doctrine of equivocation is

associated. There is mental reservation when a person

affirms as true what is false, and even confirms his

statement with an oath, at the same time adding to the

spoken affirmation, in his mind, words by which the

affirmation, is made true. 4 ‘Equivocation, ” instead of

keeping a part of the affirmation a mental secret, chooses

a form of speech to which a different meaning may

attach. Sanchez in particular is a strong defender of

mental reservation and equivocation. He goes so far

as to allow that a murderer on being questioned whether



54 THE JESUITS.

he committed the crime, may answer no, meaning, for

example, that he did not kill the man before he was

born (“Opus Morale,” I. iii p. 556). Cardenas too

allows such equivocations as this: Suppose a man has

murdered a Frenchman (in latin Gallus; but the same

word means cock). The culprit can without lying say

that he has killed no Gallus, (“Crisis Theologica” p.

395). Escobar stretches the doctrine so as to free a

person from obligation to keep promises that he in-

tended not to keep when he made them.

Still more dangerous may be the consequences of

“Utilism,” which permits one to commit a crime by

means of which he can ward off from himself serious

injury. For example, Lamy, Lessius, Tanner, and

Navarra permit one by assassination, to anticipte a

calumny, to escape a duel (and duels they hold to

be lawful) by assassination of the adversary, nay to

evade a degrading judgment by removing the judge

and witnesses. According to Caramuel a man may

kill the woman with whom he has had intimate rela-

tions if there is reason to fear that she will betray the

secret.

Less harmful but equally despicable seem the doc-

trines of “Quietism,” which permits sin as long as the

soul gives itself up to the same “with reluctance,” or

when the person with whom the sin is committed con-

sents thereto; of “Clandestinism,” which (especially

as represented by Escobar) excuses whatever remains

secret (according to the maxim, Si non caste tamen

caute* if not chaste, then ’cute); and of “Formalism,”

that wretched system which permits you to circumvent

all the commandments if you transgress them under a

form different from that expressed in the letter of the

law: for example, one may read a forbidden be ok in

the shape of detached leaves
?

for then he reads no



MOKAL DOCTKINES OF THE JESUITS. 55

“book” at all.

If now we turn to the opinions of Jesuits as to in-

dividual crimes and offenses, we can dismiss in very

few words the whole group of sins against sexual

morality, because the Jesuit moralists have treated the

subject in a way so offensive to the simplest feelings of

decency that their teachings cannot be canvassed here.

It is a significant fact that in the translations of father

Gury’s “Moral Theology” the chapter devoted to this

subject is left in the original Latin and not done into the

several modern languages. What most offends the

reader is that the Jesuit moralists treat the female sex

with abhorrence and disdain, and seem to attach the

idea of sinfulness only to the leading astray of men by

women, and not to the opposite fact though there nearly

all the guilt lies. Man’s misdeeds in this regard find

plenty of excuses, so that there is hardly a case in which

they are condemned; but poor woman fares much worse.

Many Jesuits even allow the seducer to refuse to marry

his victim if an untoward outcome of wedlock is “ap-

prehended;” and they release the man from all obliga-

tion of amends to his partner in guilt, nay even from

that of entreating the parents for pardon. The Jesuits

also permit prostitution, which reduces women to slav-

ery. (Gury, “Compendium,” P. I, no. 431, nota 1).

Filliucius and Tamburini even permit prostitution to

“respectable” women and girls. We quote the shock-
ing passage to this effect: had we not consulted the

original of Tamburini we could hardly have believed

such doctrine was to be found in it : the passage occurs

in the “Explicatio Decalogi” lib. vii. cap. 5 § 3: Atvero

femina honesta potest petere et sumere quantum ei pla-

cet; ratio est quia in his et similibus rebus, quae pretio

statuto vel vulgato carent, tantires potest vendi quanti

earn aestimat qui vendit. At puella honesta plurimi



56 THE JESUITS.

potest suam honestatem aestimare; unde vides meretri-
cem de qua numero praecedente fuit locutio, potuisse

initio suae prostitutionis plus accipere
;
at ubi tanto vel

tanto pretio honestatem suam aestimavit, huic aetima-

tioni debet stare : secus venderet supra aestimationem*

*
Ur. Am Rhyn does not translate the passage, lest he

might offend against public decency. But as he quotes it express-
ly to show that Jesuits permit prostitution of “respectable” women
and girls, justice requires that the jury (the public) should be put

iD possession of the testimony, though their “sense of propriety”

be shocked. Especially should the testimony be putin intelligable

form before the jury, if it can be shown that it does not teach the

abominable doctrine of the permissibility of prostitution. A trans-
lation therefore is here given, but out of the same tender regard

for the public sense of propriety “femina honesta” (reputable or

respectable woman) will appear as “man of good reputation;”
“puella honesta,” the same; “meretrix,” man of notoriously bad

reputation; “prostitutio, ” infamous career. Thus made present-

able even at a Dorcas society meeting, the passage, literally trans-

lated, is as follows: But amanof good reputation may de-
mand and take as much as he pleases [when asked to do a dishon-

est or dishonorable act, for instance to swear falsely in a case at

law] : the reason is, because in these and such like matters that

have no fixed or customary remuneration, the thing [the perjury]

can be sold for as high a price as it is thought to be worth by the

one who sells. Now a manofgood reputation can value
his good reputation at a very high figure

;
hence you see that the

man of notoriously bad reputation, of whom we
spoke in the preceeding sub-section, could at the beginning of

his infamous career take more [i. e. a higher remunera-

tion]; but once the man of good reputation has set such or

such a price on his good reputation, he must stand by that price,

otherwise he would be selling at a price above the valuation.

Plainly we have here no condoning of perjury. The Jesuit

theologian is not dealing with the question of perjury at all a s

such, but only of the perjurer’s right to demand, and to take,

and to keep the “wages of his sin;” and he treats the further

truly supererogatory question whether once having cut prices on

his “goods” he may justly scale prices up again. The sim ple-

minded Jesuit very decidely says nay: but a “probable opinion”

is that the perjurer will take all that he can get.—T ranslator.



THE JESUITS.

Someone will perhaps say that such smutty special-

ities as are found above all in Gury are needful to the

father confessor so that he may know whether and how

far he may give absolution. Jesus, whose followers

the Jesuits claim to be, thought not so. He said to the

woman taken in adultery, Go and sin no more. With

casuistries he would have nothing to do. And this

searching into the details of sin is nothing to the pur-

pose once unchastity has entered in. Earnest exhorta-

tion is then far to be preferred to the method of exam-

ination, being both more efficacious and more worthy of

the Church, to say nothing of the danger both to the

confessor and the penitent in certain circumstances.

Innocent boys and girls may be led by the method of

examination to harbor thoughts to which else they

might have been strangers.

Lying holds an important place in the Jesuit sys-

tem of morality, unfortunately rather as a thing allowed

than a thing forbidden. The Jesuits permit to the

accused and to witnesses in criminal causes so many

twistings, mendacities and other perversions of the truth

as would hamper the activity of courts enormously or

even make criminal prosecution impossible. Sanchez

even puts the case of a judge interrogating the accused

in a way not according to the law, and the decision of

the legality he leaves to the accused. And in the course

of the Jesuit moralist’s treatment of this point it is devel-

oped that when he speaks of a judge who puts unwar-

ranted questions he means one who on account of his

opinions does not stand well with the Church. But

aside from this, Sanchez teaches that one may lie about a
transaction when he has hopes of thus being acquitted,

or of holding his vantage ground, or when he makes some

mental reservation
;
so that in sum falsehood of every

sort seems permitted. Under such c ircumstances perjury



MORAL DOCTRINES OE THE JESUITS.

also is expressly allowed by Sanchez (“Opus Morale

in Praecepta Decalogi, ” lib. Ill, c. 6). Gury, it is true,

forbids all lying, but permits, “for grave causes, ” the

use of mental reservation and equivocal terms : here he

quotes Saint Alphonsus de Liguori, who indeed was no

J
esuit but was founder of a congregation similar to the

Jesuit Society—that of the Redemptorists or Liguori-
ans, and who was not ashamed to affirm that Jesus Christ

himself used such artifices (Gury,
‘

‘Casus Conscientiae,
”

p. I., no. 415, p. 128). Thus to a Jesuit that which

others regard as blasphemy of a divine person seems an

act of praise. Jesus said, If one strike thee on one

cheek turn to him the other. But his pretended follow-

ers, Fagundez, Filliucius, Escobar, Gury, and others, say

that calumny may be repaid with calumny, railing with

railing (Escobar, t. IV., p. 386); and this for the soul’s

welfare of the railer, to the end he be not overbear-

ing and that others may regard him less. Nay it is

even permissible to trump up a criminal charge against

another so that one may himself escape the torture in

court, or serious damage out of court (Sotus, Lessius,

and others, quoted by Escobar, p. 373). Again, Esco-

bar, Lessius, Navarra, and many others permit the open-

ing of others’ letters when one fears “mischief” from

them, or for the reason of curiosity if one believes they

contain “nothing of consequence But should unex-

pected mischief result therefrom the inquisitive one is

not held to any restitution (Escobar, p. 375). Gury

holds the same opinion (“Compendium.” p. I., p. 221).

This brings us to other transgressions against

the love of the neighbor. Many Jesuit moralists per-

mit a man by tale bearing and by making known anoth-

er’s faults to supplant that other in the favor of some

person of quality ; to desire an illness for a sinner to the

end he may be converted, or his death so that his wrong



MORAL DOCTBIMES OF THE JESUITS. 69

doing may have an end; to withhold from another the

property you have unjustly taken from him, if he has

reviled the doer of the wrong
;
to defame the dead

;
and

so on (Escobar, p. 384, 388).

ADDENDUM.

We add here some observations that could not well be
introduced in the preceeding chapter without impairing

the continuity of discourse. The additional matter has

reference to “Probabilism,” and it is taken mainly from

Dollinger and Reusch’s “Geschichte der Moralstreitungen

in der rom-kathol. Kirche seit dem i6ten Jahrhundert,
”

1889 (History of moral controversies in the R. C. Church

since the 16th century).

The most dangerous and most significant feature

of Probabilism is that it has not its prime origin in con-

science, but in views and opinions that naturally diverge

from one another. Probabilism therefore has many de-

grees, and in some of these exhibits a transition to

principles different from its own. Now, suppose the

question asked, Under what conditions may a person in

practice adopt a given opinion regarding the morality

of an act? there are different answers.

1. The answer of Probabilism, which is threefold. The

answer of

a. lax Probabilism, or Laxism is

:

“If there be any ground whatever for the opinion,

or if it be not certain that it has no ground.
”

b. Probabilism in the stricter sense :

“If the opinion in question, though less probable,

still rests on good ground.”

c. The more rigorous Probabilism

:

“If the opinion in question is nearly as probable as

the opposite one.”

2. Equiprobabilism answers:



60 THE JESUITS.

“If the safer opinion and the less safe are both

equally probable.
”

3. Probabiliorism

:

‘‘One may adopt the less safe opinion only when it

is the more probable
;
but one may adopt the safer

opinion though it be the less probable.
”

4. Tutiorism.

a. Tutiorism in the narrow sense answers : “One may

adopt the less safe opinion only when it is the most

probable.”

b. The more rigorous Tutiorism, or “Rigorism”

answers: “One must adopt the safer opinion even

though the less safe opinion be more probable or

even the most probable.” (See Lehmkuhl,” Theo-

logia Moralis” I. p. 59).

We may formulate thus our view as opposed
to all these: “A person must under all circumstances

adopt the safest view and pay no regard to

probability. But the safest view is always the one

suggested by an educated conscience.”

Probabilism is not primarily of Jesuit origin, nor is

it taught exclusively by Jesuits, nor, finally, is it taught

by all Jesuits. But it is the doctrine of by far a greater

number of Jesuits than of non-Jesuits; and in the

opposition to Probabilism very few Jesuits are num-

bered, so that one is justified in holding Probabilism

and Jesuitism to be synonymous terms. Of course we

speak here only of moralists; that in private life Proba-

bilism is very largely followed by those who are not

Jesuits at all we have already remarked (Chapt. v.

)

The first probabilist who ever set up as teacher of

morals (1567) was a Spanish Dominican, Bartholomew



MORAL DOCTRINES OF THE JESUITS. 61

de Medina. Among non-Jesuit moralists we find only

fourteen probabilists of any note. The best known of

these are the secular priest John Sanchez, the Regular

Clerk Thomas Hurtado, the Cistercian friar John Cara-

muel, the Theatine friar Antony Diana, the Dominican

Gregory Sayre, and the Oblate Martin Bonacina.

Of Jesuits who have opposed Probabilism, but who

themselves advanced only as far as Probabiliorism,

seven are mentioned, most of them little known, viz.

:

Ferdinand Rebello, Paul Comitoli, Andrew Bianchi:

Bianchi, the most decided anti-Probabilist of the three

was, significantly enough, refused leave by the Father-

General to publish his work under his own name and in

the name of the Society. The other four Jesuit oppon-

ents of Probabilism are : Louis de Scildere of Bruges,

Michael de Elizalde a Spaniard, and later the Father-

General Gonzalez and Camargo.

But by far the larger number of Jesuit moralists,

and they the more notable authors, stand on the side of

Probabilism. The list of these embraces 50 to 60

names, chief among them that of Escobar of whom it

was said that he bought heaven dear and sold it to

others cheap. After Escobar the most distinguished

are: Gregory Vasquez (earliest Jesuit Probabilist),

Navarra, Suarez, Thomas Sanchez, Toletanus, Henri -

quez, Peter and Caspar Hurtado, Francis and John de

Lugo, Castro-Palao (these all Spanish); Emanuel Sa,

Fagundez (both Potuguese)
;
Figliuzzi, Baldello (Ital-

ian); Bauny, Pirot (French)
;
Lessius, Silvius (Dutch)

;

Layman, Busembaum (German). Molina, Valencia,

and Azor wavered between Probabilism and Probabili-

orism.

In the middle of the 17th century Probabi'ism

(mostly because of Pascal’s attacks on it in the “Letters

Provinciales”) suffered a notable decline, was frequently



62 THE JESUITS.

condemned, and censured even by Rome, and many

Jesuits sought to have the objectionable doctrine repu-

diated by the Society. But one of their number, Car-

denas, defended the obnoxious propositions stoutly, and

insisted that it is lawful to deny the sin one has com-

mitted, if one adds in thought to the spoken words

(Cardenas, Dissertatio xix., c. 2, no. 14). The Domini-

cans repudiated Probabilism utterly, but the Jesuits

clung to it only more firmly, and Thomas Tamburini

carried the system to its last conclusions (1654), as also

did Antony de Sarafa who taught (1667) that conscience

may adopt the opinion of one learned man, and even

that a man may follow the opinion of another though

that be opposed to his own opinion
;
and that one may

act on a probable opinion, rejecting the safer. But

Antony Terillus, an Englishman (1668) was the laxest

moralist of them all. The superiors of the Society re-

fused to the Jesuit Elizalde permission to print his anti-

Probabilist work, and Father-General Oliva threatened

him with the severest punishment. Well he might, for

Elizalde says of the writings of his opponents in the

Society, “I sought Christ, he was not there. I sought

love of God and the neighbor, it was not there. I

sought the gospel, it was not there. I sought humility,

it was not there. . . . The gospel is simple and

opposed to all doubletonguedness: it knows only yea,

yea, nay, nay. But the moralism of to-day is not sim-

ple, but employs your two-tongued Probabilism and

combines the yea and the nay, for its rule is the proba-

bility of mutually contradictory propositions.” The

Jesuit Sanvitale denied to Elizalde both learning and

virtue, and bluntly declared that an opponent of Proba-

bilism had no right to belong to the Society of Jesus.

So, too, Father-General Oliva reprimanded the Jesuit

La Quintinye for having, for one thing, complained of



MORAL DOCTRINES OF THE JESUITS. 68

the evil consequences of Busembaum’s moral doctrine;

and the Jesuits plumed themselves on the facility of

absolution in their confessionals (Dollinger and

Reusch, p. 64). In their teaching with regard to con-

fession most of the Jesuit casuists maintained the opin-

ion that for absolution attrition, i. e. repentance for fear

of hell, is enough, and that contrition, i. e.
,
repentance

for love of God, is not requisite; and the French Jesuit

Tresse went so far as to declare that man is not obliged

to love God (a proposition condemned by Alexander

VIII.) In 1670 Thyrsus Gonzalez, a Jesuit, in his “Fun-

damentum Theologise Moralis,” ventured to attack
Probabilism, which was ever dominant in Spain, the

birthland of the Society: he himself had advanced to

Rigorism. But the Father-General Oliva thrice refused

leave to print. Innocent XI. took up his cause, and with

such effect that Gonzalez was even made Father- General

in 1687. As he now wrote a new work against Proba-

bilism, the Assistentes sought to hinder its publication

:

but Innocent XII. gave the imprimatur. Gonzalez died

1706, sick at heart because of the continual attacks of

his opponents.

In the second half of the 18th century Probababil-

ism met with further reverses, but remained still dom-

inant among the Jesuits, who thereanent were con-

stantly at strife with other theologians, particularly

with the Dominicans. The parlement of Paris in 1762

had one hundred and sixty-three Jesuit works on moral

theology burned.

The Jesuit Society having been suppressed by

Clement XIV., Alphonsus de Liguori (born 1696 at

Naples, deceased 1787, canonized 1839, declared doctor

of the church 1871) continued the moral theology of the

Jesuit Probabilists (so says the historian of the Society,

Cretineau Joly, VI, 231): nay more, he procured its



64 THE JESUITS.

official recognition by the Church that had so often com-

bated it. For the Equiprobabilism of Liguori is hardly

if at all distinguishable from the true Jesuit Probabil-

ism
;
and to-day Jesuits and friends of the Jesuits laud

Alphousus de Liguori as a legitimate Probabilist. He

permits equivocation, mental reservation, and under

certain circumstances even perjury
;

also the right of

secretly taking from another what you may believe he

justly owes to you. His teaching was approved 1879

by Leo XIII.
;
and Gury, introduced in countless theo-

logical seminaries, rests entirely on Liguori. Thus has

Probabilism, i. e. Jesuitism itself, been made the

Church’s teaching .Unquestionably the Church has the

right to act thus : whether it is for her good the future

will show. But the State, too, has the right, on the

ground of strict morality
,
to keep at a distance the men

who have smuggled into the Church a doctrine so

objectionable, and so to give the Church to understand

that the secular authority prefers the ancient and ap-

proved doctrine of morals to the newly imported article,

which never can and never will be approved.



CHAPTER VI.

POLITICAL PRINCIPLES OF THE

JESUITS

The Jesuits have at all times scorned to obey the

State and the laws, where the State did not obey the

Society or the law was not to their taste. The Jesuits

Ozorius and Gretser maintained the Pope's right to set

up and depose from their thrones emperors and kings.

Our contemporary, Gury, teaches the “educated"

ecclesiastics who get their moral theology from him,

and the faithful who are led by them, not to obey laws

that are opposed to the immunities of ecclesiastics and

to the Church's laws; while on the other hand he holds

that not only Catholics but all Christians should obey

the laws of the Church, and declares these to be obli-

gatory even when not recognized by the State (Gury,

“Compendium Theologise M oralis," Part I, no. 91 sqq).
In 1871 and 1872 the papal organ in Rome, Civilta



66 THE JESUITS.

Cattolica, called the Pope supreme judge and law-

giver of Christendom; and the Jesuit Tarquini deduces

concordats from the Pope’s high station and not from

treaty. Plainly a rightly ordered State should not tol-

erate such views, for with them it cannot subsist.

With regard to the customs laws, the Jesuits favor

smugglers in every point. Gury and other authors

leave it undecided whether the trade of these “shady

gentlemen” is a sin or no, and releases them from any

obligation of restitution to the defrauded government

;

nay they hold that one may distribute for pious uses

the taxes or duties he withholds from the State. Gury

is also very lenient toward poachers, and toward cor-

rupt judges and court officers and fraudulent public

servants
;
also toward deserters and all offenders against

military discipline
;
but on the other hand he does not

boggle at allowing “while the battle is not yet over”

the killing of non-combatants, as women, aged men,

travelers, clergymen, monks, and others, when so

mixed up with the “guilty” [so he qualifies the soldiers]

that the opposing host which has to be annihilated can-

not be annilhated without involving these. (‘ ‘Com-

pendium, ”p. 193).

The Jesuits’ understanding of freedom of the press

differs from that of any modern State. Gury means

by bad books and books to be prohibited, simply

those which are “heretical,” and of course all books

are heretical which do not suit the Jesuits. He

allows the circulation of such books only among ‘ ‘ men

learned and prudent ” for the purpose of refutation.

Whoever keeps or owns heretical books is to be excom-

municated: and among “books” Gury reckons short

pieces and even letters written by heretics, though they

may contain no heresy. But whoever only listens to the

reading of these, or reads but a little in them, or reads



THEIE POLITICAL PRINCIPLES. 67

to refute or to give them up to superiors does not incur

the penalty (‘ ‘Compendium/’ P. n, no. 982).

But all this is as nothing compared with the treat-

ment which the Jesuits would have the authorities ad-

minister to heretics, or those whom they esteem

heretics. Beccanus, a Jesuit (“Opera,” t. I. p. 353:

Mayence 1649,) holds those persons to be still subject to

the Church’s jurisdiction who have quit the Church;

invokes against “ heretics” the major excommunication

;

heretics are to be stript of all dignities, and this de-

privation should extend to their children and grand-

children; their estates should be confiscated; they

should be incapable of inheriting prop erty, of exercis-

ing the patria postestas, and so on ; finally, Beccanus

holds it to be the duty of the State, on behalf of the

Church, to punish with death obstinate heretics. In

our own time (1872) the Jesuit organ “ Civilta Catto-

lica ” has asserted the right of the Catholic Church to

visit with the severest bodily punishments (and so

with the stake) even Protestants and Greek Catholics.

Quite consistently therefore the Jesuits and in particu-

lar Beccanus (op. cit.
, p. 362), and Paul Layman

(“Theol. Moral.,” t. I., p. 362: Wurtzburg, 1748) de-

nounce religious liberty most emphatically, and declare

it to be dangerous to the State. Hence to tolerate the

Jesuits is to proscribe religious liberty.

Even in our own day the Jesuits are no less hos-

tile to freedom of conscience. Their organ, “Civilta

Cattolica,” expressed delight over the fact that Pius IX.

in his Encyclical and Syllabus of December 8th, 1864

anathematized “ the whole modern view of the rights of

conscience and of religious belief and profession,” and

added: “ It is a grievous mistake to admit Protestants

to equal political rights with Catholics, or to allow to

Protestants free exergise of divine worship. ” The same



68 THE JESUITS.

journal called (1869) liberty of conscience and religious

liberty “ madness and ruination and the Jesuit Lib-

eratore, (1871) called them “pure insanity.” Nay in

1891 the Jesuit Brunengo went so far as to laud the In

quisition and, in opposition to the teaching of the ultra-

montanes, to maintain its churchly origin and its churclily

character; also to assert the Church’s right even to de-

cree temporal penalties. The same thesis was asserted

in 1869 by the Jesuits Gerard Schneemann and Clement

Schrader. And the famous Jesuit preacher Father

Roh has heaped opprobrium on the the principle of

toleration. By their fruits shall ye know them.

What the attitude of the Jesuits is towards State

schools we learn from the acts of the party controlled

by them. But Gury expressly declares that it is a

mortal sin for Catholic parents to send their children to

non-Catholic o r godless schools, or to put them under

non-Catholic or godless or morally corrupt teachers.

Gury in one breath pronounces “heretics” and persons

of scandalous lives and evil repute unfit to be sponsors

in baptism. His opinion of mixed marriages is that

of all Ultramontanes and, like most of the views of

that party, is incompatible with peace between denom-

inations in a State where all chuches stand on an

equality.

But the Jesuits have never inquired whether their

teachings be compatible with the constitution of the

State, but have always worked against every govern-

ment that did not blindly submit to them. Hence al 1

the Jesuits that have written of government give an af-

firmative decision on the question whether it be lawful

to slay a tyrant. But it is to be noted that by the word

tyrant they never mean a ruler who governs for the ad-

vantage of their order, be he never so bloodthirsty and

cruel, and though he trample right and justice in the



THEIR POLITICAL PRINCIPLES. 69

mire; for the Jesuit, a tyrant is a ruler who does not

live as the Church wills, and in particular as the Jesuits

will : hence an enlightened monarch, though his rule may

be mildness itself. The J esuit Rainold in express terms

declares “heretical” princes to be the worst tyrants.

The Jesuit Mariana writing of this subject says: “ We

do not inquire what men do but what the laws of nature

allow, and according to them it is indifferent whether

you kill with the dagger or with poison ” (“ De Regect

Regis Institutione,” cap. 4). Says Bishop Bouvier of

Mans, whom Gury loves to quote as an authority

“Subjects must do battle against, besiege, pursue, yes,

slay the usurper as a public malefactor, whenever the

legitimate prince requires it ” (“Institut. Philos.” t

III., p. 628). Regicide was also defended by the Jesuits

Rosseus, Delrio, Bellarmin, Salmeron, Valencia, Azor,

Soto, Busembaum, Suarez, Lessius, Toletanus, Tanner,

Escobar, Molina, Lugo, and many others. Hence it is a

lie to assert that Mariana is the only Jesuit that has

done this. Mariana rejoiced over the assassination of

Henry III. of France—a despicable creature to be sure

—

and called his slayer Clement “the everlasting orna-

ment of Gaul ” (“De Rege,” etc. I. 6). But Mariana

lived in Spain under Philip II. ! Why did he not apply
his theories to that tyrant ? After the assassination of

Henry IV. the Father-General Acquaviva promulgated,

it is true, an edict against regicide, but limited himself

to saying, “ Not to everyone is it permitted to slay
kings.” So little weight had the edict that many of

the Jesuits named above belong to the period subse-

quent to its jromulagation. Only quite recently did

the Jesuit Gury repudiate regicide.

In the Middle Age the Knights Templar conceived

a scheme for cutting off princes and obtaining the mas-

tery of the world through an aristocracy of their own



70 THE JESUITS.

membership. In accordance with the spirit of this

most progressive age the Jesuits are attempting the

same thing with the aid of democracy, and hence to-day

in Germany and Switzerland the Jesuits and Democrats

are political confederates.

It was a marvellously true insight that led the

Jesuits long before the French Revolution to see in the

people the main reliance of the Society, and to teach

the doctrine of the people’s sovereignty. The Jesuit

Bellarmin was right when he said the form of the

political power, whether monarchy, aristocracy, or de-

mocracy, depends necessarily on man’s nature; but the

political power itself rests on the whole mass of the

people
;
for by nature one man has no superiority over

another
;
hence the power of the whole body is of di-

vine right (juris divini). The Jesuit Mariana from

this drew the inference that it is for the people to

order the government and to do away hereditary mon-

achy, since that makes the personality of the ruler a

matter of chance. Therefore a monarch, if he abuses

his power, may be deposed and punished with death.

It is seen that the English revolutionists of 1649 and

the French of 1793 were docile pupils of the Jesuits.

But in maintaining the people’s sovereignty the fathers

of the Society were by no means concerned for the

welfare of the people; their sole object was to use the

people as a means of attaining the Society’s ends as

against the prince, so that they themselves might rule

in the prince’s stead. i).s the Templars wished to es-

tablish an aristocratic Templar kingdom so the Jesuits

aim to set up a democratic empire under papal and

Catholic style and title, the real power, however, re-

maining in Jesuit hands. And the plan is shrewdly

conceived; for no earthly power has ever known so

well the art of holding nations in check and of guiding



RELIGION OF THE JESUITS. 71

them by leading strings, of playing on their sensibili-

ties and lulling their understanding to sleep, as the

Roman Catholic Church since she came under Jesuit

influence.

As Count Hoensbroech shows in the work already

quoted, Jesuitism suppresses, even annihilates in a

certain degree, the righteous sentiment of nationality,

the patriotic spirit. “From his entry into the order

till his life’s end it is constantly impressed on the Jesuit

that he exists for the whole world, not for this nation

or that; this is brought home to him in practice by his

being sent into countries the most diverse. . .

Such are the reasons which decided me to quit the or-

der of Jesuits: one thing I regret, that I did not long

ago let such considerations influence me,”

CHAPTER VII

RELIGION OF THE JESUITS.

The moralists of the Society of Jesus, in their

teaching, tend to impair not only the moral law, but

even those precepts of the Church, which, according to

the express purpose of their Society, they should defend.

In the matter of the observance of the Lord’s day, holi-

days, and fast-days, they allow so many exceptions

that the Church’s precepts are in fact nullities. Es-

cobar, Busembaum, Layman, Tamburini, and others,

teach that one is not obliged to assist at the whole

mass, that it suffices to hear a part of it; that it is al-



72 THE JESUITS.

lowable to converse during the mass if one do but keep

his eyes fixed on the altar. To be present at the divine

service bodily though the thoughts may be wandering

elsewhither, is enough, if the behavior in other re-

spects is proper; and a man does not miss the purpose

of his presence at mass, if while there he keeps eyeing

the women or even meditating criminal designs. The

theologians Bauny and Sanchez permit a priest to say

mass on the same day he commits mortal sin. Gury

permits him to play a game of chance with a layman

for the price of masses, and to pay his creditor in

masses to be said for the creditor (‘‘Compendium,”

p. 142). Thus is the mass lowered to the grade of com-

mon wares and money values. Jesuits allow the use

of ambiguous expressions and of mental reservation

in the confessional; nay they permit downright lying;

also the concealing of a sin if it has been included in a

general confession
;
the choice of another confessor so

as to stand well in the estimation of the usual con-

fessor; and so on.

For the Jesuits even the infallibility of the Pope is

of no account save within the bounds of their theory of

probability, and has effect only after the Pope’s enun-

ciations have been interpreted and understood : for ex-

ample, if the Pope denies right of asylum to bandits,

the decree is inoperative if asylum is afforded not to

abet the robbery but out of—kindness (!); and the
church’s privilege of asylum is enjoyed even by those

who begin an act of crime in the neighborhood of a

church, so that they may at once avail themselves of

the privilege.

Regarding oaths also many Jesuits have peculiar

notions. Escobar, Busembaum, Cardenas, Sanchez,

Suarez, Layman, and others, hold that “an oath taken

only outwardly, without the intention of being under



KELIGION OF THE JESUITS. 73

oath” need not be kept (Escobar, t. IV., p. 106) .That

will practically excuse all perjuries. The fathers just

named furthermore allow all kinds of equivocation

in oaths; and on this point the opinions of Castro-

Palao, Sanchez, Navarra, and Hurtado, are specially

notable. Gury indeed expresses himself more guard-

edly, but his teaching is essentially the same.

(“ Compendium,” p. 151).

Clearly such principles are irreconcilable with a

faith resting on conviction
;
and it is safe to assume

that the superiors in the J esuit order are entirely with-

out faith; that they make use of the Catholic Church

only because by her wide diffusion over the world she

affords a powerful agency adapted for the attaining of

their ends: and here they remind us forcibly of the

Knights Templar. They feign obedience to the Pope,

whereas he is rather their tool
;
they feign a hatred for

heresy, because were they openly to profess heretical

views, the Catholics would no longer suffer themselves

to be deceived by them. The Jesuits accordingly are

not only enemies of enlightenment, which can be

genuine only when associated with sound and true

morality, and when it openly declares its ends and why

it pursues them : they are furthermore enemies of the

Catholic Church, because the Church cannot exist with-

out morality. Hence if the Jesuits, with the help of

the Catholic Church shall ever win their object of at-

taining great power, and shall attain complete control

of that Church, so as to have no longer any occasion for

veiling their real purposes, then surely it will be all

over with the Catholic faith : but the result will be only

hypocrisy and general demoralization.

For the aims of the Jesuits are purely selfish, con-

templating only the advantage of the Society in the ac-

quisition of power and wealth. Neither mankind nor



74 THE JESUITS.

the Church can be benefited, inasmuch as the carrying-

out of the principles of the Society would be the ruin

of both.

How the Jesuits understand the Christian virtue of
humility is shown by the belief prevalent among them

that no Jesuit will be damned, but that all members of

the Society will go to heaven. As late as 1874 James

Terrien, a French Jesuit, published a book in which he

says:
4

4

It is a tradition dating back to the earliest days

of the Society and faithfully preserved among us, that

to persevere in our vocation is a sure pledge of salva-

tion; and that to find favor before God’s judgment

seat it is enough that one die as a child of Saint Igna-

tius.
,,

According to the tradition this comforting

promise was revealed to the Father-General Francis

Borgia and other members or pious friends of the So-

ciety. (For the particulars see Dellinger and Reusch,
44 Geschichte der Moralstreitungen in der R. K.

Kirche,” I. 524, II. 347).

And as the Jesuits have a salvation all their own,

so too they have a peculiar worship. In this there is

almost no mention of God, and of Christ but little.

The worship practiced by the Jesuits and by those in-

fluenced by them is directed to the Virgin Mary (who

holds the first place throughout), to Peter, and to the

heart of Jesus as an object totally distinct from the Re-

deemer himself. By the heart of Jesus they do not

at all mean 44 heart” in a spiritual sense—the soul of
Jesus or his love—but just the bodily heart of flesh
alleged to have appeared in the 17th century to the

ecstatic nun Margaret Mary Alacoque, and which has a

place of pilgrimage of its own at the village of Paray

le Monial in France. After a while the heart of Mary

and the heart of Joseph were associated with the heart

of Jesus, and now special prayers are addressed to the



RELIGION OF THE JESUITS. 75

three hearts. Later the cult of Saint Ann was added.

We are by no means without respeet for the pious be-
lief of the people

;
with that we have not to do here,

but with a modern idolatry devised by the Jesuits for

their own ambitious ends. The people were for cen-

turies pious and devout before these innovations ap-

peared
;
and are not made more devout by these means,

but only befooled and turned aside from the central

point of religion. She who calied herself “ the Lord’s

handmaid” is made into a goddess; and quite needlessly

and stupidly the “heart” of holy personages is taken

as a thing distinct from the personages themselves and

made the object of an idolatry which would be comical

were it not so sad. But the thing becomes absolutely re-

volting when the “ sacred heart ” is invoked in the

cause of la revanche and to aid France in her

quarrel with Germany. Periodicals are published at

Paris and at Innsbruck expressly in honor of the

“sacred heart.” The May-devotions, so-called, are

also an invention of the Jesuits, and are degenerating

into a formal idolatry of Mary.

An ex-Jesuit writes thus of the Jesuit cult: “The

Jesuits have on the whole seriously impaired the grand-

eur and dignity of Catholic worship. The pompous

and for the most part senseless tricking out of their

churches and services make on every unprejudiced ob-

server the impression of silly ostentation in ornament

and of self-complacent coquetry : and that impression is

true. Their one object is to outdo all others, to attract

everyone to their churches and there to hold them, and

so to gain credit for the most imposing religious ser-

vice, though it is not God who is honored thereby, but

rather themselves. . . The music in the Jesuit

churches is the most trivial and tasteless to be found, it

is the extreme opposite of the old Church chant with



76 THE JESUITS.

its gravity and dignity. Pope Gregory and maestro

Palestrina would tear their hair were they to hear such

scandalous performances.”

In their religious exercises the Jesuits, as Count

Hoensbroech shows (p. 20) tolerate none but speci-

fically Jesuit devotions.
4 ‘The novice gets only books

of devotion, written by Jesuits, and in hagiology may

read only lives of Jesuit saints. There is the ring of

Jesuit thought and expression in the prayer of the

Pharisee, I thank thee, O Lord, that I am not like

other men., . . . One man’s idea of piety—Loy-
ola’s—must be stamped on the minds of all members of
his society.”

CHAPTER VIII.

THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM AND

SCHOLARSHIP OF THE

JESUITS.

Jesuit education is no more intended to enhance

the glory of science and scholarship than Jesuit politics

to promote the welfare of the people, or Jesuit religion

to spread abroad a sound faith. Even their educational

establishments serve only to add to the Society’s power

and influence. The first noteworthy institution of learn-

ing founded by the Jesuits was the Collegium Romanum,

1551 ; The next year Pope Julius Ill.at the suggestion



THEIR EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM. 77

of Loyola, approved the founding of the Collegium

Germanicum, the object of which was to train combat-

ants for the struggle with Protestantism in Germany.

Out of a Jesuit idea grew the decree of the Council of

Trent, that after the pattern of these two institutions

should be established in every diocese a preparatory

seminary, i. e.
,
a school where aspirants to the Catholic

priesthood might be trained for their calling from their

tender years.

The educational system of the Jesuits is based on

the
‘

‘Ratio studiorum et institutiones scholasticse Socie-

tatis Jesu ” (Plan of Studies and Scholastic Institutions

of the Society of Jesus) which was drawn up 1588;

published 1599, by Father*General Claudius de Acqua-

viva: revised and amended, to meet the demands of the

time, by Father-General John Roothaan 1832 ; and edited

anew by Father Pachtler 1887. According to the” Ratio”

a Jesuit educational institution has two divisions, Studia

superiora and Studia inferiora. Each division has a

prefect
,
and over both is the rector. The Studia infe-

riora comprise five classes: Rudiments, Grammar, Syn-

tax (now designated Lower, Middle, and Higher Gram-

mar), Humanities, and Rhetoric : each occupies one to

two years. The main purpose of this division (Studia

inferiora) is to teach the Latin language—not its laws
of syntax, but the use of the language itself and to give

facility in speaking and writing it. From the syntax

class onward teacher and pupils must speak Latin only.

Hence the motto of the Jesuit schools “ Lege, scribe,

loquere” (read, write, speak). This end the Jesuits

hold to be reached by cramming the pupil’s memory

with locutious, collections of which relating to all sorts

of objects are made. Among the first duties of the pu-

pils is to say the “rosary” daily; ard they must confess

monthly. The mother tongue of the pupils was till 1832



THE JESUITS.W

strictly banned in Jesuit schools, and still is neglected.

Formerly use of the mother tongue was visited with

punishment, Which one could escape only by informing

against a fellow student guilty of the same fault : and

in Jesuit schools to each student is assigned by the pre-

fect an aemulus (competitor), appointed by the prefect,

with whom he is to compete in his studies. The anci-
ent classics were only and solely for forming the style,

without regard to the spirit of the writings
;
hence Cicero

is venerated as the highest ideal of these schools. Out

of Vergil the students put together Latin verses; and

they act Latin plays, but not such as those of Plautus

and Terence, but plays of their own composition. Greek,

too, is learned, even with the intention of speaking it

and writing verses. The Jesuits place the Greek and

Latin fathers on equality with the ancient classics. All

other learning, beyond the ancient languages, the Jes-

uits grouped together under the title “erudition ’’—an
omnium gatherum of all manner of anecdotes and

memoranda collected indiscriminately from the most

diverse branches of knowledge. Till the year 1832 the

Jesuits* schools knew nothing of instruction in the nat-

ural sciences
;
and such instruction as is now given is

made to conform to religious direction, and is neither ex-

haustive nor systematic. Historical study is still con-

ducted on lines laid down by the Church’s teaching,

and not as an independent branch of science.

The Studia superiora consist of a “ philosophical”

course of two or three years, followed by a four-years

course of theology. In philosophy the teaching fol-

1ows Aristotle “ so far as he does not come in conflict with

the Church’s doctrine;” it aims particularly at refuting

the philosophic systems that are opposed tc the “true

faith.” In choosing between diverse opinions theology

must always shed light on the matter first. In mathe-



THEIR EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM. 79

tnatics the schools down to 1852 clung to Euclid, but in

Euclid restricted themselves to “what the students

like to hear.” But now this branch is taught in the

modern way. In theology the Vulgate Bible is the

groundwork; the original texts and other translations

are consulted only for the sake of comparison. In

Church History it must be made to appear that the

rights of the Church and of her head rest on the most

ancient foundations.

Now to say nothing of the overmuch time given to

practices of devotion and the spiritual exercises, which

must needs interfere with scholarly activity, there can

be no such thing as freedom and independence of

thought and research where the plan of study, like the

spiritual exercises
,
is contrived for the purpose of mak-

ing of the students blindly obedient and devoted tools

of the order, machines that will beforehand refuse to

have any thought or judgment of their own. It is all

a mechanical process of training : the students do not

enter into the spirit of Roman antiquity at all (to say

nothing of Grecian); and the men of antiquity,

the classics, are made known to the students only

through castrated editions, from which everything is

omitted that might in any wise be prejudicial to Jesuit

purposes. On the other hand by lessons in deportment

and in dancing, by all sorts of bodily exercises and by

theatrical exhibitions, the public is blinded and led to

believe that the instruction given is of the highest class,

whereas these accomplishments serve only to fit the

Jesuit for playing on occasion the part of the man of

the world
;
for he must assume all possible disguises as

the purposes of the Society may require. For the rest,

in order to accustom the pupils of the Jesuits to the

thought that they belong to the Society alone, love to-

ward parents and kindred is systematically stifled in



80 THE JESUITS.

them. “After seven years of study,” says Count Hoens-

broech (p. 33), the young Jesuit completes his education,

armed with all the philosophico-theological acumen of

past ages, his head filled with the names of systems

long dead and of medieval scholars now without any

influence, but knowing absolutely nothing of the intel-

lectual conflicts of to-day or of the present currents in

science
;
the scientific men of the time and their works

he hardly knows even by name. . . . If a studious

Jesuit wishes to read anything the library is not at his

disposal though he be a man of mature years
;
he must go

to his superiors, and according to their good pleasure

his wish will be fulfilled or not : the narrowmindedness

of the superiors will very often prevail of course.

The scientific achievements of the Jesuits are on a

par with their schools. As in their schools so in science

they occupy a peculiar position quite separate and

apart from the progressive development of civilization.

Therefore they cannot permit Jesuits to be educated by

other than fellow-Jesuits, or to be tested as to their ac-

quisition of knowledge. Thus as early as 1552 they

obtained of Pope Julius III. the privilege of conferring

on their pupils, after the manner of universities, the

degree of bachelor, master, licentiate, and doctor; and

the privilege was confirmed by Pius IV., 1561 Never-

theless the Jesuit institutions, though styled universi-

ties, were never complete schools of higher education

:

they comprised only the faculties of theology and “lib-

eral arts” (now designated “philosophy”).

Let us now see what is the value of the literature

of the Jesuit order, cultivated and fostered by their

schools.

In Church History Caesar Baronius, native of Cam-

pagna (born 1538, died 1607) passes among Jesuits

as an authority. He was not indeed a member of the



THEIR EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM. 81

Society but was a man in all respects like-minded with

them: in his enormously voluminous “Annales Ecclesi-

astici” the history of the Church is so presented that

everything makes in favor of the Roman Church, even

at the cost of the truth. The Jesuit Robert Bellarmin

(born in Tuscany 1542, died 1621), in his principal work

“De Controversiis Fidei”, was the advocate of uncondi-

tional blind obedience to the Pope, and as such thorough-

ly falsified history.

As Dollinger (“Das Papsttum”, newly revised by

J.
Friedrich, Munich 1892) proves, the Jesuits have at

all times defended falsifications of Church History and

have themselves falsified it. Thus, Suarez, Gretser,

Possevin, Valencia, and Turrianus asserted the genuine-

ness of the pseudo-Isidorian decretals, of the 9th cen-

tury—a spurious collection of papal decrees purporting
to establish the doctrine of the Pope’s supremacy over all

kingdoms. The Spanish Jesuit RomanusdelaHiguera

produced spurious chronicles and relics to prove the anti-

quity of the belief in papal infallibility and in the im-

maculate conception of Mary. Ballarmin, Delrio, and

Halloix defended the pseudo-Dionysian writings; Cani-

sius fabricated letters of the Virgin Mary; and so on.

With regard to general history, we have already

seen, in Baronius and Bellarmin, how Jesuits deal with

historical facts. To the same effect is the fact that not

less than nine Jesuits in the seventeenth century and

the beginning of the eighteenth came forward to prove

the genuineness of a letter purporting, according to the

legend, to have been written by the Virgin Mary to the

congregation at Messina: it is in Greek (!). In com-

memoration of the miracle holiday is still kept at Mes-

sina every year on the third of June, and very many

children are christened “Lettera”. The great Jesuit

writer of history is the Spaniard John do Mariana (born



82 THE JESUITS.

at Talavera 1536) who composed a history ‘ of Spain in

30 books. It is written in a graceful style, but the work

is quite uncritical; it begins with Cain’s decendant Tu-

bal, from whom the Spaniards are alleged to be decend-

ed. This history was first published at Mayence 1601-

1605. Mariana’s treatise, already mentioned, “DeRege

et Regis Institutione” was burned by the common hang-

man by order of the parlement of Paris, but as this em-

bittered the French against the Jesuits, the Society

disowned Mariana, and the Inquisition had him cast into

prison on account of certain theological writings, and

placed the writings on the Index. He was dealt with

the more severely because among his papeis was found

a piece written in Spanish, on “the disorders of the So-

ciety of Jesus” (already quoted under its Latin title “De

MorbisS. J.”)

The great majority of Jesuit writers are theologi-

ans. The earlier of these are of no consequence for

our time, save such of them as have written of morals

and politics, and these we considered in former chapters.

Even the latest Jesuit treatises on theology, such

notable works, for example, as Father Franzelin’s

“Theologia Dogmatica ” (6 vols.) really belong to the

Middle Age.—But there are many Jesuit writers on
Geography and on the languages of the people among

whom the Society has conducted missions
;
some

mathematicians also, and natural philosophers, among

them Athanasius Kircher. Kircher made several tech-

nical discoveries of much importance in that age (17th

century). In our own day the Jesuit order has had one

very learned historian, Damberger, who counted on the

aid of the Society in the publication of his great work

:

but after his death the Jesuits soldhis MSS., instead

of bringing the work to completion. Father Angelo

Secchi, of Rome, won great distinction as an astrono*



THEIR EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM. 83

mer, but in his labors he had no fellow-workers. In

art, aesthetics, and history of literature, also in critical

general history and history of civilization the Jesuits

can point to several brilliant and graceful writers,

members of the order, especially the contributors to

the periodical publication “ Stimmen aus Maria Laach.
”

But the works of these go only to show that the Jesuits,

now as ever, labor only to lead the world back to Cathol-

icism, to papal ideas, and that whatever does not look

in that direction they do whatever they can to discredit

and destroy. For anyone not a thoroughpaced Ultra-

montane the literature of the Maria Laach school is

absolutely insipid: here is no science, but simply

foregone conclusions and propaganda. The same

remark applies to other Jesuit periodicals
—

“ Civilta

Cattolica” in Italy, “ Etudes Religieuses ” in France,

the “Month ” in England. In sum, with all the show

and glitter the one end is simply the catholicizing and

Romanizing of the world. But such end is inconsistent

with the dignity of science and the peace of states in

which all creeds are equal; in purely Catholic countries,

were the governments to recognize it, there would be a

return to the Inquisition.

What Jesuits mean by logic is shown by Father

Clement Schrader’s book “ Der Papstund die modernen

Ideen” (The Pope and Modern Ideas, 1866). In that

work he especially defends the Encyclical and Syllabus

of 1864. The propositions condemned in the Syllabus

which as we know are imaginary propositions such as

the Curia thought plight occur in liberalist works,

and which therefore represent views just opposite to

those of the Pope—these propositions the author makes
more plain to the Ultramontane public by setting along-

side of them the “ contrary propositions, ” which present

the papal view. But these counter propositions &re so



84 THE JESUITS.

scrupulously cast in the form of the condemned propo-

sitions that by the insertion of a “not” or by other

trifling change a ludicrous effect is usually produced.

Take for example the 34th condemned proposition:

“The doctrine of those who compare the Roman pon-

tiff to an independent prince exercising his authority in

the entire Church, is a doctrine which prevailed in the

Middle Age.” In condemning this entirely true propo-

sition Pius IX. plainly meant to say that this doctrine

not Only prevailed in medieval times, but should prevail

in these days as well. But Father Clement Schrader

simply inserted a negative particle (“non,” not) at

“prevailed” (praevaluit), and thus unintentionally

denied the doctrine of papal supremacy even with

regard to the Middle Age. (The text of the proposi-

tion is as follows in the syllabus, the “non” being

Father Schrader’s insertion: Doctrina comparantium

romanum pontificem principi libero et agenti in universa

ecclesia, doctrina est quae medio aevo [non] praevaluit.

)

The 38th condemned proposition runs thus: “ The too

arbitrary acts [arbitria] of Roman pontiffs have contri-

buted to the division of the Church into Eastern and

Western;” and Father Schrader by putting “not” be-

tween “have” and “contributed” in effect qualifies

the conduct of the Popes as arbitrary. The 76th

proposition is : Abrogatio civilis imperii quo apostolica

sedes potitur ad ecclesiae libertatem felicitatemque

vel maxime conduceret; that is, Abrogation of the civil

kingship enjoyed by the Holy See would conduce in

the very highest degree to the freedom and the happi-

ness of the Church. Schrader inserts “non ’’before

“conduceret.” So, then, abrogation etc. would not

conduce in the highest degree ! But doubtless

it would in alow degree, or to some extent ! “But”

some one may reply, “ Schrader is only one Jesuit.
”



THEIR EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM. 85

Clement Schrader is somewhat more than that: inas-

much as he was chosen to glorify the pontifical acts of

Pius IX. in a bulky volume, he must be regarded as an

official spokesman of his Society and of the Roman

system. And such are the “acute logicans ” whose

“learning,” as an Ultramontane journal asserts, fills

the liberals with alarm ! Risum teneatis ?

But apart from such proofs of “scientific culture
”

as this, which give unmistakable evidence of degenera-

tion, the Jesuits shut themselves out of the domain of

research by the homage they ever pay to the lowest

superstitions. Not only did the early Jesuits, like their

contemporaries, all believe in witchcraft and exorcisms:

their fellow Jesuit Gury teaches those pleasing doctrines

in our own day as indubitable facts. He is a believer

in the divining-wand, but cautions us against the

“demonic influence” that may be associated with it

(“Compendium” P. i. no. 270). He believes insorcery

practiced with the help of the devil, in witchcraft as the

art of doing injury to others with the help of the devil,

e. g., of awakening in another sentiments of hate, or

sinful desire, or of producing disease or imbecility. In

the tricks of table-tipping and spirit-rapping he scents

“evil spirits of God accurst;” so-called animal magnet-

ism, too, he regards as a Satanic operation. He gives

directions for exorcizing and casting evil spirits out of

persons or things possessed, and even credits the devil

with sending some dreams. In comparison with this

we may consider other parts of his teaching harmless,

as when he recommends the wearing of blest medals,

pictures and relics of saints, and approves the observa-

tion of the moon or of the passing seasons when herbs

are to be collected for medicinal uses; and so on. The

Jesuit Bouniot declared in 1889 that the heathen gods

were actually, really, demons, asserted possession by



86 THE SESUITS.

evil spirits as a fact, and defended the opinion that in

animal magnetism and spiritism devils play a part.

In the whole course of their history the Jesuits can

claim only two of their members opposed to the burn-

ing of witches, namely Adam Tanner (and he only in a

mild degree), and Frederic von Spe. Spe, who was

also a poet, by his “ Cautio Criminalis,” which appeared

in 1631 anonymously and without permission of superi-

ors, was one of the first pioneers in the work of abolish-

ing the cruel practice. He met an early death 1635
through his devoted care of the wounded in battle.

The Jesuits take overmuch credit to themselves for the

services of this man; but they shrewdly refrain from all

mention of one of the most zealous upholders of trials

for witchcraft, Martin Antony Delrio, a Jesuit, native

of Spain but resident of Belgium (born 1551, died 1608).

His work “ Disquisitiones Magicae,” three volumes,

published 1593 with permission of superiors, is, next

after the “Maul for Witches.” (Malleus Maleficarum)

the most terrible book ever written against the wretched

women called witches
;
and it is full of the most inde-

cent calumnies against the sex.

Were the Jesuits to have free entry to us and

greater influence, how long would it be before they

would bring back trials for witchcraft ? Verily here is

a body of men whose “learning” is less to bo feared

than their fanaticism.



CHAPTER IX.

PRO AND CONTRA.

The present writer is by no means disposed to ig-

nore the services of the Jesuits. We have already taken
occasion to mention some of their good work

;
and if

more has not been said of the better side of the Society,

that is because of the confessed purpose of this volume,

to warn the people against the readmission of the Jesuits

into Germany and Switzerland. In the propagation of

Christianity in the far East, especially in China and Ja-

pan, the Jesuits have rendered great services. In 1692

they obtained from the Emperor Kang-hi religious free-

dom for Christians; they taught the Chinese mathemat-

ics and astronomy; but in the 18th century, in conse-

quence of quarrels with other religious orders and

differences with the court of Rome, they were expelled.

In Japan they had already in 1581 150,000 Christian

disciples, but the Society was expelled 1639, and many

of the Jesuits died the martyr’s death manfully. They

were able to show grand results in the East Indies dur-

ing the 16th and 17th centuries, but these results disap-

peared on the fall of the Portuguese dominion. In Abys-

sinia they converted the Negus, 1604, but in the course

of the same pentury they were driven out, Manjr



88 THE JESUITS.

Jestu.s died 1561, as witnesses unto death of the truth

of the Christian religion, in the negro kingdom then

called Monomotapa, in Africa. But it was in South

America that they attained the summit of their power.

Out of the aboriginal dialects they compacted one gen-

eral language which is understood throughout Brazil

;

and in Paraguay they founded a great State in which

admirable order and just laws reigned. In North

America they explored Canada and settled California.

But everywhere it was charged against them, chiefly by

Catholics, and even by Popes, that they owed their suc-

cess to the blending of Christianity with the religions

of the people among whom they labored.

Of course, while conducting all these enterprises

the Jesuits, that is to say their missionaries, had to en-

dure endless hardships. And these, as well as the many

enmities they incurred in Europe, in part undeservedly,

but in part also deservedly, they bore with high heroic

spirit. Yet from all this and from all the facts previous-

ly mentioned it follows of necessity that only in distant

lands among populations of little culture, and in Europe

only in earlier times, can the Jesuits, or could they, do

any real service. As regards Europe at this day they

are both outpaced and outsoared. Without them and

their influence the Catholic Church would attain a far

higher purity and would command a higher reverence.

In science they cannot point to one man among their

members who could compete on any terms with the

coryphaei of the several branches. In care for the sick

the Johannites, deaconesses, and Sisters of Charity far

surpass them. In political affairs, wherever they were

engaged in them, they have in these times produced

only confusion, though here perhaps the zeal of their

adherents may be more to blame than the Society itself.

Their lax moral teaching is stillthe same as it ever was,



PEG AND CONTEA. 89

as is shown by the works of Father Gury, who has given

np only the justification of tyrannicide. That being so,

vain are the efforts of Cretineau-Joly and of the German

polyhistor Francis Joseph Buss, to prove the innocence

of the Society: the lax moralists of the Society are for-

gotten, thought they. Yes indeed, it would have been

better to forget them, out Gury and his school have

taken pains to remind the world once again of their

teachings.

THE END.

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