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THE DEFENSES

of PEACE

CATHOLIC HOUR
Rev, Wilfrid Parsons, $J.





The Defenses of Peace
A series of four addresses entitled, THE DEFENSE OF PEACE,

delivered on the Catholic Hour from November 9, 1947 through Novem-

ber 30, 1947, produced by the National Council of Catholic Men in cooper-
ation with the National Broadcasting Company.

BY

REV. WILFRID PARSONS, S.
J.

Of the Catholic University of America

Washington, D. C.

NATIONAL COUNCIL OF CATHOLIC MEN
1312 Massachusetts Avenue, N. W.

Washington 5, D. C.

Printed and distributed by Our Sunday Visitor

Huntingdon, Indiana



Imprimatur:

4* JOHN FRANCIS NOLL,

Bishop of Fort Wayne

Nihil Obstat:

REV. T. E. DILLON

Censor Librorum

DeaefcJified



TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

Where Does Peace Begin? 5

Governments Are Not Enough 10

Understanding Each Other 15

The Church Shows The Way 20





WHERE DOES PEACE BEGIN?
Address given on the Catholic Hour on November 9, 1947

In his opening address to the

General Assembly of the United

Nations two months ago, Secre-

tary of State Marshall pro-

nounced these solemn words

:

“The situation we face today

may be summarized by the state-

ment that two years after the

end of the war the fruits of

peace and victory are still be-

yond our grasp. Men look an-

xiously toward the future, won-

dering whether a new and more

terrible conflict will engulf

them ... In place of peace, lib-

erty, and economic security, we

find menace, repression, and

dire want.”

All those who were in Europe

this past summer, as I was,

found ample reason to confirm

the truth of Mr. Marshall’s grave

words. Two years ago, when the

war in Europe came to an end,

people in France and Italy, and

even in Germany, looking

around themselves at their world

in ruins, said to themselves: “Of

course things are bad now. The

armies and the air forces of both

sides laid waste our fields and

left our factories in rubble, our

cattle, our poultry, and our sheep

slaughtered, our machines in

pieces. But let us wait. We are

suffering now, and no wonder.

It was the war. But in two years

everything will be all right.

Peace will have come, and with

it prosperity, and everything

will be all right again.”

This is the way people in

Western and Central Europe felt

—two years ago. Two years
have passed, and what do we be-

hold? Instead of security, there

is the ever-present specter of

collapse—inevitable and irre-
trievable collapse. Instead of

prosperity, there is more hun-

ger and cold than there was dur-

ing the war itself. Instead of

peace, there is the fear of war,

next year, next month. This, my

friends, I can assure you, is the

solemn and undeniable truth.

That Europe from which we in

America drew our Christian

civilization, and from which,

after all, nearly all of us came in

our forebears, that Europe is

trembling on the brink of dis-

solution. The same, in other

ways and other circumstances, is

true of Asia and of Africa. Only

North and South America can

look to the future with any re-

assurance. Yet North and South

America know from the experi-

ence of the past thirty-three

years that what takes place in

Rome and Paris and London and



6 THE DEFENSES OF PEACE

Prague—yes, and in Moscow

—

will very shortly affect the lives

of the men and women, and of

the boys and girls, who live in

New York and St. Louis and

Denver and San Francisco.

I tried during the past sum-

mer, with hesitation and almost

with shame, to give some people

in Europe an idea of how we live

in the United States. I could

draw a picture of happy towns

and cities which have never

lived in fear of invasion, and

have never experienced invasion.

I had to speak of homes which

have never come under clouds

of enemy—and friendly—bomb-
ing planes. It was indecent of

Americans, who lost ten or

twenty pounds in two months on

a European regime, to mention a

menu in an American hotel or

even an American home. But,

try as I could, I could not con-

ceal the fact that we in Ame-

rica have an invincible confi-

dence, a happy serenity, a rela-

tive abundance, which makes the

unthinking envious, and makes

the thoughtful wonder how the

Americans could have achieved

it.

I was perfectly aware that

even at this height of our ma-

terial prosperity there are many

millions in the United States

who lack proper nourishment be-

cause their income is insufficient,

that these same millions will

suffer from cold this winter as

much as the freezing poor of

Europe, that their clothes will

be just as threadbare, their fu-

ture as insecure. And I knew

also that this poverty will be ex-

ploited by those who see in it an

argument to throw in the face of

American democracy. But I also

knew that it is still possible for

us in this country to remedy all

this by social justice. And I

still wondered how social justice

could be brought to the suffering

millions of Europe.

Europe is sick. There is no

doubt about that. So is Asia and

so is that Africa that has come

under the influence of Europe

and Asia. What we in America

are most concerned about is

this : What causes that sick-

ness? If it is a sickness incur-

able and unto death, then we can

only say that we are on the

threshold of one of those incal-

culable revolutions that portend

the end of a civilization. If it is

a sickness that can be cured,

and if a healthy peace can be re-

stored, then we Americans have

upon us the imperious necessity

of diagnosing it before it is too

late. It is true, of course, that

hunger and cold and want are

great sufferings in themselves,



WHERE DOES PEACE BEGIN? 7

but they are rather symptoms of

an illness than the underlying

illness itself. It is true that in

the cold political war now raging

between East and West, the

freezing hands of fear, fear of a

shooting war, are closing around

the throat of Western Europe.

But neither is that the under-

lying sickness. It is true also

that many Europeans are para-

lyzed by the thought that they

may be forced to give up their

freedom to avert worse ills, or

even obsessed by the insane idea

that it wTould be better to yield

their freedom freely. But once

again, while we now approach

the true cause of Europe’s sick-

ness, we have not yet reached

it.

Where, then, does it lie?

Two years ago, Premier Atlee

of Great Britain spoke these

striking words: “Since wars,”

he said, “begin in the minds of

men, it is in the minds of men

that the defences of peace must

be constructed.” The sickness of

Europe, with which nearly all

nations, including our own, are

infected, is a sickness of the

soul. It was a fever of the mind

that made war break out on the

fair face of Europe, and that

fever, God help us, has not

yet abated. If anything, it is

more severe than it ever was,

for there are those in every na-

tion who find it to their nefar-

ious interest to inflame it to

even more disastrous degrees.

This is a tragedy indeed. It is

a tragedy which, like all true

tragedies, could have been avoid-

ed. Will another like it be avoid-

ed? Will Europe, the home of

our own civilization with all that

Rome means for eternal truth,

with all that Paris means for

eternal beauty, with all that a

dozen great cities mean for the

eternal traditions of art and

music and sculpture and archi-

tecture, of happiness and holi-

ness and heroism, will all that

Europe, home of learning and of

freedom, be fouled and ruined

in the sweat and blood and dirt

of another war ?

“Wars begin in the minds of

men.” Our present Holy Father

in his Christmas message of De-

cember, 1944, spoke these elo-

quent words : “If ever a genera-

tion has had to appreciate in the

depths of its conscience the call

:

‘War on war!’, it is certainly the

present generation. It has passed

through an ocean of blood and

tears wider and deeper than

mankind had ever before en-

countered. It has lived through

indescribable atrocities so in-

tensely that the recollection of

their horrors must remain



8 THE DEFENSES OF PEACE

stamped in its memory, and even

in the deepest recesses of its

souls, as the picture of a hell

against which anyone who cher-

ishes a sense of humanity de-

sires more than anything else

to close the door forever.”

It is not necessary to make the

Pope’s words stronger for Ame-

ricans. We have only to ask our

fighting men of land and sea and

air to have from them a heart-

felt echo of what he said. But

all Europe is caught in a web of

hate and fear and suspicion

from which the unfortunate vic-

tims seem to be unable to extri-

cate themselves. Wars begin in

the minds of men. It is in the

minds of men that the defences

of peace are broken down, and

it is in their minds that those

defences must be built once

more.

Oh, I know well that this

winter we shall have to export

to those countries food and fuel

to keep the famished and the

frozen from lapsing into an

abyss of despairing anger and

blind revolt. All of us know well

what such a catastrophe would

mean to us in wasted wealth and

new-spilled blood. We all know

well that our material exports

may mean the difference between

war and peace, between destruc-

tion and prosperity, between suf-

fering and happiness—for all of
us.

But material exports will not

be enough. There are spiritual

exports also that America can, if

she will, send to a Europe that is

also cold and starving in her

soul. Peace will begin, where

wars begin, in the minds of men.

There are surpluses of soul that

we must share with our brethren

overseas if the true defences of

a true peace are to be built.

What is this spiritual cargo

that we must ship abroad?

First of all, America is hope-

ful, she is brimming with hope.

From her very first days in this

expansive land she has had the

hopefulness of a young person

who is bursting with health. She

still has that hope, and she has

enough to share with all the

world. Those who are cold and

hungry and tired find it hard to

bear their sufferings when they

see no hope ahead. Give a suf-

fering man but some confidence

that better days are sure to

come, lift aside the veil to let

him see the light on the dawning

horizon, and he can bear his tor-

ments with fortitude and pa-

tience. Hope is the unseen cargo

in every ship that carries food

and fuel to Europe.



WHERE DOES PEACE BEGIN? 9

But America has more than

that to give. America has free-

dom; she has freedom such as no

other country in the world pos-

sesses. Some countries in the

world are groaning under the

yoke of foreign military powers.

Some are the slaves of militant

minorities in their own midst.

Some of them have freedom in«

name, but they are afraid to use

it, for fear of losing what they

conceive to be security. All of

them are tempted by a great

temptation; their minds are as-

saulted by the suggestion, re-

peated day after day, that they

should prepare themselves, as

has been well said, for “the

eventual acceptance of the idea

of giving up freedom.” (Russell

Porter, New York Times, Octo-

ber 19, 1947). All the supplies

that America will send to Eur-

ope, every bushel of grain,

every ton of coal, every package

of medicine, all of it will bear on

it the imprint of a message that

somewhere there is a free people

that has not yet lost its love of

liberty. That is why frantic

voices have been raised against

it. That is why, along with all

the grain and the coal and the

rest, there must go in all the

cargo ships the message and the

promise of freedom: the mes-

sage that when freedom is lost,

all is lost; the promise that

when the human soul finds itself

again, it will find itself the mast-

er of its destiny, the captain of

its freedom.

All this America must send to

Europe, and still it is not the

last or the greatest of our spir-

itual exports. There is an even

more precious treasure of which

we have a surplus. It is love of

our fellow-man. There is in the

heart of the American no hate

for any nation on the face of the

globe. His friendliness may be

derided by the cynical as simple-

minded; but then, thank God, he

is also simple-hearted. He hates

only the double-crosser. This

simpleness of heart, this unwill-

ingness to harbor hatred: this

is a precious heritage of Chris-

tianity. This is the last great

spiritual export which, please

God, America will send along

with its food and fuel. We send

it with a prayer that when the

bodies of the weak are strength-

ened with bread their minds may

be fortified for peace, that when

their homes are warmed by coal

their hearts may be kindled with

love, that hope and freedom and

love may banish forever the

sickness of fear, of slavery and

of hate.



GOVERNMENTS ARE NOT ENOUGH?

Address given on the Catholic

In my address last week on

this Catholic Hour I pointed out

that fear and hate, want and

slavery more than ever loom up

as menacing the civilization of

the Western World, and I also

said that when we ship food and

fuel to the Old Wprld, America

must include the spiritual cargo

of hope and love, liberty and

justice. It is in the minds of

men that we must meet the men-

ace of war, lest there be a uni-

versal conflagration of despair-

ing anger and blind revolt.

The war had not yet ended

when generous-minded men in

nearly every country began si-

multaneously to feel and to pro-

claim that there must be set up

a machinery of peace which

would include all nations—vic-

tors and vanquished and neu-

trals. At Dumbarton Oaks at

first and later at San Francisco,

these same men from fifty na-

tions wrestled long and hard with

the writing of a Charter which

would express the age-old ideal,

inherited from the very origins

of Christianity, of a community

of peoples that would settle their

natural differences in a peace-

ful manner.

Hour on November 16, 1947

The society of peoples thus

set up, in imitation of the thir-

teen colonies which called them-

selves the United States, gave

itself the name of the United Na-

tions. It started from the con-

viction, as Pope Pius XII said

at the time, that “the idea of

war as an apt and proportionate

means of solving international

conflicts is now out of date,” and

the Pope also reminded us that

this principle had long been up-

held by the Holy See.* “No one

can wish success to this under-

taking . . . with greater en-

thusiasm,” he added, speaking

of himself, “then he who has

conscientiously striven to make

the Christian and religious men-

tality reject modern war, with

its monstrous means of conduct-

ing hostilities.” These words of

the Pope were spoken before the

atomic bombs fell on Hiroshima

and Nagasaki. How much more

meaning did they have after

those dire events ! I can say
with

certainty that there is nobody

in Europe, friend or foe,
who

does not live in almost hourly

*A11 quotations, unless
otherwise

stated, are from the Christmas

Message of December 24, 1944.



GOVERNMENTS ARE NOT ENOUGH 11

fear of the atomic bomb—or
rather, of several thousand

atomic bombs.

More clearly than many others,

the Pope saw that with the ad-

vance of science, war had be-

come an absurdity. That is why

he publicly placed such hopes in

the United Nations. More clearly

than any other public man, per-

haps, he saw what might happen

if the minds of men were finally

conquered by hate and fear.

Their lands might be overrun by

hostile and friendly armies, their

domestic peace and order might

be undermined by insidious

treachery, their breakfast tables

might be bare and their dinner

tables not much better, but if

their minds remained uncon-

quered, freedom and hope were

not irretrievably lost. But if

the minds of men were to be in-

vaded by hate and fear, and fi-

nally occupied by despair, then

the Pope foresaw that apathy

would bring collapse, collapse

would engender revolt, and revolt

would inevitably give birth to

tyranny, as it nearly always has.

Let us go back in memory

three years. At that time, in the

autumn of 1944, the most savage

war in Europe’s history was

verging to its inevitable close. It

was during that year that those

generous-minded men dreamed a

dream, imagined an ideal, of a

world at peace. It was to be a

world (do you remember?) in

which nations would settle their

differences in the same way that

individuals settle theirs—by
common agreement first, and if

that fails, by arbitration; and

failing that, by determination of

a court.

So the United Nations was es-

tablished, with all its many or-

gans of peaceful discussion. Dur-

ing their first year, all these

organs together held 1911 meet-

ings. Most of these meetings, of

course, were not reported by the

press, and most of them went off

in peace. But of those which

were reported, what kind of a

picture. did we receive? Day aft-

er day, spread on the front

pages of the press, we saw a

shameful record of bitter bicker-

ing. Crisis seemed to follow

crisis in dizzy succession. Great

nations hurled insults at each

other for all the world to hear,

and the world wondered with

sinking heart what had become

of the fair dreams of three short

years ago. The little people of

everywhere asked themselves if

all this meant that armies and

fleets of bombers would soon be

on the move once more. Had an



THE DEFENSES OF PEACE

instrument for peaceful settle-

ment been sadly transformed in-

to only another way to war? Does

bringing tne nations around a

common council table only result

in making them hate each other

the more? If that is so, men

asked themselves, where is the

hope that wars can be avoided?

And yet—perhaps things are

not as black as they seem.
Per-

haps a war of words can be-

come a substitute for shooting

wars. Perhaps the very fact

that all this is done in the open,

and not in secret diplomacy, may

be the safeguard that human na-

ture needs. Who knows? It is,

after all, the failures in private

negotiation that come up for

open debate at the United Na-

tions. Dozens of international

disputes are settled peaceably
for

every one that is debated in the

open. And yet the fact is that

there have been failures to agree,

the fact is that desperate
public

conflicts have taken place.

How can we explain it?

The explanation is in the Char-

ter of one of the specialized

agencies of the United Nations

itself. The Organization for edu-

cational, scientific and cultural

cooperation which we commonly

call UNESCO has in its Pre-

amble these words : “A peace

based exclusively upon the po-

litical arrangements of nations

would not be a peace which would

secure the unanimous, lasting and

sincere support of the peoples of

the world, and ... a peace must

therefore be founded, if it is

not to fail, upon the intellectual

and moral solidarity of man-

kind.” These words of UNESCO

are an echo of what was said by

the Pope in 1944: “The moment

will come,” he warned us, “per-

haps sooner than people think,

when both sides will realize that

. . . there is only one way of get-

ting out of the meshes in which

war and hate have wrapped the

world : the genuine recognition

of human solidarity.”

“The political and economic

arrangements” of the govern-

ments of the nations are not

enough. This the United Nations

itself proclaims, and the Holy

Father agrees. By common con-

sent, they look beyond the offi-

cial representatives of govern-

ments to the people themselves.

They look to what the Pope

rightly called “the intimate con-

nection of the mutual and equal-

destinies and rights” of the peo-

ples. The solidarity which re-

sults from this intimate connec-

tion the Holy Father called *‘a

moral necessity and the crown of

social evolution : the unity of

mankind and the family of peo-



GOVERNMENTS ARE NOT ENOUGH 13

pies.” He told us that the peace

of the world hangs on the recog-

nition of this principle, and he

concluded in ringing tones: “No

world reform, no peace guaran-

tee, can abstract from it without

being weakened and without be-

ing untrue to itself.”

The foreign ministers and th§

delegates, pushed by the urgency

of impending chaos, face each

other across a green baize-table,

and wrangle over formulas. Back

home, in a dozen countries, anx-

ious families huddle around bare

dinner tables in freezing homes,

and whisper words of fear and

even despair. The generals and

the admirals meet in secret to

plan new ways of defence against

new ways of destruction. All

over the world, in many regions

of the globe, men and women are

still wondering when their blast-

ed houses will be put together

again. Governments in sixteen

capitals of Europe are making

and re-making plans to put the

Marshall Plan into successful

operation; and governments in

nine other capitals are plotting

to make that same Plan a fail-

ure.

The little people in twenty-five

capitals in Europe, and a thou-

sand towns and villages, are also

making plans, their own plans:

how to get enough bread and

soup for supper, how to make

an old dress, a worn-out suit, last

another six months, how to make

an income that has barely risen

at all meet prices that have risen

four and five times over, and still

are rising like a menacing flood.

Committees and commissions are

drafting more treaties of peace

and new frontiers for Germany

and Austria. In a dozen ram-

shackle old concentration camps

in Germany and Austria, hun-

dreds of thousands of unfortu-

nate human beings whom we

designate by the mocking name

of Displaced Persons—workers
and intellectuals, many Chris-

tians and the pitiful remnant of

Jews—are hoping against hope
that somewhere, some day, they

may begin life again in liberty

and some small measure of pros-

perity.

Governments are not enough.

“The political and economic ar-

rangements of nations” are not

enough. No “world reform,” no

“peace guarantee” is enough.

The Pope told us all that three

years ago; the United Nations

itself admits it. Yet there is in

the heart of this America of

ours a great compassion for the

suffering and bewildered worle

outside its boundaries. Most o'



14 THE DEFENSES OF PEACE

us in some way or another are

cousins to that dislocated world,

and its problems, its disagree-

ments, it failures, are always in

some way echoed over here. It

can truly be said in all honesty

and humility that we in America

have what the Holy Father calls

“a genuine recognition of hu-

man solidarity.” We have ex-

pressed that solidarity in the

billions of dollars in goods we

have sent to other nations in

some form of relief since the

ending of the war.

But are dollars the only way

we can express our spiritual

affinity with the rest of man-

kind? Oh, I know well that there

are those in Europe who say that

Americans think the dollar is

the answer to every problem. I

have also heard the story of the

French peasant who was told

that the Marshall Plan was only

another American scheme to en-

slave him. “I would rather,” he

said, “be the slave of a dollar

than of a soviet.” But whether

the dollar enslaves or whether

it liberates, it still is not enough.

That great compassion for the

bewildered world that exists in

the heart of America is not to

be expressed by the dollar sign

alone. Neither is it any mere

sentimentality. It has behind it a

deep and abiding truth.

The truth has perhaps been

best expressed in our generation

by Pope Pius XII. In almost

every address he has made since

he became Pope in 1939, Pius

XII has repeated over and over

his conviction of that spiritual

value which he usually calls “the

unity of mankind.” I think that

the American people more than

any other are conscious, su-

premely conscious, of this unity.

Under the Providence of God,

it may well be that America,

which took to itself the oppressed

of all the nations, and made an

incomparable unity of them, may

be destined to go back to the

homelands of its immigrants and

give them back the lesson of the

unity which it has learned and

practiced.



UNDERSTANDING EACH OTHER

Address given on the Catholic Hour on November 23, 1947

On Thanksgiving Day, next

Thursday, Catholics in the

United States will join together

to contribute and collect food for

the War Relief Services of the

National Catholic Welfare Con-

ference, for distribution in Eu-

rope to the nations that are still

unable to help themselves because

of the war. This is in line with

the work of the Citizens Food

Committee, which will expect this

year to reach every family of the

United States for the same noble

purpose. They will, with joyous

generosity, add all this to the

collections made by the Friend-

ship Train in its recent trium-

phant progress across the coun-

try.

Some day soon, all these gifts

of food right out of the homes of

the common people of America

will find their way into the

homes of the common people

abroad who need them desper-

ately. They were sent with a

great hope that when famine is

appeased and bodies are warmed

again, the freezing hands of fear

will unloose their clutch around

the throat of Europe, and the

spark of hope will begin again

to glow with a great flame. With

hope will come again a love of

liberty, and with liberty perhaps

unity, and then at last peace.

It is a strang thing, is it not,

that little things like a can of

beans or a pair of woolen stock-

ings or a package of cigarettes,

even when multiplied a million

times—things meant to care for
ailing and suffering bodies—can
mean so much for men’s souls as

well. But the reason is clear. The

want and the waste which these

material things are intended to

overcome are themselves the

result of a sickness of the soul.

We shall supply that want, we

shall repair that waste, and when

we do that we shall have en-

lightened the minds of many

millions of children who have

never had the time to learn that

charity exists in the world; we

shall have heartened the souls

of older people who have had the

time—too much time—to for-
get it.

Let me repeat. It is in the

minds of men that the defences

of peace will be constructed. In

their minds—yes, and in their
hearts as well. But hearts are



16 THE DEFENSES OF PEACE

blind and need to be illumined

by the flash of understanding,

lest they be perverse and wilful;

and minds are sterile by them-

selves unless they transmit to

hearts, along with the flashing

light of understanding, a spark

that will make those hearts take

fire and glow again with enthus-

iasm and confidence.

Materialistic America! Amer-

ica that worships the dollar

!

How we have maligned ourselves

when we say that this is all the

truth. Our Congress is debating

a stop-gap plan to ferry food and

fuel and clothes, and seeds for

next year’s crop, to Europe be-

fore the first of January. It is

also considering a long-range

plan designed to help Europe

help itself. But all this will be

paid for by dozens of little sacri-

fices in every family in America,

and those families will do it, not

grudgingly but happily, knowing

that they have stowed away with

all the cans of food that invisi-

ble—but oh, so nourishing!

—

cargo of the soul. America is

engaged once more on a great

offensive, an offensive this time

spread over the vast uncharted

spaces of the souls and hearts of

men, an offensive greater and

more decisive than it has ever

undertaken before, for once

again it takes the soldier’s cal-

culated risk, but a risk that in-

volves the incalculable secrets of

the souls of men.

Have we the right and the

duty to take the risk? Some-

times we wish that we could

break the barrier of the future,

and having broken it, discover

whether what we choose to do

today, is, as we hoped, the best

thing we could have done, and

if it was not, then find out what

was the best. But that barrier

is impenetrable. God does not

give us prophets any more. All

we can do today is with what-

ever courage and insight we have

been granted, to go ahead on the

road that is before us, to open

up any gate that may present

itself, and enter in and follow on,

on many roads and through many

gates perhaps, and over many

obstacles, until we reach our

goal, which is peace and under-

standing among all men.

It is true that once before in

our history the whole of civiliza-

tion went down in ruins, and was

built up again. In what we call

the Dark Ages the structure once

raised by Imperial Rome went

down before the onrush of bar-

barians from the North, and

what had then been called civil-

ization was a desolate ruin. Well,



UNDERSTANDING EACH OTHER 17

say the pessimists, maybe that

will happen again. Maybe we

better let it happen quickly and

have it over with, for did not

the Church in a couple of cen-

turies fashion a civilization more

brilliant and more happy than

the one which was lost? May it

not be the destiny of the Church

to do that same thing again?

Maybe it will, and if another

such collapse takes place again.

I have no doubt it will. But we

must not forget that the barbar-

ians of the Dark Ages, brought

with them no new doctrines, no

new ideologies, to corrupt the

Roman civilization from within.

They sent ahead no fifth column

to open the city’s gates to the in-

vader and hand over its inhabi-

tants already enslaved by new

errors. We must not forget,

either, that when the flood of

invaders did come, Europe was

ready : it had unity, it had a

single religion, it had a mind of

its own. It was unarmed only

physically.

Today we have plenty of arms

and plenty of men who know how

to use them. What else have we ?

The new invasion of materialism

and atheism has jts fifth column

already ahead of it in the city, al-

ready convinced of the truth of

the invader’s cause. The defend-

ers of the city are themselves

divided in their minds
;

they

stand before the invaders of their

souls with broken weapons in

their hands; their faith is inse-

cure and so their hope is weak.

The tragedy of Europe, the tra-

gedy of all the world, is that the

world is not ready. It does not

have the answers to the new

crisis that is facing it, because

it threw away the answers, or

forgot them, or remembers them

only dimly. It meets its adver-

sary more than half convinced of

the truth of what he says, and so

it cannot refute the error that he

speaks. It has disarmed itself

before the most dreadful threat

that has ever faced it. It has no

mind of its own. It is armed, but

only physically.

Europe has its hands out-

stretched—for the necessities of
life. But Europe is also listen-

ing—listening for a word, just
one word from America. Europe

knows that governments are not

enough, armies and fleets are not

enough. It is in the minds of

men that wars begin and it is

in the minds of men that the

defences of peace must be con-

structed. The word that Europe

has been waiting for us to speak

is that she must return to her

origins or she will perish. If



18 THE DEFENSES OF PEACE

America does not speak that

word, then there is no other

nation dare speak it. France and

Italy and Belgium and Britain

have been waiting for us to

speak that word; yes, and we

may also be sure that the im-

prisoned Slavs in Eastern Eur-

ope, behind the Iron Curtain and

under the hard crust of minority

governments, are also straining

anxious ears to hear that wo.d,

however, dimly, from America.

That word, that message, when

it comes from us, will say: “We

are well aware that your plight

is not only economic. We would

not have you . believe that when

we have helped you to have your

factories humming again, and

your fields green under waving

corn, we will think that you have

solved your problem. We want

you to know that we value human

liberty above tractors and tex-

tiles and turbines. We want you

to know that there is still one

great country, with a hundred

and thirty millions of people in

it, that still holds high the ideas

of brotherhood under God, our

Father, of faithfulness and

loyalty and tenderness and pity,

and that you need not lose those

either, for we are with you.”

If all the world were to be

darkened by despotic power and

live as slaves, hopelessly, under

tyranny, and if in one small cor-

ner of the earth there still sur-

vived a tiny remnant that pre-

served the memory and the prac-

tice of Christian liberty and

virtue, you may be sure that the

rumor of this miracle would

some day creep around the globe,

and into men’s incredulous cold

hearts would enter the first faint

gleam of hope. It would not be

long before that tiny hope had

ripened into courage, into a

determination of men to return

to their origins, which are from

God and Christ and the Holy

Spirit; and courage and deter-

mination, along with faith and

hope and love, would once again,

as they did before, bring free-

dom and happiness and pros-

perity.

And so our message would con-

tinue : “Those values which

would bring redemption to hu-

manity even if they started from

only a tiny remnant, they have

not disappeared or gone under-

ground. A great Republic of the

West still cherishes them. It

does not come to enslave, as the

slave drivers have insisted
;

it

comes to liberate. It does not

come for economic domination,

as the would-be dominators have

claimed
;
it comes to help. It does



UNDERSTANDING EACH OTHER 19

not come as a stranger or an

enemy
;

it comes as a brother.

It only wants to see peace ahd

understanding come back to a

world that has almost forgotten

their names or what they mean.

The only politics it hopes to play

with the food it brings is the

politics of peace. The only pro-

paganda it hopes to spread is the

propaganda of freedom. The only

conquest it hopes to make is the

conquest of your hearts.”

In a Western world that has

too long got used to the idea

that catastrophe is inevitable,

words such as these would be a

reminder of the truth that the

human soul is unconquerable. In

a Western world that has been

reluctantly preparing itself to

barter liberty for what it has

come to imagine might be secur-

ity, words such as these would

be a reminder that it was built

on the idea, preached long ago

by St. Augustine, that peace

is based on order, that order is

based on law, and that law is

based on justice. If there is any

truth in the democratic idea that

we cherish as Americans, it is

that peace, law, order and jus-

tice are the inseparable compan-

ions of liberty.

And one last word—for Amer-
ica itself. We are about to en-

gage on the most stupendous

effort for the restoration of

peace that the world has ever

known. We have rightly seen

that the first step in that re-

storation is to halt the economic

disintegration of Western Eur-

ope. We have resolved to take

that step, courageously and gen-

erously. But we must also see

that the economic effort is only

the first step. We must not for-

get the spiritual cargo that goes

with food and fuel, the message

of the redemption of the soul.



THE CHURCH SHOWS THE WAY
Address given on the Catholic Hour on November 30, 1947

In the three addresses I have

given on this Catholic Hour, I

have said that peace will begin

in the minds of men, that govern-

ments are not enough for this,

that the first step to the restora-

tion of peace will be understand-

ing—understanding by America
of the problems of the world, un-

derstanding by other nations of

the intentions of America. There

still remains one step to take. It

still remains to examine that un-

derstanding in all its parts and

see what it really means.

We are faced with a bitter

problem; in the solving of that

problem we are faced with fal-

lacies that make solution diffi-

cult; we are faced with dangers

before solution is found
;
we will

come to face the goal of the so-

lution; we are faced with the

necessity of making plans for

the solution. Problem, fallacies,

dangers, goal and plans—let us
take them one after the other

and see the inwardness of their

meaning.

The problem that faces us is

nothing less than repairing the

broken peace of the world. But

what is peace? Does it mean

merely that men shall stop killing

each other? A cold political war,

a war of nerves, can be almost as

bad as a shooting war. It is

not peace. What, then, is peace?

Peace starts with understanding

There is no peace under a cloud

of suspicion that can quickly

precipitate and become a storir

of hatred. Peace can only come

through understanding.

As things are now, we pro-

fess to find prospective enemies

an unsolvable puzzle in a riddle

hidden in an enigma. That we|

and our intentions are not un-

derstood by them and many oth

ers is clearer every day. But

even worse, nations that should

understand each other by every

rule of self-preservation, they,

too, find their minds clouded by

misunderstanding of each other.

Nay, the fundamental verities

that ought to be the mainspring

of common action for the com-

mon good, these are forgotten,

misunderstood, distorted. Yet

those verities are simple enough

;

there is a God in heaven, man

is a child of God, men therefore

are brothers to each other. Strike,

religion out of the relations be-



THE CHURCH SHOWS THE WAY 21

tween man and man, between na-

tion and nation, and you have

left only bared fangs and tearing

claws. Men become suspicious

strangers, then fighting foes.

Nations become competing rivals,

then snarling enemies. This is

our problem: how to bring even

the simplest truths of religion

back into our human and inter-

national relations.

But when we move forward to

grapple with this problem, almost

at once stumble over fallacies

that, if we do not see them in

time, will trip us, throw us down,

and cripple us permanently. • Is

it possible to have peace in this

present world of ours? Is it pos-

sible for nations to understand

each other? A deadly whisper

has gone around the world. War

is inevitable, runs the whisper,

why try to stop it? Russia is on

the move, Communism is the

wave of the future, you cannot

stop it. Yet here, too, is a for-

getfulness
7

of a truth that is

fundamental to religion. Man is

not an automaton. His will is

free. The actions of neither

men nor nations are ruled by

blind forces. Men are punished

or rewarded for their free

choices. Each event that comes

to pass in society is the result

of a multiple number of free

choices by its members. Society

is not governed by blind irra-

tionality. War is not inevitable,

unless men freely will the things

that bring it on, unless they free-

ly neglect to do the things that

might prevent a conflict.

But even if we recognize this

truth and act upon it, there is

still another fallacy to trip us

up on our way to peace and un-

derstanding. What things shall

we do to hinder conflict? What

things must we not neglect to

do if there is to be no war?

America is already giving one

part of the answer: see that the

bodies of impoverished Europe

are fed and warmed, so that they

will not be enervated by weak-

ness and suffering, but may be

strong enough to work their own

way to well-being once more. But

if we think that food and fuel

are enough, we are once again

forgetting a fundamental verity

of religion: “Man does not live

by bread alone” (Matthew 4:4).

Only a diabolical temptation

could assert the opposite. If,

after bodies are strong again,

they use their strength only to

start killing each other off again,

the food and fuel we shall have

contributed will only be a weapon

of war. “Man does not live by

bread alone,” said our Lord when



22 THE DEFENSES OF PEACE

He was tempted by the devil,

“but by every word that proceeds

from the mouth of God.” God’s

word must speak in all the gifts

America makes, or they will be

only dust and ashes.

Now, after we struggle out of

the tangle of fallacy in our

search for peace, we suddenly

find ourselves faced with danger.

It is, in fact a two-fold danger.

If we step off to one side of the

path, there is Communism, an

unknown abyss yawning to en-

gulf us. Down there is slavery

and atheism and hopelessness,

where men are chained to earth

and never look up to heaven.

Down there is a voice that re-

peats without ceasing the mo-

notonous words : “There is no

heaven. There is no heaven.

There is no heaven. Heaven is

the opium of the masses.” Do we

who believe have to be told that

where there is no heaven, there is

only hell? Do we have to be told

that where there is no heaven,

the only destiny of men is to be

damned? Heaven is not an ex-

cuse invented by the wealthy to

keep the poor in subjection, on

the promise of a better life to

come. Heaven is a reward for

wealthy and poor alike for loving

justice on this earth. Hell is the

punishment for denying that

there is a heaven.

But if we escape the yawning

abyss of atheistic Communism,

and in horror veer over sharply

to the other side, we may still

find ourselves in danger of clam-

bering up the steep and perilous

cliffs of dictatorship. It has been

the sad fate of several nations

that in reaction against Commu-

nism they have in panic fled to

another totalitarianism, another

dictatorship, in which another

truth of religion—the dignity of
the human person—is invariably
denied or crushed. Out of this

religious truth, Pope Pius XII, in

his Christmas Message of 1944,

already quoted by me several

times, drew the human lesson

that democracy is our soundest

guarantee of peace. He told us

that “the uneasy multitudes,

stirred by the war to their inner-

most depths, are today firmly

convinced . . . that had there

been the possibility of censuring

and correcting the actions of

public authority, the world would

not have been dragged into the

vortex of a disastrous war, and

that to avoid the repetition of

such a catastrophe in the future,

we must vest efficient guarantees

in the people themselves.”

So the Pope has never believed

that dictatorship or any form of

totalitarianism respects the es-

sential dignity of the human per-



THE CHURCH SHOWS THE WAY 23

son or is an effective antidote to

Communism. “Two rights,” he

said, “which democracies guar-

antee to their citizens . . . are

that they shall have full freedom

to set forth their own views of

the duties and sacrifices imposed

on them, and that they will not be

compelled to obey without being

heard.” Communism and dicta-

torship are the two dangers

which threaten the democratic

idea from either side.

Then, as this new Pilgrim’s

Progress of mankind threads its

way out of fallacy and between

dangers, it looks ahead and sees

at last the goal, shimmering in

the light beyond. Up there ahead

lies a world that is at peace. Men

do not look with suspicion at each

other
;
they do not hurl insults at

each other ; they do not have

their swords always at the draw,

looking for provocation. Men

are conscious that they are broth-

ers to each other, wherever they

are; they rejoice at their broth-

ers’ prosperity; they are always

ready to offer and accept mutual

assistance. Their homes are safe

from death out of the sky; their

persons are immune from unjust

deportation and imprisonment

;

their children grow up in happy

confidence and not in terror.

They earn their living without

the daily fear of a recurring eco-

nomic collapse; their industries

are devoted to the production of

the machines of peace and not of

the engines of war; they have

a living faith in justice and fair

dealing with each other; they

look to old age without having

to mourn the death of their

young ones slaughtered on the

battlefield in the flower of their

lives.

An impossible ideal, you say?

A fantastic picture? A will-of-

the-wisp and not a solid city

seated on a hill? You are right,

if all men are by nature prone

to live their lives in hatred and

suspicion, or if the men of good

will are to be forever thwarted

and the men of bad will forever

to have their way. The Founder

of Christianity did not believe

that that is true. It was not an

impossible ideal our Lord set

before us when He said: “Thou

shalt love the Lord thy God with

thy whole heart, and with thy

whole soul and with thy whole

mind. This is the greatest and

the first commandment. And the

second is like unto this: Thou

shalt love thy neighbor as thy-

self” (Matthew 22:37-39). It is

not an impossible task, for upon

the fulfillment of each of those

two commandments He laid the



24 THE DEFENSES OF PEACE

whole immortal destiny of man,

upon the violation of either of

them He laid his most terrible

condemnation.

“Thou shalt love thy neighbor

as thyself.” This is the goal of

the Pilgrim’s Progress of man-

kind, this is the heart of the

peace which mankind must have

or perish, this is the place of

rest, where mankind can lie

down at last, with all past

hatred, fear and suspicion noth-

ing but a tragic memory.

This is the goal to which war-

weary and fear-ridden humanity

is painfully making its way. To

reach that goal, humanity must

map its plans. It is true, of

course, that the details of those

plans will be sketched in by the

statesmen of the nations. It is

also true that in carrying

through those plans, there will

be many weary nights and days

of anxiety and of misunderstand-

ing. It is true that there will be

those who, out of fear or of ill-

will, can and perhaps will throw

obstacles in the way. But one

thing is clear: war will never be

the solution of any of the prob-

lems that plague humanity to-

day. War will only bring new

and more terrible problems in its

wake. That is the first and most

important of the lessons preached

to us by Pope Pius XII: that we

must make war against war. And

second is like to this. The over-

whelming majority of the na-

tions, as the debates at the

United Nations show every day,

are truly united in a single will

and conviction: that not a thing

shall be left undone, not a meth-

od left untried, not a road un-

explored, that a peaceful solution

may be found for our problems.

And let that overwhelming ma-

jority of nations find its own

agreement first in everything;

and then perhaps the other na-

tions that are held in captivity

may little by little hear the good

news, and come out for freedom

instead of slavery, concord in-

stead of strife, prosperity in-

stead of abject destitution. The

object lesson set by the free na-

tions will be an all-powerful one

if they return to even the sim-

plest truths of religion : that

there is a God in heaven, that

every man is a child of God, that

therefore all men are brothers.



THE PURPOSE OF THE CATHOLIC HOUR

(Extract from the address of the late Patrick Cardinal Hayes at the in-

augural program of the Catholic Hour in the studio of the National

Broadcasting Company, New York City, March 2, 1930.)

Our congratulations and our gratitude are extended to the Nation** 1

Council of Catholic Men and its officials, and to all who, by their financial

support, have made it possible to use this offer of the National Broad-

casting Company. The heavy expense of managing and financing a

weekly program, its musical numbers, its speakers, the subsequent an-

swering of inquiries, must be met. . . .

This radio hour is for all the peoDle of the United States. To our

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greeting and, indeed, congratulations. For this radio hour is one of

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historic background of all the centuries of the Christian era, and with

its own notable contribution to the discovery, exploration, foundation

and growth of our glorious country. . . .

Thus to voice before a vast public the Catholic Church is no light

task. Our prayers will be with those who have that task in hand. We
feel certain that it will have both the good will and the good wishes of

the great majority of our countrymen. Surely, there is no true lover

of our Country who does not eagerly hope for a less worldly, a less

material, and a more spiritual standard among our people.

With good will, with kindness and with Christ-like sympathy for

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the pathway to heaven: a strength, and a power divine through Christ;

pardoning our sins, elevating, consecrating our common every-day duties

and joys, bringing not only justice but gladness and peace to our search-

ing and questioning hearts.



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113 CATHOLIC HOUR STATIONS

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—

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