[ Crors i a ( v j o /> . V/i'CA©CM... THE V I C T O R Y OF T H E J U S T fo i ' 7 / / / John F.Cronin The Catholic Hour THE VICTORY OF THE JUST ^ By REV. J O H N F. C R O N I N , S. S. Professor of Economics, St. Mary's Seminary Baltimore, Maryland Four addresses delivered In the nationwide Catholic Hour (produced by the National Council of Catholic Men, in cooperation with the National Broadcasting Company) on Sundays from September 6 to September 27, 1942 inclusive. Page September 6 In Labor and In Toil 3 September 13 The Greatness and Littleness of Man ... 9 September 20 These Are My Brothers ; 15 September 27 God Is My Father ..... 21 Statement of the Catholic Hour's Purpose 27 List of Stations Carrying the Catholic Hour 28 List of Catholic Hour Pamphlets .-. 30 NATIONAL COUNCIL OF CATHOLIC MEN Producers of the Catholic Hour 1312 Massachusetts Avenue, N. W. Washington, D. C. Printed and distributed by Our Sunday Visitor Huntington, Indiana Nihil Obstat: REV. T. E. DILLON Censor Librorum Imprimatur: JOHN FRANCIS NOLL. D.D. Bishop of Fort Wayne Printed in U. S. A . IN LABOR AND IN TOIL Address Delivered on September 6, 1942 My friends, this is the eve of cies of a global war! Our sons are Labor Day, nineteen hundred and fighting in these far-off regions forty-two. What a difference the that our homes may be secure from date makes this year. This is not the tyranny of the invader. They to be a day of well-earned relaxa- do battle in the tanks that you tion. It is not an occasion for a made. They roar forth in giant drive to the seashore or to the Liberator and Fortress bombers mountains. Nor is it a time when raining down upon a cruel foe the labor pauses to take stock and to only message he can understand, plan its future campaigns in its Your guns spit defiance against battle to achieve dignity and secur- those who would put in bondage ity. On the contrary, Labor Day millions of innocent men and wo- this year is stern in its call to duty men and children. France looks to and sacrifice. We are warned that you for her redemption. By your we cannot spare a moment in our grace, Poland will rise again as a struggle for survival. Great ideals glorious defender of the Faith, are at stake.in this war. Harsh and Simple people whom you have never bitter decisions must be made. No seen have called you blessed. Work- one is exempt from the common ers of America, you with your duty to give even unto death. brave sons and daughters in the Such is the background of our armed forces, are the liberators of salute to Labor this year. Working the world! men of America, we greet you as You have done well in your sec- soldiers of production. The assem- tor of the front. The story of the bly line is your battle line—our first miracle of production is common- line of defense and attack. Upon place now. When our Commander- you and upon your efforts depend in-Chief set before you the goals the outcome of great campaigns in you were to achieve, our enemies distant lands. Detroit and Kam- termed his message propaganda, chatka—Seattle and Rotterdam— and laughed. Even our allies won- New Orleans and the ancient cities dered if we had attempted the im- of France—how distant they once possible. But American industry seemed, one from another, yet how and American labor met the chal- closely they are linked in the urgen- lenge, yes, at times they even bet- 4 THE VICTORY OF THE JUST tered the exacting standards set before them. We do not mean to boast. We admit our share of bungling and failure. Furthermore, even though our achievements were immeasurably great, they were only our duty. When others die, we may . not speak of sacrifice. Yet, America is grateful to its workers. It is a privilege to pay this tribute to you on a program given over to Al- mighty God, for surely the victory you are winning will restore the clergy to their Churches in many nations of Europe. We know that millions of earnest men and women, citizens of enemy nations, are torn between devotion to their country and loyalty to their God. It may well be that even the vanquished will be grateful to you for a just peace restoring to them the great freedoms, in preference to the un- easy conquests which they have thus fa r enjoyed. We know that the first triumph of the dictator is over the souls of his own people. Realizing all these things, we do not hesitate today to class you with the heroes of Lepanto and Bunker Hill and Valley Forge. No single group may take credit for this victory on the home front. It represents a united effort of management and labor, of military engineers and of the devoted mem- bers of the War Production Board. Yet we might be pardoned if today we spoke of your effort. In this war, labor has refused no import- ant sacrifice asked of it. On the contrary, it has often been the first to propose measures which meant hardship to thousands of workers. Not many months ago, for example, there were two schools of thought on war production. One group wished to superimpose the military efforts upon normal civilian output. Its aims were the minimum dislo- cation of industry and the least in- terference with an immediate re- turn to normal after the struggle. According to this approach, we should build entirely new factories for the tools of war, leaving our existing equipment for civilian needs. The other school of thought called for immediate conversion of our present industry to the tasks of war. It held that the urgency of the situation was such that no delay could be tolerated. Whatever the cost, there must be an end to busi- ness as usual. The one business of the country was to be national sur- vival. This second approach would be hard on the average citizen. He would give up all luxuries, most conveniences, and even many things formerly called necessities. Labor in particular would suffer, for there would be a long period of idleness—some said an entire year —before the changeover could be effected. Yet to your credit it must IN LABOR AND IN TOIL 6 be said that labor judged, not in terms of self-interest, but in terms of the common welfare. Labor leaders were foremost in advocat- ing the second plan. They knew what it would cost in terms of un- employment. Their own jobs and the existence of the unions they represented were at stake. Idle men do not pay union dues. They might have voted out of office those res- ponsible for their plight. Yet love of country rather than personal gain prevailed. When the decision was made, it was this second ap- proach which was taken. Fortun- ately it happened that the conver- sion was effected quickly and with little cost, but tribute must be paid to those who had the courage to take the path of duty at any price. Labor should be honored as well for its day by day part in forging the sinews of war. Not long ago our President said that soon there would be little need for secrecy about production levels. So great has been the achievement of indus- try, that the knowledge of our out- put would be demoralizing, not helpful, to our enemies. For this result, labor may take its rightful share of credit. That intangible spark called morale will get results when the whiplash of the Gestapo and the shadow of the concentra- tion camp will fail. Free men will sacrifice where slaves rebel. Amer- ican labor has shown that morale. There have been abuses and excep- tions, but compared with the achievements of the last War, we have worked miracles. It was stat- ed in the press recently that pro- duction has increased twenty-five per cent as a result of labor-man- agement committees. In the all- union, closed shop shipyards of the West Coast, ships have been built in a fraction of the time formerly required. Time and again skilled labor has contributed suggestions which have doubled and tripled the output of critical military equip- ment. There is a quiet patriotism in these thousands of little helps which may not make the headlines, but which may make the difference between victory and defeat in the front lines. It has been no easy task for men to toil seven days a week at the pace of a modern factory. Much of this work demands constant at- tention. The attempt to keep pace with untiring machines is a strain on human nerves which grows con- tinually greater as it is prolonged week after week without interrup- tion. True it is that this effort means higher wages at overtime rates, but the average worker, if he had the choice, would prefer neces- sary rest to the gaining of a few extra dollars. These higher rates were introduced originally more as 6 THE VICTORY OF THE JUST a penalty to prevent overtime than as a reward for additional effort. Love of country and not love of money explains the long hours of work today. Labor is also to be praised for its almost unsullied record of no strikes during war. There have been scattered uprisings heie and there, but an authorized strike in a war industry is rare indeed. This policy is no accident. It is an axiom that the power of organized labor is greatest in times of all-out pro- duction. It is equally to be expect- ed that there will be trouble when prices in general are rising. Dur- ing the last War there was almost constant agitation to adjust the wages of labor to the cost of living. This time, however, the picture is entirely changed. Where disputes arise they are submitted to arbitra- tion, with all its uncertainty and delay. This has been done even where employers took advantage of the crisis to weaken the union or where ambitious factions sought to exploit the delay for their own per- sonal interests. Much of this has meant moral courage of a high order, the more to be commended because it is hidden and unseen. It would be a mistake, however, if we were to rest upon the glory of the past. The future lies before us, the challenge and the opportun- ity of our generation. Victory is only the first step. Beyond that lies the vision of a world purified by sacrifice, ready to start once again in the ever renewed struggle for the kingdom of God upon earth. This is the vision which must draw us on, the powerful attraction of the love of what is good, and not merely the strength of the hatred of what is evil. Our conduct now must be the foundation of the world that is to be. This world must be new in many ways . . . the degrada- tion and disillusionment of yester- day must go. It is vital now that we plan for that future, lest we find that we have cast out one evil spirit only to leave our house open for the return of seven more. It is too soon to plot the details of tomorrow's world. But we can acquire practice in the spirit of co- operation and common sense which will make it worth living in. Now is the time to drop the habits of faction and extremism and to learn the real meaning of unity and brotherhood. Many of us were shocked to read in a recent issue of Fortune magazine that a large percentage of business men expect socialism after the war. Here was a confession of bankruptcy on the part of private enterprise at the time that it reached its supreme achievement in American history. On the other hand, there are some who seek a return to individualism IN LABOR AND IN TOIL 6 after the war, restoring the law of the jungle to business life, and casting overboard the social gains of decades. That would indeed be a strange f rui t of victory—declaring an armistice on the field of battle so that we could renew the struggle in the cities and towns and farms of our own land! We should know by now the les- son of history that extreme solu- tions solve nothing. On the battle- fields of Europe we are fighting these total philosophies of life, which crush the spirit of man in the effort to evolve a perfect soci- ety. We are not seeking textbook perfection. We simply want a dec- ent world where man can live with his fellow man. We wish to pattern society on the home life of the sen- sible, God-fearing man and woman. In such a home there are dif- ferences without discord. There is reasonable planning to share com- mon burdens and common oppor- tunities. If there is much to be distributed, everyone shares the abundance. If sacrifice is to be made, none is exempt. The strong gladly take a heavier burden, and the frailty of the weak is protected. All of us, rich and poor, farm and city folk, try to live this way at home. But' some of us have got the bad habit of acting differently in public. We are selfish, or suspic- ious, or greedy of power and wealth. Instead of helping others, we distrust them and try to over- reach them. Then we wonder why society is sick and weak. This War can be a God-given opportunity for us to practice an- other way of life. Here is a com- mon interest to unite us, for the sons of the rich are dying on the sands of Libya just as the sons of the poor. Now we have a golden chance to meet one another in a friendly and open spirit. Employ- ers can meet their workers, not through the medium of newspapers and magazines, but directly, hear- ing their viewpoint from their chosen representatives. The work- ers too can meet their employers. They will learn at first hand the other side of the case. If this is done sincerely, it will not be long before suspicion and misunder- standing will largely vanish. Not all difficulties will disappear. There will be conflicts of interest. But earnest, honest men can settle such differences in a peaceful way. More than that—this new and civilized habit of life will flow over into other spheres. Union leaders train« ed in this school will be less likely to usurp autocratic power. Busi- ness men who know the give and take of the conference table will not denounce every interference with their personal views as socialistic intrusion. Both groups will make 8 THE VICTORY OF THE JUST better citizens and this in turn will mean better government. Is this but another dream? Not if we give it a trial. People are happier when everyone is friendly and decent. They like to understand others and be understood in return. We all know how we are prejudiced against those whom we do not know, and how suspicion vanishes with real knowledge. Let us then do our part to build a better Amer- ica by living in peace with those about us. Let us try to see the problems of the employer or the worker or the elected officials. We can forget the office and the title and see the human being made in the image of God as we ourselves are. Here is the vision of tomor- row—not some glorious superstate —not a magnificent economic sys- tem—no path of glory or conquest —but a vision of simple men, many poor, and ignorant, and weak, but all good with the goodness of God within them. They may differ from us in face, or origin, or creed, but they walk with the dignity of the spirit that gives them life. It is upon these little people that we should build the world of tomor- row. God grant that from the evils of war this good should result! That we may get to know our fel- low man, and live with him in peace and understanding. If this be the lesson of our world in flames, then millions shall not have died in vain. PRAYER IN TIME OF WAR (Adapted from Cardinal Newman) 0 Lord Jesus Christ, Who in Thy mercy hearest the prayers of sin- ners, pour forth, we beseech Thee, all grace and blessings upon our country and its citizens. We pray in particular for the President— for our Congress—for all our sol- diers—for all who defend us in ships, whether on the seas or in the skies—for all who are suffering the hardships of war. We pray for all who are in peril or in danger. Bring us all after the troubles of this life into the haven of peace, and reunite us all together forever, 0 dear Lord, in Thy glorious heav- enly kingdom. THE GREATNESS AND Address Delivered on We have heard it said that the world about us is changing. Many- persons look to a future profoundly different from the world of yester- day. Our age is described as one of the great periods of history, where the destiny of generations yet un- born is molded by an Almighty hand. We are told that schoolboys will one day study our era as to- day they read of the rise and fall of Rome, or the Protestant Refor- mation, or the American Revolu- tion. We are a people of destiny. Grievous burdens and exacting dut- ies have been laid upon us. In heaviness of heart, in bitterness of soul, we now march through the valley of the shadows of death, but before our eyes there is a vision which stays us and comforts us. Beyond Calvary, we have seen the Resurrection. The fire of suffering has purified us. The grim finality of death has sobered us. Our pride has been humbled. Our willfulness has been disciplined. Therefore, trusting in God who giveth strength to the lowly, we look forward to a world that is different, and better. This is a courageous prophecy. If it is founded on faith in God, and not on presumption of spirit, it will be fulfilled. It is the plan of LITTLENESS OF MEN September 13, 1942 God that light should follow dark- ness, and that the tears of the be- reaved should be turned into com- fort and joy. It is necessary that the pride of man be humbled unto the dust, but the penitent soul is welcomed into the home of the elect. We have a right to plan for a bet- ter world. Thirty years of anxiety and suffering—war, depression, and again war—should stir us to high purpose and determined resolution. This time we cannot afford to trifle and quibble. Justice and charity must prevail. Our world may be compared to one of the great in- ventions of our time: We are like an airplane moving with the grace of an eagle and the swiftness of sound, but destined to crash in ignominy if there be a flaw in any critical place. Mistakes which could be localized and tolerated in the days of the ox-cart are fatal now. With this in mind, it is unthink- able that we should decide merely to blunder and muddle through the years to come. We must plan the blueprints of a new order. We are the builders of tomorrow. Let us face the future with hope, but also with caution. Others be- fore us have seen visions. They have dreamed great dreams. We 10 THE VICTORY OF THE JUST know the products of their fevered minds. After the last War, in Ger- many, one man peered into the un- known and saw marvelous things. In the dim vistas of the morrow he saw his people rise from the ashes of defeat, gird themselves with strength and cunning, and go forth that conquering they might con- quer the world. They were to be a master race, pure in blood, keen in intellect, and invincible on the field of battle. Lesser men they would tolerate, but only as slaves of those predestined to greatness by the gods of war. Here was indeed a vision, as entrancing as that seen from the Mount of Temptation where once all the kingdoms of the world and the glory thereof were offered by a spirit majestic and evil. On that day the offer was refused; the hill of Calvary was tak- en instead; and the saving force of Christianity released to a world in the bondage of sin. Surely this man of our day pondered the lesson, but there also came back to him the re- frain of the Tempter: the kingdoms of the world, their power and glory, "For to me they have been deliver- ed, and to whomever I will I give them" (Luke 4:6). On the moun- tain top of Berchtesgaden he reach- ed his decision! What was once re- jected, I will accept. Away with the weakness of the Cross! Away with hesitation and scruples! Noth- ing shall stand in my way! I will build great armies. My air force shall darken the skies. The lurking terror of my submarines will para- lyze the foe. I will train my people in hardness and cruelty. Hatred and revenge will fill their hearts. We have had enough of the weak- ness of those who preach love, and kindness, and tolerance. Honor and trust are but empty words. The price of victory is great, but we shall pay it. Such, my friends, was that fear- ful vision which has led to a world in ruins. This leader was indeed cunning. He divided his enemies, first at home, and then abroad. He took the children from their homes and their Churches and molded them into the pattern that he had seen. He played race against race, creed against creed, and nation against nation, until he was strong- er than any of them. We know the price that the world has paid for this man's dreams. Others too saw visions. Nearly a century ago another man dwelt upon the great injustices that were sweeping the world. He heard the anguished cries of women and chil- dren working long hours in smok- ing factories. He saw the rotten- ness and filth of the newly created slums. He beheld labor degraded and exploited, and in his heart too there arose hatred and the spirit of THE GREATNESS AND LITTLENESS OF MAN 11 revenge. He dreamed of the day when the exploited would arise and strike off the chains that bound them. They would take over the instruments of oppression. The factories would be theirs, owned not by one to be used to enslave others, but by all. There would be a dic- tatorship of the workers, harsh and implacable against its enemies. It would liquidate the rich, for their wealth came from the blood of those who toiled. It would stamp out the very name of God, because the pros- pect of another world made some patient and tolerant towards the evils of this. There would be a complete unity of purpose, with everyone united to build a great economic system which would share its abundance among all. This dream was also to become a reality. It was realized amidst the blood and ruin of revolution. It was nurtured by an iron dictator- ship. Ruthlessly it stamped out all opposition, turning its cathedrals into exhibits of atheism and send- ing millions of its citizens to the slow death of the prison camp. None was too great to be secure. The very authors of the revolution became its victims. Yet by the inscrutable wisdom of Providence, this great nation soon found itself in a war which many feel to be a Crusade. Brilliantly and bravely it has defended its homes against the Godless invader. It has bled white the armies which otherwise might have imposed upon the world the rule of the Swastika, a cross which is not the Cross of Christ. It has given priceless aid to our own country in our struggle to preserve the sacred rights of man. For this help we are pro- foundly grateful. Would it be too much to ask that we express our thanks by prayer for a nation which, once was called holy, that God might save its homes and its fac- tories, and restore its Churches that once again it may honor His Holy Name. Still other men had visions. This time they dreamed of freedom, not of power. It was in the year seven- teen hundred and seventy six, quite by accident coinciding with the de- cade of our War of Independence. But these men were not concerned with political freedom; the liberty they sought was rather in the eco- nomic field. Their vision was one of business, unhampered by any restriction, be it law of government or regulation of guild. These res- traints they called medieval. They had thrown off the yoke of alleg- iance to the ancient Church, why should they not also uproot the last vestiges of its influences in the affairs of everyday life. "Business is business" they said. "Survival for the fittest" was their motto. 12 THE VICTORY OF THE JUST Economic life was to be an exhilar- ating struggle, about of gladiators with woe to the vanquished, a great gamble with the winner tak- ing all. If some felt that this phil- osophy was too harsh, there was the consoling thought that every- one would profit by the selfishness of the few. As a by-product of their titanic struggles, industrial empires would be built. Smoking factories would employ millions. Men of genius, engaged in keenest conflict, would produce ever new kinds of wealth in which all could share. A new world was in the making. The ancient curse of pov- erty and toil would be but an un- happy memory. This road too was taken by many. Powerful nations, some of them with an ancient and proud history, others still in their infancy, adopt- ed this way of life. They became wealthy and powerful. Their ships dotted the seas of the world. Their factories throbbed out a drumbeat of incessant activity. Progress be- came the watchword, with the in- ventions of today soon to become the antiques of tomorrow. But there was another side to this pic- ture. Near the great factories liv- ed broken people. Little children were robbed of the freshness of their youth and sent to work long hours beside the tireless machines —some even chained to their place of toil. Women were forced to leave their homes, to neglect their chil- dren, that they might earn a few shillings to buy food for their wretched families. Men were vic- timized and exploited. Corruption and waste became the order of the day. Seeing all this, Karl Marx made his plan for bloody revolution. He wrote well, for many years after his death these plans were carried out in a pattern of inhuman cruel- ty. Freedom run riot paid a bloody price for its excesses. There were other weaknesses ii} this system of freedom for the strongest. It led to that unchecked speculation so strongly condemned by the late Pope Pius the Eleventh (Quadragesimo Anno, p. 38, Paul- ist Press). Its f rui t was the "dreadful scourge" of unemploy- ment (Ibid. p. 22). Because of it "the whole economic life has be- come hard, cruel, and relentless in a ghastly measure" (Ibid. p. 30). We have lived to see the terrible state of affairs when healthy young men cannot obtain work, when fa- thers of families are driven to des- pair as they walk the streets in vain seeking some way of earning a living, when the old are reduced to beggary because they cannot stand the pace of modern industry. Men felt that such a state of affairs was inhuman. In desperation they demanded security at any price. THE GREATNESS AND LITTLENESS OF MAN 13 They listened to anyone who would promise bread and jobs. Yes, they even listened to that dreamer, Hit- ler. Once again, freedom run riot paid a bloody price for its sins. Thus we see that the modern world is a dream within a dream. The major social orders of today have much in common. They all began with a glorious vision, and alluring promise. On the basis of that promise they justified great crimes. The end in view, so beau- tiful in prospect, would, they fool- ishly believed, justify the sordid means used to attain it. But they forgot that no society is strong when the men who make it up are weak. By grinding man into the dust, they crushed their only source of power and vigor. How can a nation be noble when its citizens are taught to act like beasts? How can one rely upon an economic sys- tem whose frui ts are exploitation and insecurity? What indeed would it profit us if we were to win the world through these means, only to lose our souls in the struggle? These are questions which must be answered before we can hope to build the world of tomorrow. The answer is clear: These systems will not do. Whatever be the de- tails of our plan, it must rest on one foundation or it will fail. This foundation is our acknowledgment of the greatness of every man made in the image of God. In each of us the Divine Spirit has breathed life. In the Sacred Books we have been called sons of God, temples of the Holy Spirit, brethren of the Lord Jesus. As we reverence the Churches of Almighty God, so we should learn to honor and respect our fellow man. Before this shin- ing truth, the trivial differences of race, of birth, of education and wealth, are dwarfed into nothing- ness. One statesman speaks of the "revolutionary march of the people towards manifesting here on earth the dignity that is in every human soul." To quote his exact words: "Everywhere the common people are on the march. Thousands of them are learning to read and write, learning to think together, learning to use tools. These people are learning to think and work to- gether in labor movements, some of which may be extreme or impracti- cal at first, but which eventually will settle down to serve effectively the interests of the common man" (Wallace, The Price of a Free World Victory). He goes on to portray the century of the common man, where no nation will have the right to exploit another nation, where the simple people of India, China, and Latin America will be- gin to produce for themselves, to govern themselves, to know fully the meaning of freedom of expres- 14 THE VICTORY sion, of religion, freedom from fear and from want. This is to be the world of tomorrow. All this may seem to be the vis- ion of an idealist. It is. .The world needs such idealism. We have had too much of the realism which is but another name for gross selfish- ness. It was written that "without vision, a people perishes." All the great movements of mankind have begun in vision; it is only when this vision is unsound that they fail. But the dream which we dream is as true as the truth of Christ. It offers no easy solution to the prob- lems of the world. It will still be necessary to work, and to think, and to plan. There will be leaders and there will be followers. The way of education will be slow and tedious; there will be many failures and setbacks. Impatient men will complain because results do not ap- pear at once; haughty men will look down on those who do not equal them in talent and ability; but if most of us have faith in one an- OF THE JUST other, we shall not fail. Let the employer look upon the faces of those who work for him, and see them as fellow men. Let the work- er realize that behind the aloofness of his employer is a human heart, with its worries and cares. Let them both be concerned with their broader responsibilities to the com- munity. This can be done, but only when each has sincere respect for his neighbor. When this is achiev- ed, we need not worry too much about the details of social reform. These can be found in dozens of books. What is lacking is the sin- cere will to carry them out. Our task today is to develop this will. Call this idealism, if you wish, but do not call it impractical. Practical men have got this world into a sorry mess. Let us then have our dreamers, provided only that they dream of the Sermon on the Mount, and go forth and live in the pat- tern of the Savior. PRAYER IN TIME OF WAR THESE ARE A Address Delivered on These are trying days. We have passed through a summer which has tested our courage and our reso- lution. We face a future which to most of us will mean bitter sacri- fice. For some there will be anxiety and waiting; for others, the heavy sorrow of loss. Wars are not won without blood and tears. Only the valiant and the strong shall con- quer. But strong indeed are they whose cause is just. The searing flame of unselfish love sweeps all before it. Today, then, as we pre- pare to go forth with the might and power of a free people, let us pause to examine our conscience. Let us be sure that we are inspired by lofty ideals, that our motives are right before God, and then we may face our enemies, undaunted by their terror, adamant against their cruelty and their hatred. The motives which we should seek are simply stated. We should strive to destroy evil, and we should plan to build a better world. The first motive is not difficult to ac- quire. We love our country and we will defend it against the evil forces which have attacked it. Our determination is strengthened by the fact that our enemies have sought to root up the great free- \Y BROTHERS September 20, 1942 doms which we hold sacred. The second motive is likewise easy to accept in principle. All of us agree that at the peace table we should plan a world order, conceived in jus- tice and charity, which would re- move the festering wrongs which too often have furnished an excuse for conquest. The difficulty here lies in the working out of principles which will bring about this better world. In our talk today we shall attempt to consider these two mo- tives, and what they mean in our life. In the first place, it is most im- portant that we realize that we have been the victims of deliberate, premeditated aggression. By this phrase we do not refer primarily to the treacherous attack which pro- voked our entry into this war. Nor do we have in mind the technical fact that the other Axis powers declared war upon us before we had decided whether or not to fight a contest of limited objectives. What we mean is that the present attack is the frui t of years of careful planning, long antedating Septem- ber, 1-939. Nothing which we did or did not do in the last three years could have changed the outcome. The only alternative would have 16 THE VICTORY OF THE JUST been ignominious submission to the all-conquering Axis. The evidence for this statement is now over- whelming, whatever may have been the grounds for argument before last December. Now we have seen proof of minute military prepara- tion, worked out in an exactness and detail which demanded years of accurate planning. Japan, for example, has intricate naval maps of our coastline. These were com- piled as the result of thousands of reports gathered from naval officers posing as fishermen. She knows the difficult regions of the Aleutians with a thoroughness which we our- selves cannot equal. Her navy was tailor-made to exploit the weak- nesses of our own. She has used against us material which we sent her as an act of mercy in 1922. Her military men have devised equipment which could have no pos- sible use save in an aggressive war against us. All this was done in the time when we fostered dis- armament programs and scuttled our half-completed battleships. The preparation was in progress long before the present war, even before Japan's war with China. It was simply impossible for a relatively poor nation to do what Japan has done except through years of pa- tient plotting and saving. This fact is seen more clearly when we com- pare it with the policies of a peace- loving nation like our own. We did not send fishermen to act as spies; we did not fortify Guam and the Philippines; we were not prepared for what informed men regarded as the inevitable. A similar story can be told of Europe. Here again we find evi- dence of detailed and thorough planning. We are told, for exam- ple, that the success of the submar- ine campaign was due largely to one fact: That we did not expect any prolonged attacks upon our coastal shipping. The ordinary submarine, used to attack the sea lanes to Eur- ope, would not be able to make .a round-trip to these shores and re- main long enough to do serious damage. There had to be built a special type, equipped for very lengthy journeys. It would -have been useless to build such a com- plicated craft merely to attack con- voys. It was planned and built years ago to come to us. The same careful preparation is found in the elaborate fifth-column organiza- tions flourishing in all the Amer- icas. They started many years be- fore 1939 to organize, to train their subjects, and to plot espionage and sabotage. This likewise was no accident. It was carrying out a policy stated in Hitler's Mein Kampf and clearly evident in the THESE ARE MY BROTHERS 17 program of the National Socialist Party. It may seem strange to hear this military analysis on a religious program. Yet such an analysis is needed to show that ours is a war of defense and not of aggression. There are some among us who are still debating the issues which should have been sunk at Pearl Harbor. Because our leaders had the wisdom and insight to foresee the inevitable war and to prepare against it, some few would main- tain that they provoked it. That is why even now we must pause to assert the righteousness of our mo- tives. Let us not overlook at the same time the broader moral issues of this war. It is an evil thing that many small nations were violently invaded, stripped of their sub- stance, and left in slavery. We need not be ashamed to be indignant at the fate of Poland or of Greece. If we shed tears for Holland or Bel- gium or Norway, they are honest tears. We can be proud of our fury at the betrayal of Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. Our friendship for China and the Philippines is real and noble. It will be a shame- ful day when Americans.can shrug away terrible injustices in the manner of those who in the Gospel story passed by the man lying wounded and robbed by the road- side. Our indignation is not that of the Pharisee who feels that he himself is without sin. No, we too have been unjust in the past, and so have our allies; but surely all the political injustice in the United Nations today is white as snow com- pared to the monstrous terror which has been imposed upon Eur- ope and Asia. Let us consider too the fate of religion in the conquered lands of Europe. We have heard from high- est authority how Poland and Yugoslavia have been deprived of their priests. We know that the clergy of Norway and Holland and Belgium have found the invader to be pagan and ruthless. It is no secret that in his own country he has planned a systematic and thor- ough campaign against every form of religion, Christian and Jewish. Why then, should we fear to say that our cause is just? We in America hate this evil. Every fiber of decency within us revolts against it. We need not apologize for these feelings. The gentle Savior took up knotted cords to drive evil men from the Temple of God; today we bear arms to drive out those who would impose by force their mas- ter plan of godlessness upon a stricken world. Yet as we gird ourselves for 18 THE VICTORY OF THE JUST battle, we look forward to the days of peace. War for us is a grim necessity, not a chosen profession. We wish to forge a peace so wise and so just that the world will be spared for decades to come the frightfulness which has been in- flicted upon us. It is not too soon to plan for these blessed days. The knowledge that we are building a better world will give us strength and determination when we face days of darkness and sorrow. Of course it would be foolish to expect at this date a complete blueprint of the peace treaty. Details will be governed by circumstances, but principles endure forever. It is for us to see that our principles are inspired by the eternal truths which flow from our common wor- ship of an all-Holy God. As we face the future, one great evil rises up before us as a rock which could wreck our «hopes of peace. It is a form of national sel- fishness which seeks the interest of one nation without any regard to the welfare of others or the com- mon good of humanity. Whatever be its name—it has been national- ism or blind isolationism—it is a form of the immoral philosophy of individualism which has plagued the modern world. It denies in theory or in practice the existence of any responsibility on the part of one people towards the other peo- ples of the world. It has led to callous indifference towards great evils, to the breakdown of" inter- national trade, and to the building up of pressures which inevitably lead to war. This narrow selfishness is di- rectly opposed to the great com- mands of Christ, that we sho"uld love God our Father and man our neighbor. Our present "Holy Father has condemned clearly and un- flinchingly that "forgetfulness of that law of human solidarity and charity which is dictated and im- posed by our common origin and the equality of rational nature in all men, to whatever people they be- long, and by the redeeming Sacri- fice offered by Jesus Christ on the Altar of the Cross to His Heavenly Father on behalf of sinful man- kind" (Summi Pontificatus, N.C. W.C., p. 16). In contrast, His Holi- ness speaks of "A marvelous vis- ion, which makes us see the human race in the unity of one common origin in God 'one God and Father of all, who is above all, and through out all, and in us all' " (Eph. 4 :6) ; in the unity of nature which in every man is equally composed of material body and spiritual, im- mortal soul; in the unity of the immediate end and mission' in the world; in the unity of dwelling THESE ARE MY BROTHERS 19 place, the earth, of whose resources all men can by natural right avail themselves to sustain and develop life; in the unity of the supernat- ural end, God Himself, to Whom all should tend; in the unity of means to secure that end" {Ibid., p. 17). Ours then is a oneness of origin and destiny which cannot leave us indifferent to the welfare of our fellow man, wherever he may live or whoever he may be. This truth is reinforced by the economic ties which bind men to- gether, whether they wish it or not. We have found out that a land even as rich as our own is deeply de- pendent upon the products of other nations. Yet many persons have blinded themselves to this truth. With suicidal selfishness they broke these ties and unleashed the forces of hate throughout the world. In the words of our Secretary of State, "Nationalism, run riot be- tween this war and the last war, defeated all attempts to carry out indispensable measures of interna- tional economic and political ac- tion ; encouraged and facilitated the rise of dictators; and drove the world straight towards the present war" (July 24, 1942). Unless na- tions have access on equal terms to the trade and raw materials of the world which are necessary for their economic prosperity, they will not keep the peace. Here is one prom- ise of the Atlantic Charter which must be kept, regardless of petty and partisan interests. May we quote once again our Holy Father: "Within the limits of a new order founded on moral principles, there is no place for that cold and cal- culating egoism which tends to hoard the economic resources and materials destined for the use of all to such an extent that the nations less favored by nature are not per- mitted access to them" (Christmas Message, 1941). His Holiness goes on to note that the nations which control so much of the world's wealth have admitted the justice of his conclusions. Enduring peace must be planned; it will not come about of itself when the last shot is fired. Here is our great respon- sibility on the day of victory. In fighting the selfishness of na- tionalism, however, we must be cautious lest we rush to the other extreme and seek an impossible form of internationalism. Nations have the right to separate existence and to self-determination. Each has its own genius and its own qualities. Within these nations are often minority groups which in turn must be respected. It would be folly to fight the battles of freedom only to deny this freedom when we have conquered. Here is a matter 20 THE VICTORY OF THE JUST which poses many difficult prob- lems, but they can be solved by jus- tice, and prudence, and charity. In nations as with persons there are questions which are rightly con- sidered to be purely individual, while others concern the common good and the general welfare. If we have the proper spirit, we can determine this distinction in a fair and equitable manner. Let us then face the future with a sense of sober responsibility. Our world is too complex for blind sel- fishness; our love of country too deep and too sacred for any Utopian union which would submerge our national genius and our common flag. Ours must be a middle way, a path of moderation and justice and charity. With these principles we know that our motives are pure; that we are fighting for the cause of freedom and right. If such be our thoughts, then we shall be stern and hard in the face of danger. Ours will be the courage of men who walk before God in sincerity and righteousness. Then, in the words of our national anthem: "Conquer we must; for our cause, it is just; and this be our motto: 'In God is our t rus t . ' " PRAYER IN TIME OF WAR GOD IS MY FATHER Address Delivered on September 27, 1942 Many men have concerned them- the tragic wars of 1917 and 1939 selves with the plans for a new began in nations preeminent in such world order. They have erected knowledge? Germany was a beacon magnificent structures with a of culture; Japan proclaimed her- stroke of the pen. As we read their self the most advanced nation in the books, we picture before our eyes East. By contrast, the Ethiopians great confederations of ¡nations, lived under primitive conditions; majestic tribunals of justice, inter- China was only beginning to learn national armies to act as a police the ways of modern nationalism and force to carry out the decrees of industrialism; Borneo and New even-handed equity. Verily they Guinea lived in the manner handed place before us the picture once down to them by their fathers' painted by Isaias, where swords are fathers from the forgotten genera- beaten into ploughshares, where the tions in the dim dawn of man's life lion lies down with the lamb, with upon earth. Yet it was not these a little child leading the forces of simple people whose civilization is the redeemed. We see a vision of different from ours that provoked factories roaring at top speed to this great conflict. They did not reduce the poverty and misery of surge forth from their borders to the world. In regions once forgot- impose their way of life upon the ten we behold children with dancing entire world. They were the victims eyes leaving countless school-rooms not the aggressors. Their tactics of where they drink up knowledge defense were weak and puny be- denied to their parents. The glor- side the powerful forces unleashed ious promises of modern science by science in the service of barbar- shall be fulfilled. Men shall never ism. They realized, as we must again be so ignorant as to stoop to learn, that knowledge and learning the folly of war. will not by themselves save man- This is indeed a picture which ap- kind. A training deeper than the peals to our heart. Yet as we read mere cultivation of the mind is these lines, troublesome questions needed; man's heart must be dis- arise. We ask: If science and ciplined as well, learning will produce peace and Here then is the weakness of the happiness, how did it happen that elaborate plans for a new world. 22 THE VICTORY OF THE JUST They build beautifully, but they have no foundation. Their plans are imposing, if only they could use as their raw material men perfect in every way. But the world in which We live is a world of imperfect men, sometimes weak, often selfish, at times greedy, frequently proud —men who can be deceitful and cruel and ungrateful. We cannot but think of the powerful indict- ment of St. Paul, which sums up in burning words the reason for the world's evil: "For the wrath of God is revealed from heaven against all ungodliness and wicked- ness of those men who . . . hold back the truth of God . . . For since the creation of the world His in- visible attributes are clearly seen —his everlasting power also and divinity—being understood through the things that are made. And so they are without excuse, seeing that although they knew God, they did not glorify him as God or give thanks, but became vain in their reasonings, and their senseless minds have been darkened. For while professing to be wise, they have become fools, and they have changed the glory of the incorrupt- ible God for an image made like to corruptible man . . . Therefore God has given them up in the lustful desires of their heart to unclean- ness . . . They who exchanged the truth of God for a lie, and wor- shipped and served the creature rather than the Creator who is blessed forever . . . And as they have resolved against possessing the knowledge of God, God has given them up to a reprobate sense, so that they do what is not fitting; "being filled with all iniquity, mal- ice, immorality, avarice, wicked- ness; being full of ency, murder, contention, deceit, malignity; being whisperers, detractors, hateful to God, irreverent, proud, haughty, plotters of evil; disobedient to par- ents, foolish, dissolute, without affection, without fidelity, without mercy" (Romans 1:18-32). Here is a condemnation of pagan- ism without parallel for its power and its insight. It lays bare the vices which are the root of the world's misery, and it penetrates to their cause, the denial of God. Our lesson, then, is clear: In addi- tion to these intricate plans for re- forming the world, there must be a return to God and to the simple virtues of a God-fearing society. There is a place, and a real one, for political and economic planning, but they build in vain who do not have God for a foundation. The first truth upon which the new world order must be built is the existence of God; God Who is holy, and just, and loving, and Who has GOD IS MY FATHER 23 made man to live in His image and likeness. From this truth flow the two great commandments: "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with thy whole heart, and with thy whole soul, and with thy whole strength, and with thy whole mind; and thy neighbor as thyself" (Lwfce 10:27). This we must do that we may live. St. Paul does not excuse us for ignorance of God, since the power of God is seen in the works of His hand. We do not need to look to the majesty of the heavens or the beauties of nature to see the wis- dom of the Creator. We can learn of His power and might simply from what modern science has told us of ourselves. Consider, for ex- ample, the eye of man. Its struct- ure of millions of nerves is so in- tricate that it could be compared only to the telephone system of a great city like New York or Chi- cago. Yet in this tiny space each nerve is nourished and repaired with such care and accuracy that through long days and months and years it can serve as a window of the soul. This is but one small part of the great, throbbing organism which is the human body. How is it possible that anyone can know this and doubt the power and wis- dom of God? Are we wiser than the great Pasteur whose growth in knowledge but served to deepen his reverence for the Creator? Nor can we say that the world can live without God and His holy law. What other foundation can man offer? Would he build his new world upon self-interest? That is what we have done in the past, and today we are expiating in bitterness of soul the fruits of that past. Selfishness means greed, and pride, and cruelty. It leads to a world where every man lives for himself, with his hand raised against his fellow man. It means strife and factions and envy. Such a world is filled with hatred. There is anarchy in the economic order and piracy in the political order. Without God men live for this world and its fleeting pleasures. They seek only themselves. They are cruel and heartless; they are harsh and un- forgiving. In the words of St. Paul, they are "without affection, without fidelity, without mercy" (Romans 1:32). This is a fearful picture, yet if we return to the ways of selfishness, it is a prophecy of what is to be. We cannot build our new world upon force, divorced from justice and mercy. This would be a return to the superstate, to a worship of naked power, to the .cruel tyranny which today we fight in many battlefields. Surely we have had our 24 THE VICTORY OF THE JUST fill of those men who come to us with a plea for power, that they might make a world according to their image and likeness. Such power is not for man; it corrupts his heart; hardens it with the armor of pride; darkens his vision with the blinders of conceit; and plunges him down to the earth whence he sprang and whither man will ever return unless he be raised by the hand of God. These ways have been tried and they failed. It is for us to build more soundly, upon the true foun- dations of a Godlike heart. Here is a chance to work for tomorrow, even while the harsh realities of to- day are with us. It is too soon to plan the economic and political in- stitutions of the new world; but it is never too soon to make our own selves ready for our duties in this world. We must learn now to live rightly with ourselves, our neigh- bor, and with the material world which was made to serve the spirit. Living rightly with ourselves is called humility, the forgotten virtue in a proud and selfish age. Humil- ity means little more than honesty with ourselves. It is a fair apprais- al of the good and the bad, as it appears in the eyes of God. This honesty is not an easy thing to practice. Our tendency is to over- look or excuse the evil and magnify the good. In this remarkable world, every automobile accident is the fault of the other driver. Every poorly made golf shot is to be blamed on the caddy. Every failure in business is the result of deceit } and trickery on the part of our com- petitors. We are never to blame. We never wish to face unpleasant facts. We do not eat in an auto- mat because we are poor; it is only because the service is rapid. We wear cotton stockings because nylon irritates our skin. We buy a dollar watch because our fifty- jeweled chronometer is being re- paired. We spend money for cos- metics even if we have to skimp on necessary food. On the other hand, we are less hesitant to take credit for what appears good. If we have a good job, we attribute it to our ability, not to the fortunate choice of parents with money and good connections. We become vain over such assets as strength or beauty or I talent, when we deserve little credit for getting them or developing them. If we are praised for some- J thing we did not do, we keep a dis- creet silence. All this is dishonest and false. We see how ridiculous such pretense is in other people, but we lack the candor and sincerity to see how unreal it makes us to be. If we could picture some revolution- GOD IS MY FATHER 25 ary discovery which would enable others to read our thoughts and to peer into the dark recesses of our memory, we would find ourselves taking an entirely different attitude towards the world about us. Having that same honest appraisal of our- selves now would mean acquiring the virtue of humility. Honesty towards ourselves would lead us a long way towards sound attitudes in, regard to our fellow man. There is only one sane way of treating those with whom we live, and that is the way of Christ. It is called love of neighbor. It means treating those about us with the same regard which we show in- stinctively towards ourselves. It is the acknowledgment of every man's worth as a man, regardless of age, or creed, or color, or education, or wealth. This does not mean that we will find everyone about us temper- amentally agreeable to us. We will still dislike the poor jokes of one man, the raucous laugh of another, the boorish manners of a third. Perhaps for their own good we may have to call their attention to cer- tain irritating faults. But if we are aware of our own faults, we are not so likely to be harsh in judging those of our neighbor. When we honestly feel that our success was mainly a matter of good fortune, we will not be so critical of those who did not get a real chance. We will see much more good in people when we are interested in them than we did when the sun rose and set upon our own little world. Perhaps then the frailties of others will mean rather an opportunity to help those in need than an occasion to criticise every little failing. There have been men and women who looked upon their fellow men that way and lived to serve them. In the Catholic Church we call them saints. Others, too have been able to take this view of humanity. They are our heroes and patriots, such as Washington and Lincoln and Lee. These men knew how to live. They became true to themselves by serving others. We may well follow them as they fol- lowed Christ. Finally, we will learn that living well with ourselves and with our neighbor will teach us sanity in the use of the goods of this world. Food and drink and clothing, and the money with which to buy these things, are good in themselves. God made them to serve us and to help us to live a decent life. They be- come evil only when we live to serve them. This is greed or avarice or perhaps an insane lust for power. We need money to live comfortably. If we have rendered exceptional service to the community, then per- haps we have earned the right to a 26 THE VICTORY OF THE JUST larger share of this world's com- forts. But we never have the right for mere display or the senseless piling up of unneeded wealth. We have no right to be sated with superfluous goods, when others are starving or in poverty. For our own good we should seek money only in moderation; for the good of our neighbor we must be ever ready to aid those in distress; and for the perfection of our soul, we should put aside earthly cares, and devote ourselves to the service of God and of our neighbor. If these demands seem hard to us, let us pray God to soften our heart, to remove the tough coat of pride, and selfishness, and greed. Would we have the courage to ask for a rear cure for these evils? Would we dare to ask for the bless- ing of suffering, be it sickness of the body, bereavement of the spirit, or that profound contrition of heart which comes from the awareness of our sinfulness and weakness? The heart that has suf- fered with God is not proud or selfish. Broken with pain, humbled unto the dust, it acquires the di- vine gif t of sympathy and compas- sion. But, my friends, God has given us the blessing of suffering in this war. We know the meaning of sorrow and bereavement and pain. Let us place these gifts on the altar. Let us walk down from Calvary with the profound faith that tomorrow will see the glory of the Resurrection, the birth of a new world, a world blessed with the en- during blessing of justice and love, under God. PRAYER IN TIME OF WAR THE PURPOSE OF THE CATHOLIC HOUR (Extract from the address of the late Patrick Cardinal Hayes at the inaugural program of the Catholic Hour in the studio of the National Broadcasting Company, New York City, March 2, 1930.) Our congratulations and our gratitude are extended to the National Council of Catholic Men and its officials, and to all who, by their financial support, have made it possible to use this offer of the National Broadcasting Company. The heavy expense of managing and financing a weekly program, its musical numbers, its speakers, the subsequent answering of inquiries, must be met. . . . This radio hour is for all the people of the United States. To our fellow-citizens, in this word of dedication, we wish to express a cordial greeting and, indeed, congratulations. For this radio hour is one of service to America, which certainly will listen in interestedly, and even sympathetically, I am sure, to the voice of the ancient Church with its historic background of all the centuries of the Christian era, and with its own notable contribution to the discovery, explora- tion, foundation and growth of our glorious country. . . . Thus to voice before a vast public the Catholic Church is no light task. Our prayers will be with those who have that task in hand. We feel certain that it will have both the good will and the good wishes of the great majority of our countrymen. Surely, there is no true lover of our Country who does not eagerly hope for a less worldly, a less material, and a more spiritual standard among our people. With good will, with kindness and with Christ-like sympa- thy for all, this work is inaugurated. So may it continue. So may it be fulfilled. This word of dedication voices, there- fore, the hope that this radio hour may serve to make known, to explain with the charity of Christ, our faith, which we love even as we love Christ Himself. May it serve to make better understood that faith as it really is—a light revealing the pathway to heaven: a strength, and a power divine through Christ; pardoning our sins, elevating, consecrating our common every-day duties and joys, bringing not only justice but gladness and peace to our searching and ques- tioning hearts. 104 CATHOLIC HOUR STATIONS In 41 States, the District of Columbia, and Hawaii Alabama Birmingham Ü WBRC 960 kc Mobile „ . . W A L A 1410 kc Arizona Phoenix jjS KTAR 620 kc Safford . . . . . . . . — . .KGLU 1450 kc Tucson . . KVOA 1290 kc Yuma . i K Y U M 1240 kc Arkansas Little Rock KARK 920 kc California Bakersfieid . . . . KERN 1410 kc Fresno . KMJ 580 kc Los Angeles . „ . . .KECA 790 kc Sacramento . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1 . . . . . Ì . . . . . .KFBK 1530 kc San Francisco ; KPO 680 kc Stockton KWG 1230 kc Colorado Denver KOA 850 kc Connecticut Hartford : . . .WTIC* 1080 kc District of Columbia Washington JLS, WRC 980 kc Florida Jacksonville : . . . t . 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OUR SUNDAY VISITOR is the authorized publisher of all CATHOLIC HOUR addresses in pamphlet form. The addresses published to date, all of which are available, are listed below. Others will be published as they are delivered. Quantity Prices Do Not Include Carriage Charge "The Divine Romance/' by Rt. Rev. Msgr. Fulton J. Sheen, 80 pages and cover. Single copy, 15c postpaid; 5 or more, 10c each. In quantities, $8.75 per 100. "The Moral Order" and "Mary, the Mother of Jesus," by Rev. Dr. Geo. Johnson, 64 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $6.50 per 100. "A Trilogy on Prayer," by Rev. Thomas F. Burke, C.S.P., 32 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.50 per 100. "The Philosophy of Catholic Education," by Rev. Dr. Charles L. O'Donnell, C.S.C., 32 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.50 per 100. "Christianity and the Modern Mind," by Rev. John A. McClorey, S.J., 64 pages and cover. Single copy, 15c postpaid; 5 or more, 10c each. In quantities, $6.50 per 100. "The Moral Law," by Rev. James M. Gillis, C.S.P., 88 pages and cover. Single copy, 20c; 5 or more, 15c each. In quantities, $10.50 per 100. "Christ and His Church," by Rt. Rev. Msgr. Joseph M. Corrigan, 88 pages and cover. Single copy, 20c postpaid; 5 or more, 15c each. In quantities, $10.50 per 100. "The Marks of the Church," by Rev. Dr. John K. Cartwright, 48 pages and cover. Single copy, 15c postpaid; 5 or more, 8cf each. In quantities, $6.50 per 100. "The Organization and Government of the Church," by Rev. Dr. Fran-cis J. Connell, C.SS.R.. 48 pages and cover. Single copy, 15c postpaid; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $6.50 per 100. "Moral Factors in Economic Life," by Rt. Rev. Msgr. Francis J. Haas and Rt. Rev. Msgr. John A. Ryan, 32 pages and cover. Single copy, 10c postpaid; 5 or more, 8c each. In quantities, $5.50 per 100. "Divine Helps for Man," by Rev. Dr. Edward J. Walsh, C.M., 104 pages and cover. Single copy, 25c postpaid; 5 or more, 20c each. In' quantities, $12.00 per 100. "The Parables," by Rev. John A. McClory, S.J., 128 pages and cover. Single copy, 30c postpaid; 5 or more, 20c each. In quantities, $13.00 per 100. "Christianity's Contribution to Civilization," by Rev. James M. Gillis, C.S.P., 96 pages and cover. Single copy, 20c postpaid; 5 or more, 15c each. In quantities, $11.00 per 100. "Manifestations of Christ," by Rt. Rev. Msgr. Fulton J. Sheen, 123 pages and cover. Single copy, 30c postpaid; 5 or more, 20c each. In quantities, $13.00 per 100. "The Way of the Cross," by Rt. Rev. Msgr. Fulton J. Sheen, 32 pages and cover (prayer book size). Single copy, 10c postpaid; 5 or more, 6