j i ¿ouis Tvaincls 

The . . . 

CHURCH 
AND 
LABOR ! 

JJt 
CATHOLIC HOUR 

LOUIS F. BUDENZ 









The Church And Labor 
Four addresses delivered on the nationwide Catholic Hour, produced by 

the National Council of Catholic Men, in cooperation with 
the National Broadcasting Company, f rom 

August 3, 1947 through August 31, 1947 

BY 
LOUIS FRANCIS BUDENZ 

NATIONAL COUNCIL OF CATHOLIC MEN 
1312 Massachusetts Ave., N. W. 

Washington 5, D. C. 

Printed and distributed by Our Sunday Visitor 
Hunting-ton, Indiana 



Nihil Obstat: 
REV. T. E. DILLON 

Censor Librorum 

Imprimatur: , 
JOHN FRANCIS NOLL, D.D., 

Bishop of Fort Wayne 







O U R LAST 

Address gi-ven on 

We live now in the shadow of 
world crisis. Every tick of the 
-clock this afternoon may be lead-
ing us toward world «.atastrophe. 
Unless we who enjoy some gen-
uine liberty can find the moral 
strength to stand up against to-
talitarian evil, the clouds will 
eventually break into storm. 

We gain nothing and lose 
much by closing our eyes to the 
present gloomy scene. It is in-
finitely more cruel and chaotic 
than at the ending of World War 
I, when voices went up to heaven 
against the breeding places for 
new war that were being created 
in the so-called peace. 

The counsels of the Church on 
labor must be heard in this sol-
emn setting. Every problem that 
knocks at our doors must be 
considered against this serious 
background. 

Ours is a world wrecked by 
the terrors of one dictatorship 
based on materialism and bent 
in world domination. Ours is a 
world whose recovery and re-
building are now halted by an-
other dictatorship, even more 
subtle and effective, based on 
materialism as its religion and 
bent on world conquest. 

C H A N C E ( i c S S E . J 
VSL, ' J w 

August 3, 1947 N ^ h ^ 
This world, which required 

a unity in rehabilitation, has 
now been torn asunder by the 
decree of this dictatorship. Ev-
ery endeavor at revival has been 
met by a sabotage of all plans, 
the sabotage coming from one 
source; unable to. rule save by 
terror within its boundaries and 
unable to solve its problems 
among its own people, the dic-
tatorship has resorted to disrup-
tion and aggression abroad. 

Europe, which could have been 
rebuilt by the cooperation of all, 
has been sunk into a morass of 
starvation, sickness and despair. 
.Thousands of homeless human 
beings have been driven across 
the face of that continent be-
cause this served the purposes of 
disorder to which the dictator-
ship is committed. 

And those who should have 
taken up the mor^I standard 
against such degradation—name-
ly, we who call ourselves the 
Western World—were too long 
silent. Many of us were lost in a 
dream of appeasement, which 
has become a nightmare, 
and allowed crimes to be 
committed in our name. 
What pressure did we ac-



8 THE CHURClí AND LABOR 

tually exercise for the protec-
tion of the Four Freedoms in 
Yugoslavia, as demonstrated in 
the outrageous imprisonment of 
Archbishop Stepinac? How .well 
have we fulfilled our pledge .of 
"free and unfettered elections" 
in Poland, which is the key test 
of the continued life of the Four 
Freedoms? And is it not true—a 
truth that we can say frankly 
we have not grasped speedily 
enough—that the betrayal of Po-
land has led to the crushing un-

'der foot of all liberties in Hun-
gary? 

In his allocution of June 2, 
His Holiness Pius XII warned 
the world: "Who would dare 
affirm that the two years since 
the cessation of hostilities have 
marked notable - advances in the 
path of restoration and social 
progress? In seeing fruitless 
conferences succeeding one an-
other and the series of inter-
rupted or postponed discussions, 
being prolonged, the peoples, bit-
terly deluded in their desire for 
order, peace and reconstruction, 
are coming to lose hope and pa-
tience." 

How can such hope and pa-
tience be restored to the people 
save by a moral stand against 
oppression and organized dis-
order? Is it not by standing for 

that just peace, based on relig-
ious principles, safeguarding the 
rights of small nations—to 
which the Popes have repeatedly 
called attention—that hope and 
patience will be re-established? 
Is it not by taking a stand on 
such a moral platform for the 
people of Poland and Hungary 
that the beginnings of new hope 
can be won? 

When the nations—and spe-
cifically our own—awoke to a 
realization that the oppression 
of millions of human beings 
could not go on indefinitely and 
that some measures for recovery 
had to be taken—then a flood of 
abuse was unloosed against our 
nation by the offending dictator-
ship and its agents throughout 
the world. From a central 
agency, directed by the dictator-
ship, there goes forth to all cor-
ners of the globe incitations 
against our Republic and our 
people. In the current issues 
of a certain Communist Interna-
tional magazine in -disguise, 
there is a continued assault up-
on the United States as the chief 
present enemy of mankind. Just 
as the brown-shirted dictators 
pictured America to .'the world 
in caricature, by taking advant-
age of certain chinks in our own 
armor, so does this current prop-



ÓÜR LAST CHANCÉ Ô 

aganda assail our country as the 
center of world oppressions.. The 
crimes of the Slave Power which 
is opposing all liberation for 
mankind are laid at our doors; 
the Slave Power itself is pre-
sented as the "latest triumph in 
democracy." 

Taken up by willing and em-
bittered agents, this message of 
hatred for the United States is 
now retailed in organized fash-
ion in every country and in ev-
ery tongue. 

| "Meanwhile," as Pius XII said 
on June 2, "the world is still 
waiting and pleading that jus-
tice and law create stable con-
ditions for maii and society. In 
the meantime, millions of hu-
man beings continue to live un-
der oppression and despotic 
rule." 

E" And the dire crisis thus cre-
ated and the danger of conflicts 
thus brought into being cause 
His Holiness to give a most sol-
emn warning to the world. "Once 
again," says' he, "we desire to 
exhort and warn the nations; 
security, as far as it may be 
realized here below, cannot have 
any other solid foundation than 
the physical and moral well-be-
ing of a nation, based internally 
on right public order and exter-
nally on normal relations, even 

after the Second World War. 
May the rulers of-the States not 
let slip this opportunity; it may 
be; God forbid, the last oppor-
tunity." ' 

It may be—the LAST oppor-
tunity. 

Such a phrase was not spoken 
lightly. It is justified by the 
horrors that walk through the 
world, by "the ruins of living 
human beings," by the clouds of 
possible open conflict. 

If this "may be óttr last op-
portunity," should we not bestir 
ourselves as never before to take 
a moral stand for ' international 
rights and international peace 
and order? If this "may be .our 
last opportunity," should not 
that sobering thought condition 
all partisan battle cries and all 
special interest considerations in 
the relation of management and 
labor? 

The Shepherds of the Catholic 
Church—and specifically from 
Leo XIII to the present Pontiff 
—have stressed the working-
man's "right to organize" and 
the value of free labor. Free La-
bor—freed' from the ̂ control and 
tyranny of the totalitarian state 
and from other selfish oppres-
sion. The great encyclicals on 
the Condition of Labor have 
been linked with other expres-



1 0 THE CHURClí  

sions of the Popes on the social 
questions in cautioning on the 
menace to all freedom of labor 
that resides in all-powerful stat-
ism. 

Although there were those of a 
selfish turn of mind who criti-
cized the position of the Thir-
teenth Leo, men and women of 
good will have come to appre-
ciate and accept the wisdom and 
justice of his words. Free labor, 
assured of its freedom through 
the safeguards of self-organiza-
tion and working cooperatively 
with other factors in production 
and society, is desirable—is 
vital. 

Over much of the world we 
behold such free labor being 
abolished in our time. The rule 

-of the all-seeing, all-knowing,' all-
powerful State (upheld by an 
elaborate secret police system 
and by terror as its so-called 
"moral law") has spread its re-
gime over more and more thou-
sands of human beings. In its 
expansion is - wrapped up the 
danger of world war. 

We cannot plead that we have 
i¥>t been forewarned. The Shep-
herds of the Church have re-
peatedly foretold the calamities 
that untrammeled statism would 
bring upon us. In his Christmas 
broadcast of 1942 did not Pius 

AND LABOR 

XII say: "He who would have 
the star of peace shine out and 
stand over society should reject 
every form of materialism which 
sees the" people only a herd of 
individuals who, divided and 
without any internal cohesion^ 
are considered as a mass to be 
lorded over and treated arbi-
trarily." 

With the Slave State now 
reaching its logical position—of 
turning from terror at home to 
terror abroad—of threatening 
free labor as well as other free-
doms—of endangering the peace 
upon which we had built such 
recent hopes—what grave re-
sponsibility^ rests upon those 
charged with labor and manage-
ment relations! 

Is it not their duty to them-
selves and America—and indeed 
to mankind—to proceed with so-
briety and care in advancing 
their viewpoints? Is it not im-
perative, with freedom thus se-
riously menaced, that they work 
out their problems in that spirit 
of unity against slavery which 
the hour requires? 

Good counsel for this hour and 
for such attitudes can be gleaned 
from the pages of the Papal En-
cyclicals on Labor, not written for 
this moment only but for long-
run considerations. Eaising aloft 



OUR LAST CHANCE 11 

the banner of social reconstruc-
tion, stressing the urgency of 

"protecting the welfare of the 
worker and the right of asso-
ciation, these wise words of 
counsel have directed attention 
to the importance of doing these 
things on the basis of fostering 
and promoting "harmony be-
tween the various- ranks of so-
ciety." 

There is not in any of these 
' counsels of the Popes any sug-
gestion that' the Church seeks 
to dictate in the economic sphere. 
Economics is a science with its 
own laws and its own conclu-
sions conditioned by moral and 
religious principles. The coun-
sels of the Church are founded 
on those basic ethical considera-
tions on which sound economics 
must be grounded. 

Nor do these Papal declara-
tions envisage that there shall 
be an end to all differences of 
opinion. The very relationships 
of management and labor imply 
that differences will arise. But 
these can and should—and if lib-
erty is to live—must be dis-
cussed and decided upon the 
groundwork of partnership in 
the social order and the produc-
tive machine. More thought 
along that line will be profitable 
for peace within our country and 

from that desired achievement, 
the obtaining of such strength 
to win peace throughout the 
world. 

Some such sober view was in-
dicated by official labor spokes-
men recently, when they stated 
that their objections to the cur-
rent Taft-Hartley law would be 
presented through the regular 
constitutional channels provided 
by the courts. They refused 
thereby to be swayed by those 
extremists who shouted loudly 
for "protest walkouts." Similar 
sobriety has been reflected in 
certain current statements by 
captains of industry—or at 
least, representatives of indus-
trial management—who have 
volunteered the thought that 
there should be a new partner-
ship attitude toward labor. 

The thought of Leo XIII in 
Rerum Nova/rum and of Pius XI 
in his review and expansion of 
the encyclical forty years after 
its enunciation went far beyond 
such fragmentary expressions of 
good will or resolutions of peace-
ful or constructive action. It 
was the vision of a lasting un-
derstanding and a permanent 
cooperation founded upon . an 
orderly working out of relation-
ships—and cemented by a moral 
recognition of the respective 



12 THE CHURClí AND LABOR 

rights and responsibilities of 
management and labor. 

Should we not plumb the possi-
bilities of such an understanding 
in our time, when it is so es-
sential for the maintenance of 
freedom? 

If this is "our last opportun-
ity"—or one of our last oppor-
tunities, to win and preserve the 
peace—should we not go far to 
attain that unity in our nation-
al life which will make us more 
worthy of giving moral leader-
ship to the world? 

The voice of the Church—not 
speaking only yesterday on this 

matter but through the years— 
urges labor and management to 
discover the path whereby they 
may safeguard free labor and 
maintain genuine liberty. And 
the beginning of wisdom in this 
direction is through cooperation 
and understanding—based on 
the protection of right living 
and justice—in which the par-
tisan battle cry will give place 
to the tones of industrial states-
manship, speaking in terms of 
the commonwealth. 

Cannot America, with all its 
strength and intelligence, attain 
such a ffoal? 



NEITHER JUSTICE 
Address given on 

Were we to make up a list rep-
resenting forerunners of . our 
present age of mechanical ad-
vance, Blaine Pascal's name 
would stand high upon it. The 
great French scientist, in the 
midst of the 17th century, pre-
sented to mankind profound dis-
coveries in mathematics, the in-
vention of the counting machine 
and above all the barometer. 

Pascal was indeed a pioneer in 
mechanics, but not a victim of 
the mechanistic view of manli|i 
which • has caused such havoc 
in our present day. Pascal's 
knowledge of the- possibilities of 
the machine did not stampede 
him into regarding man as mere-
ly a machine, robbed of the digr 
nity which comes from his Being 
an image of God. So it was 
that Pascal gave to us his 
THOUGHTS, his magnificent 
confession of Catholic faith. Of 
the Church he wrote: "The his-
tory of the Church may rightly 
be called the history of truth." 

And of the course of the 
Church he said, what can fee 
said again today with even more 
emphasis: "No honest man de-
nies that she has disciplined and 
ennobled the individual, the fam-

NOR HUMANITY 
August 10, 1947 

ily and mankind. What arouses 
our admiration, what is unparal-
leled and altogether divine is 
that this Church, which has con-
tinued to endure, has ever beert 
attacked. A thousand times she 
appeared as though on the verge 
of being completely destroyed; 
and each time God raised her up 
by some extraordinary act of-
His power." 

The Church stands out today 
as the custodian of moral and 
religious principles as she .did 
in Pascal's time—enunciating 
with the same clarity and cour-
age the fundamentals of the la-
bor question as she did in the 
Middle Ages on the just wage 
and just price. 

With equal service to the 
truth did the Church caution 
against the extreme individual-
ism which marked the opening 
of the present epoch. Long before 
that super-individualistic view 
had brought about the exploita-
tion and. starvation of the peo-
ple, the Church set her face 
against it. Because it was false; 
because it denied the dignity of 
man as an image of God under 
the guise of declaring that man 
had emancipated himself from 



14 THE CHURC] 

God, stating ironically that the 
fittest would survive through the 
molding of their own religion 
and their own morality. 

This extreme individualism 
and its sorry fruits met condem-
nation in the noted encyclical of 
Pope Leo XIII on the Condition 
of the Workers, Rerum Nov ar-
um. It is well known that, this 
encyclical was issued almost 
sixty years ago, in the . year 
1891. What is not too well rec-
ognized is the challenge that this 
Papal declaration presented to 
the conditions of its time. Nei-
ther is there enough understand-
ing of the impact it had on the 
events which followed. In so 
far as its. counsels were enacted 
into life, we will note improve-
ment and better conditions 
among the people. In so far 
as its advice was ignored, par-
ticularly in regard to social re-
construction on the basis of the 
unity of society and the working 
together under moral principles 
of the different groups in the in-
dustrial structure, to that ex-
tent mankind has continued to 
pile up trial and travail for it-
self. 

There is a message for the 
present hour in the words of 
the great Pope Leo. Will we 
ever permit the conditions of his 

I AND LABOR 

time, which earned his indict-
ment, to be revived? There are 
some forces, through short-
sighted or selfish purposes, which 
harbor some such hopes or aims. 
They would undermine the right 
of association for the working-, 
man, to the point where the 
longer hours and lowered wages 
—below human decency—which 
were widespread in 1891, will be 
restored. The Church has sol-
emnly warned of the folly, trag-. 
edy and immorality of such am-
bitions. Through the voice of 
Pope Pius XI in Quadragesimo 
Anno—forty years after Leo's 
pronouncement—and even right 
down to the expression of this 
July 16 by His Holiness Pius 
XII, the Church asserts "the in-
alienable rights of the working-
man, which derive not from any 
civil society but from his rights 
as *a human personality." 

The Church opposes with 
equal vigor the abuses of ex-
treme individualism such as pro-
duced scandals of oppression in 
Leo's day and the crimes of -to-
talitarianism—of extreme col-
lectivism—"which would reduce 
the workingman to the state of 
complete- subjection to the bu-
reaucratic clique holding poli-
tical power." 

When Pope Leo spoke in the 
past or Pope i>ius speaks today, 



NEITHER JUSTICE NOR HUMANITY 15 

i t ' is not because they believe it 
to be the Church's direct and 
primary purpose to regulate 
economic life. But economic and 
social goals and purposes cannot 
be set off from moral considera-
tions and the principles of mor-
ality which bear on social and 
economic factors compel the 
Church to tell the world these 
truths which have been too long 
forgotten or observed only in 
half-understandings. • 

What were the tragic condi-
tions and consequences to which 
extreme individualism had 
brought mankind ? 

Extreme individualism had re-
jected the natural dignity of 
man, as taught so eloquently by 
the Church. It had turned its 
back on the idea of a united 
society, in which the various 
groups would work together co-
operatively and deal together 
in an "organized fashion, as the 
Church recommended. In a 
word, it had exposed the worker 
(unprotected by organization or 
social legislation) to the merci-
less exploitation of a speculative 
economy. From" that viewpoint" 
the worker had become merely-
an instrument for making money 
for those who • exploited his la-
bor. Hours beyond human 
strength, women and child, labor 

injurious to human health and to 
the family, wages below a de-
cent minimum of livelihood were 
too prominent as features of that 
period and philosophy. 

"It is neither justice nor hu-
manity," emphasized Pope Leo, 
"so to grind men down with ex-
cessive labor *as to stupefy their 
minds and wear out their 
bodies." 

".Religion teaches the rich man 
and the employer that their 
workpeople are not slaves; that 
they must respect .in every man 
his dignity as a. man and a 
Christian." 

From such considerations, cer-
tain recommendations stem. 
From these considerations there 
arises the right of association, 
for all classes in society but spe-
cifically and above all for the 
workers, who are weak as in-
dividuals and have no real 
strength as such. From these 
considerations comes the need 
for social legislation—regulating 
the labor, of women and children, 
the hours of work, .and establish-
ing in certain instances the min-
imum wage by law. 

Such constitute a brief cata-
logue of the reforms advocated 
by Pope Leo. 

Most of them have now become 
accepted and are part of the his-



1 6 THE CHURClí  

tory and experiences of mankind. 
Most of them a*e acknowledged 
as having been beneficial—and 
essential to the well-being of the 
people, even by many who for-
merly opposed such measures. 

Studies are being made today 
'—and they , should be heartily 
welcomed—of the «ffect of the 
Rerum Novarum on American 
life. The full measure of what 
took place in this respect could 
never be better estimated, for 
much of what |occurred in ob-
scure little towns or sections of 
cities will never be unearthed. 
Some Catholic worker heard the 
words of the great pontiff in a 
parish lecture hall, or read them 
in some local Catholic publication 
and was made bolder in urging 
the formation of labor unions. 
Or an employer whose conscience 
was touched by the Papal declar-
ations, more willingly agreed to 
collective bargaining. 

So deeply did the words of 
Rerum Novarum penetrate the 
consciousness of Catholics that 
now there .ar.e many Catholic 
labor leaders in our country. The 
Catholic worker, in instance aft-
er instance, became the center of 
organizing activities because he 
felt deeply the justice in his 
cause. He understood that he 
was enacting the drama of social 

AND LABOR 

justice in advancing the work-
ingman's natural right to asso-
ciation. - ' 

The thoughts expressed by 
Pope Leo penetrated, too, beyond 
the ranks of Catholics and be-
yond the realm of labor. A num-
ber of employers were affected, 
directly or indirectly, by the plea 
for the re-establishment óf the 
dignity of the human person-
ality. Only recently we note one \ 
of these men, who was vitally af-
fected by Pope * Leo's words, 
Brigadier General Robert Wood 
Johnson, speaking pulblicly of 
"dignity in employment." Of the 
wage-earner he says: "As a man, 
his dignity must be established." 
And one road to such re-estab-
lishment of dignity, in General 
Johnson's opinion, is through the 
creation of honest and well-con-
ducted labor organizations. It 
is in that spirit that his concern 
deals with the Textile Workers 
Union of America, 'openly ex-
pressing corporation approval of 

^collective bargaining. 
American l^bor—and the 

American commonwealth as a 
whole—owes much to the influ-
ence of Pope Leo's Encyclical. 

We could call a roll of union 
after union, in community after 
cómmunity,. which had received 
its initial impetus or added drive 
from Rerum Novarum. 



NEITHER JUSTICE NOR HUMANITY 17 

We could refer to industry 
after industry where better la-
bor-management relations are 
due to the influence of the Papal 
pronouncement. 

We could list legislative act 
after legislative act in the way 
of social regulation—on working 
hours, health laws, the work oi' 
women and children—which beai 
the earmark of Pope Leo's ad-
vice. 

Today we can consider to 
much more effect two leading 
thoughts in this connection: 
What has become of thè" heated 
battle cries around some of this 
activity and this legislation? 
And then: What "chief features 
of Pope Leo's declarations have 
not been adopted and to what ef-
fect? 

Embittered claims and battle 
cries could be heard indeed 
¿round the activities and social 
legislation recommended by Pope 
Leo. There were those who said 
—although Pope Leo's proposals 
upheld the rights of private 
property—that his reforms 
would injure industry and prop-
erty. Dire predictions were 
made of the outcome of such 
measures. 

There were those, with equally 
bitter and sweeping claims, who 
asserted that this legislation 

should be only the beginning of 
a general upheaval in the social 
scene. Wily agitators, - as the 
Pope declared in the very begin-
ning of his encyclical, would 
take up some of the proposals 
made by His Holiness, and dis-
tort them in order to wreck the 
whole social » structure. 

Those battle cries in them-
selves have long ago passed 
away. They have proved to be 
caricatures of the measures as 
put forward by the Pope and 
other men and women of good 
will. 

The fact that we can record 
this now is itself an admonition 
to us all that we exercise re-
straint in our present crisis, 
that we speak constructively and 
without rancor—that we base 
our contentions on this friend-
ship between the classes in in-
dustrial society for which Pope 
Leo pleaded. 

Most unfortunately, some of 
Pope Leo's proposals were not 
adopted — and these center 
around the most profound and 
basic consideration of all: the 
reconstruction of society on 
morally healthy grounds. 

A Christian renewal of so-
ciety is. urgently required, unless 
society and social bonds are to 
perish. 



18 THE CHURClí AND LABOR 

The central idea of this rever-
sal has to do with the unity of 
society—the understanding that 
moral renovation and social re-
construction march hand in 
hand; that -management and la-
bor have an obligation to func-
tion through their own self-or-
ganizations in organic coopera-
tion with each other. Because 
that view has not been adopted 
in general, clash and class con-
flict still tend to tear our so-
ciety asunder and prepare the 
way for future calamities. 

Because that view has not 
been followed in particular (and 
immediately), we have, on our 

hands some unions led by those 
who are fifth- columnists for a 
foreign power aiming at our 
destruction, although 90 percent 
of the Membership of those 
unions are not thus subversive. 
We have other unions led by 
racketeers. And in the camp of 

-management, we see hope for 
progress thwarted by the pres-
ence in part of monoply and by 
somt ,/ho hold that things should 
be thrown back to the evil days 
before Pope Leo spoke. 

Cari we, overcoming these im-
mediate abuses, turn to the gen-
eral reconstruction of our so-
ciety? God grant i t! 



OVER SIXTY YEARS 
Address given on August 17, 1947 

1890, 1891; these are magic We would be blind indeed were 
years in Americaft history. It we to think that this challenge 
was then that the last free public of Leo's pronouncement consist-
lands were offered for use. The ed merely in the detailed social 
dream of the frontier in the old reforms he advocated, the social 
sense for America was ended. It legislation he urged. Its major 
was then that the United States challenge lay in these words: "If 
advanced to first place n̂ indus- society is to be healed now . . . 
trial production in the world. It in no way can it be healed save 
was then that the corporation as by a return to Christian life and 
a device for producing -goods Christian institutions." 
came fully into its own, piling 
up things for the satisfaction of I T h e m ° r a l r e n o v a t i o n o f t h e 

humah wants in such volume as m d l v i d u a l ~ " t h e r e t u r n t o C h r i s -
the world had never, before seen. t i a n l i f e " - m u s t b e interlinked 

The world, including our own W l t h S o d a l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n - " ^ 
land, was . enchanted with the r e t u ™ to Christian institutions." 
possibilities of creating and M e n ' a b s ° r b e d i n t h e t h i n g s o f 

amassing wealth. t h e w o r l d ' a r e . f o r ^ t t i n g those 
The zeal for creating wealth, ! ! r t U 6 S W h i c h b r i n g f o r w a r d t h e 

which was good, "was matched ° f m a n ~ a n d t h e r e b y 
+1, i j- • bless the world, by the frenzy for amassing 

wealth, which was not always so That is the crowning thought 
good. Materialism, already —the return of the individual to 
abroad in the land, became more Christ, accompanied by the re-
and more triumphant. Self-en- turn of society to Christian prin-
richment, even at the expense of ciples—which lighted up the sub-
others, , grew to be the great sequent statements of the Cath-
goal for mankind. olic Archbishops and Bishops of 

It was then, as we recall, that America on the labor question. 
Pope Leo XIII chose to enunciate It stood high in the declaration 
his Encyclical on the Condition of His Holiness Pius XI in his 
of Labor, a challenge to the profound Encyclical on Labor, 
times. given forty years after Pope Leo 



20 THE CHURClí AND LABOR 

had spoken. It remains with us 
today. 

We cannot promise ourselves 
any great measure of peace on ' 
the labor or other social problems 
unless men learn once more the 
peace which comes from the altar 
¿—unless they cease to turn their 
backs upon the Divinity. 

Inherent in Catholic. Christian 
thought is the recognition of the 
dignity of man—arising from 
the fact that he is a rational 
being-and from the further iact 
that he is an image of God. 
That is the Alpha of our consid-
eration of all social problems;— 
and the Omega is the correlated 
truth that the social system must 
be shot through with this Chris-
tian spirit and understanding. 
It must mark the relations be-
tween the classes; it must put its 
stamp on social legislation. 

Is it not true, when we look 
about us today, that in too many 
cases we behold the family shat-
tered ? The beauty of the un-
broken home is being replaced 
too frequently by the scourge of 
divorce. It is surprising that 
such moral unconcern for the 
sanctity of the family and of re-
sponsibilities is accompanied by 
a callous disregard for the hous-

' ing iequirements of the people. 
And this atomization of the fam-

ily, this fleeing from responsi-
bility in the married relation-
ship, comes from one dominant 
fact-—that for too many mar-
riage is "no longer a Sacrament ; 
it is no longer something that 
has a moral and religious foun-
dation. 

Is it not true that many men 
and women grasp and grope 
blindly for interior, peace? They 
turn in some despair and dis-
quietude from one materialistic 
milestone to another, seeking 
even a substitue for the Sacra-
ment of Penance, which would 
give them true peace. Is it any 
wonder that this unrest of souls 
is accompanied by a difficulty in 
raising a moral standard for the 
winning of world peace? The 
turmoil within watches the tur-
moil in the international scene. 

So it is with the. labor ques-
tion. Do not greed and envy 
enter too largely into this pic-
ture and "into the attempted so-
lutions for it? Movements aris-
ing from class hatred and meas-
ures dictated by class hatred end 
only in chaos, slavery and defeat. 
The~ spirit which leads men to 
think of their eternal salvation, 
permeating our civil and social 
relationships, will lead to fra-
ternal bonds between the classes 
rather than the raising of the 



OVER SIX 

standard of hate. The dignity 
of the human being, whether 
laborer or manager, can be won 
and maintained in a society in 
which the brotherhood of man, 
based upon Christian charity, is 
recognized under the fatherhood 
of God. With that viewpoint, re-
lations between unions and man-
agement are increasingly based 
on human solidarity,*"on coopera-
iton within the social frame-
work, such as exists within the 
family when it assumes a healthy 
and normal life. 

Have we not witnessed enough 
of the tragedy which has fol-
lowed, when hatred has been 
made the foundation stone for 
solving this question' ? The prom-
ise of the dictatorship of the 
proletariat has led to a dictator-
ship over the proletariat. The 
prophesied emancipation of the 
workingman has brought about 
the enslavement of the workers. 
Over a great part of the globe 
the- right of association, the right 
to free elections, or to any gen-
uinely free expression has been 
wiped out in blood—and through 
the all-seeing eyes of the dic-

tatorship's secret police. Free 
trade unions have no more rights 
than any other free association 
of men; and that is;—precisely 
none. The bleak, deadly stretches 
of the' concentration camps with 

:Y YEARS 21 

tens of millions of prisoners 
denied the light of hope, sym-
bolize the general slavery which 
becomes the lot of whole peoples. 
A philosophy based on class 
hatred, destroying all spiritual 
values, has done that work. It 
has, by the wiping out of spir-
itual considerations, abolished all 
moral standards. There remains, 
as the sole standard of morals, 
if you can dare call it that, the 
personal will of the dictators 
and the law of terror. 

To sustain such a regime, all 
définitions must be destroyed. 
Dictatorship is hailed as "de-
mocracy." Demôcracy is often 
abused as "fascism." A per-
sistent propaganda seeks to place 
at the door of our American 
regime that very "imperialist" 
aggression which marks the ca-
reer of the Slave State. The 
abuses which linger on in our 
social system—hangovers of the 
extreme individualism which the 
Popes condemned—are stressed 
and stretched until they appear 
to be the chief evils in the world. 
This is tragic nonsense. It is a 
criminal misinforming of the 
people. The horrors of the Slave 
State, based on class hatred, and 

| requiring intellectual, spiritual 
. and physical slavery, are grim 

realities which our people .should 
know in order to avoid and op-



22 THE CHURClí AND LABOR 

pose. The correction of our own 
abuses can be done in proper 
proportions, though certainly 
with no less zeal. Those indeed 
who oppose the correction of our 
abuses, as the Papal Encyclicals 
have emphasized, constitute al-
lies, in effect, of those proposing 
the Slave State. 

How considerable, then,, is the 
responsibility of those who claim» 
the name of "Christian" to par-
ticipate in the reconstruction of 
society along the lines of Chris-
tian principles and in accordance 
with human solidarity. 

His Holiness Pius XI in par-
ticular, in his explanation and 
expansion of Pope Leo's Rerum 
Novarum (written forty years 
after that encyclical), outlines 
the urgency of permanent and 
organized cooperation between 
the classes if the labor question 
is to be solved on the grounds of 
Christian -brotherhood, human 
solidarity. 

It is a sweeping vista of so-
cial re-organization which the 
Popes thus present. What is 
the keystone of this < cooperation T 
Associations of employers, on a 
permanent basis and represented 
from out of their oWn group, 
are to deal continuously with as-, 
sociatyons of workers, represent-
ed from out of the workers' 

ranks. The state is to encour-
age this development by appro-
priate legislation, such as will 
stir the initiative of such groups. 
The employers' association, or 
the workers' organization is not 
to be concerned alone with , the 
presentation of its own demands 
and viewpoints, one to the other. 
Each is to be concerned with 
self-discipline within its own 
sphere and among its own mem-
bership. Thus did the guilds 
maintain the just price and for-
bid monopolistic and unfair prac-
tices in the Middle Ages. 

In the public emphasis, rights 
were thus to be interlinked with 
responsibilities and responsibili-
ties were always to accompany 
the assertation of rights. 

Immediately, of course, the 
workingmen's unions were to be 
built, as Pope Leo had urged. 
With them, in countries like our 
own where the Catholics are not 
the major part of the population, 
thère were, to go-associations of 
Catholic workers. These were to 
keep alive the light of Christian 
principles, were to strengthen 
their members' religious convic-
tions and where possible that of 
their fellows. During the sixty 
years since Pope Leo's declara-
tion, associations of this charac-
ter have grown up, such'as the 



OVER SIXTY YEARS 23 

Association of Catholic Trade 
Unionists in our United States. 

Immediately, too, there was to 
be social education of all classes 
and among all groups in society. 
There is scarcely anything which 
Pope Leo states more definitely 
and Pope Pius XII reiterates 
more frequently than that. With-
in these sixty years there have 
sprung up Catholic labor schools 
in many centers, and with wide-
spread attendance. The words 
of the pontiffs spur on a larger 
and larger turnout to such edu-
cational centers on the social and 
Tabor problems. 

Nor is social education to lie 
fallow. There is an obligation 
for the workingman and work-
ingwoman of good will to attend 
their union meetings regularly, 
to make the right of association 
live by making their unions dem-
ocratic. Complaints in some vol-

~ume have been heard that sub-
versive elements, fifth columns 
of a foreign dictatorship, have 
got control in certain unions by 
deceit. To their deceit and un-
scrupulous . maneuvering they 
also added the fanaticism which 
brought them to union meetings 
whenever these were held. 

To every workingman who 
hears this program this evening, 
this question could well be put: 

"Are you attending your union 
meetings as you should? Are you 
fulfilling your duties to your 
country and yourself by partici-
pating as fully as possible in 
union life?" 

In recent years there has been 
a decidedly better understanding 
of this matter. Nonetheless there 
is still much to be desired in this 
respect. 

Immediately, according to the 
Popes' directions, there were 
likewise to be formed associa-
tions of Christian employers, 
dedicated to a curbing of monop-
olistic practices and to forward-
ing self-discipline in their re-
spective industries. It is this 
development whreh Pope Pius XI 
says in particular has been too 
slow in coming into life. In the 
midst of his Encyclical on Athe-
istic Communism—Divini Re-
demptoris—he appeals to Cath-
olic-employers to be mindful of 
their responsibility. He appre-
ciates their difficulties, "saddled 
with the heritage of an unjust 
economic regime;"—by which His 
Holiness referred -to Extreme 
Individualism, the theory of ex-
clusive self-enrichment and their 
monopolistic developments — 
"whose ruinous influence has 
been felt through many genera-
tions." But he solemnly calls up-. 



24 THE CHURCH 

on them to do their part in pre-
venting the misuse of private 
property. And His Holiness re-
iterates the urgency of profes-
sional and interprofessional 
bodies as a guarantee of genu-
ine social reconstruction. 

Sixty years is not long in the 
life of the Church, which charts . 
its course by centuries. The Do-
n^tist heresy battered at the 
Rock of Pfeter for many 'long 
years; yet who ever hears of it 
today? So it was too with Arian-
ism's attempt to destroy Cathol-
icism; few people of today could 
even name its teachings. 

-But sixty years is large in 
the life of the individual; it is 
about two generations. And the 
Church, in the Papal Encyclicals, 
reminds us that the modern er-

AND LABOR 
i 

ror of materialism has lasted too 
long and has wrought too much 
injury to mankind. Long lines 
of box cars, crowded with dying 
people, attest to its gross bru-
tality—as they move toward the 
Eastern slave labor camps. Long 
lists of Catholic martyrs—369 
priests and twelve nuns executed 
by the Nero-like persecution in 
Yugoslavia, alone—tell of its war 
upon God and religious ideals. 

Can we not catch the inspira-
tion to begin a new apostolate 
against such degradation of the 
dignity of man? Can we not 
make our contribution, humble 
though in many cases it may be, 
seeing that the encyclicals of the 
Popes on labor begin to live—in 
our community, among the peo-
ple with whom we labor? 



TWO CAMPS Al 
Address given on 

In the city of Pittsburgh, 
twenty years ago, I ran into a 
steel worker who. was particul-
arly zealous in looking forward 
to union organization. It did 
not exist in the steel mills then. 
We can call this worker Jim— 
and his last name Goode, though 
that is not what it was. For the 
previous twenty years, up to that 
time, he had been expecting 
stable unions to come—stimulat-
ed in this hope always by the 
things with which we have dealt-
in this series, the Papal declara-
tions on the conditions of the 
working people. 

Jim Goode is one of a number 
of men of like type that come 
to mind out of the now-dimming 
past. One in Eastern" Pennsyl-
vania, another in Indiana, a 
third in Chicago—all expecting 
permanent and extensive unions 
from the inspiration received 
from the statements of the 
Popes. 

What was it that Jim Goode 
wanted, above all, in this re-
spect? (And these other men, 
too?) That aim was summed 
up in Goode's own words two 

ID TWO WAYS 
August 24, 1947 

decades ago: "Security and 
freedom." 

When we turn to the average 
employer he will say likewise on 
his part, that what he wants is 
precisely: "freedom and secur-
ity." 

It is in Pope Pius XI's 
Quadragesimo Anno-—his discus-
sion of the labor question in 1931 
—that we are told in an out-
standing way how these aims and 
ambitions of worker and employ-
er may be joined. Only by thus 
merging fhem can genuine se-
curity and liberty be assured at 
all. 

"Freedom" and "security" are, 
of course, terms which can be 
badly abused—and have been so 
abused. In the false name of 
"freedom," extreme individual-
ism brought about a condition 
among the common people which 
Pope Leo designated as "little 
better than slavery itself." . In 
the name of "security," equally 
falsely spoken, Communist total-
itarianism has established "the 
terrorism that reigns today in 
Russia," as Pope Pius XI has 
declared, and which has wiped 



26 THE CHURClí AND LABOR 

out all true security, in life or 
livelihood. , 

What will win "security" and 
"freedom," in-so-far as that can 
be attained, for both working-
man and employer? That lies, as 
Pope Pius stressed, in that chief -' 
of "decisive' remedies"—the re-
adjustment of society; the set-
ting up of "a bond of,union" be-
tween the classes based on' pro-
duction of goods that mankind -
needs, based likewise on the pro-
motion of the common good. 

But in the moment that is 
upon us—until that "bond of 
union" can be forged—what can 
assure some measure of this 
"security"" and some measure of 
this "freedom"? 

• These are to be won through 
these "speedy remedies" of 
which His Holiness speaks, but 
to which he does not direct de-
tailed attention. They arise, un-
doubtedly, out of the whole con-
sideration of the right to asso-
ciation and the need for social 
legislation which he -so eloquent-
ly stresses. They come out of 
the responsibilities and also 
rights of private property which 
he underlines. They are to be 
grasped from the note which he 
strikes in regard to the powers 
of "economic domination," based 

on the control of credit, to which 
he points. 

The "security" which a work-
ingman should have can be given 
only generally by way of illus-
tration, in the time before us. 
Can it be better-exemplified than 
in the idea of such a wage as 
will protect the family—not 
merely in its sustenance and 
education but in times of fam-
ily emergencies? The founda-
tion of our immediate outlook 
on the "security" for the worker 
has to rest on such forking con-
ditions as assures these economic 
safeguards t o ' t h e family—af-
fording protection when sickness 
knocks at the door or other dif-
ficulties arise in life. Knowing 
that every temporal thing has 
its limitations, we understand 
that this can scarcely be the 
security of utopia—but it can be 
substantial,' and such as will 
throw a mantle around family 
life and development. 

As to the "freedom" of the 
worker: his right, to speak out 
economically and politically, as a 
part of the democratic state, is 
certainly to be desired and to be 
assured. Any intimidation of 
him as a worker, any threat real 
or implied to his livelihood be-
cause he did not conform to the 



TWO CAMPS-AND TWO WAYS 27 

dictates of the ruling group in 
the state, is not to be condoned. 

The declaration of the Cath-
olic Bishops and Archbishops on 
the labor question in America 
have given us added enlighten-
ment on both these aims of the 

_ A 
workingman. 

As to the "security" of the 
employer: is he not hampered 
and seriously handicapped too 
often by the monopolistic de-
velopments, which have come out 
of originally unrestrained com-
petition? Does he not find mo-
nopoly control of credit frequent-
ly a stumbling block in his path? 
No sharper words are uttered 
by His Holiness, Pius XII, than 
on this subject'—which entails 
controls even beyond the indus-
trial employer; for the farmer, 
too, suffers from such credit 
•concentration. 

It is not a condemnation of in-
dividuals that is so important in 
this respect as legislation which 
will loosen the grip of monopoly 
capital on the credit markets. . 

As to "freedom" of the em-
ployer: are there not restrictions 
by labor, unwisely continued for 
years, that interfere with pro-
duction and that could best be 
met-in some other way? We can 
have an understanding of the 

problem confronting the organ-
ized workers when new inven-
tions come into any industry; 
but is it not the better and 
more moral manner to solve this 
difficulty as the garment unions 
have done, for instance ? • They 
have not gone on forever setting 
down, artificial and damaging re-
strictions, blocking the full use 
of the machines; but have, 
through dismissal pay projects 
and provision for transfers, 
worked out with the employing 
interests a human and humane 
way to solve the dilemma. 

Unless real beginnings are 
made to bring what is called "se-
curity" and "freedom" to both 
workers and the average employ-
ers along such lines, no begin-
nings can be thought of in end-
ing the warring frictions which 
becloud the labor scene. "The 
two camps" of combative and 
conflicting class forces, to which 
Pius XI points with concern can-
not continue in eternal battle to-
gether ; that will lead to rising 
uncertainty, upheaval and gen-
eral insecurity. 

For the good of mankind, the 
two camps—drawn up in battle 
array—will have to yield even-
tually to that "bond of union" 
which the Popes proclaim as the 



28 THfe CHURCH AND LABOR 

earmark of a healthy (because 
united) society. 

The "bond of union!" Can 
we make any headway in that 
direction—and toward that goal 
—even now? Why can we not? 
Perhaps we can not go far as 
yet toward that all-out cooper-
ation recommended by the Popes 
—bringing self-organized work-
ers and self-organized employers 
together in each industry, a 
working arrangement to be sanc-
tioned and confirmed by the state. 
But if we can't reach the end 
of the road at once, we can at 
least set out upon the journey. 
It is His Holiness, Pius XII, I 
believe, who when Papal Secre-
tary of State well put it, when 
he said—we must "grow up" 
with the developing cooperative 
society which this "bond of 
union" envisages. 

After all, we have two funda-
mental ways alone that can be 
pursued in handling the labor 
question and the re-arrangement 
of the social order. That is, 
there are two ways of life alone 
which can be the foundations for 
the course which is to be follow-
ed. One of these ways is that 
of materialism; it is represent-
ed both "by extreme individual-
ism and Communist super-sta-
tism. Each of these materialis-

tic philosophies and products -
one raising up the Super-Ex-
ploiter, the other the Super-Dic-
tator—rests upon the disruption 
of society, the warfare within 
society, the pitting of one sec-
tion of society against the oth-
er. In on& case, men are looked 
upon as tools to be bartered 
about for gain: in the other as 
slaves to be driven under a yoke 
for the benefit of the dictator-
ship and the omnipotent state.-
Rising from one cornerstone— 
materialism—they build up a 
funeral, pyre of the hopes of 
humanity, here and hereafter. 

The other way of life looks 
upon the human being not as 
tool or slave, but as a rational 
being and in relation to the 
Divinity, his Creator. It regards 
society as organically one—as 
that unit which should not be 
Split asunder by hates but 
brought together by the bonds of 
fraternity. 

Is it not possible for us to 
advance this united society with-
in our own day—even now—by 
forwarding the creation of these 
industrial legislatures, as may 
be called, these permanent co-
operating agencies between la-
bor and capital recommended by 
Pope Pius XI, with the state 



TWO CAMPS-AND TWO WAYS 29 

giving them added standing and 
status. Is that not possible? 

There are no good reasons why 
we cannot begin in certain fields, 
every good reason why the at-
tempt should be made. There is 
the railroad industry, as a pos-
sibility. For a considerable num-
ber of years—and more parti-
cularly for the past two decades, 
with the Bailway Labor Act of 
1926 onward—the organized 
workers and the carriers have 
had orderly methods of proce-
dure in industrial discussions. 
These methods have received the 
direct sanction of federal legis-
lation. Beyond all that, the re-
lations between the railroad in-
dustry and the government have 
progressively assumed an aspect 
of constructive cooperation with 
the passage of time and the ac-
cumulation of regulative experi-
ences. The attitude which marks 
their relationships is no longer 
one of continuous belligerency 
but of joint attempts to place the 
industry on the best possible 
running basis. Such at least has 
been the goal, whether always 
realized or not. 

The printing trades, with 
their pioneering and matured 
methods of conciliation and arbi-
tration, are in a like category. 
With them go other trades and 

industries, in which experience 
in collective bargaining has pre-
pared the way for the further 
and final step forward, into a 
permanent industrial legislature 
—^which will be the nucleus for 
the general Industrial Congress, 
as it might be called, which even-
tually could be the democratic 
instrument for long-time rela-
tions between management and 
labor. That would be only the 
first of -its aims; oijt of that 
consideration would arise the 
service to the common good. 
Ever must it be shot through 
with this consideration, the com-
mon good. 

We have talked of "freedom" 
and "security"—words heard so m 
frequently m our time—and 
within this arrangement we have 
the highest guarantees of secur-
ity and freedom. There will be 
no utopia created—may I again 
caution of that—for man is still 
human in his relationships and 
original sin does exist. But in 
this plan there are brought into 
being the beginnings of that 
healing of society's wounds, that 
making it whole again, which 
will serve the well-being of man-
kind and the welfare of the com-
monwealth. May sufficient wis-
dom be granted the leading rep-
resentatives of management in 



30 THE CHURClí AND LABOR 

this country and the most con-
structive leaders of labor, that 
they may understand the ur-
gency of such an establishment 
of unity. 

Have we not industrial states-
manship within both manage-
ment and the unions to give ser-
ious consideration to this plan? 
Have we not enough leadership 
in both groups to take the initial 
steps in these industries which 
lend themselves to such meas-
ures? 

The price of refusing to look 
into the Papal proposals—for 
such a stabilizing of labor and 
social relations—is continued 
chaotic conditions in that field. 
The final fruit of such refusal 
will be expensive and disastrous. 

We have reached a new stage 
in the history of labor relations. 
The corporation came upon the 
scene, originally, as the most ef-
ficient instrument in producing 
and distributing goods in our 
modern age. As it grew, its im-
personal character made for di-
vision between labor and man-
agement. Strenuously, the cor-
poration strove to halt this ten-
dency. Under the pressure of 
the compensation laws and like 
measures, it began safety cam-
paigns and health activities. It 
sought- some form of education 

of the workers within the plant. 
It turned to many other devices 
to increase what was called "in-
terest in the company and its 
problems." 

At every step of the way, the 
corporation discovered that a 
firmer link had to be established 
with the workers—a better 
channel for communication set 
up. 

Thus it was that we saw the 
entry of workers' committees 
and then larger employee repre-
sentation plans into industry. 
Each did something along its 
line, but all failed eventually be-
cause of the need for ' self-or-
ganization. As Pope Pius XI 
says: "The . apostles of the 
workers must be of the workers 
themselves." 

In our time, the union has 
come largely upon the scene, in 
reply to this demand for self-
organization. Has the hour not 
therefore arrived for a serious 
study of the future measures re-
quired for industrial stability 
and peace and production—the 
firm establishment of labor-man-
agement councils, considering 
not merely their narrower inter-
ests but the general good. 

Pope Pius XI puts it eloquent-
ly and well: "The public institu-
tions of the nations must be 



TWO CAMPS-AND TWO WAYS 31 

such as to make the whole of 
human society conform to the 
common good, that is the stand-
ard of social justice." 

Armed with such a concept, 
we can go forward, can we not, 

from this day hence, toward the 
opening chapter in permanent 
labor-management r e 1 a tions— 
serving the welfare of the na-
tion, aiding the good health of 
the world? 

\ 

) 



SHADOW 0 
Address given on 

For a moment this afternoon, 
we can turn back one hundred 
years r-«- to the France of 1848. 
There were barricades in Paris. 
Workingmen, who had erected 
those barricades, were about to 
be blown to bits by the French 
artillery. Then it was that Mon-
signor Affre, Archbishop of 
Paris, filled witH concern for the 
lives of the people, advanced to-
ward the chief barricade with a 
flag of truce—to offer means of 
peace. He won agreement to the 
peace—but his life was the price 
of this achievement. The bullet 
of an embittered man struck him 
down. 

There is a heroic symbolism in 
this event. The representative 
of the Church was the messenger 
of peace, of reconciliation, of 
some permanent understanding 
betwen the classes—then, as now. 

But this reconciliation and un-
derstanding cannot be won— 
either then or now—except 
through the constant correction 
of social abuses. Nowhere is that 
more stressed than in that 
croWning encyclical on social 
questions, His Holiness,. Pius 
XI's pronouncement on Atheistic 
pommunism. Again, as in Quad-

F SLAVERY 
August 31, 1947 

ragesimo Anno, does the Pope 
outline the urgency of Social 
justice, founded on religious 
principles. Again does he pre-
sent the vital necessity for mu-
tual cooperation by associations 
of employers and workers, back-

•ed up by state support and ap-
propriate legislation. 

It is not merely enough to cry 
out against the horrors that we 
see about us—and well we may 
cry since the world is moving 
into a crisis as great as that of 
World War II itself. We must 
know, too, the sources of these 
horrors—and proceed to act 
against these sources, and 
against the evils they have cre-
ated. 

A voice, rising from beside the 
stricken Archbishop on the Par-
isian streets one hundred years 
ago, reminds us <}f these truths.. 
Accompanying Monsignor Affre 
to the barricades was the no-
table professor of the Sorbonne, 
the founder of the St. Vincent de 
Paul Society—one of the authori-
ties on the birth of European 
civilization—Frederick Ozanam. 
In 1848 he wrote: "The ques-
tions which will occupy the 
minds of men are questions of 



SHADOW C i1 SLAVERY 
35 

labor, of wages, of industry, of 
economics." 

In strong tones he states: 
"Never has Christianity consent-
ed to that enforced Communism" 
which seizes upon the "human 
person" and makes of him "a 
wheel without intelligence in the 
machine of the State." 

And almost in /prophetic 
words, he continues : ". . . Be-

- tween the individualism of the 
last century and the Socialism 
of the present, Christianity alone 
has foreseen the only possible 
solution of the formidable ques-
tion we are now facing, ?and 
alone has arrived at the point 
to which the more intelligent 
minds return today, after a wide 
circuit, when they insist upon 
association, but voluntary asso-
ciation." 

At this time of year we cele-
brate Labor Day, and so it is in 
order to recall these expressions 
of Ozanam. They remind us 
that the stand for the right of. 
association is not merely the po-
sition of the Church yesterday 
or the day before. The profound 
declarations of the thirteenth 
Leo and the eleventh Pius on be-
half of this right—by working-
men and management—are con-
firmations (or codifications, 'if 
you wish to put it that way), of 

the fundamental understandings 
long ago in Catholic thought. 

In Ozanam's day they were 
also stated with vigor and clarity 
by Bishop von Ketteler, of 
Mainz. (Would that the German 
nation had listened more atten-
tively to his voice, and, in par-
ticular, to his indictment of the 
totalitarian regime, the Slave 
State—one of thè most powerful 
ever uttered.) Such considerá-
tions—of the fundamental char-
acter of free association—arise 
from the natural law, that con-
cept which has always been em-
bedded in the philosophy con-
nected with Catholic thought. 
America can do no better than 
turn to a serious study of the 
idea of the natural law—so ur-
gently required in our day to 
govern our social legislation, to 
guide our social ̂ policies. 

The test of our achievements 
can be put thus: Is our legisla-
tion aiding or retarding the 
strengthening of association on 
thè part of both labor and man-
agement? Is it aiding or retard-
ing permanent, cooperation be-
tween associations? Are the ac-

i 
tions of certain captains of in-
dustry, in their attitude toward 
labor unionism, advancing x>r 
blocking. this desirable end ? Is 
the conduct of certain repre-



34 THE CHURClí AND LABOR 

sentatives of labor marring or 
helping the strength of free as-
sociation and of the understand-
ing which will make it of per-
manent service to our nation and 
mankind? 

In the celebration of Labor 
Day, we can witness, here and 
there, encouraging signs that 
something is being done in the 
direction of aiding free associa-
tion. There is the statesman-
ship now shown by the leaders 
of the International Ladies Gar-
ment Workers Union in regard 
to the Taft-Hartley law; while 
opposing that measure, they will 
not defy it. There is the be-
ginning of opposition in certain 
unions to the subversive ele-
ments which have sought to use 
the unions for the purpose of 
foreign dictatorship. We note, 
too, the successful attempts by 
certain corporations to install 
the guaranteed- or annual wage 

"l^thus making to a degree for a 
greater sense of security. We 
observe the ' beginnings of en-
deavors to instill a moral spirit 
into industrial management, in 
the formation by certain em-
ployers in the food industry of 
an institute to further Christian 
understanding of management's 
responsibilities. Let urhope and 
pray that these ideas may be ex-
tended. 

We would be false to ourselves 
and to our beloved, country were 
we to become lost in self-decep-
tive optimism or complacency. In 
the world scene the gloom has 
thickened since the Atlantic 
Charter was announced, and 
since the United Nations opened 
its sessions at San ~ Francisco. 
Nor has this shadow abated dur-
ing the past few weeks—the 
shadow of the Slave State, fall-
ing athwart the world. 

One of our most distinguished 
and well-informed columnists has 
just stated that the only alterna-
tive to a divided world and war 
is tlie strengthening of Western 
Europe. And yet our entire 
Western World—and specifically 
our own United States—moves 
so slowly to relief and rehabili-
tation that new crises arise while 
the old ones are being considered. 
In contrast, the Slave state— 
paying no heed to the wishes 
of the people—"hurriedly tight-
ens the strings that bind her 
satellites to her" with the ma 
chine gun squads busily engaged 
in killing off every friend of de-
mocracy. 

Perhaps this slowness of the 
Western World arises in part 
from the inherent deliberations 
of democracies. Does it not fun-
damentally come, however, from 
the lack of emphasis on our mor-



SHADOW C 

al position—the lack of taking a 
moral stand ? Let me remind you : 
Not yet has a strong voice spok-
en out against the horror that 

jwalks over Poland—although our 
own country has guaranteed the 
freedom of that nation : Does all 
this not arise from our lack of 
understanding of the nature of 
the Slave State, with which we 
are now confronted? 

Tpn years ago His Holiness, 
Pius XI, warned us that Com-
munism has spreacT to all parts 
of the world precisely because 
too few have grasped its true 
meaning. That was one of the 
chief contributions of his encyc-
lical Divini Redemptoris—on 
Atheistic Communism. Many, 
he pointed out, succumb to Com-
munism's deceptions, "skillfully 
concealed by the most extrava-
gant promises." 

What is this slavery which we 
are beholding today—extending 
itself by brutality and ruthless-
ness over more and more peoples 
—as we stand open-eyed "in hor-
ror and amazement? i t is "a bar-
barism," says His Holiness, 
"worse than that which oppres-
sed the greater part of the world 
at the coming of the Redeemer." 
This barbaric conspiracy "aims 
at upsetting the social order and 
at undermining the very founda-

i1 SLAVERY 35 

tions of Christian civilization," 
the Papal warning tells us. These 
are words written a decade ago 
—let us recall—when much of 
the world was lost in a vague 
belief that the tenets of the 
Slave State might be some .new 
form of "democracy." And now, 
the wisdom and foresight of the 
Papacy on this matter is even 
more sorely needed than at that 
day. For appeasemnt has suc-
ceeded the vague sentimentality 
which caused such wrong judg-
ments- by leaders and nations of 
the intents of the Slave State. 

Never has there been a more 
overwhelming or clear-cut indict-
ment of the Slave State and its 
agencies of subversion through-
out the world than in the pages 
of Pius' Encyclical. It is to be 
hoped that in time an entire com-
mentary on this valuable docu-
ment—valuable for America and 
Americans—will be presented in 
book form, taking each sentence 
»f the.-Papal indictment and 
showing how it is confirmed by 
the ruthless acts of the Slave 
State wherever it operates. 

That monstrosity claims to be 
the triumph of labor—and that 
is one of the chief falsehoods 
by which it thrives. But Pius, 
even in 1937, could tell us the 
truth, namely, that the Slave 



36 THE CHURClí AND LABOR 

State's ideology provides for "the 
unlimited discretion (in the 
State) to draft individuals for 
the labor of the State with no 
regard for their personal wel-
fare; so that even violence could 
be legitimately exercised to dra-
goon the recalcitrant against 
their wills." 

Has not subsequent history 
born out too painfully and hor-
ribly this description by His 
Holiness, of the manner in which 
the Communistic Slave State 
operates ? 

Has not history and our own 
experience confirmed the charge 
by Pope Pius— repeated in many 
forms—that this Slave State and 
its emissaries resort to "insidi-
ous deceits," to "trickery in var-
ious forms," to perfidy in work-
ing their way into governmental 
posts and all sorts of institutions, 
in order to destroy from within 
these organs of the good life. 

Have not history and our own 
bitter experiences testified to the 
"diabolical propaganda"—:of the 
Slave State—which is directed 
from a common center against 
the rest of the world ? Have we 
riot seen that propaganda ap-
pealing to the discontented in 
various countries, .and when it 
gains a foothold it abuses and 
abases them? Today, it is en-

gaged in a campaign of deceit 
and falsehoods against America 
—and against the Catholic 
Church! 

What Pope Pius exposed so 
lucidly ten years ago comes into 
full existence before our very 
eyes today—threatening the 
peace of our homes and the ex-
istence of our hearthstones. Our 
very cities may be laid waste and 
our country made desolate— 
through its persistent treachery 
and enmity. 

There is one- chief reason why 
this is so: The building of this 
Slave State on materialism, on 
the Rejection of God. Material-
ism can have no morals, let us 
recall, save those which grow up 
from terror. And terror breeds 
more terror, within a land and 
without. 

What shall we do, to ward off 
the tremendous evil represented 
in this shadow of slavery, en-
forced by the cloud of war? Read 
the pages of Pope Pius and the 
reply com^s out clear and strong. 
On the foundation stone of re-
ligious and moral principles, we 
must walk along a two-way 
street. First, correct those abuses 
upon which Communism feeds— 
doing it in the name of social 
justice and because of social jus-
tice. Secondly, we must be aware 



SHADOW C i1 SLAVERY 37 

of the urgency of opposing this 
evil of slavery on all fronts,, of 
acquainting our fellows with its 
real character and its poisonous 
results. 

From out of the pages of His 
Holiness, there emerges the 
thrilling quotation from St. 
James: "Be ye doers of the word 
and not hearers only, deceiving 
yourselves." 

"Be ye doers"—participating 
in democratic life, letting your 
representatives know what you 
want done, not permitting the 
subversive-minded or their 
friends to be the only ones_ to 
be heard in the legislative halls 
or by.our executive offices. As 
members of a democracy, we may 
have differences of opinion in 
part. But out of our constant 
vigilance will come a common 
denominator of democratic 
thought—and action. 

"Be ye doers"—if in the 
unions, then opposing any man-
ner or form of control by sub-
versive elements in the organiza-
tion while advancing measures of 
social justice. 

"Be ye doers"—if employers, 
by beginning a just and ethical 

conduct of industry, particularly 
in reference to the encourage-
ment of free association and 
family life among the working 
people. 

Pope Pius has called us to a 
crusade of prayers, penance and 
practice. While doing these es-
sential things, dictated by our 
moral obligations, we can pray— 
for the successif our work, for 
the conversion of those misled by 
Slave-State ideology, for the vic-
toiy- of morality over the Slave 
Power. ' 

Under the patronage of St. 
Joseph, the workingman, Pope 
Pius has asked us to proceed in 
this apostolate. To St. Joseph, 
the humble—whose" words are 
never recorded in the Sacred 
Scriptures—we can pray for the 
gift of eloquence in word and act 
—against Communism and for 
justice. 

To Our Lady of Fatima—who 
has promised with our coopera-
tion to convert the Russian peo-
ple and save the world—we can 
send up our petitions. And each 
"Ave Maria" can say for us : 
"Make us doers of the word!" 



THE PURPOSE OF THE CATHOLIC HOUR 
(Extract from the address of the late Patrick Cardinal Hayes at the l»-

augural program of the Catholic Hour i n t h e s t u d . o o f t h e National 
Broadcasting Company, New York City, March 2, 1930.) 

Our congratulations and our gratitude are extendedI to the National 
Council of Catholic Men and its officials, and to all who, by their financial 
support, have made it possible to use this.offer of the National^Broad-, 
castine Comnany. The heavy expense of managing and financing a 
weekly program, its musical numbers, its speakers, the subsequent an-
swering of inquiries, must be met. . . . 

This radio hour is for all the people of the United States. To our 
fellow-citizens, in this word of dedication, we wash to express a cordial 
greeting and, indeed, congratulations. For this radio o ™ > n 
service to America, which certainly will listen m interestedly and even 
ympathetically,- I am sure, to the voice of the ancient ^ u r c h with i ts 

historic background of all the centuries of the Christian era and ^ t h 
its own notable contribution to the discovery, exploration, foundation 
and growth of our glorious country. . . . . 

Thus to voice before a vast public the Catholic Church is no light 
task Our prayers will be with those who have tha t task m hand We 
feel certain that it will have both the good will and the good wishes of 
S e S e a t ma-oritv of our countrymen. Surely, there is no true lover 
S our C o u n i who does not eagerly hope for a less worldly, a less 
material, and a more spiritual standard among our people. 

With good will, with kindness and with Christ-like sympathy for 
all this work is inaugurated. So may it continue. So may it be ful-
filled This word of dedication voices, therefore the hope that this radio 
hour may serve to make known, to explain with the chan ty • of Chnst , 
o n i S , which we love even as we love Christ Himself May it serve 

to make better understood that fai th as it ¿ ^ g S . 
the pathway to heaven: a strength, and a power divine through Chr st 
Pardoning our sins,' elevating, consecrating our common every-day dutie* 
and joys, bringing not only justice but gladness and peace to our search-
ing and questioning hearts. 



113 CATHOLIC HOUR STATIONS 
In 41 States, the District of Columbia, and Hawaii 

Alabama 

Arizona 

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Connecticut 
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Kansas-

Kentucky 
Louisiana 

Maine „ 
Maryland-

Massachusetts-

Michigan 

Minnesota-

Mississippi.. 
Missouri 

Montana -

-Birmingham— 
Mobile 
Montgomery.. 

-Globe 1 
Phoenix 
Safford — 
Tucson 
Yuma 

-..WBRC* 
—WALA 
—WSFA 
_.. KWJR 
....KTAR 

..KGLU 

-Fresno 
Los Angeles-
Sacramento.. 
San Francisco-

_ Denver^: 
-Hartford : 
..Washington... 
-Jacksonville-

Miami-

_..KYUM 
KMJ 
KFI 

-KCRA 
—:KPO 
Ì . .KGA 

Pensacola.. 
Tampa 

-Atlanta.^: 
Augusta 
Savannah— 

_ Boise-! 
-Ch i cago .—— 

WTIC* 
I WRC 
___ . .WJAX 

WIOD ' 
-WCOA 

— _ _ WFLA 
WSB 

- — — WTNT 
WSAV 

...KIDO 
—*—___ _ . . WMAQ 

-WTRC 
..WGL 

- Elkhart. _ ; 
Fort Wayne : 
I ndianapolis—1 1 ¡S,: RE 
Terre Haute | WBOW 

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Monroe, 
New Orleans... 
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Rochester . ! 
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—WRDO 
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Virginia _ _ _ _ _ p WHLB 
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Springfield--. - : • KGBX 
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.Billlngs /.',. ' r sé, _...KGHL 
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Butte KGIR 
Heiena KPFA 

960 kc 
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-Hutchinson 2 __ _ KWBW 
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— 1 -KPLC 
1_ —...KNOE 

WSMB 
1 KTBS 

580" kc 
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113 CATHOLIC HOUR STATIONS 
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New York 
Schenectady— 

_ Charlotte —. 
Raleigh-
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„B ismark—, 
Fargo 

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Lima 
Toledo— 

„WFEA 
KOB 
W B E N 
W N B C 

_ WGY 
WSOC 
WPTF 

_ _ _ _ _ - W S J S 
_ _KFYR 

— _ _ 1 2 4 0 kc 
1030 kc 
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_Allentown 
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Erie 
J ohnstown 
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Philadelphia 
Pittsburgh _ 
Reading.. 

.1....WDAY 
W T A M 
.WLOK 
WSPD 

_ ; . W K Y 
KVOO 
KMED 
KGW* 

Wilkes-Barre-
Willlamsport-

„Prov idence— 
.Charleston-
Columbia—i 
Greenville— 

_ Sioux Fails-

....WSAN 
„ . .WFBG 
....WERC 

W J A C 
_. .WMRF 

K Y W 
KDKA 

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— W B R E 

W R A K 
W J A R 

...-WTMA 
W IS 
WFBC 

„ 810 kc 
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680 kc 
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1100 ke 
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Fort W o r t h -
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..KSOO-KELO -1140-1230 kc 
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Hawaii: -
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_Salt Lake City.. 
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_ Eau Claire — 
La Crosse——— 
Marinette 

_Honolulu — 

...KGNC 
- .WFAA 

; KTSM 
W P A B * 

i KPRC 
I ...WOAI 

Z KRGV 
_ ..KDYL* 

.WSVA 
WTAR* 

Z .WMBG 
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KHQ 
9 W E A U 

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1400 kc 
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(Revised as of October, 1947) 



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