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<h2 id="article_title">
'MYBus': Young People's Mobile Health, Wellbeing and
Digital Inclusion
</h2>
<div id="article_author">
Bjorn Nansen, Kabita Chakraborty, Lisa Gibbs, Colin
MacDougall, Frank Vetere
</div>
<h3 class="article_subhead">
Introduction
</h3>
<p>
This case study draws on debates around digital inclusion
and how digital technologies support access to health
services for those who are socially or economically
disadvantaged. Digital inclusion (or e-inclusion, Fuchs,
2010) recognises that access to, and effective use of,
digital technologies today is necessary for
communication, information access, economic and cultural
participation, and social connection; yet research shows
such access, in the global North, is differentially
distributed according to gender, class, race, education,
geography and age (see for example Livingstone and
Helsper, 2007; Maher, 2008; Selwyn, 2004; Warschauer,
2003). Researchers and policy makers now argue that
digital access is important for the development of social
connectedness and capital to provide a means to connect
and interact, and thus establish and maintain social,
economic and civic relationships (see Wyn et al., 2005;
Quan-Haase & Wellman, 2004; Pew Foundation, 2006).
</p>
<p>
<em>Digital</em> inclusion is, thus, situated as a new
item on the inclusion agenda, operating alongside other
recognised factors important for supporting
<em>social</em> inclusion - access to economic, health,
education, housing, recreation, culture and civic
resources. Yet, digital access is not simply an
additional determinant of inclusion or wellbeing, but
critically implicated in all others, as information and
communication technologies increasingly operate as
mediators to accessing and utilising services, especially
as online resources have become more integrated into
social life. Consequently, limited access or skills with
digital technologies can contribute to existing forms of
social inequity, such as socioeconomically disadvantaged
or geographically isolated groups unable to afford, or to
easily and regularly access equipment and services
(McLaren & Zappela 2002; Curtin 2001; Holloway &
Valentine, 2003). This exacerbates inequities in areas
such as health provision and literacy, which increasingly
rely upon online resources for their operation.
</p>
<p>
This broader role in mediating inclusion, connectedness
and wellbeing is increasingly acknowledged in relation to
other social determinants of health (e.g., Golder et al.,
2010; Meredyth et al., 2006), as well as in influencing
health and wellbeing outcomes for young people (e.g., Wyn
et al., 2005; Blanchard et al., 2007). Within these
literatures, it is also acknowledged that digital
inclusion requires more than just Internet access, but
that access is complicated by the social politics of use.
Research in Australia and elsewhere shows, for example,
that in developed countries the vast majority of people,
and especially young people, have some kind of access to
the Internet including connected computers at home,
school or in a public space, as well as mobile devices
(ABS, 2009; ACMA, 2007, 2009a; Livingstone, 2009). Yet
there is no simple equation where access equals
inclusion. Instead, there is widespread agreement in the
research literature that technology access must be
accompanied by a range of social and educational
resources in support of its <em>use</em> (e.g., Seiter,
2005; Valentine et al., 2002; Warschauer, 2003).
Warschauer (2003) notes, for example, that access and
inclusion require a range of interconnected resources:
physical (hardware device); digital (connection); human
(literacy); and social (social networks). This
recognition has shifted the terms of the debate about a
digital divide and the presence or absence of an Internet
connection, to one of digital participation which focuses
on a gradient relating to the contexts and quality of
access, as well as the integration of technologies into
communities and institutions.
</p>
<p>
In this paper we report on a case study of MYBus, a
community mobile youth centre operating in Cardinia
Shire, an outer urban growth area of Melbourne. The case
study is drawn from a larger ethnographic study of young
people's use of information and communication technology
in mediating social inclusion. The MYBus is a converted
passenger coach which is designed to provide youth aged
12-25 with mobile access to health and wellbeing
information and services. The aim of MYBus is to provide
young people with a range of up-to-date youth-specific
information and resources, and it has been fitted with
laptop computers, Internet access, Wii games, D.J.
console and other gaming devices to support this
engagement. We argue that the context, aggregation and
use of digital media on MYBus are an example of digital
inclusion that benefits the community and young people in
particular.
</p>
<p>
Our paper identifies the potential for the MYBus project
to contribute to young people's health literacy. Writing
in her report to the South Australian government, Ilona
Kikbusch tied the health literacy debate to control over
life circumstances, disadvantage and equity. Her
definition of health literacy recognises that it "enables
people to increase their control over their health, their
ability to seek out health information, to navigate
complex systems, take responsibility and participate
effectively in all aspects of life" (Kickbusch 2008,
p.46). She went on to argue for special support to the
most disadvantaged to manage their health and navigate
the health system and that children have a right to learn
about health and gain health literacy skills in order to
counteract major health inequalities.
</p>
<p>
Yet, not only does MYBus have direct healthcare benefits,
such as providing health information, it also enables a
broader approach to young people's wellbeing, providing
resources for digital access and participation. In
particular, we argue that <em>the making mobile</em> of
these resources and technologies operates to challenge a
range of economic and social disadvantages facing young
people living on the urban fringe. We first discuss the
importance of the MYBus mobile youth service in relation
to the Shire location, demographics and characteristics,
in order to highlight how it operates to challenge
geographic and socioeconomic inequities for young people
living in Cardinia. We then move into an analysis of the
importance it plays for young people's digital inclusion
through research findings relating to digital access,
digital mediation, and digital mobility. Finally, this
empirical work is situated theoretically by connecting
mobile digital inclusion with literature on young
people's social capital, to develop a concept of
<em>children's e-mobility capital.</em>
</p>
<h3 class="article_subhead">
Research Methods
</h3>
<p>
The case study is drawn from the <em>Screen Stories</em>
research project, which looked at the role of technology
for supporting young people's social inclusion, and
worked with five families (10 parents; 9 children) over a
period of three months with multiple visits per household
during 2010 (see: Gibbs et al., 2010; Nansen et al.,
2012). The research took place in the Cardinia Shire, an
outer-urban growth area of Melbourne, and used multiple
participatory methods to explore local and typical uses
of media and communications technologies. Methods
included a number of tours and exercises within the home,
such as mapping and discussing hardware placement, online
activities, and time-space relationships of technology
use. It also explored the role of technology use beyond
the home by using mobile methods (Ross et al., 2009) in
which participants guided us around the different places
where they used information and communication
technologies in the community, such as the school,
workplace and library. It was during this research that
we heard about the significance of MYBus for young
people's technology access. Whilst the children in our
study were too young to use the MYBus, we followed up on
this finding by talking with community and youth workers
at the Council about the history and use of the MYBus,
and by arranging to spend some time on the bus whilst it
was visiting youth in the community to observe young
people's use of the onboard technologies.
</p>
<p>
In combination with the fieldwork research, this case
study also draws on literature from and about local
Cardinia Shire (e.g. Council Youth Forum Surveys;
Community Indicators Victoria; ABS), building on the
evidence from previous research and relevant data.
</p>
<h3 class="article_subhead">
Study Location
</h3><img src="https://openjournals.uwaterloo.ca/index.php/JoCI/article/download/3170/version/2152/4142/16839/figure1.jpg" class="article_image" width=
"425" height="275" alt="Cardinia Shire">
<div class="image_caption">
Figure 1: Geographic location of Cardinia Shire relative
to Melbourne area municipalities (Source: Cardinia Shire
Council, 2009)
</div>
<p>
Cardinia Shire, where the MYBus service operates, is
located on the south-east fringe of metropolitan
Melbourne (see Figure 1). Pakenham, its main urban
centre, is 55 kilometres from Melbourne CBD. Cardinia is
one of five designated growth areas under the State
Government's Melbourne 2030 plan and has a large rural
population in addition to the townships designated for
rapid urban growth along the highway. The Shire is
divided into three distinct geographic subregions - the
northern hills area, the southern rural area and the
urban growth area - which results in varied service
provision needs across the Shire (Cardinia Shire Council,
2009). Cardinia Shire had a population of 64,310 in 2009
including an estimated 14,886 young people aged 10 to 25
years old (Informed Decisions, 2009). The Shire's
population is forecast to grow to 143,312 by 2031, and is
forecast to include 30,172 young people aged 10 to 25
(Informed Decisions, 2009). This area faces changes
resulting from rapid development, particularly in
relation to demands on transportation and services
(Birrell et al., 2004).
</p>
<p>
This rapid growth, Robson and Wiseman (2009) argue, has
the potential to create social exclusion. Urban-fringe
areas, or so-called 'interface municipalities' (NLT,
2006), such as Cardinia, face particular challenges in
delivering community and health services due to
geographic and demographic characteristics including a
mix of rural and suburban, dispersed populations, and
high rates of growth (Marsten et al., 2003; NLT, 2006).
Service delivery does not cope well with these
challenges, as reflected in the Cardinia council's
<em>Municipal Public Health and Wellbeing Plan
2009-13</em> (MPHWP). The plan acknowledges social
determinants of health and wellbeing, and recognises that
a range of activities and services can affect health
within the community, including employment conditions,
housing options, lifestyle practices, transport
availability, access to open spaces, community services
and facilities (Cardinia Shire Council, 2009; WHO Europe,
2003).
</p>
<p>
A principal social determinant of health affecting local
residents that is often identified is the geography and
associated isolation and transportation issues. A recent
analysis of the area, for example, noted that, "within
Cardinia Shire there exist geographically isolated
townships whose households have limited economic
resources and limited access to basic services" (Wilks,
2010, p.iii). This disadvantage is reflected in The Socio
Economic Indices for Areas (SEIFA), which shows that
whilst the overall municipality of Cardinia Shire has
below average levels of disadvantage (ABS, 2008), there
remain areas of disadvantage across the municipality with
a number of townships scoring below 1000 on the SEIFA
scale indicating they are areas of relative high
disadvantage (Wilks, 2010). Thus the service response
challenge is "to balance the needs of disadvantaged
townships in the southern rural region (e.g. Lang Lang,
Koo Wee Rup) with the demands of townships along the
highway line and in the northern hills region" (Wilks,
2010, p.iii), (e.g. Cockatoo, Emerald) - see Figure 2.
</p><img src="https://openjournals.uwaterloo.ca/index.php/JoCI/article/download/3170/version/2152/4142/16840/figure2.jpg" class="article_image" width=
"340" height="425" alt="Townships in Cardinia Shire">
<div class="image_caption">
Figure 2: Townships in Cardinia Shire (Source: Cardinia
Shire Council, 2009)
</div>
<p>
The geographic size and topography, dispersed population
and changing demographics of the area pose particular
problems for transport infrastructure and provision (NLT,
2006; Cardinia Shire Council Community Services Unit,
2010); currently "the Shire spans 1,280sq km (one-eighth
the size of metropolitan Melbourne)… [but] only
has one train line and 10 bus routes passing through or
in the municipality" (Cardinia Shire Council, 2009).
Cardinia Shire Council community surveys, forums and
feedback show that residents view the lack of public
transport and public transport connectivity as a
significant barrier to accessing services (Cardinia Shire
Council, 2009). This is particularly true for young
people, with the Youth Forum Surveys consistently showing
that young people identify the cost of transport and the
lack of public transport options to access work,
education and social activities as a major issue
(Cardinia Shire Council Community Services Unit, 2010).
The lack of public transport and public transport
connectivity can also have a 'knock-on' effect, with one
problem contributing to or compounding another (NLT,
2006). The 2009 Cardinia Shire Council Youth Forum Survey
reports, for example, that young people felt there was a
lack of accessible and affordable activities available to
them, and that the difficulty of accessing services is
directly linked to the lack of reliable and regular
transport.
</p>
<p>
The <em>Municipal Public Health and Wellbeing Plan
2009-13</em> (MPHWP), the Cardinia Shire Council Youth
Forum Surveys, and reports such as the 2007 report
'Staying Connected: Solutions for Addressing the Service
Gaps for Young People Living at the Interface'
commissioned by a group of local government authorities,
recognise many social, environmental and geographical
circumstances that can generate and maintain inequalities
in health. They make recommendations for strategies to
respond to these inequalities. Nevertheless, the focus on
social health determinants in these reports has meant
they have not yet not adequately acknowledged or
addressed the direct role played by information and
communication technologies in relation to broader
socio-economic health determinants (Golder et al., 2010).
</p>
<h3 class="article_subhead">
MYBus and Digital Inclusion
</h3>
<p>
The strategic objectives of the Cardinia <em>Municipal
Public Health and Wellbeing Plan 2009-13</em> (MPHWP)
include efforts to improve access for young people to
health and community services, and to public transport
and access to activities and opportunities for education,
work and community involvement. Council's MYBus mobile
youth bus was launched in June 2009 as part of this
wellbeing strategy, and in response to issues identified
in youth forum surveys. Whilst MYBus does nott address
lack of transportation for young people (to work, school
or services), it does provide information about locally
based activities (Cardinia Shire Council Community
Services Unit, 2010). The MYBus service is an example of
a so-called 'generalist' youth support service, which
provides local, free and universal access, and which
directs its energies at prevention and early intervention
strategies. Similarly, the youth workers state that they
focus on prevention and early intervention by providing a
range of health promotion information and support to
young people, building relationships and trust with the
youth population, and offering referral to other services
where appropriate.
</p>
<p>
MYBus, shown in Figure 3, is operated by the Cardinia
Council Youth Services Team, and it is driven to
different locations and events in the Shire throughout
the year. The bus regularly visits different secondary
schools in the Shire, including schools in disadvantaged
townships in the southern rural and northern hills areas.
It is used by students during lunch time and after school
during semester, with permission from those schools. It
also attends youth focused events and festivals within
the Shire on weekends and holidays, and provides a range
of free school holiday activities for young people. The
MYBus service is designed to provide youth with mobile
access to healthcare information and services, as well as
information regarding local services, programs and events
available to young people in the Shire; it "provides
relevant and up to date information about drugs and
alcohol, sexual health, health and wellbeing and other
youth-related topics" (Cardinia Shire Council, 2011).
Onboard, the council's youth outreach officers are
available to discuss any issues or concerns young people
may be experiencing. These officers can also link young
people to other services and programs if needed.
</p>
<p>
Figure 4 shows how, in order to engage and support young
people, the bus is fitted with digital technologies for
communication and entertainment and a kitchenette to
prepare food and drinks for events. The appeal of laptops
and game consoles means that young people of many ages
visit and use the MYBus when it is in their area, not
only for seeking information but also to play and
socialise. We observed that the placement of services on
the bus, with the game consoles at the back, laptops in
the middle, and brochures at the front, spatially
distributed different age groups according to interests
and needs, and enabled officers privacy to deliver health
and wellbeing information.
</p><img src="https://openjournals.uwaterloo.ca/index.php/JoCI/article/download/3170/version/2152/4142/16841/figure3.jpg" class="article_image" width=
"580" height="435" alt="MYBus">
<div class="image_caption">
Figure 3: MYBus
</div><img src="https://openjournals.uwaterloo.ca/index.php/JoCI/article/download/3170/version/2152/4142/16842/figure4.jpg" class="article_image" width=
"365" height="274" alt="laptops onboard MYBus">
<div class="image_caption">
Figure 4: Laptops onboard MYBus
</div><img src="https://openjournals.uwaterloo.ca/index.php/JoCI/article/download/3170/version/2152/4142/16843/figure5.jpg" class="article_image" width=
"580" height="435" alt="Pamphlet information on MYBus">
<div class="image_caption">
Figure 5: Pamphlet information display onboard MYBus
</div>
<p>
The MYBus service recently celebrated two years of
service (Cardinia Shire Council, 2011), and receives
funding support from government departments and private
businesses. While it is a relatively new service it has
provided outreach to young people in the Shire: between
June 2009 and June 2010 the MYBus had "travelled 41,510
km, visited 18 different townships across the Shire, run
school holiday activities at 15 different townships, and
attended 13 local events and festivals. Council's youth
outreach officers have delivered 13 workshops or personal
development programs at local secondary schools. MYBus
had about 9,500 contacts with young people from June 2009
to June 2010" (Cardinia Shire Council Community Services
Unit, 2010).
</p>
<p>
Figure 5 shows how MYBus provides health care
information, services, support, and referral - in
particular relevant information about drugs and alcohol,
sexual health, and other youth-related health and
wellbeing topics - for young people. In addition to the
print material onboard and the presence of youth outreach
officers, we argue in this paper that the digital
technologies and resources on board also allow young
people to access online information, participate in
social media communication, and interact with games
devices in ways that not only provide health benefits,
but also support a broader agenda of digital inclusion.
In particular, we suggest it is the mobility - the mobile
operation - of these services and technologies, which has
underpinned the success and benefits of MYBus.
</p>
<p>
Researchers are arguing that digital inclusion and
participation is part of a broader socio-economic and
socio-technical determinant of health and this is
reflected by Community Indicators Victoria (CIV), for
example, including home Internet access as a wellbeing
indicator for local communities (<a href=
"http://www.communityindicators.net.au/">http://www.communityindicators.net.au/</a>).
Derived from the 2006 Census question, whether the
Internet can be accessed at this dwelling, and if so,
what type of connection (broadband; dial-up; other) is
available, this indicator recognises that the Internet is
increasingly required for accessing essential information
and services, for conducting social exchanges, and for
participating in the digital economy (ACMA, 2009b).
Moreover, this indicator recognises that the quality -
type and speed - of connection is also important for
social and economic participation. Thus households
without Internet access, or with only dial-up service,
are increasingly digitally excluded and potentially at a
social disadvantage as a result.
</p>
<p>
In addition to home access, public Internet access has
its place in facilitating digital inclusion, yet in a
study of digital technology access amongst disadvantaged
groups in South Australia, Newman et al (2010) found
mixed experiences of public access. They argue that
public access cannot be seen as <em>the</em> solution to
flattening the digital gradient because it does not
support the same quality, frequency, extent or timeliness
of use as compared with private home access. One barrier
they found was that those with transport or mobility
difficulties can not easily travel to public locations.
They recommended a Canadian idea of extending ICT
Community Access Programs with a mobile-service which
takes digital technologies to people's homes in the same
way as a traditional mobile book library, as a way to
help overcome mobility problems for some population
groups. This study resonates with ours because it is
Australian, supports geographical and transport barriers
to digital access and use, and highlights the need for
research into mobile solutions. Further, Newman et al
(2010) called for "the identification of practical
pathways to increase people's levels of resources and
capabilities to use digitally-mediated communication."
Our study of MYBus builds on these conclusions and
suggested agenda for research and practice.
</p>
<h3 class="article_subhead">
Findings and Discussion
</h3>
<h3 class="article_subhead">
Digital access
</h3>
<blockquote>
Young people access the laptops mostly to access
Facebook, YouTube, play games and to research information
for school assignments as they may not have Internet
access at home (Anonymous Shire employee)
</blockquote>
<p>
The most recent data from Community Indicators Victoria
about Internet access reveals that overall Cardinia Shire
has a larger proportion of households with either no
Internet connection or a dial up connection (55.3%), and
a smaller proportion of households with broadband
connectivity (38.6%), compared to the Melbourne
(statistical division) average (49.2% and 42.8%
respectively). Moreover, this access varies within the
Shire, with households in the southern rural area (see
Figure 2) having an even larger proportion of households
either without an Internet connection or with only a dial
up connection (65.4%), and an even smaller proportion of
broadband connectivity (28.1%).
</p>
<p>
Digital access, inclusion and advantage vary across the
Shire; including differences in service options, varied
commercial provision of ICT infrastructure and especially
the lack of broadband access in more rural areas. In
addition, there are a range of social barriers to the
uptake and use of broadband, including income and
educational qualifications (ABS, 2006; Ewing &
Thomas, 2010; Newman et al., 2010), as well as perceived
cost, literacy, and a lack of understanding about
broadband benefits (DCITA, 2007; Wilken at al., 2011).
</p>
<p>
Adults in Cardinia may possess the agency to manoeuvre
around poor communication infrastructures, and to
mitigate poor home connections by accessing multiple
sites of communication, including work-based Internet for
some of their needs (e.g. Gibbs et al., 2010). Young
people, in contrast, are less mobile, and less able to
travel to access the Internet (Cardinia Shire, 2010).
Further, young people's Internet access in Cardinia and
more generally is dominated by home provision and use
(ACMA, 2007 ;Gibbs et al., 2010; Nansen et al, 2012).
Young people in the Cardinia Shire have limited access to
the Internet in the community. Computers and the Internet
are occasionally used at school, but only in a limited
and supervised manner directed at specific learning
activities (Gibbs et al., 2010), and at the public
library, but again this is limited to certain times of
opening and durations of permitted use. Thus home use
emerges as the most significant place for young people's
digital access and use.
</p>
<p>
The youth forum survey shows that for young people in
Cardinia, 'surfing the Internet' is their second
favourite activity undertaken in leisure time (Cardinia
Shire Council Community Services Unit, 2010). Yet, as the
evidence noted above shows, online access and use is not
evenly available or used. The Cardinia MYBus service is,
however, one place where young people are able to use
computers and gain digital skills, literacy, and
inclusion outside of the home or school. In response to
inadequate broadband connections in some homes, the bus
provides avenues for young people to negotiate paths to
Internet use; especially as it provides this access at
convenient times and locations for young people outside
schools and outside school hours.
</p>
<p>
We argue that MYBus implicitly addresses digital inequity
and exclusion. Whilst the technologies on board are
predominantly there to attract young people as part of
youth engagement and outreach, the quote from the Shire
employee (above) shows that it also enables access to
online information and services, social connectivity, and
play. In some ways, then, it challenges social divisions
for young people, particularly socio-economic and
geographic divisions, providing for digital inclusion.
</p>
<h3 class="article_subhead">
Digital mediation
</h3>
<blockquote>
Young people use the laptops on the bus for a variety of
reasons. The common use is for homework (use Google to
search for things), to socialise (Facebook), to play
games and to look at videos such as Youtube - dance
videos are really popular (Anonymous Shire employee)
</blockquote>
<blockquote>
Younger children aged 10-12 are not up to the level as
young people who are at high school. Often we need to
show the younger aged how to use Google for free games.
Young people aged 10-12 generally don't have a Facebook
account due to parents not wanting them to have it
(Anonymous Shire employee)
</blockquote>
<p>
The barriers to young people's computer and Internet use,
engagement with digital technology, and the role played
by digital technologies in accessing health information
and services, in the Cardinia area are not only
influenced by cost and location of access, but also by
the governance of technology use. Evidence shows that
young people's access to communication technologies at
home and at school is subject to restrictions, or what is
described in Internet studies as mediation. The mediation
literature has studied the range of measures used to
manage or regulate young people's use of and safety on
the Internet (e.g., ACMA, 2007; Livingstone and Helsper,
2008; NetRatings Australia, 2005, Nikken and Jansz, 2006;
Roberts et al., 2005; Wang et al., 2005). Parents, for
example, implement a number of rules or measures to
direct, limit and supervise young people's use, and thus
protect them from perceived or potential risks;
regardless of socioeconomic circumstance, the aim is to
provide a safe online environment for children and
protect their welfare while enabling them to develop a
range of skills (e.g. Nansen et al., 2012). These
mediation strategies include things like the conscious
physical placement of computers in shared and visible
spaces such as the living room rather than in the privacy
of bedrooms, installing or running filtering technologies
such as parental control software, checking the
suitability of and approving which sites their young
people can visit, supervising while their young people
were using the computer, placing time limits on use, and
discussing perceived dangers.
</p>
<p>
The literature categorises styles of mediation in terms
of restrictive mediation, active mediation, and
co-viewing or co-playing (e.g. Nikken and Jansz, 2006);
that is, restricting media use, talking about media use,
and viewing or sharing use respectively. Green, Holloway
and Quin (2004) place these along a spectrum from a more
authoritarian to a more empowering autonomous approach.
It has been shown that these styles of mediation
correlate to young people's age, with parents adopting
more restrictive approaches for younger children
(NetRatings Australia, 2005). While parents emphasise and
encourage young people's Internet use for learning, and
implement measures to support this, we found in the
Screen Stories study (see: Gibbs et al., 2010; Nansen et
al., 2012) that children often pursue playful uses or
personal objectives, such as selective use of sites,
including educational applications (e.g. Mathletics).
These playful sensibilities and tactics demonstrated
negotiation with adult mediation, management and agendas.
Similar findings are supported in youth media literature,
with young people using tactics of multitasking and
minimising windows when parents look on (Shepherd et al.,
2006), or by claiming educational value for a game
(Livingstone 2009, p. 44). Here, young people's ICT use
is often less about developing critical capacities, than
about negotiating commercial, parental or educational
restrictions in order to satisfy or achieve personal
goals of use - largely for leisure or play.
</p>
<p>
From our observation of young people's use of ICT whilst
on the bus, we noticed that they took advantage of what
is ostensibly a less supervised and mediated space to,
for example, view content that may be restricted at home,
such as YouTube clips, or access social media sites that
may not be allowed in other places (such as school).
These activities, of which parents or teachers may or may
not be aware, suggest that while the principal and
general focus for adults in relation to child digital
inclusion is supporting possibilities for education and
protecting children from risk, for young people
themselves inclusion is primarily about pursuing
possibilities for play, entertainment and social
interaction.The MYBus service demonstrates an awareness
of the role and importance of social media in young
people's lives, using Facebook to promote their services
and build relationships with youth in the community: "In
2010, a Facebook page for the MYBus was set up. This
allows youth outreach officers to update young people on
the whereabouts of the MYBus and activities that are
being planned. More than 100 young people from the
Cardinia Shire are signed up as a MYBus 'friend'"
(Cardinia Shire Council Community Services Unit, 2010).
</p>
<p>
The MYBus service provides a space for young people to
use technologies outside of well monitored or poorly
connected spaces. Thus in addition to responding to
inadequate broadband connections in the home, the MYBus
service serves to provide young people a form of digital
inclusion at different times and locations, a way to
navigate their Internet governance at home and school, to
assist in developing a range of competencies or
expertise, and digital literacy, which will be required
to negotiate online environments as they develop.
</p>
<h3 class="article_subhead">
Digital Mobility
</h3>
<blockquote>
Young people who live in areas that could be considered
low socioeconomic areas don't have access to the Internet
as parents can not afford it therefore love it when the
bus visits their town as they can access it. Also
families in these areas don't have the ability to afford
a Wii or Playstation so young people love using these
games on the bus (Anonymous Shire employee)
</blockquote>
<p>
This quotation aptly summarises the role of MYBus in not
only providing access to digital media and communications
technologies, but also making the technologies mobile in
order to redress the geographic, socioeconomic and
technological inequities for young people living in urban
fringe areas such as Cardinia. Many urban fringe areas
are not well served by public transport and there is
often a paucity of so called "third spaces" where young
people can get together easily and safely. Many young
people in Cardinia have reduced access to digital
technology in their homes and by virtue of lower access
to resources, in public spaces, whilst access at school
is primarily focussed on educational purposes. As a
result, these young people face reduced opportunities to
use digital technologies for social purposes and to
access general information - including information
underpinning health literacy. As a <em>mobile</em>
service, MYBus travels to many parts of the Shire
reaching young people in areas that are geographically
dispersed or disadvantaged, and thus not only supports
access to health services for those who are less socially
and economically advantaged, but also provides access to
the Internet and other digital technologies, thereby
countering inequities in digital participation and
inclusion.
</p>
<p>
The contribution of MYBus illuminates two theoretical
constructs that are increasingly recognised as social
determinants of health: mobility and social capital.
Spatial mobility has in recent sociological literature
been identified as an increasingly critical
characteristic of modern societies (Urry, 2007). This
literature has revealed how mobilities operate both on a
global scale through the movements of bodies, objects,
capital, information and images and on a local scale
through things like daily transportation or the movements
of material things within everyday life (Sheller &
Urry, 2006, p.1). Here, the capacity to move and the
systems supporting individual movement have been
increasingly recognised as an important aspect of social
equity and participation. This capacity to move has been
described through the concept of mobility capital, or
motility, which is likened to other forms of
capital..."another form of capital like its financial,
cultural, and social counterparts that shape people's
life courses" (Kaufmann and Widmer, 2006, p.124; see
also: Kaufman et al., 2004). The idea of mobility capital
has been proposed and situated in relation to social,
adult, and family life (Kaufmann et al., 2004; Kaufmann
and Widmer, 2006), yet our contribution is to commence
developing a particular type of mobility capital for
children and young people, especially as it emerges in
geographically and digitally disadvantaged areas.
</p>
<p>
In this case, what has been described as mobility capital
assumes a key role in more contemporary theorising about
social capital in adults. Social capital in general
refers to the extent, nature and quality of social ties
that individuals or communities can mobilise in
conducting their affairs (e.g. Zinnbauer, 2007), in ways
that enhance social connections, supports inclusion and
challenge exclusion. There are, however, two strands of
theorising about social capital in relation to children
and young people: the adultist and the sociology of
childhood. Critiquing the adultist strand, Madeleine
Leonard argues that the theorists Putnam and Coleman
account for the relationship between childhood and social
capital by concentrating on adults' stock of social
capital and how effectively these adults transfer their
social capital assets to their children, which they can
"cash in" when they grow up. In keeping with much of
sociology, Coleman and Putnam have little to say about
children's existing usage of social capital. Moreover,
they give little acknowledgement to how children's own
agency and networks might facilitate the development of
social capital among children (Leonard, 2005). The
implication of the argument, that for children social
capital is a by-product of their parents' relationships
with others, is that their own social capital networks
are rendered invisible (Ferguson, 2006).
</p>
<p>
By contrast, Virginia Morrow, an advocate of the new
sociology of childhood based upon the work of the British
social anthropologists Allison James and Alan Prout,
argues that we need to move beyond psychologically-based
models of childhood as a period of socialisation, and
emphasise that children are active social agents who
shape the structures and processes around them (at least
at the micro-level), and whose social relationships are
worthy of study in their own right (Morrow, 1999). In
relation to the social capital debate, Morrow (1999,
p.746) proposed that although Pierre Bourdieu did not
explicitly discuss children's social capital, he left
space for such a discussion by describing social capital
"as rooted in the processes and practices of everyday
life". When combined with the recognition from the new
sociology of childhood that children possess agency,
Bourdieu's formulation could explain how the micro-social
worlds of children interact to produce social capital.
For example, Madeleine Leonard drew on a combination of
Bourdieu and the sociology of childhood to interpret
findings from her study in Belfast to show how young
people demonstrated agency and social capital independent
of their families by initiating their own social networks
and finding part-time work to benefit both them and their
families (Leonard, 2005). Morrow (2000) argues that a
distinctive feature of young people's communities is that
they often constitute a "virtual'"community of friends
based around school, town centre and street.
</p>
<p>
Morrow's concept of a virtual community provides a neat
bridge between the social capital, mobility and digital
inclusion literatures and our findings about the mobile
MYBus in the fringes of Melbourne, Australia. These
findings acknowledge that social capital is a factor
operating in children's lives and relationships (Leonard,
2005; Morrow, 2000; Weller & Bruegel, 2009) and they
add to the growing literature on children's spatial
movement and independence that addresses the importance
of mobility for the wellbeing of young people (for
literature reviews, see: Garrard 2009; Thomson, 2009;
Zubrick et al., 2010). Yet, these findings also amend
understandings of social determinants of health to
recognise the important mediating role of digital
technologies. In relation to social capital,
communication technologies are shown to be a resource to
enable people to thicken existing ties as well as
generate new ones (e.g. Licoppe, 2004; Davis et al.,
2012; Zinnbauer, 2007). Mobile phones or email, for
example, are used to stay better in touch and coordinate
activities with friends and family members (Licoppe,
2004; Davis et al., 2012), making it possible to maintain
relationships. Thus, Wyn et al., (2005) note that the
Internet mediates, supplements and transforms social
capital: it provides another means of communication to
make existing social relationships and patterns of civic
engagement and socialisation easier, but in this
provision it also remediates it, amends how, where, when
social interaction takes place.
</p>
<p>
Further, digital technologies have been shown to support
mobility for families and children (see: Pain et al.,
2005; Davis et al., 2012). Pain et al note, for example,
that the contactability provided by mobile phones may
help to alleviate parental fears, free children and
parents from set deadlines, expand children's spatial
ranges, empower young people to reclaim public spaces,
and ultimately provide opportunities for children to
move. In this case, digital technologies emerge in
relation to spatial mobility as a resource for
challenging young people's lack of mobility. Yet, in
mediating both mobility and social capital, technologies
do not simply operate as a means for enabling
connectedness and inclusion, as without access to or
skills with such digital resources, they can also operate
to unevenly distribute advantage and disadvantage, and
thus contribute to social immobility, inequality, or
exclusion. The view that social capital is distributed
unevenly and can act as a source of exclusion rather than
cohesion emerges with Bourdieu (see Weller and Bruegel,
2009), and has been taken up in relation to mobility
capital, where access to a range of factors that enable
spatial movement to proceed has been to shown to vary
(Kaufman et al., 2004). Here, mobility and social capital
is not simply possessed by individuals, but formed
through a range of physical contexts and social
relations.
</p>
<p>
Our study of MYBus in Cardinia too suggests that young
people on the fringes of urban areas face geographical
and economic barriers to using digital technology for
other than educational purposes. MYBus, as a mobile
resource, provides access to digital technology and
information to promote health literacy. As a result,
children and young people are able to connect both in
person and electronically in a child friendly
environment. This mobile environment provides the
opportunity for them to initiate links, gain access to
information, and eventually develop mobility and social
capital. The bus mobilises - in multiple senses of the
word - technologies for young people whose location or
mobility is disadvantaged. We argue that what we have
identified through observing MYBus a version of social
capital that can be labelled children's mobility capital
because it relies on recognising spatial movement as a
mode for supporting social connection. This particular
capital is, however, not only mobile, but also digital.
It can therefore accurately be labelled as <em>children's
e-mobility capital.</em> This mode of capital is made
visible by its lack in the lives of young people who are
geographically isolated or who do not have adequate
access to digital resources that facilitate movement and
inclusion; but it can also be made visible by mobile
interventions such as in the case of MYBus.
</p>
<h3 class="article_subhead">
Conclusion
</h3>
<p>
This paper has reported on a mobile youth service, MYBus,
and analysed how the aggregation of digital media onboard
MYBus not only assists in the provision of healthcare and
health literacy, but also enables a broader approach to
young people's wellbeing by providing mobile resources
for digital access and participation. In particular, the
paper has shown that the mobilisation of these
technologies is significant for young people living on
the urban fringe. We have developed the concept of
children's <em>e-mobility capital</em> in relation to
young people in order to theorise this technology
mobilisation, and we have situated the mediating role of
technologies for supporting mobility capital in relation
to digital inclusion as a determinant of health and
wellbeing. We have argued that an important factor in
young people's digital inclusion, in addition to access
and mediation, is mobility. This is evidenced by the
kilometres travelled by MYBus, which not only enables
youth engagement in health care, improving <em>access to
health information and support</em> for less advantaged
communities, but blends heath provision with new
technologies and then mobilises these services and
technologies to support opportunities for digital
participation and inclusion for young people in less
geographically and socioeconomically advantaged areas of
the Shire. It may not address other mobility issues
facing young people, such as public transportation, but
it does nevertheless act to include those in more
disconnected locations and their associated experiences
of reduced mobility capital.
</p>
<p>
Our study cannot draw direct empirical conclusions about
MYBus and health and wellbeing outcomes. It can, however,
draw on more general findings from the social capital and
urban planning literature that establish social capital
as a determinant of health (Ziersch et al., 2005).
Moreover, we know that social capital and social
connections can be enhanced by approaches to urban and
social planning that explicitly aim to thicken social
connections, which in turn affects social capital and
other determinants of health (Baum et al., 2011). On the
basis of our analysis of MYBus and synthesis with theory,
we therefore propose the need for further exploration of
how social interventions can improve <em>mobility,
digital access and social capital</em> for children and
young people in order to reduce health inequities
associated with geographical and digital disadvantage.
</p>
<p>
Future research should also move beyond the more
traditional way of describing the unequal distribution of
digital technology access and use between different
groups in society as a "digital divide" implying a
dichotomy of technology "haves and have nots" (Newman et
al., 2010). Instead, the distribution of digital access
clearly follows the socioeconomic <em>gradient</em>,
which has been shown to be highly relevant by the World
Health Organisation's Commission on the Social
Determinants of Health (CSDH, 2008). We agree with the
call by Newman et al (2010) to draw on contemporary
public health literature to describe the socioeconomic
differences in digital access and use as a <em>digital
gradient</em> across the whole population, rather than
simply a divide between those connected digitally and
those not connected. Such nuanced approaches are likely
to provide a thicker description of use and barriers in
urban fringe areas that feature significant geographical
variation, including in the case of Cardinia a mix of
urban and semi-rural populations. Thicker accounts that
describe technology use across geography and gradients of
disadvantage are more likely to lead to practical and
effective policies and programs to promote digital and
health equity.
</p>
<h3 class="article_subhead">
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