Gilda Olinto
Instituto Brasileiro de Informação em Ciência e Tecnologia (IBICT); Programa de pós-graduação em Ciência da Informação (PPGCI-IBICT/UFRJ)
Suely Fragoso
Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul; Programa de pós-graduação em Comunicação e Informação (PPGCom/UFRGS) and Programa de pós-graduação em Design (PGDesign/UFRGS)
Abstract. The evolution of internet access and
use in
Keywords. Internet Access. Digital divide. Internet Use
Survey. ICT in
1. Introduction
Several
difficulties characterized the initial phase of internet adoption in
The
creation of the Brazilian Internet Steering Committee (CGI), a ministerial
initiative aggregating governmental, private and academic institutions “in
order to effectively promote the participation of Society in decisions
regarding Internet implementation, management and usage”[1] in
Nearly
twenty years later, there is now widespread, even ubiquitous, internet presence
in
The
federal government continues to support several different and coordinated
initiatives. The National Program of Support for Community Digital Inclusion (Telecentros.br)[3], controlled by three ministries
(Communication, Science and Technology and Planning), for example, provides
financial and logistic support for the creation of public internet access
points and helps strengthen already existing public access sites. Another
important initiative (initiated by then Minister of Culture the very well known
Jazz musician/politician Gilberto Gil) is the Cultural Hotspot Program (Programa Pontos de Cultura)[4], promoted by the Ministry of Culture (MINC), which
provides internet access, hardware and open source software for impoverished
and historically excluded communities to create and share their own cultural
and other materials (and of particular interest--music) on the internet. A
third example of a program to which large resources are annually alloted is Casa Brasil[5]
(Ministry of Science and Technology), whose aim is to finance specific projects
that have been submitted to them.
The
state of
These
initiatives help to explain the outstanding Brazilian presence in the Internet
and the fact that Brazilians with home access are already assiduous users.
According to the Nielsen Netratings/Ibope[8] partnership, at least since 2006,
Brazilian users stay online longer than those from any other country. Most of their
time online is spent on social network and communication sites leading to an
outstanding presence on the web, which has been frequently reported, at least
since the number of Brazilians surpassed the total of US users in Google’s
social network service Orkut in 2004 (Fragoso, 2006). Other similar services have also been
heavily adopted in
Despite
the positive aspects mentioned above, several negative features are also
typical of internet development in
Considering
the above-mentioned contrasting aspects of the internet phenomenon in
2. Types of
internet use and characteristics of data
There
are many possible approaches when one tries to focus on the democratization
perspective of internet access and use. These concepts – internet access and
use – can be seen from different points of view and answer different research
questions; they can also be subjected to different measurements and analyses (Barzilai-Nahon et al., 2009).
The diversity of questions and perspectives
about access and use is related to the constant changes characteristic of the
internet, both in terms of access and technical features. They are all “moving
targets that are difficult to aim at”. Measures of internet use tend,
therefore, to be only provisional and tenuous indicators of the concepts
implied.
How these diverse, and constantly
changing, uses of the internet tend towards inclusiveness and contribute to
individual and group development is the challenge faced by several
studies. Theoretical and empirical evidence on the subject suggests that
this technology can, given favorable circumstances, bring about new
opportunities for individuals and communities. However, an inverse process, one
that perpetuates inequalities, is also possible with an implementation
and use of the internet that “plugs into existing social structure” often
maintaining or deepening inequalities in terms of access to culture (cultural
capital), strategic contacts (social capital) and information for everyday life
purposes that will, in turn, guarantee access to resources, such as better jobs
(DiMaggio et al., 2004; Wellman et al., 2001; Wellman and Haythornthwaite,
2002). To take into account the characteristics of the social and cultural
milieu of information technology in general, notably in developing countries,
seems to have become a basic concern of information technology analysts and
digital inclusion programs, notably of community and social informatics
approaches (Gurstein, 2000, 2003; Williams & Durrance, 2010).
This article tries to depict the
evolution of internet access and the inclusive tendency of certain aspects of
internet use in
3. Data analysis
Considering the theoretical
approaches of previous internet studies and the specificities of data utilized
in the analyses, the first part of the empirical evidence presented herein
focuses on access: its availability and technical characteristics, as well as
its relation with the social-demographic characteristics of users. The second
part of the analysis focuses on the evolution in types of internet use by
Brazilian adults[9],
especially of those uses that relate or contribute to individual and community
development. The growth of such uses in the country and their tendency to
become inclusive – in other words, how the relationship of these uses to the
socio-demographic characteristics of users tends to diminish over time – are
aspects considered in this work.
In Table
1, below, one can observe the evolution in numbers as well as the growth in the
percentage of internet access in
|
Table 1. Growth of Internet access by type of access. Brazilian adult population: 2005 - 2008. |
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Type of Internet access |
Internet access |
|
||
|
2005 |
2008 |
% Growth |
|
|
|
N (Millions) |
N (Millions) |
|
||
|
With Access |
24,127 |
40,450 |
67.6 |
|
|
Access at home |
12,765 |
25,673 |
101.1 |
|
|
At home With dial up |
7,447 |
4,748 |
-36.2 |
|
|
At home with Broadband |
6,178 |
20,926 |
238.7 |
|
|
Source: IBGE (PNAD) Microdata. Adult population aged 18 years old or more in
2005 (N=132,708) and in 2008 (N= 124,425 million). |
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As indicated in table 1, ten years after the beginning
of commercial availability of the internet in Brazil, the absolute numbers of
access has reached impressive figures and growth of internet access in the
three year period between these surveys is remarkable: it goes from just over
24 million to well above 40 million of adults with access, a growth rate of
almost 70%, an outstanding figure if compared to those observed in other
countries (Fox, 2005; Horrigan, 2008). The measure of
home access has also shown a particularly important increase during the time
studied: a growth rate of above 100%. And if one focuses on home access
through broadband, the increase is even more impressive, a growth rate of
nearly 240% testifying to the effective dissemination of this type of internet
home access. A vertiginous decline of dial up access in the period is also
evident suggesting that a very rapid technological substitution took place in
the period.
It is important to consider, however, the
negative aspects that can also be depicted from Table
The observed increase in the number of adults
who access the internet, as shown above, does not indicate who is being
digitally included. To verify how much increase in access is socially
inclusive, benefiting all sectors of the population and tending to absorb the
less privileged, the following table describes access changes by
socio-demographic characteristics of users.
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Table 2. Growth of internet access by socio-demographic profile of population. Brazilian adult population: 2005- 2008.
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Socio-demographic characteristic |
N (Million) |
N (Million) |
% Growth |
|
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|
|
|
|
|
|
2005 |
2008 |
|
|
|
|
Age |
|
|
|
|
|
18 - 29 |
11,843 |
19,834 |
67.5 |
|
|
30 - 49 |
9,769 |
16,168 |
65.5 |
|
|
50 - 64 |
2,260 |
3,893 |
72.3 |
|
|
65 e+ |
0,254 |
0,555 |
118.5 |
|
|
Gender |
|
|
|
|
|
Male |
12,270 |
20,021 |
63.2 |
|
|
Female |
11,857 |
20,429 |
72.3 |
|
|
Race |
|
|
|
|
|
White |
16,699 |
24,869 |
48.9 |
|
|
Afro-Brazilian |
7,092 |
15,098 |
112.9 |
|
|
Other |
0,336 |
0,483 |
43.8 |
|
|
Years of Education |
|
|
|
|
|
10 or less |
3,731 |
8,691 |
132.9 |
|
|
11 to 14 |
13,893 |
22,742 |
63.7 |
|
|
15 or more |
6,476 |
8,966 |
38.4 |
|
|
Minimum family income [12] |
|
|
|
|
|
2 or less |
13,507 |
22,239 |
64.6 |
|
|
More than 2 to 5 |
6,934 |
11,381 |
64.1 |
|
|
More than 5 to 10 |
2,129 |
3,579 |
68.1 |
|
|
More than 10 |
0,770 |
1,406 |
82.6 |
|
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Source: IBGE (PNAD, 2005 and
2008) Microdata. Population aged 18 years old or
more. |
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Observation
of changes of internet access in terms of the social profile of users (Table 2)
indicates that growth in this three years period was high in all segments
considered and, of particular interest, beneficial to those who usually lag
behind in the process: it has favored older people, women, Afro-Brazilians and
those at lower level of the educational ladder. Although the increase in
internet access in the period studied was largest among the highest income
group, it appears to have been particularly beneficial for those in lowest
income strata, especially considering the high numbers involved: internet
access in this income group jumped from 13 million in 2005 to 22 million in
2008. These inclusive characteristics of access to the internet, as suggested
in Table 2, are likely to be related, at least partially, to the comprehensive
public policies previously mentioned.
The
favorable tendencies noted above should not turn our attention away from
observing that internet access in
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Table 3. Internet access and broadband use by education and income. Brazilian adult population in 2008.
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Socio-economic characteristic |
% of access |
% of users |
|
|
in population |
with home |
|
|
|
|
broadband access |
|
|
|
By Years of Education |
|
|
|
|
10 or less |
10.6 |
35.6 |
|
|
11 to 14 |
57.7 |
49.0 |
|
|
15 or more |
81.0 |
74.5 |
|
|
By minimum family income [12] |
|
|
|
|
2 or less |
28.2 |
35.6 |
|
|
More than 2 to 5 |
55.9 |
66.5 |
|
|
More than 5 to 10 |
72.5 |
83.6 |
|
|
More than 10
|
76.6
|
88.1
|
|
|
Source: IBGE (PNAD, 2008) Microdata. Population aged 18 years old or more. |
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From the
above table it can be seen that internet access
strongly increases as the years of formal education and income level
of users grow. As well the same relationship holds for those with broadband
access in the home. These socio-technical underpinnings of internet access have
been found in developed countries, but the differences are not so sharp (Horrigan, 2008). The fact that only 10% of adults in the
lower educational group had internet access in 2008 points to the urgency of
strong measures of digital inclusion, as this segment is the largest in
absolute numbers, comprising almost 82 million or above 65% of the adult
population of
The
focus of the analysis turns now to purposes of internet use, as measured in the
two Bureau of Census surveys. The selection and grouping of these purposes
gives emphasis to everyday life uses that might contribute to aspects of
individual or community development and citizenship.
The four
categories of uses are: 1) those uses that could be considered as contributing
to or being directly related to the acquisition of cultural capital (DiMaggio,
1982), such as distance learning, reading the news, etc.; 2) those that
contribute or are more directly related to the acquisition of social capital
(Nan Lin, 2001; Wellman et al, 2002), for example the use of email, instant
messaging, blogs, social network systems, etc.; 3) instrumental uses that are
linked to the use of the internet for the solution of everyday life
problems, such as access to government resources, health-related services,
shopping and banking (Savolainen, 1999; Eastabrook, 2007; Wellman and Heythornthwaite,
2002); and 4) entertainment activities, such as those involving music, videos,
games, etc, are also considered here, due to the absolute numbers involved and
due to the possible contribution of these activities to digital inclusion,
especially of the less privileged segments of the population (Fragoso et al, 2011). It is important to emphasize here
that these four categories of uses should not be
understood as mutually exclusive or independent of each other. For example,
activities that enhance social capital, such as online communication, are an
important part of distance learning and/or or news sharing. At the same time,
it is easy to see online communication as a form of entertainment.
Table 4,
as follows, examines the evolution of these types of internet use purposes from
2005 to
|
Table 4. Growth
of types of internet uses. Brazilian adult
users: 2005 - 2008 (in Millions). |
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Internet Uses |
2005 |
2008 |
% Growth |
|
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|
Contributing to Cultural capital |
|
|
|
|
|
Educational activities |
15,909 |
24,445 |
53.7 |
|
|
Reading the news |
12,586 |
22,881 |
81.8 |
|
|
Contributing to Social Capital |
|
|
|
|
|
Communication |
16,807 |
33,428 |
98.9 |
|
|
Instrumental Uses |
|
|
|
|
|
Accessing Government |
8,493 |
8,209 |
- 3.3 |
|
|
Searching for info & services |
7,109 |
12,752 |
79.4 |
|
|
Shopping |
4,189 |
8,296 |
98.0 |
|
|
Banking |
6,004 |
7,258 |
20.9 |
|
|
Entertainment |
|
|
|
|
|
Music, Videos, Games |
11,824 |
25,829 |
118.5 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
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Source: IBGE (PNAD, 2005,
2008) Microdata. Population aged 18 years old or
more. |
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The analysis
presented in Table 4 reveals significant growth in most of the uses considered,
and the growth pattern is similar to the one observed in the previous analyses
focusing on internet access. The use of the net for communication – e-mails,
chats, social network sites, blogs and fotologs –
involves the largest absolute number of people and is also the type of use that
shows the greatest gains in the period (98.9%). This reinforces previously
mentioned evidence that links the heavy use of social network sites to long
hours of internet use in
Although
some of the other types of internet use defined here as instrumental – those
that aim at the solution of everyday life needs – show significant growth in
the period (such as searching for information and services and shopping), it is
clear that they are a niche activity that concern a very small portion of adult
internet users. Surprisingly, using the internet to access government or public
authorities (for obtaining documents, sending income tax returns, or scheduling
medical appointments) not only involved a very small portion of the population
but also declined in the period.
Using
the internet for banking was also adopted by only a small proportion of
Brazilians, showing only a small increase in the period. This is further
evidence of the contrasting aspects of the internet in a country which is known
for technologically advanced and widespread ICT use for banking activities and,
at the same time, for the low percentage of its population with bank accounts.
This low
instrumental use of the net is counterpointed by the amazing involvement of
Brazilian adults with entertainment activities, which includes watching,
listening and downloading TV programs, music, videos and games; activities that
have had the largest growth in the period. These results contribute to the idea
that leisure should be taken seriously as a subject, at least by researchers
and educators.
Table 5,
presents evidence of the importance of the social characteristics of the
internet user in relation to types of internet use through the relationship
between the educational level of the user– corresponding roughly with
elementary, secondary and college educational level of the user – with the
different types of internet uses that he or she makes of the internet.
|
Table 5. Internet
uses by years of education. |
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|
Brazilian adult users, 2008.
|
|
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|
Internet Uses |
Years of Education |
|
||
|
10 or less % |
11 to 14 % |
15 or more % |
|
|
|
|
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|
Contributing to Cultural capital |
|
|
|
|
|
Educational activities |
46.2 |
60.8 |
73.3 |
|
|
Reading the news |
41.0 |
57.2 |
70.2 |
|
|
Contributing to Social Capital |
|
|
|
|
|
Communication |
78.1 |
83.1 |
85.8 |
|
|
Instrumental Uses |
|
|
|
|
|
Accessing Government |
8.7 |
18.2 |
37.0 |
|
|
Searching for
info. and services |
23.0 |
34.0 |
33.6 |
|
|
Shopping |
8.7 |
18.5 |
37.1 |
|
|
Banking |
6.5 |
15.4 |
35.5 |
|
|
Entertainment |
|
|
|
|
|
Music, Videos, Games |
62.6 |
65.8 |
60.3 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
TOTAL (Millions) |
8,691 |
22,742 |
8,966 |
|
|
Source: IBGE (PNAD, 2008) Microdata. Population aged 18 years old or more. |
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By
interpreting the numbers from Table 5, one can see that certain uses of the net,
as measured here, tend to “universality” in the sense that they involve large
numbers and will soon probably be guaranteed to all, independently of the
social origin of the user. This is the case of internet use for communication
which, besides involving a very large number of users, in all three educational
levels, also indicates only a slight
relationship with the user’s educational level. Some other uses, also involving
large numbers of users, could be called relatively “democratic” in the sense that,
although not tending to involve all internet users, they do not seem to be
affected by the educational level of the users. This is especially the case in
the use of the net for entertainment purposes. However, several
instrumental uses – banking, shopping and accessing the government – as well as
the activities relating to the acquisition of cultural capital – education and
reading the news – indicate a clear correlation with the educational background
of users. This suggests that theoretical questions about social inequalities
being brought to the virtual world are still valid and strong.
On the
whole, data analyses regarding changes in the types of internet use in
4. Concluding
remarks
As the
title of this paper suggests, several apparent paradoxes make it hard to
diagnose
Initial
evidence presented indicates that the increase in the total number of users and
of a diverse range of uses of the net is impressive enough to place the country
amongst the leading positions in some internet rankings. The spontaneous
appropriation of internet resources, notably social network systems, is remarkable.
Several programs aiming at digital inclusion and universal access to ICT,
mobilization of a wide range of different actors in both governmental and
private sectors, as well as a concerted action of public agencies are
characteristics of the Brazilian initiatives that seem to be promoting internet
access and, to a certain extent, an effective socio-digital inclusion.
The
analysis of the evolution of the internet in the three-year period between 2005
and 2008 also indicates a number of positive and impressive results. With
respect to access, the general increase is outstanding, as well as the growth
of broadband home access, notably by the less privileged sector of the
population. Internet uses that are often associated with the increase of
individual life chances and citizenship development also show a significant
increase, as is the case of internet use for communication, newspaper reading
and educational purposes.
In
contrast to these improvements, some negative aspects also stand out. As the
analyses presented here helped to reveal, the proportion of the adult
population with internet access, especially with home access, is still very
low. Social differences in access and use are pronounced and the use of digital
resources for some everyday life activities by citizens is as yet undeveloped.
Access and growth of internet use for some public or private services, such as
e-banking, is a privilege that benefits only very few Brazilians. Further
initiatives towards digital inclusion in Brazil should recognized that the
digital divide remains an enormous and complex challenge, requiring
well-structured, long-lasting and comprehensive policies to be properly
addressed.
Acknowledgement
We are grateful
to CNPq (Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico) for
financial support. We are also grateful to Ennio Leite de Mello of IBGE for his valuable contribution.
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[1] Comitê gestor da Internet, HTTP://wwwcgi.br
[2] ccTLD
stands for Country Code Top Level Domains that, in principle, identify a
particular country or geographical territory (for example .br,
.ca, .ar, etc.)
[3] http://www.telecentros.br.com/
[4] Cultural Hotspot Programme
(Programa Pontos
de Cultura) is one of the actions of the Live
Culture Programme. Details can be found at
http://www.cultura.gov.br/culturaviva/
[5] http://www.casabrasil.gov.br/
[6] http://www.acessasaopaulo.sp.gov.br/
[7] http://www.cdi.org.br
[8]http://www.ibope.com.br/calandraWeb/servlet/CalandraRedirect?temp=5&proj=
IBOPEenglish&pub=T&comp=IBOPE+Group&db=caldb&docid=62BA844B57E79D0483256EE5006F5653
[9] Data utilized in the analyses presented here
were obtained from microdata of these two surveys,
taking into account the Brazilians 18 years old and over (the surveys were
applied to Brazilians 10 years old and over).
[10] Information about internet access at home
through dial up or broadband was obtained by means of two different variables.
The two options are almost, but not totally, mutually exclusive.
[11] Minimum family income per capita. Per capita
income is the sum of the revenues of all family members divided by the number
of family members. Values in reais were R$300.00 in
2005 and R$415.00 in 2008.
[12] Minimum family income per capita. Per capita income is the sum of the revenues of all family members divided by the number of family members. Value in Brazilian Reais in 2008 was R$415.00.