AVGVSTVS. OR, An Essay of those means and Counsels, whereby the Commonwealth of ROME was altered, and reduced unto a Monarchy.  
( ∵)  VIRG. Aeneid. 6. 
Tu regere imperio Populos  
roman memento:  
Hae tibi erunt artes.  
LONDON. Printed by B. A. and T. F. for Henry Scile at the tigers head in St. Pauls Churchyard. 1632.   

TO MY much honoured FRIEND, THOMAS LEVET of Ticksore, in the County of Rutland, Esquire.  
THis following Essay, long since written by the Author for his private satisfaction, is now by his consent made common,& for public view. It contains in it, a narration of the greatest change, that ever happened in the Common-wealth and state of Rome. Yet not a naked Story nor a bare Narration onely; but a brief touch of all such counsels, and arts of Empire, by the means whereof it was effected; Such as could either be collected out of the Authors of those times, or gathered vpon any probable conjectures, or grounds of State. In which h●● is so far from ho●● of satisfying others, that as yet he hath not satisfied himself, and cannot but bee sensible, that he hath drawn this Picture of AVGVSTVS with too much shadow. Such as it is, I consecrate to you, and to your perusal.  
The many obligations which you haue vpon the Author, may make just challenge for you unto any thing of his performance. Were it not so, that liberal humanity wherewith you have vouchsafed for his sake, to reflect on me, is of itself sufficient to embolden me to this presumption, and to subscribe myself  
Your obliged Servant at Command, HENRY SEILE.   

AVGVSTVS. OR, AN ESSAY OF THOSE means and counsels, by which the Common-wealth of ROME was altered and reduced unto a Monarchy.  

I.  
THEY which have heretofore written of Common-wealths, have divided them into three Species: The government of the King; secondly, of the Nobles; and thirdly of the People. either of these is again subdivided into good and evil: The evil form being onely the good corrupted; The good nothing else, but the bad refined. So is the government of a King, divided into a Monarchy, and a Tyranny: Of the Nobles, into an Aristocracy, and an Oligarchy: Of the People into a republic, and a Democracy. All these, as well in general, as in the several couplets, have a secret Inclination to change the one into the other, and to make a Pythagoricall transmigration( as it were) into each others being. I need not stand on many instances. The Common-wealth of Rome( into whose stories whosoever looketh, will judge them rather to contain the acts of the whole World, then a particular Nation) will serve for all. ROMVLVS at the foundation of his City, reserved unto himself the chief sovereignty, leaving it entire to his successors. NVMA, ANCVS, TVLLIVS, TARQVINIVS PRISCVS, and SERVIVS, governed themselves so moderately, the people so justly: that they affencted not Tyranny; nor the Commons liberty. They appeared more desirous to fill the Coffers of their Subjects, then their own Treasuries: And when necessity compelled them to a tax; they rather seemed to wheresoe'er their sheep, then fleece them.   

II.  
but SVPERBVS, a man of insupportable vices, having by violence enthronized himself in that chair of State, which had not his ambitious spirit been impatient of delay, would have been his rightful Inheritance; made his government answerable to his entrance, cruel and bloody. How many men, eminent as well by their own virtue, as their Parents Nobility, did he cut off? How many did he for no cause promote, to make their fall the more remarkable? What part of the Senate was free from slaughter? What corner of the City from lamentations? Yet this was not all. The miserable Romans were visited with Three plagues at once. Pride in the Father, Cruelty in the Mother, and Lust insatiable in their son sextus; a true copy of the old Originals. Either of these had been more then enough, to exercise the peoples patience. But meeting all at one time, it seemed that nothing could now bee added to the wretchedness of the one, and the wickedness of the other. BRVTVS, a man fatal to Tyrants, did easily persuade the Commons to shake off this yoke. For they, as well desirous of Novelties, as sensible of Oppressions, had long since murmured at the present State; and wanted nothing but a head, to break into actual rebellion. So the people got the freedom, and the Kings lost the Dominion of the City.( An. V C. 244.)   

III.  
BRVTVS although he wanted no faire title to the crown; yet either perceiving how odious the name of King was grown; or perhaps willing to be rather the first consul, then the last Prince; instituted a new form of Government. Wherein the sway of all, was referred to the Fathers of the City: Out of whom two were annually chosen as chief of the rest. Herein certainly he dealt very advisedly, For had he sought to confirm himself in the kingdom, what could men judge, but that, not love to his Country was the cause that stirred him to take arms; but desire of Rule. again, besides that secure privacy, is to bee preferred before hazardous royalty; what hope had he to keep the seat long, having by his own example taught the people, both the theory and practise of Rebellion. under this new Aristocracy the Romā affairs succeeded so prosperously, their dominions were enlarged so infinitely: that it may well bee questioned; whether the Roman fortune caused their greatness; or their valour commanded their fortune. For the Governors not seeking wealth but honour, or not their own wealth but the public; did so demean themselves both in peace and war: that there was between all, a virtuous emulation; who should most benefit his country.   

IV.  
THis happiness was too great to continue long. The people had as yet no written Statutes: custom bearing most sway; and the rest of the Law, locked up in the breast of the Iudges. To avoid such inconveniences as might hence ensue, there were some men, known to be as sound in judgement, as honest in their actions, deputed by a general Commission to take an abstract of the grecian laws: according to the tenor whereof, the people framed their lives; the Iudges, their sentences. Here followed the Oligarchy or Decemvirate State of Rome;( An. V C. 304.) but long it lasted not. For these new Lords joining forces together, made themselves rich with the spoil of the people: not caring by what unlawful means, they could purchase either profit or pleasure. APPIVS CLAVDIVS, one of the Decemviri, was the breakneck of this government. he, unmindful of LVCRETIA and the Tarquins, lusted after VIRGINIA; a woman though of low Condition, yet such a woman, in whom beauty and virtue striven for the connivency. She was, in an open assembly to prevent the dishonour of his child, slain by her Father: APPIVS forced to make away himself, in prison; and the rest of that magistracy abdicating their Offices, the Consuls were for a time restored.   

V.  
THe People fleshed with this victory,& calling to mind how their Ancestors had in like manner banished the Kings; began to know their own strength: and stomached it exceedingly, that they on whose shoulders the frame of the State was supported, should bee so much under the Command of others; that they who were Lords abroad, should be below the condition of Slaves at home. Hereupon they raise a tumult, under the conduct of their Tribune, CANVLEIVS. Nor could they by any persuasions bee induced to lay down arms, till they had obtained a Decree, That from thenceforth, the Nobles and the Commons, might promiscuously bee married. And this was the first step to the republic.( An. V C. 308.) The gaining this new privilege, put them in possibility of obtaining greater. They now sue to bee capable of the Consulship. The Fathers consulting of this demand, wisely fore-saw, that to grant their Petition, and to deny it was alike dangerous. For were it utterly dashed, it was to bee feared the People would again forsake the city; and yet make their stay more insolent and insupportable, if it were granted. C. Claudius, one who by his honourable behaviour, was by both parties had in an equal degree of Reverence; quickly proposed a middle course; whereby the fury of the multitude might be appeased, without blemish to the Consular dignity. He constituted 6. annual Officers, equally chosen out of the People, and the Nobles: calling them Tribuni Militum Consularis potestatis.( A. V. C. 310). This Office continued, but not without many Interstitiúms, the space of 78. yeares. Which time expired, and some experience being had of the peoples government; the Lords of the Senate did decree, that one of the Consuls should from thenceforth be chosen by, and out of the Commons; that they should be capable of all Magistracies; yea even of the Dictatorship.( An. V. C. 388.) So that now virtue was as speedy a Ladder, to climb unto Honours, as Nobility of Birth: and a good man as much respected as a great. A rare felicity of the times.   

VI.  
THe People being thus mixed with the Nobles, as well in marriages, as honours; one would have thought that this Common-wealth, being thus equally poised had been immortal. But as in the natural body, there can be no exact and arithmetical proportion of the humors and elements, without some predominancy: So in the body politic, can there bee no equal mixture of Plebeians and Patritians, without the supremacy of the one or the other. The people had presently after the institution of the Consuls, raised a Commotion; and withdrew themselves into Mount Aventine. Nor could they bee entreated to return into the city, till there were granted unto them peculiar Officers, called Tribuni Plebis, or Protectors of the Commons.( A. V. C. 260.) These being not long after by the common council, pronounced to bee Sacrosancti, and inviolable; began to heave the Popular State too high, and thrust the aristocratical too low; not regarding to lose the love of the one, so they might get the applause of the other. Insomuch, that matters of judgement were devolved from the Fathers to the Commons; and the authority of the Senate, trode under foot by the People. Nay they proceeded so far, That MARIVS being Tribune, threatened to sand COTTA the consul unto Prison. And SVLPITIVS in the same Office, made the Consuls forsake the Senate-house: and slay one of their sons, whose heels were not nimble enough, to fly away. And now were the Romans governed by that form of Rule, than which there is no lower. So that as well by an inevitable necessity in Nature, as the ordinary course of Policies; there must be a Recession to the first, and monarchical jurisdiction. For questionless it fareth many times with a Common-wealth, as with the sun: which runneth through all the signs of the zodiac, till it return to the place where its motion first began. And the platonic year of reducing all things to the same beginning, continuance, and period; how false soever in the books of Nature, is in some sort true in the change of Government.   

VII.  
THe way downe-Hill is easy and ordinary but to ascend unto the top requireth both wit to frame steps,& courage to give the attempt. So was it here also with the Romans. They had naturally,& almost insensibly fallen from a Monarchy, to a Populacy, or Democracy. But to ascend from a Populacy to a Monarchy, required many steps& degrees in many, much industry in al. Marius& Sylla, well skilled in feeding the humors of the people, were the first that attempted,& severally mounted to such a height of Command; as never durst any promise to thē, nor they hope for themselves. Marius was of an harsh& stern nature, equally cruel to the enemies in war,& the people in peace: one whose birth the Rom. might have had just cause to curse, had he not saved thē from the Cimbri. Sylla was one whose carriage none could enogh commend before, or sufficiently comdemn after his prosperity. A man, whose Peace was far more bloody than his Warres; a better subject, than a Prince. These two gave way each to other, and both to death.   

VIII.  
NExt these, as well in faction and designs, as blood and alliance, succeeded CAESAR and POMPEY: Two men never truly paralleled, since their own times. CAESAR had a wit to invent so pregnant, a heart to execute so stout, and to both a Fortune so favourable; that he durst undertake what no man dared, and his performances commonly were answerable to his undertakings. POMPEY, a man greater than his own or his friends wishes; had triumphed over all the parts of the known world: and could he but have brooked an equal, he had never met superior. Had these two lived in divers Ages, or exercised their valour on the common Enemy; the world had been too little to yield them employment. But turning their forces one against the other, POMPEY overthrown in the Field, was basely murdered in egypt: and CAESAR victoriously conqueror in thessaly, was barbarously massacred in the capitol. And though none of these four Worthies, could settle the monarchy in himself; yet this shall bee to their eternal memory recorded, that they first opened the passage to others, and first moved the ston, which rolling along tumbled the People out of the Government.   

IX.  
AFter the overthrow of POMPEY,& death of CAESAR, the Commonwealth might have recovered Liberty, if either CAESAR had left no heir, and POMPEY no Children: or rather if ANTONIVS, a man of an unquiet and turbulent spirit, had not begun new troubles. For he, knowing the affection of the Common people unto young OCTAVIVS, CAESARS heir: and hearing the continual report of his approach to Rome for his Inheritance; did by Decree of Senate restore sextus the son of POMPEY to his blood and honours. Hoping that they two, inheriting their Fathers hatreds, would like Pellets in a Boyes Pot-gun, drive out each other; and so he might remain Lord of the whole. But young OCTAVIVS, was too old to be so fetched over: and had moreover more desire to revenge his Fathers death on BRVTVS and cassius, than turn himself upon an enemy, that neither had done, nor could do him any hurt. At his first entry into Rome, he declared himself CAESARS heir; though some regarding more his welfare than his honour, dissuaded him from it. His retinue at his entrance was but small, his behaviour gentle and courteous: So that all had cause to love him, none to fear him. His first business was to ANTONIVS, then possessed of all CAESARS estate. His words as modest, as his Petition just. ANTONIES answer somewhat churlish, forbidding him to meddle in matters of State, that he was too young to take upon him the Name of CAESAR, and so dismissed him unsatisfied.   

X.  
AVGVSTVS( for by that name wee mean to call him, though he was not yet so called) perceiving that ANTHONIES answer, though in show but a Delay, was in effect a denial: insinuated into the acquaintance of CICERO, then potent among the Senators, and a capital Enemy of ANTHONY; by means whereof the Lords of the Senate, began to cast great affection towards him. Next in a solemn Oration to the People, he let them know, how he intended to have distributed his Fathers wealth among them; and how ANTONIVS did unjustly detain it from them both. Certainly there is not any thing prevaileth sooner with the ignoble men, than hope of gain. No sooner had he finished his speeches, and given away that to them which he thought impossible to get for himself; but all was in a tumult. None was so sparing of his words, but he had some curse in store for ANTONIVS: Every one vowing the destruction of that man; whom they supposed to deprive them of AVGVSTVS Donative.   

XI.  
IN this hurly burly ANTHONY quits the town, and is by the general voice of both houses, declared an enemy to the State. An army is given to HIRCIVS& PANSA then Consuls: AVGVSTVS aged but xviij. yeres, being proclaimed Imperator, and made head of the League against the common foe. AVGVSTVS, as he loved not to bee absent from a necessary war; so he always used to reserve himself from the dangers of it: and therfore he committed the whole enterprise unto the Consuls. Well knowing, that though the Officers and soldiers took most pains to get the Victory; yet would the honor of it be referred to him, as Imperator. Whereas, if any thing fell out to the Army, not well; his being a Non agent in the business, would bring his honor off without stain. The Consuls therefore proceed in the war against Anthony: who seeing little possibility of prevailing, resolved to sell the loss of his own liberty, and his soldiers lives at a dear rate. And indeed the fortune of the day was so equally shared, that as the Consuls might boast of the vanquishment of ANTONY; So ANTONY might triumph in the death of the Consuls.   

XII.  
AVGVSTVS now had as much as he could desire, more, than he expected; a populous Army at his service. He therefore applies himself so to them, that giving that among them which he had in present, and promising them greater favours, according as his fortune and their valour should advance him: he bound thē unto him in an eternal bond of allegiance; and made them the first step by which he ascended the Royalty. The Lords of Rome hearing of the young mans fortune, thought it best to strangle these hopes even in their Cradles: and to that end, Decree the honour of overcoming ANTONY, not to belong unto AVGVSTVS, but to D. BRVTVS; for whose defence( being besieged by ANTONY in Mutina) their Army had been levied. Nor did they think this frost of unexpected unkinknesse, sufficient to nip the blossom of his hopes: but they denied him the Consulship. These harsh proceedings compelled AVGVSTVS, his honour now lying at the stake, to enter Rome as conqueror; and force the Fathers to grant him his desires. Having thus gotten what for the time he aimed at, he generally shewed himself grateful to all, and particularly to some of the Souldiers: paying them what was behind by promise; and openly protesting that without their aid he durst not have adventured into the capitol. So by keeping his day with the Military men; and showing his Noble and generous Nature, in a thankful Commemoration of their service, he added stronger bonds to such as were already his own; and won many daily to his side, which before were either neutral, or Adversaries.   

XIII.  
ANTONY in the mean time was not idle; but knowing that lepidus was beyond the Mountaines with a puissant Army, he posted thither: and so far prevailed with the Soldiers, that he was admitted into the camp; where the general entertained him with all expressions of love and welcome. ANTONY perceiving the facile nature of Lepidus, soon persuaded him to lead his forces into Italy: promising him no less than the Lordship of the world, if he durst but show his face to the Romans. Augustus having continual news of this combination, and fearing much the prowess of Antony, now strengthened; conceived no cause so fitting and convenient to his ends, as to join friendship, and to enter into confederacy with them.( A.V. C. 710.) And this he did, not for any good will to either, but because being destitute of means to resist them, and also to revenge the death of his Father julius, which he much laboured; he might with their forces oppress cassius and M. BRVTVS and after as occasion fell out, deal with them being severed.   

XIV.  
THis League was solemnly confirmed by a bloody Proscription, immediately following. wherein to be revenged on their enemies, they betrayed their friends. A lamentable and ruthful time, good and bad, rich and poor, being alike subject to the slaughter. Now was the time of julius CAESARS Government, thought to be the golden age: and every one began to curse BRVTVS and cassius as the Authors of these present miseries: whom they but lately honoured as the Restorers of the Commonwealth. Nay the very Kings were deemed tolerable; and such as lived in their dayes, happy. The poor Romans had not changed the Tyranny, but the Tyrants. Yea they had three for one into the bargain. Such is the quality of us men; we know not our own happiness in the fruition, but the wvnt. Two of these Triumviri glutted themselves with blood, taking pride in hearing the lamentable cries and groans of the people. AVGVSTVS on the contrary shewed himself much grieved at this barbarous cruelty: so that his consent seemed rather forced than voluntary.   

XV.  
THis Proscription in itself, though cruel& tyrannicall, yet produced some good and profitable effects in the republic. For when by this Proscriptioa and the ensuing Civill war, the stoutest of the Nobles and Commons were made away; few being left which durst endeavour to recover the old Liberty: AVGVSTVS did the more easily establish his Monarchy, and restore peace to the City. Moreover the prosecution of this cruelty so incensed the people against Anthony and Lepidus, that Augustus, whom most held excusable, found them always his fast friends; if not for love to him, yet in spite to them. I cannot here omit the like effect springing from the like cause, in our Rich. 3. Who( though far enough from conceiving any such happy event) made riddance of so many in the then factious families: that leaving a Male in the one, and a female in the other, surviving; this kingdom by a marriage between them grew well settled, which might otherwise have been again endangered by some new competitors. So unsearchable are the judgements of GOD, and his ways past finding out. But to proceed. Antony& Augustus leaving the guard of the City to Lepidus, and with joint forces march against BRVTVS and cassius, both overthrown by ANTONY: whom therefore did AVGVSTVS put upon that service, as well to diminish ANTONIES forces; as to keep his own, entire. As for himself, either he in policy suffered himself to be driven out of the field by BRVTVS, to make ANTONY more work: or else indeed durst not abide the battle. Such end had BRVTVS and cassius: Two men, whom Fortune seemed to be in love with on the sudden, and did as suddenly forsake them. BRVTVS the more accomplished man; cassius the more expert soldier.( A.V.C. 711.)   

XVI.  
I pass over AVGVSTVS wars in Italy, ANTONIES in Asia: the discontents between them, and their reconciliation by the means of OCTAVIA, Sister to the one, and Wife to the other Emperor. As also how joining forces together to oppress Sextus, then Lording it over the Sea, and proud with the conquest of Sicilia: they received him into the Confederacie, and joined the iceland of Sardinia, to his other conquests. To recompense which kindness, Sextus invited the two Generals aboard his admiral Galley: and after a bountiful entertainment, return'd them safe to their camps. I scarce have ever heard so great an oversight, among so many able Politicians. And much I marvel with myself, upon what confidence Augustus and Anthony, durst so far trust their persons to a reconciled Enemy: or on what reason Sextus having both of them in his power would let slip so slightly that advantage; greater than which was never offered to a discontented and ambitious person. This I am sure of, that he afterward repented it; and could have wished that he had harkened to the voice of MENAS his old servant; who had persuaded him to make his best of that opportunity. The Kings of France and Arragon, of old enemies made new friends, had the like interview at Savona: which that notable Historiographer, and States-man GVICCIARDINE, describeth with much wonder and Commendation. Yet in the like case, have many, and as I think, worthily, condemned LEWIS the 11. and CHARLES of Burgundy, the Archpoliticians of those dayes: in that LEWIS at rosne, put himself into the hands of CHARLES his Enemy; who also after a short restraint, dismissed him.   

XVII.  
THese solemn expressions of amity between the three Generals, being thus ended; and ANTONY gone for Egypt: AVGVSTVS then began to contrive his establishment in the State, though with the ruin of his Colleagues. he beginneth first with sextus, having by gifts and promises drawn MENAS unto his side; who by reason of his inwardnesse with his Master, knew most of his designs. By the directions of this MENAS, and the assistance of lepidus, he quickly overthrew sextus: who flying death in Europe, by the hand of AVGVSTVS: found it in Asta, by the command of ANTONY. After this victory, AVGVSTVS either having or pretending a quarrel against lepidus; entereth into his camp, seizeth his person, and depriving him of all honours, confineth him to Rome. A man that half against his will, stumbling upon the Government; had beyond any desert of his, enjoyed ten yeares continuance of Empire and prosperity.   

XVIII.  
AVGVSTVS durst not have been so venturous, if ANTONY had been in Italy. He therefore advisedly removed him out of his way, before he would attempt this action. It hath been ever a chief maxim in Court-policy, to remove that man out of the way, under pretence of some honourable charge: whom we intend either to cast from his present honours; or else to make less potent with Prince and People. For which cause did AVGVSTVS also persuade ANTONIES absence from the City; to bring him at the last into discredit, and contempt. His dotage on CLEOPATRA, could not but draw him into many inconveniences. neither could his neglecting the State, to riot with his leman; bee other than distasteful to the Lords and People. Next, he commanded his Sister OCTAVIA, to leave her Husband ANTONIES house, yet privately he persuaded her to live there still,& bring up his children: that so the Romans seeing her noble demeanour and love to her Husband; might the more hearty detest him; who so ignobly and unkindly had rejected her. to add more fuel to this flamme of hatred, he readeth ANTONIES will unto the people: in which many of the Roman Provinces were bequeathed to CLEOPATRAES children; and other things ordained to the common prejudice. ANTONY likewise preferred many bills against Augustus; as that he had deposed Lepidus from the Triumvirate; that he had divided Italy, amongst his own soldiers only; that he had not restored the ships, borrowed to make war against sextus.   

XIX.  
THose discontents seconded with an ambitious hope of prevailing; made them both resolute to refer all to the decision of a battle. Antony had a fleet consisting of 500. Ships, high built, and trimmed up rather for a Triumph, than a fight. His Land forces consisted of 10000. foot, and 12000. Horse. AVGVSTVS had the like number of Horsemen, 80000. foot, and 250. good Men of war, snug and close, built more for use than ostentation. The Rendesvous is Actium, a place seeming to be marked out for notable designs: Here being fought also in our fathers dayes, that famous battle; wherein the Venetians gave the world to understand, that the Turkes forces by Sea, were not invincible. ANTONY was on the Offensive side, and therefore much doubted whether it were better to give the Onset by Sea or by Land. CLEOPATRA whose words were Oracles, persuaded him to the Sea-fight: not that shee thought it more safe, but that if ANTONY lost the day, she might with more facility escape.   

XX.  
TO this resolution, when most of the Captaines had for fear agreed; one of the old soldiers thus bluntly gainsayd it. What a miserable security art thou possessed withall, most noble Emperor? Where is that ancient foresight, wherewith thou hast formerly prevented all disasters; and turned the enemies devices on their own heads? Consider with thyself Noble general, what uncertain friends the Wind and sun are? To how fickle an Element thou dost trust thy fortune. Let the egyptians and Phoenicians old Mermaides, born and nursed up in the Sea, follow this kind of warfare. But let us thy true Roman spirits, try our valor on the firm land;& there fight for thy Empire and our own lives. Perhaps thou dost mistrust our faith. Look here Antony( with that he opened his bosom)& thou shalt see many an honble. scar, got in thy service. Wee are now too old to learn new treasons. Alter thy resolution;& to please a woman cast not away so many: certainly, the powers of heaven when they decree a mans destruction overthrow those Counsels by which he should escape it. ANTONY turneth a deaf ear to this Souldiers wholesome advice: and borrowing from CLEOPATRA two or three kisses, as if from the fountain of her lips he had derived all his courage; without any more ceremony, prepareth himself unto the battle.   

XXI.  
AVGVSTVS on the other side, seeing a necessity of a Sea-fight, was yet in this comforted; that his Vessels were more useful and better manned, though fewer than his enemies. That his men to him were faithful, and by reason of their many Victories, in good heart. But from ANTONY there daily revolted some Kings and Captaines of note, to the great encouragement of the one side, and disheartening of the other. The whole charge of the war he committed to M. VIPSANVS AGRIPPA, who failing in no duty of a good captain, took from his galleys whatsoever might be impediments to the valiant, or shelter to the Cowardly; all that was cumbersome to his own men, or advantageous to the enemy.   

XXII.  
THings thus ordered; and the battle ready o join, AVGVSTVS CAESAR standing where he might see and bee seen of all, is said to make this or the like Oration. Fellowes and Companions in arms, I suppose it needless, to hearten you, which never were acquainted with fear; or bid you overcome which never yet knew what it was, not to vanquish. Conquest hath always sate upon the edges of your swords, and victory been written in your fore-heads. Be not now backward to add this one to your other triumphs. When after the death of my father Iulius, of famous memory, I first dealt in matters of war; I rather found, than made you good soldiers. And during this twelve yeares service under me, neither have you been wanting in the duty of faithful followers; nor I( I hope) of a vigilant and grateful Leader. Sure I am, I expressed myself as far as I could; and more I would, had I been able. Let not the number not the greatness of the adverse galleys, any way affright you. The hugeness of the bulks, maketh them unapt for employment: and the multitude over-clogging& hindering the others; may as much further our victory as theirs. They exceed us in multitudes of Men; wee them in number of Soldiers. The meaning of the word Pilot, is unknown among them. And for their Mariners, the best of them are but Carters, Reapers, and Harvestmen, raled out of the field; the rest the excrement of common prisons: wherewith their Vessels are loaded, not manned. The general is indeed a fit captain, for such a selected company. It is the same antony whom you once drove out of the Field before Mutina. I persuade myself, that neither he dares think of recovering, or you of losing, your former glories. It is the same Antony who being shamefully chased out of Parthia; onely in that he was not vanquished, proclaimed himself Victor. It is the same ANTONY, who intendeth to make Rome subject to the Egyptians; and to distribute the Provinces, purchased with the blood and treasure of our Ancestors; amongst Iras, and her fellow Chamber-maides. Nay indeed, it is not Antony at all; but the shadow onely of that substance, which now is hide in Cleopatra's cabin. Courage then brave men of arms; Bee, as you have still been, Conquerors. To speak more, were to detain you from Victory. Onely this, call to mind your ancient valour. Remember that I am CAESAR, you Romans.   

XXIII.  
THis speech animated the new Soldiers, and confirmed the old: So that with a general acclamation, they give the assault. Death, wounds, and blows dished in divers fashions, and served in by several men, were the best delicates prepared for these unwelcome visitants. CLEOPATRA beholding the battle, and doubting the success; through the thickest of ANTHONIES fleet, made away with the 60. galleys appointed for her Guard. This disorder made the breach at which the victory entred. Antony seeing her flight, left his squadron also: and being taken into her Galley, hoist sail for egypt. Herein playing the part of a cowardly Soldier; whilst each of his Soldiers executed the Office of a courageous general. For they so obstinately persisted in the fight, that AVGVSTVS was fain to offer them mercy sooner than they would demand it; and divers time, before they would accept it. At last they all swore allegiance unto him.( An. V. C. 723.)   

XXIV.  
AVGVSTVS no loser of advantages, speedeth into Egypt, which he reduceth into the form of a Province; making the people pay for fine 20. Millions of gold. By receiving this money he so weakened them, that they had no ability to raise an after war; and by distributing part of it among his soldiers, he confirmed them in obedience. As for ANTONY he seeing his fortunes desperate, redeemed the honours lost in his life, by a noble and heroic death. And Cleopatra ennded her life, also not long after; a woman more welfavored than faire; wel-spoken, rather than either. Antonies Courtiers had seen many Ladies more lovely, none more prevailing; men being cheyned to her by the ears, rather then the eyes.   

XXV.  
I Willingly omit AVGVSTVS entry into Rome; as also the state and Magnificence of his Triumph. His victory he used so justly, that none felt the fury of the war, but such as were slain in the battle. To assure himself of Antonies adherents, was his first care: burning in the Common-Forum, the Coffers of antony, unopened; wherein all his Letters from his friends in Rome, had been enclosed. Well knowing that as long as any thought themselves suspected adversaries, they would never show themselves true friends. To the Senators and Magistrates, he made sumptuous feasts. To the Common-people, he exhibited magnificent and pleasing stage-plays: and with all variety of pleasure banished from both, as well sorrow for the old Proscription, as fear of a new.   

XXVI.  
THere were two men most dear unto him, and privy to his Counsels; maecenas and AGRIPPA: which in the object of their love differed onely in this; maecenas was a lover of AVGVSTVS; Agrippa of the Emperor. maecenas was of the rank of Knights, a man of good and bad parts equally compounded. When his business required care, vigilant and circumspectly; at leisure times, excessively virtuous. Agrippa was the first of his house, a man alike fit for camp and counsel; one neither careless of a good name, nor covetous of a great. For although he onely was the man, which vanquished Sextus and Antony: yet well skilled in the humours of Princes, he gave AVGVSTVS the honor of all his Conquests; making the virtue; not the reward, the end of his actions. So by doing nobly, and speaking modestly of it, he was without envy, but not without glory.   

XXVII.  
WIth these two AVGVSTVS withdrew into a private Closet, and then broke unto them in this sort. he made first unto thē a long discourse of the Civill warres. Then added, That having by his own fortune, and the valor of his soldiers, put an end to the troubles, he was unresolved what to do; Whether to resign the Empire, to the 〈…〉 retain it still in his own own hands. That in a business of such importance, he durst not rely altogether on his own wisdom. That he had made them his judges, as men that could speak soundly, and durst speak freely: That he knew thē to haue more care of his honour, than profit; but of the Common-wealth, more than both: That his Counsels, which course soever he took, would not bee by them eliminated. he therefore entreated them to consider what was to be done, and to give up their verdicts.   

XXVIII.  
AGRIPPA after a short silence thus began. I know thou canst not but marvel, O CAESAR, that I, who under thine Empire, am sure to be beyond precedent exalted; should persuade thee to live private. I esteem more thy honor, than my profit; the public good, then my particular preferment. And yet perhaps my counsel shall be as profitable, if not applausible as the contrary. I know thee to be no way delighted with lies& flattery; and will therefore deal with thee freely and plainly. Thou hast indeed put a period to the Civill warres; but to what end, unless thou dost restore unto the Common-wealth the liberty for which the wars were raised? What benefit can the people reap from thy Victory, if thou dost use it only as an instrument for their greater bondage? Dost thou think that the Romans having so many hundred yeares maintained their liberty; will now be willing to forego it? No CAESAR, no. Flatter not thyself with these hopes. Marius the younger, and Sertorius, were quickly cut off when their ends were once known; and julius thy Father of happy Memory, did not long live, after his actions seemed to bring the Common-liberty in hazard. And shall we think that there is no true Roman spirit surviving; No BRVTVS living, to attempt the like against thee? Believe me CAESAR, believe me, it is far better not to meddle with the Empire at all; than to bee forced to abandon it. But say, Divine Providence will so protect thee, that thou mayst out-live such practices;& shalt thou also not out-live thy glories? This present age perchance will not censure their actions, because it dares not. But Posterity free from all respects of love or hatred, cannot but call them into question; and brand thy enterprise with ambition, and perhaps Tyranny. If thy designs prosper, they will judge thee to have risen unjustly; if otherwise, to have fallen deservedly. How much better then were it, now when thine honour is without blemish, and thy reputation unstained; to resign thy authority? indeed when sextus lorded it over the Sea, and ANTONY over egypt; it might have been thought want of spirit, to have deposed thyself from the Government. But now to do it, when thou art without rival, in thy Empire; now, when thou art sole Commander of the worlds forces; now when the People and Senate, lie prostrate at the feet of thy mercy; were to strike dumb detraction, and to make the world admire thy Temper. Thou art at this present the joy and comfort of the world; there is wanting to thee neither wealth nor famed. here then fix thy foot. For go but one step beyond this Non ultra, and thou wilt run into a boundless Ocean of perils, which have no end, but the lend of thy life and reputation.   

XXIX.  
NOt so, excellent AGRIPPA, replied maecenas. I never hard good Pilot find fault with Sea-roome; or of more Vessels cast away in the Ocean, than in the Streights and narrow passages. Our republic is a Ship, fraught with divers Nations: Shee hath been long tost on the Waves of Civill dissensions, long driven up and down with the Wind of ambition: and there is now no place so fit for her safety, as the unlimited Ocean of one mans power. This Empire at first rising, seemed not to require a Monarch; but it is now grown too unweedly, to be without one. Take then upon thee, O CAESAR; this Empire; or to say better, do not forsake it. I should never thus advice thee, did I conceive any possible inconveniences. The Senate doth allow thee a competent guard of valiant and faithful soldiers; whom then shouldst thou fear? Nay ill may I prosper, if I see any cause of fear, were thy Guard cashiered. Enemies thou hast none. For such as were, are either already slain by thy valor, or made fast friends by thy bounty and clemency. To omit Marius and Sertorius, I will a little touch at thy Father Iulius. He too good a soldier to be a Statist, was too heady and violent in establishing his government. Nor could he cunningly temporize, and suffer the people insensibly, and by degrees, to drop into bondage; but oppressed thē all at once. again he committed a great solecism in State, when discharging his Guard, he sought to retain that Emp. by faire means, which he had gotten by violence. I know thee O Caesar, to be of a more wary and cunning behaviour. Learn also to work out thine own safety, by POMPEYS misfortunes. he after the finishing of the Ponticke war, at brundisium, disbanded his Army: and thereby merited to bee accounted an honest and moderate man. Certainly; he shewed himself in the course of this action, rather virtuous than fortunate and politic. For presently he began to be contemned, and by this improvident weakening of himself, made an open passage to his own ruin. I commend his modesty more than his brain; neither did he himself on better considerations, approve his own doings; and therefore he resolved, had he been Victor in Pharsalia, never to have committed the like Oversight. So is it, and so will fall out with thee, O CAESAR, if in this action thou propose him to be thy pattern. It is not safe AGRIPPA saith, to take the Empire: less safe is it to refuse it. A settled& innative 'vice it is in man, never to endure that any man above our own rank, should overtop us. Romes second founder Camillus; Scipio, that scourge of Carthage, were disgraced; and M. Coriolanus banished by our Ancestors: only because their worth had lifted them above the ordinary pitch of subjects. do not thou hope to fare better than thy Predecessors. Heretofore perchance, thou mightest have sought the Empire, to satisfy thy ambition. The Empire must now be thy refuge and Asylum. Credit me, the Lords of the Senate, after so many yeares obedience, know not how to govern: neither canst thou, having so long been a Governor, learn Obedience. Truth is in matters of domestical business, a man may stop and desist where he will. But in the getting of an Empire, there is no mean between the death of an Enemy, and the life of a Prince. Thou hast already gone too far to retire. Now thou must resolve to be CAESAR or nothing. To say more were superfluous. Thine own discretion will suggest unto thee, better Arguments. Onely this, I know that thou hast in thee too much Iulius, not to govern.   

XXX.  
AVGVSTVS, seemed to incline to this latter opinion; whether moved with maecenas Oration, especially his instance in POMPEY; or that he was before resolved to follow that course, is uncertain. Howsoever, seeming with great attention to observe their speeches, and gathering their several reasons and motives together, he made this Reply. A most hard thing it is, for a divided mind, to make a well-joyn'd answer. Divided I am, and troubled between your two opinions; loathe to follow either, sithence in so doing I must offend one. Yet sithence there is a necessity of Resolution; I intend, though I like well of thine advice, AGRIPPA; to follow thine maecenas. In doing which, I am but an instrument of the Destinies, to put their will in execution. Often have I heard my Father OCTAVIVS report, how Nigidius, famous for his skill in judiciary astrology,  told him once in open Senate, That he had gotten an Emperor for the Romans. As also, how M. Cicero, so renowned for wit and eloquence, dreamed that he saw jupiter place me on the top of the capitol, with a Whip in mine hand. Certainly, if the powers of Heaven promise me so great an Empire; I will not bee wanting to myself: but will add by my wisdom, to their influence. To further my designs, I do desire you; nay I conjure you both: that as you have been ever ready in your Counsels; so you would not now be backward, in any necessary assistance. This said, they presently enter into a new conference, how to manage a business of this weight; what Senators to acquaint with their intent; how to dispose of the Army, not yet cashiered; with what Plummet were best to sound the minds of the common people.   

XXXI.  
THis Consultation ended, AVGVSTVS continued his affability to the People, and respect to the Nobles. An opportunity he had to express himself to both. There was at that time a Famine, which shrewdly raged among the Commons. To the poorer sort, he distributed corn, Gratis; to others, at a mean price. Riches and honours he communicated to both sorts; the better to wipe out of their memories, the ancient freedom. Such parts of the city, as were destroyed by casualty of fire, ruined by length of time, or defaced during the Civill-warres; he reedified. Houses of Common-assemblies he repaired; Temples consecrated to the Gods, he spared no cost, to adorn and beautify. And finally so freely diffused his bounty, that there was no part or member of the city, which had not some taste of it. Next, he dismissed his soldiers, assigning them Lands and habitations in divers parts of Italy. That so the Lords of the State, might conceive his Resignation to be real; and yet if need were, his forces might bee quickly reassembled. Nor were AGRIPPA and maecenas wanting for their parts, to promote the cause: but carefully acquainted some of the Senate with it, who stood well affencted to them; and cunningly prepared others.   

XXXII.  
THe foundation thus laid, and the Senate sate, AVGVSTVS rose from his seat, and spake to this or the like effect. When I consider, with myself, the infinite extent of the Roman Empire; I protest I stand at amaze: Marvailing how such, as heretofore have raised combustions in State, durst undertake the sole administration of it. What Nation in the world, hath not either begged their Peace at our Gates; or felt the fury of our wars at their own? What Countries have not wee h●rried with fire and sword, making the rising and setting of the Sun, the bounds of our Dominions. It must questionless proceed from an overweening conceit in thē, of their own abilities; who thought themselves so fit to undergo that burden, which none but the immortal Gods can carry. Of myself I will not say much. Onely I am not inferior to Cinna, nor it may be, to Sylla. Yet have I found in myself, by late experience, how unable I was to manage the affairs of State; even then when I had two Coadjutors. There is no Atlas of strength sufficient to bear up this Heaven: No star of influence sufficient to animate this sphere; No one form of virtue sufficient to actuate this matter. neither indeed is it fit, that the republic which ought to be immortal, should depend only on the life and welfare of one man. There never was, since the beginning of time, a City replenished with greater store of worrhy and able men; either to consult or execute. Never was there seen so grave and discreet a Consistory. Never so many of both sorts, so fit to govern. I have by your Directions, and the valor of your soldiers, put an end to al homebred quarrels. I have been your instrument, to reduce peace internal and external, to your City: and desire now no other Guerdon or recompense for any former services, than a quiet and a private life; free from all such dangers and inconveniences, as are inseparably annexed to the principality. Now therefore, and may my action bee auspicious and fortunate to my Country, do I resign my authority: committing myself, and the Commonwealth, into the hands of the Senate and people of Rome.   

XXXIII.  
THis Oration ended, there followed a soft and silent buzzing in the house. Some supposed this speech, not to have so much truth, as art and cunning, yet smothered their conceits, for fear of after-claps. Others were Creatures of his own making, and they hoping to rise in the fall of their Country, would not hear of a Resignation. Some few of the wiser sort, thought it not expedient, to put the reins again into the hands of the Multitude. The rest out of a sluggish and phlegmatic Constitution, choose rather the present estate with security; than to strive to recover the old, with danger. All therfore with a joint consent proclaim him sole Emperor: and solemnly entreat him to save the Commonwealth, otherwise running to inevitable ruin. He for a while, as vainly denied to accept the Government, as they vainly persisted to desire him. At last, wearied with the clamours of all in general; and importance of some in particular; he by little and little yielded to their requests, taking upon him the Empire for ten yeares, with this Proviso, that if before that time expired, he could fully settle& order the present State, he would give up his charge.( An. V.C. 725.) This he gave out, not with a purpose of performance.( For at the end of every Decennium he renewed his lease of the Regiment:) But that the people seeing a nigh possibility of regaining their Liberties, might not practise against him. Whereas, had he for term of life, received the supreme authority; he had no doubt hastened his own overthrow.   

XXXIV.  
NOt the title of dictatory, but the epithet, perpetual; was the destruction of CAESAR; Yet also great respect was to be had in the choice of the title. The name of King he refused, as being odious to the Citizens. neither would he be called Romulus, though he much desired it; lest they should suppose that he did affect the Tyranny. When the people called him dictatory, he rent his Garments, desiring them to discharge him of a name so hated: and being once called Lord, ( Dominus) he forbade also that title by public Edict. Princeps Senatus was the onely title he admitted. Well knowing, that the like glorious attributes were heaped on his Father julius, by them which least loved him; onely to this end, that growing more and more into hatred, he might the sooner bee dispatched. Nor was he ignorant, that the Common-people lead more by appearances, than truth; discerned names more plainly than executions: and that the onely course to make greatness stand firmly, was to receive extraordinary jurisdiction, under a Title not offensive. The name also of AVGVSTVS, put upon him by the Senate, as if there had been something in him more than mortal, he denied not: as a title expressing more dignity and reverence, than authority.   

XXXV.  
When first at the hands of the Lords of the Senate, he had for 10. yeares received the Government; there was appointed unto him two Cohorts of Praetorian Soldiers, for the guard of his person; to whom the Senate allowed the double wages of a Legionary soldier, to make them the more vigilant and heedful in their charge. Over these, he appointed two Prefects or Governors,( Captaines of the Guard wee may best term them.) To commit the charge to one onely, might breed danger; to more, confusion. Agrippina, to settle Nero in the Empire, prevailed with Claudius, to muke Burrus, whom she had at her devotions, the sole Captain: and Nimphidius, fallen from his hopes of setting Galba besides the quishion; desired the command of the Gard as the next step to the sovereignty. In choice of these Captaines, he observed two Rules. First, he ever choose them, Ex ordine Equestri, not Senatorio; lest that so high a dignity, joined to so high a Birth, might startle their resolutions to some designs against his quiet. Secondly, he made choice of two such, which were of contrary humors, and somewhat at odds: That so the ill intents of one( if they should harbour any) might be thwarted and revealed by the other; and both in a noble emulation should contend, to be most forward in his service. The next course which he took for his own security, was a law he made to curb the very wills and attempts of the great ones. For whereas it had been formerly unlawful, to question a Bondman, in matters concerning the life and death of his Lord: AVGVSTVS passed an Act, that all such Bondmen should bee first sold to him, or the Common-wealth. By means whereof he kept the Lords, before presuming on the secrecy of their Slaves; from all close and private Conspiracies against him.   

XXXVI.  
HAving thus strengthened his person, he assumed to himself the imperial, Censoriall, and Tribunitian authority together with the Sacerdot all dignity. As Emperor and general of the men of war, he could press Soldiers, raise Taxes, proclaim wars, make peace; yea and put to death the very best and stoutest of the Senators: as Censor, it was in his power, to reform corrupt manners, inquire after mens carriage, to take in and put out of the Senate, whom he listed; to place and displace the people from an honourable tribe to a less honourable. Yet would he not be called Censor, as a name too inferior: but accepted the Prerogative. After the surrendry of MANVTIVS and his associate; two men so unfit for that magistracy, that they could object no crime to old or young, of which themselves were not guilty. The Tribunitian authority, enabled hinder any thing attempted against his liking: It preserved his person from all contumely and injury; Giving him leave to punish as an execrable person, yea and without any formality of law; whosoever had offended him either in word or dead. As for the pontificial Dignity, it made him a little more reverenced, not more potent. Onely it added to his title, the style of Pontifex Maximus; or chief Bishop; and made him of authority amongst the Priests, and in sacred matters, things that concerned Religion. The light of Reason taught him, that it was convenient for him, being a Prince, to have command on all his people. He had been else but half a Monarch. Such as some Princes are with us, who quit their Clergy to be governed by a foreign head. These several Prerogatives annexed together, seemed not yet sufficient: and therefore he so cunningly dealt with the Senators that they gave him a general Exemption from the Coactive power of the law. Which once effected, he seriously and totally bendeth his Studies to settle the Commonwealth.   

XXXVII.  
TO what republic he should conform the Roman, was his next care. The form described by Plato, rather sheweth how a city ought to be, than how it may bee governed. Aristotle bread in the free State of Greece, was no friend to Monarchies: and therefore no fit instructor. Solon afforded the people, too much authority, the Nobles, too little; the King, none. The old Carthaginian Legislator attributed too much to Riches; too little to virtue. The Pensian Law-makers allotted to the King too much, and nothing to the Subiects, Zaleuchus was rather an Author of some particular laws, than the framer of a republic: Phalaeus and Hippodamus was as unimitable as Plato. Lacedaemon onely, and her Lycurgus, were found fittest for his purpose. For LYCVRGVS a man of a deep reach; and brought up under the most able Politicians of all Crete, well understanding that the unmixed form of Rule was mutable, and by consequence pernicious: framed his Spartan Commonwealth; out of the perfections of the three good forms: their imperfections rejected. Reserving to the King, absolute Majesty; to the Nobles, convenient authority; to the People entire Liberty; all in a just and equal proportion. AVOVSTVS as he neglected the peculiar customs of that State, Community of Women, Equality of Possessions, and the like; So in the main platform, he was a diligent follower of his Constitutions. So mixing the sovereignty of one, with the Liberty of all; that both the Lords and people without fear of bondage or sedition, enjoyed their hereditary freedom. The Consuls and Nobles of the city assembled, as formerly they used; Matters of State, they handled by themselves: Ambassadors of foreign Nations, they heard and dispatched. The Commons assembled in the Comitia, to enact laws, and elect Magistrates; as in the free Common-wealth. Yet so that nothing was done without the consent and privity of the Prince; who for the most part, nominated the successive Magistrate: leaving the confirmation of him to that people. So that the change, as he contrived it, was not violent and at once, but by degrees, and by the silent approbation of both the Estates: as seeming to consist more in the alteration of the Magistrate, than of the laws.   

XXXVIII.  
but to proceed particularly: the first care he took, was to confirm Religion in the same state he found it. I mean Religion as the Romans used the word, for those particular though idolatrous forms of Worship; which to their several GODS had been used among them. This, though he might have changed, as the Pontifex Maximus, or chief Bishop of the city; yet very wisely he forbore it; It is not safe for Princes that are settled in a long descent of Government, to be too active in such changes; But it is dangerous to attempt it in a green State, and in an Empire not well quieted,& enured to bondage: Men are more sensible of the smallest mutations in the Church, than greater changes in the State, and raise more frequent troubles about it. The Romans specially were exceeding tender in this point. The ancient Aediles formerly received it into their charge, that they permitted no external, either Gods or Ceremonies, to bee introduced into the City. And by AEMILIVS it was enacted for a Law, That none should offer sacrifice in any public place, after a new and foreign fashion. Excellent therefore was the counsel that maecenas gave him, when he first undertook the Empire. That he should follow constantly the Religion, which he found established, and compel others also to do the like: For foreign and strange rites( saith he) will offend the people, work many inconvenient alterations in the State, yea and most likely will occasion many both seditions and conspiracies: Words which he spake not to the air, but to a Prince exceeding apprehensive of the best advice; Nor did AVGVSTVS ever show himself more careful in any one Arca of the Empire; than in this. That which maecenas noted, we find true in these later Ages, in times more skilful of obedience, than the most quiet hour of AVGVSTVS government. No one thing more hath caused so frequent, and so general Rebellions in the States of christendom, than alterations of this Nature; I cannot therefore but commend it, as a pious Resolution, in a late mighty Monarch. Better some few corruptions should be suffered in a Church, than that a change.   

XXXIX.  
REligion thus established; In the next place the welfare of the whole Empire, consisted chiefly in reforming of the city; From which as from the heart, life was conveyed to all the Provinces: And in the city the corruption was most apparent, in the Senate. With them therefore he beginneth, well knowing that crimes in men of eminent place end not in themselves: but by degrees become diffused among their clients and followers. Now in the Senate were many and desertless men, who had been taken into the consistory during the Civill wars: as they could court the people, and humour such as were most potent. Of these he expelled none by his own power: but making a speech to them in the Senate, of the ancient order and present Confusion of the house; he first exhorted them to look back on their former lives, and to judge of their own abilities and merits, for so honourable a room. Then he desired some of them to pick out such among them, as were in disposition factious, and in life faulty, but loathe to conceive so ill of their own actions; Which they did accordingly. Yet as it often happeneth, that the great thief leadeth all the rest to the gallows; and as Commines observeth, that after the battle of Monthillery, Officies were taken from many for flying away, and conferred on such as ran ten Miles beyond them: So remained many in the Senate, neither less vicious, nor less violent; onely more potent to maintain their doings, than some others whom they had removed. AVGVSTVS therefore joining to him AGRIPPA, proceedeth to a new review. And certainly, it much concerned him in the settling of his affairs, that none should have a voice in that famous council, but such as were of able judgments, honest repute, and well affencted to the the Prince. An enterprise which he esteemed so dangerous, that permitted entrance to no Senator till he were scarched; himself wearing a Brigandine under his gown; and being environed with 10 of the most courageous& best beloved of the whole company. Such as he found in either kind inexcusable, he discharged from their attendance; electing such into their places, which were either ennobled for their wisdom, of noted moderation, and strong in their dependents. Yet so that greatness of Revenue, was esteemed neither a fit Patronage for any if they were offensive; nor a just cause to challenge interest in the house. Those of them which were rich rather in the gifts of the mind, than fortune; he relieved with honourable Pensions: and finally he bestirred himself so resolutely, that all confessed that they had need of such a wise physician, to cure that dull Consumption, whereinto the Commonwealth was fallen.   

XL.  
IN other things he seldom did proceed against them as of himself: But when that any of them had conspired his ruin, he referred them to the Iudgement of their fellowes. And this he did partly to reserve unto the Court, the ancient Prerogative; partly, not to be judge and party in his own cause: but principally following the example of his father julius, who counterfeiting a reckless contempt of his adversaries, used when he was least suspected, under-hand and by public Officers to work their destruction. Many also of them, whom the Senate had condemned, he would freely pardon. Conceiving truly, that the questioning of men of high calling, would produce as much terror; though it argued not so much rigor as the punishment. Yet if extremity of Law was used towards some few, it was to settle quietness in the whole; and as it were a particular blood-letting for the general health. Those who had followed the factions of BRVTVS and ANTHONY, he forgave freely. And not so onely, but by manifesting his words by his deeds, and adding trust and honours to his pardons: he made his chair of State more settled, and immovable. So CAESAR by erecting the fallen and broken Images of POMPEY, made his own statues stand more firmly.   

XLI.  
but the chief Act by which he bridled the Nobles, was an Edict by him promulgated, forbidding any of them, his leave not granted, to travel out of Italy. For well he knew that in an Empire unsettled, and Provinces not quieted, the presence and authority of men of that rank, might raise greater troubles, than could be easily suppressed. Examples he wanted not; that especially of Cato, who after the overthrow of Pompey, stirred such a war against Caesar in afric: that he never bought Victory at a dearer rate. Yet not altogether to imprison them, he licenced them at their pleasure to visit Sicilia, and gall Narbonoyse: Provinces close to the continent of Italy, altogether unfurnished for warres; and indeed such, as by reason of the variety of pleasures in them used, were more likely to weaken their minds, than to arm their bodies.   

XLII.  
NOw to give the Seuate some sweet meat, to their sour sauce; he as much honoured and reverenced the Order, as ever it was in the free-state: submitting himself to their judgements; and appearing of his own accord, at most of their dayes of Session. Out of those he choose 15. alterable every half year, to be of his privy council, but thē changing thē for others that so all of them might participate that honour; and yet none of them bee acquainted with too many of his secrets. At his entrance into the Senate, he used courteously to salute the Lords; and so likewise at his departure. he knew full well that it was noted for great pride in his father julius, so much to slight the Lords of that House, as he always did: never making to them any obeisance, no not then, when they came to tel him what honors were decreed unto him.   

XLIII.  
THis Reformation of the great Ones, soon made the lower sort more careful; both to observe good order, and to learn obedience. Yet did not AVGVSTVS refer all to President; but somewhat to Precept. The Roman Knights he enforced to yield an account of their lives: an Ordinance full of health: idleness being the root of all private vices, and public disorders. To the Commons in their Comitia and other meetings, he prescribeth laws and Orders as himself listed. The old authority of the Tribunes, dashed in the Dictatorship of SYLLA, he would not restore. He suffered them to intercede for the people, but not to prefer or hinder any Bill to the advancement or the prejudice of the Third estate. Without this curb, the Common sort would never quietly have suffered him to sit fast in the Saddle. For had the people had their Tribunes, and had the Tribunes had their ancient dignity and power, which they had usurped: there had been little or no hope; of altering the form of Government. So different are the ends of the Common-people, especially if nuzzled in a factious Liberty; from the designs of sovereign Princes.   

XLIV.  
THe City thus reformed in the principal errors and defects of it; he again exhibiteth unto them divers pleasures: As shows of Fencers, stage-plays, combats of wild beasts, public dancings, with variety of other delightful spectacles. And this as well to breed in them a good conceit of the change; as fearing lest their cogitations, for want of other objects, would fix themselves upon his actions, and the old freedom. Horse-races, Tilts, and Tornaments, he gladly cherished; but he permitted them only to the Inhabitants of Rome: That so that City being the Seat-Towne of his Empire, might be stored with good Horses, and expert Riders. Such of the Commons as were behind hand, he relieved: and when that any of them had made him heir to their goods; he well knowing that no good Father did appoint to his heir any Prince but a Tyrant, presently restored to the Children of the deceased, the whole Patrimony. An action truly worthy of AVGVSTVS; as true a Guardian of orphans, as a Father of his Country. Such Princes as gape covetously after other mens possessions, seldom enjoy the benefit of their own. The treasures of Kings are then greatest, not when their own Coffers are full onely, but their subjects rich.   

XLV.  
YEt one thing more he seemed to leave unto the people, which they thought most pleasing; Liberty of speech. Wherein sometimes they were so licentious, that they spared not AGRIPPA himself, so potent with the Emperour. But he good man, never using the Princes favour to the prejudice of any, seemed not to mark their taunts and slanders: whether with greater moderation or wisdom, I cannor tell. neither did AVGVSTVS scape their foolish Pasquils and infamous Libels. All which he winked at, knowing, that Contumelies of that Nature, slighted& contemned, soon vanish of themselves: but if repined and stormed at, they seem to be acknowledged. A temper which he learnt of his Father julius, who was perfect at it. And certainly it was a notable point of wisdom in both of them. It is the misery of the best Princes, even when they do well, to be ill spoken of. And therfore many times such follies, are with more policy dissembled than observed, by the greatest Kings.   

XLVI.  
AS for this Lavishnesse of the tongue, it is an humour that springeth for the most part, rather from a delight in prattling, than any malice of the heart: and they which use it are more troublesone than dangerous. julius feared not the fat men, but the lean and spare. And so AVGVSTVS thought, that not men liberal of speech, but silent, close, and sparing of their words, were most likely to raise tumults. Moreover, as long as the Common-people retained Liberty of speech, they were the less sensible of the loss of Liberty in State. Whereas in the dayes of DOMITIAN, when not onely they were prohibited to commune together, but even their secret sighs and tears were registered; then began they to look with a serious eye, back on the old and Common Liberty: Neglect is the best remedy for this Talking vein. When the humour is spent, the People will cease on their own accords: till then, no forces can compel them Tacitus taxeth Vitellius of great folly, for hoping by force to hinder the continual reports of Vespatians revolt; that being the only way to increase, not diminish the rumour. And as much he extolleth( I will not say how fitly the reign of Prince NERVA; wherein it was lawful for the Subject to think what he would, and speak what he thought.   

XLVII.  
THese courses though he took to rectify the Senate, and content the people, yet he stayed not here. There were too many of both sorts, dangerous and unquiet spirits, who stomached his proceedings: and under the pretence of the ancient Liberty, were apt to any bold attempt, and sudden alteration. These as he winked at for the present, so he employed them as occasion served, in his foreign warres. Wherein he followed the example of his father julius, who when his soldiers had displeased him, in their Mutinies and tumults; would led them presently unto some desperate and dangerous service. So weakening both his foes, which lay next unto him, and punishing those Soldiers which had disobeyed him. For though AVGVSTVS had thrice shut the Temple of Ianus; and cherished peace, no Emperor more, of so large a Territory: Yet when he saw his times, and that mens minds were active, and their thoughts disquieted; he could find presently occasion for some new employment. In this a body politic, may be compared most fitly, to the body natural. when we are full of blood, and our spirits boiling, there is not any physic better than phlebotomy. But if a vein▪ be broken in us, and we bleed inwardly; our estate commonly is dangerous, and almost incurable. So Princes, when their people are tumultuous, and apt to mischief; or that their thoughts are working, and harkening after action; do commonly employ them in some service far from home; that there they may both vent their Anger, and employ their Couraege. For let them stay at home, to confirm their practices, and grow at last into faction: the State will suffer in it; if it be not ruined. We cannot have a fairer instance of this truth than the proceeding of the 5. HENRY, and of the times next following. Whose foreign warres kept us all quiet here at home; wasted those humours, and consumed those fiery spirits: which afterwards, the warres being ended, inflamed the kingdom.   

XLVIII.  
THe Soldiers some of them he dispersed as before I said, all about Italy, in 32. Colonies: as well for the defence of the Country, as for their more speedy reassembly, if need should require. Abroad amongst the Provinces, were maintained upon the common charge, 23. Legions with their aids, besider 10000. of his Guard, and those which were appointed for the bridling and the safety of the city. As to all of them he shewed an excellent thankfulness, for their faithful services: So in particular, to AGRIPPA, and to one other, whose name the Histories of that age have nor remembered. This latter had valiantly behaved himself at the battle of Actium: and being summoned to appear before the Lords of the Senate in a matter which concerned his life, cried to AVGVSTVS for succour; who assigned him an Advocate. The poor fellow not contented with this favour, bearing his breast, and showing him the marks of many wounds; These( quoth he) have I received, AVGVSTVS, in thy service, never supplying my place by a Deputy. Which said, the Emperor descending to the bar, pleaded the Souldiers cause, and won it. Never did sovereign Prince, or any that command in chief, lose any thing, by being bountiful of favours to their men of war. For this act quickly spreading itself over all the Provinces, did so endear him to the military men; that they all thought their services well recompensed, in that his graciousness to that one man.   

XLIX.  
AND now were they so far given over to him, that the honours conferred on AGRIPPA, could not increase their love; well it might their admiration. AGRIPPA was of a mean and common Parentage, but supplying the defects of his Birth, with the perfections of his mind; he became very potent with AVGVSTVS, who not onely made him consul, but his companion in the Tribunitian authority, and Provost of the city. So many titles were now heaped on him, that maecenas persuaded the Prince, to give him his Daughter IVLIA to wife; affirming it impossible for AGRIPPA to live safe, considering how open new Creatures lie to the attempts of Malicious men; unless he were engraffed into the royal stem of the CAESARS. On which cause questionless, for the stronger establishment of his new honours; sejanus afterward attempted, but not with like success, the like march, with LIVIA, tiberius Daughter in Law.   

L.  
THe Senate, People, and Men of war, thus severally reduced to a Mediocrity of power and content: The next labour is to alter the old, and establish a new government of the city itself. To effect which, he dashed all former laws, by which the allies and Confederates of the State, were made free Denizens of the town. That he conceived to be a way, to draw the whole Empire into one City; and by the monstrous groweth and increase of this, to make poor the rest. Therefore this privilege he communicated unto a few onely: partly that in the times of dea●th, the city might not so much feel the want of sustenance; and partly that so ancient an honour might not be disesteemed; but principally lest Rome replenished with so huge a multitude of stirring and unruly spirits, should grow too headstrong to be governed in due order. The greatest and most populous Cities, as they are pronest unto faction and sedition; so is the danger greatest, both in itself, and the example, if they should revolt.   

LI.  
THis provident course notwithstanding, there were in Rome men more than enough; and among them not a few malcontents, and murmurers at the present state; such as contemned the Consuls, and hated the Prince. To keep these in compass, AVGVSTVS, it being impossible for him to be still resident at Rome, and dangerous to bee absent; constituted a Provost of the city, for the most part chosen out of the Senators: assigning him a strength of 6000. men, called Milites Vrbani, or the City Souldiers. To him he gave absolute and royal authority, both in the town and Territory near adjoining, during his own absence. To him were appeals brought from the Magistrates: and finally to his Tribunal were referred, all causes of importance, not in Rome onely; but the greatest part of Italy. Mesalla was the first Provost, but proof being had of his insufficiency, the charge was committed to AGRIPPA: who did not onely settle and confirm the City; but speedily freed Italy from thieves, and Robbers, and stopped the courses of many other troublers of the State.   

LII.  
IT is recorded that in the Civill warres of MARIVS and SYLLA, one PONTIVS VELESINVS of the MARIAN Faction,  told his general, that he did well to scour the Country; but Italy would never want Wolves, as long as Rome was so fit a forest, and so near to retire unto. The like might have been spoken to AGRIPPA; That he did well, to clear the Common Rodes and passages: but Italy would never want thieves, whilst Rome was so good a place of Refuge. For though he did, as far as human industry could extend, endeavour a general Reformation, both within the City and without: yet neither could he remedy nor foresee all mischiefs. Still were there many and those great disorders, committed in the night season; when as no eye, but that to which no darkness is an obstacle, could discern the Malefactors. For in the first Proscription, many men used to walk the Streets well weaponed; pretending onely their own safety. Indeed it was to make their best advantage of such men, as they met either in unfrequented Lanes and passages; or traveling, as their occasions did direct them in the Night.   

LIII.  
TO repress therefore the foul insolences of these Sword-men, AVGVSTVS did ordain a Watch consisting of 7000. Freemen: their captain being a Gentleman of ROME. In the day time, the Guard of the town was committed to the Provost and his city Soldiers: These Vigiles resting in their standing camps. In the Night season, one part took their Stations in the most suspicious places of the City: another, in perpetual motion traversed the Streets, the rest lying in the Corps du guard, to relieve their companions. By which means, he not onely remedied the present disorders, but preserved the City from danger of fire also; Yea and secured himself from all night tumults, which carry with them( though but small) more terror and affrightment; than greater Commotions in the day. Never till now were the Commnn people Masters of their own, both lives and substance. And now was travel in the night, ●s safe; though not so pleasant as at noon.   

LIV.  
THe People and city thus settled, his next study is to keep the Provinces in a liking of the Change. But little rhetoric needed to win their liking, who had long desired the present form of Government: mistrusting the peoples Regiment, by reason of Noblemens factions, covetousness of Magistrates; the laws affording no security, being swayed hither and thither by ambition and corruption. These Provinces, when he first rid the Government, he thus divided. Asia, Africa, Numidia, Betica, Narbonensis, Sicilia, Corfica, Sardinia, all Greece, Crete, Cyprus, Pontus, and Bythinia, being quiet and peaceable Provinces, of known and faithful obedience; he assigned unto the Senate. But the new conquered Regions, such as had not digested their loss of liberty, with whom any rebellion or war, was to be feared, he retained under his own command. Such were Tarraconensis, Lusitanica, Lugdunensis, Germany, Belgica, Aquitanica, Syria, Cilicia, egypt, Dalmatia, Mysia, Pannonia, &c. This he did as he gave out, to sustain the danger himself alone, leaving to the Senate, the sweet at their ease: but the truth was, to keep them without arms, himself always strong and in a readiness. questionless the Caesarean Provinces, growing so strong; and perceiving the Consular so weak: assumed to themselves the creating, and establishing the future Princes. Galba was made Emperour by the Spanish and French Legions; Vitellius, by the German; Vespatian by the Syrian and Pannonian: The Consular Provinces never stirring, either to prevent their attempts, or to revenge them.   

LV.  
THese Provinces, the better to manage the affairs of the Empire, he had peculiarly specified in his Register, what Tributes they payed, what Presents they sent in, what customs in them were levied. That book also comprehended, the wealth of the public Treasury, and necessary charge issuing out of it: What number of Citizens and Allies, there were in arms; What strength there was by Sea, with all other circumstances concerning the extent, strength, riches; and particulars of his Estate. William of Normandy did the like, at his first entrance into England: when he composed that Censuall Roll of all this kingdom; which we call doomsday book, or the Roll of Winton: according unto which, Taxations were imposed, and aids exacted. The greatest Princes have not thought it a disparagemen to be good Husbands; to know the riches of their Crownes; and have an eye to their Intrado.   

LVI.  
britain was left out of this Bead-roll, either because from hence there neither was much hope of profit, nor much fear of hurt: or else because, being more desirous to keep than enlarge the Monarchy; he thought it most expedienr to confine it within the bounds appointed by Nature. Danubius, on the North; Mount Atlas on the South; Euphrates, on the East;& the main Ocean on the West: did bound his Empire and defend it. Some kingdoms have their limits laid out by Nature: and those which have adventured to extend them further, have found it fatal. The Persians never did attempt to stretch their Territory beyond Oxus, but they miscarried in the action. And what was that poor River, if compared unto the Ocean?   

LVII.  
MAny who loved action, or expected preferment by the Wars, incited him unto the conquest and plantation of these Countries. Affirming that the barbarous people were naturally bad neighbors;& though for the present not very strong nor well skill●● in arms; yet mi●●●● weak Enemy in ●●gather great str●●●●● That he ought 〈…〉 the war, for his Father Iulius sake, who first shewed that island to the Romans: that it yielded both refuge and supply to the malcontents of France, and enemies in Germany: That he would lose the benefit of a wealthy Country, stored with all manner of provision; and the command of a valiant Nation, born as it were unto the warres. That it was an apostasy from honor, to lie still and add nothing to the conquest of his ancestors: that he was in all equity bound as far as in him was, to reduce to Civility, from Barbraisme so many proper and able men.   

LVIII.  
TO these motives Augustus replied, That he had already refused to wage war with the Parthian; a more dangerous neighbour, and far worse enemy than the Britaines: That he had w●st and desert ground enough, in his own dominions for many a large Plantation; when he saw it needful; that he had constantly refused, though with great facility he might, to conquer any more of the barbarous Nations: That as in the natural body, a surfeit is more dangerous than fasting; So in the body politic too much is more troublesone than a little. That the Roman Monarchy, had already exceeded the Persian& Macedoniā:& to extend it further, was the next way to make it totter and fall by its own weight: that he had learned in the Fable, not to lose the substance, by catching the shadow: That many puissant Nations lay in, and about Britany, against whom Garrisons must be kept; and he feared the Revenue would not quit the Cost.   

LIX.  
FOr the assurance of the Provinces already conquered, he dispersed into them 23. Legions with their aids: whose pay onely, besides provision of corn and Officers wages; amounted to five Millions and an half of our English pounds, and somewhat more, were so suddenly paid unto the Armies, that we red seldom in the Histories of that Empire, of any mutiny amongst the Soldiers for want of pay. An happiness whereof these ages have been little guilty. For the amassing of his treasure, and defraying of this charge; AVGVSTVS made not use onely of his own revenue. Warres which are undertaken, and Soldiers that are levied for the Common safety; ought in all reason to be maintained on the Common-purse. grandeur and security of an Empire, concerns in all respects, as much the people as the Prince. For which cause, he erected an Ezchequer in the Citsy, which was called Aerarium militare, or the Soldiers treasury, whereto the xx. part of every mans estate, was brought; according to the true and perfect valuation. This was esteemed an heavy burden at the first, and indeed it was: but that the people felt the sweetness& effects of it, in the common safety. In that respect, the interest was greater than the principal. Subiects that have a care either of the common peace or honour; will not r●pine at payments and taxations, though more than ordinary. It is a poor conceit to think that Princes either are able or obliged, to maintain the warres without assistance from their people: or that the treasures, which in these respects they give the King; they do not give unto themselves. I may perhaps repute him for a cunning Sophister, 〈◇〉 never for a faithful 〈◇〉; which coins distinctions betwixt the welfare of the King, and the weal of the kingdom.   

LX.  
THese Legions he employed as occasion was, either to curb the Natives, or secure the Borders. The Roman Empire seldom had such perfect peace but that there were employments always for the Soldiers. If that they had in any place a short Cessation from the wars; yet they were not idle. idleness doubtless is the greatest enemy to Martiall Discipline. Therefore he kept them at such times perpetually busied: either in paving bogs, or in dreaning marshes. By means whereof, he made not onely many of the barbarous Countries, both fruitful in themselves, and profitable to the Chequer: but thereby also he secured his own affairs, and disarmed his enemies. For many times the Barbarous people trusting to such advantages; were apt too often to rebel: and having got themselves within those Myres and Fastnesses, stood on their Guard; as in some fashionable or defensible fortress. The surest means to keep a conquered people, from all occasion of revolting, is to lay waste their Wood-lands, and make all parts passable. The opportunity of a safe retreat, makes not more thieves, than Rebels.   

LXI.  
THose whom he placed over his Provinces and Armies: he neither would remove under 3. yeares government; nor yet continue after five. A longer stay might teach them too much of the nature of the people; and perhaps prompt them, to work into the favour of the Natives, and the men of war; and so at last to establish in themselves a sovereignty. Caesars long stay in gall,( a second 5. yeares being added unto that, which was first allowed him;) made him so potent with the people, and gracious with the Soldiers; that in the end he brought the Romā Empire under his subjection. And on the other side, to take them from their charges, under 3. yeares continuance, were to have called them home, before they were well learned in the customs and the nature of the Provinces: so making them unable, to instruct their Successors. As for the men whom he employed in those Commands; he called them always out of the most valiant and upright, in camp, and Senate. A Prince more willing and desirous not to employ men likely to offend; than after the offence to punish and chastise them.   

LXII.  
BEsides his forces by Land, he also maintained at Sea two invincible armadas. The one lay at Anchor near Ravenna, in the up Sea, to awe and defend Dalmatia, Crete, Greece, Cyprus, Asia, &c. The other at Misenum, in the lower Sea, to protect and keep under France, spain, Africa, egypt, Syria, &c. neither was this the onely use of two such puissant Fleets. But in all probability, they were to cleanse the Sea of pirates; to have a care to the conducting of the Tributes& customs into the Exchequer: and served also for transporting corn, and other necessary provisions, for the sustenance, and relief of the city. In the ensuing Civill warres, these two Navies proved to bee of great importance: The revolt of them giving as great a blow to the one side, as a comfort to the other. The principal assurance of Otho in the wars, was the immovable fidelity of the Misenian Fleet: and the siding of th'other with Vespatian, broke the hearts of Vitellius best followers.   

LXIII.  
AVGVSTVS as he strengthened the Provinces in general, so did he cast an especial eye on 3. particulars: viz. Italy, France, and egypt. Italy rounded Rome the Metropolis of the Empire; and therefore he ought to be well assured, of its good faith and allegiance to him. Nor was he ignorant, that the Bellum Sociale raised by the people of that Country in the free-State, more shooke and endangered the Empire; than the Invasions of Pyrrhus, or hannibal. Therefore as formerly he planted in it 32. Colonies, of old and trusty soldiers, to keep it sure unto himself: So now he did divide it into eleven Regions; each having peculiar Magistrates, and under Officers. This not so much to ease the city Praetor, although he had employment enough at Rome: but because it was thick set and as it were overlayd with People, whose rising might endanger the Common-wealth. So by his Colonies he kept a Garrison upon them as it were, that they could not revolt: and by his Officers and Iusticiers( as I may call them) he set so straight a Watch about them; that they durst not practise.   

LXIV.  
france, then called gall, was both a large and fertile Country: stored with a people, valiant in all attempts, and in many desperate. A people with which the old Romans fought rather to maintain their own liberty, than to increase their Dominions. A people whose Progenitors had sacked the city; and finally with whom the Romans durst not make war, till they had almost all the residue of the world in subjection. Remembrance of their ancient Reputation, and store of money might occasion many desperate practices against the quiet of the Empire. The readiest way to keep them in Obedience, was to keep them poor, for without wealth, high Stomacks may well feed on the hope of Liberty, but digest it never. Licinius his freedman, was the fittest fellow for such an Office: who is presently made the Taske-master of the Province. The French used to pay a Monthly Tribute, which he much enhanced( besides private and petty means of prevailing) by making fourteen Moneths in a year. The French Solicitors at Rome make complaint to AVGVSTVS. He sometimes yielded unto them, sometimes excused his Freedman; some things he would not know, many he would not believe; others he dissembled. LICINIVS to make up his peace, sent to the Emperour all his treasure, and that huge mass of gold and silver by those unlawful means, heaped up together: which he not onely willingly received, but his turn being served and the French not a little impoverished; he recalled Licinius, and sent Tiberius to settle the Province. So old and common a thing it is with great Princes, to suffer their Vice-Roys, and under-officers, to suck like sponges, the Wealth of the subject, till they are quiter full; and then o squeeze them into their own Coffers.   

LXV.  
but the Province whose tuition and defence he principally regarded, was egypt: not so much for the valour and animosity of the Inhabitants ●s the natural strength& situation of the place. Alexander of Macedon having annexed it to his Empire, never committed the entire government and jurisdiction thereof to one man: fearing least he presuming on the wealth of the People, and site of the Country, would settle the possession in himself. And so AVGVSTVS calling to mind as well the multitude, as the levity and incenstancie of the Natives; that it was very rich in coin, and the Roman Granary,( as serving the city four Moneths yearly with corn) not onely trusted not the rule thereof into the hands of any of the Senators, but expressly forbade any of that order, without his especial permission, to sojourn there. It is a principle in State, never to licence men of great houses, and credit among the people, to have free access into that Country, whose revolt may endanger the whole Empire Wherefore it was a weakness doubtless, in the council of K. Henry of that name the 6. to suffer Rich. D. of york, to pass at pleasure into Ireland; where he had harbour and relief, and whence he brought supply both of men and money. But to return to egypt, Germanicus entering once into Alexandria, onely to see the Antiquities of it, and return; stirred such suspicions& distractions in the jealous head of Tiberius, that he spared not sharply to rebuk him for it. Vespasian also being by the Syrian Legions chosen Emperor, first assured himself of egypt; as the key of the Sea and land, with a small power against a strong host, easily defended. This place he resolved to make his Sanctuary, if his designs succeeded not luckily. And to this place he hastened, after the defeat of the Vitellian army: that so detaining the ordinary provision of victuals; he might by famine compel the City of Rome to stand at his devotion. The government of this Province was by Augustus always committed to some one of the roman Gentry; as less able, by reason of his low fortunes, to work against the Princes safety neither would he allow his substitute the glorious attributes of lieutenant, Legatus, Vice-Roy, or Propraetor. captain or President of Egypt, was their highest Title: their being even in Titles no small motives to Ambition.   

LXVI.  
AVgustus having by these means reduced both the city and Provinces, under his absolute command: and being now declining in strength, by reason of a sudden& violent sickness; began to call his wits to council, how to dispose of the Estate after his decease. Male-child he never had any. His Daughter Iulia a woman of immodest carriage, never made further use of her Fathers greatness, than that she satisfied her lusts with the grtater insolence. Marcellus his Sisters son, and Iulias husband was a young man of an ingenuous disposition; and seemingly capable of the fortunes which attended for him. Him being yet young, Augustus preferred to the pontificial dignity, and Aedileship; yet once upon his sickness, he privately determined, to choose a successor in the Common-wealth, rather 〈◇〉 his own family:& not to leave the Empire, unto Marcellus, whom 〈◇〉 held unable to under it; But to his companion in arms, Agrippa, a man daunted neither with adverse, nor altered with prosperous fortunes.   

LXVII.  
This Marcellus afterwards so stomached, that he began to grudge at Agrippas greatness; and to bear a vigilant eye on his plots and actions. Contrary Agrippa unwilling to offend him, under whose future government he was in all likelihood to end the rest of his daies; with much ado obtained leave to retire unto Lesbos; that so his absence either might alloy, or remove the displeasure, conceived against him by the young Prince. An action full of wisdom& magnanimity. For though Augustus chief end was, to discountenance the popular dependencies of his son, by the favours heaped upon his servant: Yet did Agrippa know, that a favourite ought to have so much in him of the Persian Religion, as to worship the Rising sun, and that he should resemble old Ianus with the two faces; with th'one looking on the King Regnant; with th'other, on the Prince successive.   

LXVIII.  
MArcellus being dead, Agrippa returning married his widow; and on her begot two sons, Caius and Lucius, whose actions afterward afforded such variety for censure, that there was wanting neither much reason to commend, nor little to reprove them. On these two, or at the least one of them, Augustus now grown aged, resolves to settle the estate, and if they failed, upon such others, as by the liberty of the laws, he might adopt: Adoption; in the estimation of the Roman laws, being indeed an other nature. Posterity whether it be natural, or onely legal, is the best supporter of the arms imperial, Such as both fortifies the Prince, and assures the subject. Yet this he did not without much reluctancy& a great conflict in his mind. Sometimes his thoughts suggested to him, that the designed Successors draw to them all the attendance, and respect, from the Prince in possession: that they have always a lingering desire, to be actually seated in the Throne: That they suppose the life of the present Prince, too tedious; not caring by what means it were shortened: That sometime it is pernicious, yea even to the appointed Successor himself also.  
On the other side, his better thoughts prompted him to consider, in what a miserable distraction he should leave the Empire; if sudden death should take from him an ability to nominate his heir: The fear conceived in the whole City, at his last sickness: that Pyrrhus of Epirus, was of all hands condemned, for leaving his kingdom to the sharpest sword; That the Common-wealth fallen into dissensions, could not be settled again without a lamentable war,& a bloody victory: That the people seeing him and childish, would not only contemn him, but perhaps, endeavour to recover the old liberty; though with the ruin of the State: That it was the custom of Tyrants, to desire the eternising of their deaths, by the downfall of their Countries.   

LXIX.  
HIs mind thus distracted and perplexed, at last he broke, in this manner. Thou hast Octavian a wolf by the ears; which to hold still, or to let go, is alike dangerous. Many inconveniences may ensue, if thou dost not declare thy Successor; More, if thou dost. The good of the republic, consisteth in knowing the future Prince Thine own welfare dependeth on the concealment. The Common good is to be preferred before any private; Yet ought Charity to begin at home. No, Octavian no; As thou hast received, so show thyself worthy of, the title of Pater Patriae. Yea, and perhaps this designation may secure thine own Estate. For what will it profit the people, to contest with thee when they shall see a successor at hand, either of thine own body, or thine own appointment, ready to take thy place, and revenge thy wrongs?   

LXX.  
THus resolved, he adopteth Caius and Lucius; desiring, though he made show to the contrary, they should be Consuls Elect, and called Princes of the Youth. Yet wisely fore-casting the dangers incident to himself, if they should make their abode in Rome; he sendeth them with honourable charge, into the Provinces abroad: as well to exercise them in feats of war, as to take away all cause of faction in the Court, and sedition in the city. Which mystery of State as it was anciently practised by most Princes, so at this day by the Grand Seigneur: who always sendeth his eldest son unto Amasia, as governor thereof; from whence, till the death of his Father, he never returneth.  
In these journeys dyed the 2. young Princes, a mishap which Augustus bare Nobly: neither banishing grief, with a stoical Apathy; nor spending the time in womanish lamentations. having performed due rights to the dead, he adopted his Wives son Tiberius: A man for the conveniency and ripeness of his age, not unfit, in feats of arms not unexpert; in human learning not ignorant: but withall suspected to be cruelly given, and possessed with the hereditary pride of the Claudian family: A strong medley of virtuous and vicious qualities. Tiberius such was the will of his Father, to establish the succession, with more stays than one, adopted Germanicus, his brother Drusus son; Then commanding over 8. Legions in Germany, which done, he speedeth to his charge in Illyricum: This man, Augustus appointed to be his heir, as it was afterwards,& not improbability conjectured: neither in care to the State, nor in love to the party: but to win honour to himself, and to make the Roman people, again wish for him; when they should see that infinite disproportion in all royal and Kingly qualities, between the old and new Emperors. A fetch after imitated by Tiberius, in the adoption of Caius Caligula.   

LXXI.  
THe last( though not the least) help of the Empires establishment; was the long life and reign of our Augustus: as having ruled the State 16. yeares before, and 44. yeares after his confirmation, in the sovereignty; by the Senate and people. All the young men in the City, were born after the first Decennium, of the Monarchy. Most of the old men during the Civill wars. Few had seen what was the ancient form of Government; in the free Commonwealth; Many did not desire it. For at the present, enjoying peace both at home& abroad,& hearing what sad& tragical reports their fathers made of the former troubles and proscriptions: they contented themselves with the new government; as more esteeming a secure and happy subiection, than a dangerous and factious liberty. By which long time of Empire, and the policies already recited, besides many others, which I can neither learn by Relations, nor gather by presumptions; did Augustus so firmly settle the Roman Monarchy: that it continued many hundreds of yeares, immovable& unaltered; though all his immediate successors were in a manner Monsters, incarnate divels, and indeed any thing rather than men. Tiberius, Caius, Claudius, Nero, Galba Otho, and Vitellius, both by their own Tyrannies, and their Bondmens extortion, would haue ruined any Monarchy, not founded by Augustus.   

LXXII.  
TO speak concerning the domestical affairs of this Emperor, is beyond my Theme. As either how far he suffered himself to bee ordered, by his Wife Livia, or whether he used variety of women, not so much to satisfy a disordinate appetite, as by so many women to fish out the secret designs of many men. he was too exact a Statesman to be perfect in Soldiery: and in all his wars, was prosperous by fortune rather than by valor, or his Captaines valour, than his own. The Common-wealth which he found weak and in Rubbish; he left Adamantine, and invincible. In behaviour he was affable, and gracious; in his discourse sentencious: to the good, of a most sweet disposition; to the lewd and dishonest, harsh and unpleasant, Friendship he contracted with few, and that slowly; but to them, whom he once loved, constant and bountiful to the last. Finally such a one he was, of whom I will only say what I find spoken of Severus. It had been an ineffable benefit to the Common-wealth of Rome, if either he had never dyed, or never been born.   
FINIS.   

Novemb. 5. 1631.  
PErlegi hunc Tractatum cvi titulus est ( An Essay of the means and counsels) Vnâ cum Epistolâ Dedicatoriâ ad Thomam Levet. Ar. qui quidem liber continet folia 64. in quibus nihil reperio, bonis moribus aut sanae Doctrinae contrarium, quo minus cum utilitate Imprimatur, modo intra septem Menses proxime sequentes typis mandetur.  
GVILIEL. HAYWOOD; Epis. land. Cap. domest.