A CONFUTATION OF Some pretended Reasons for His MAJESTY's Issuing a General Pardon to the Rebels of Ireland, that will submit: without Exemption of the Considerable and Influencing Men among them. In Answer (as alleged) to the late Declaration, framed by the English Nobility, and Gentry of Ireland.  
LICENCED, Sept. 5. 1689.  
J. FRASER.  
I Shall not make Reflections upon the Author, more than to affirm, That the apparent insufficiency of his pretended Reasons seem to make him one of the late King James' Counsellors, who are famed for nothing but Impudence, and _____  
He gins with the Mischief that would attend His Majesty's Forces in Ireland, by lying in the Fields, burning the Country, murdering the Protestants now in the hands of the Natives, increasing, and continuing a constant Charge to England; all which, he says, would be the consequence of excepting the most considerable Men: and the Reasons that he gives, are, That these great Men will stifle the King's Declaration of Pardon; or, the Clergy will baffle the Credit of it.  
Now, to use the late Duke of Ormond's Character of an Irishman, Let him alone, said that great and good Man, and he will spoil his own business, is what we shall find true, if we examine the several parts of this Argument.  
For, First he tells us, That the considerable Men would stifle, and keep the Pardon from the rest. If this were true, he needed not to have proceeded any further; but he can hardly trust himself so much as to express this Argument, before he flies to another, as improbable as the former; and that is, The Clergy will blast and baffle the Credit of the Declaration. Had any but an Irish understanding undertook this assertion, he would not have insisted upon two Points, so apparently irrational, and inconclusive, that every Man of Ireland can prove to be notoriously false, and at the same time have omitted that which seems to be considerable, (viz.) That the Grandees of the Irish have such an Influence over the Commonalty, and they such a Love for their Lords, that nothing could disengage them from their Interests; but that they would either have a General Pardon, or else Universally Suffer. But this it seems he thought not of, but grants that if they knew of the Pardon, unless the Clergy baffled the Credit of it, there was a probability of their submission. Now to show the palpable weakness of this Argument: Can any imagine that when almost half of Ireland is in the Possession of His present Majesty, the Vulgar Irish established there in the same Peace and Security they enjoyed before the Rebellion, that they will not Communicate this to their Friends, and Relations in other Parts of the Kingdom, and give them assurance of the same Pardon, which has been so happily vouchsafed to themselves? They that best understand the disposition of the Irish, know them to be the most inquisitive People in the World. A Fellow under a Ditch, looking to his Cows, will ask every one he meets, What News? And 'tis impossible to keep public Transactions from being divulged to the Populace, when the Irish will pass undiscovered through the Kingdom. This (I think) puts their being acquainted with the Pardon out of doubt; and for that of their Clergies baffling the Credit of it, that is as easily answered; for persuasions against matter of Fact will take no place. When a considerable part of the Kingdom do actually enjoy the full benefit of the Pardon, who will believe a Man, that only confidently affirms, they will not? So far is this from a Question, that the Irish have not the least occasion of suspicion, because they never failed of an Inviolable performance of Articles from the English.  
I think there needs no Reply to all the Direful effects he mentions, as consequential to their standing out; because by his own Concession, it seems they will submit, if they hear of, and believe the Pardon: And, I presume, 'tis plainly proved that they will do both.  
His second Head is allowed. No doubt but the Irish will lay down Arms, and consequently the Country will be preserved, and immediately put into His Majesty's hands.  
His Third Paragraph, as to what of it relates to the Protestants of Ireland living upon the Charity of England, the ordinary sort 'tis true have done so, but not a Gentleman of an Estate has received any thing. The rest of it needs no answer as to what is to come, but something may be said of what is past; the Protestants of Ireland have in a great measure undergone what he presages of the future, and therefore think they have reason to hope His Majesty will Graciously vouchsafe them some reparation out of the Estates of the most notorious Rebels, which can be interpreted no otherwise than as an Act of Justice to the present Sufferers, and as well as a determent to the Natives, not to commit the like Barbarity for the future, which if connived with in this Juncture, will animate them to play the same Game at the next Opportunity.  
The Fourth is allowed, and no fear of the Rebels doing any thing in their power to oblige the English. They are already cloyed with King James' Brass Sixpences, and have made a sufficient experiment of the Success of the Protestant Arms, who having so destroyed the flower of their Forces, when but an handful of Men, what can they expect now from so Great a Captain as Duke Schomberg at the Head of a Royal Army?  
In his Fifth Reason the Irish man appears barefaced, for none but such would presume to meddle with the Secrets of Kings; he tells us of the Kings justifying himself to his Foreign Roman Catholic Allies, that it is not for Religion he prosecutes the War, etc.  
This Politician wants good Manners, and should be taught that our King is the greatest Monarch of Europe, and not (thought it might be more modestly expressed) accountable to Allies, especially in Matters of Religion, which however this Spark undertakes to acquaint the World that 'tis none of His Majesty's Business; yet we must crave leave to diffent from his ipse dixit, and both to hope, and believe the contrary, and that in respect of Religion, as well as Property, he hazarded his Sacred Person for the purchasing the unspeakable Privileges we now enjoy, as well in Religions as Civil Rights.  
He Closes his Politics with two Observations; one is upon the Reasons given for excluding some from Pardon, though he is so wise as to mention more of them. But he is Positive in his Opinion, that if God put us in Possession of Ireland, we have greater security than ever, being safe from a Popish King; I hope we are, though I suppose he does neither wish nor believe it. But whatever Prospect of security we have of not being re-inslaved by a Popish King, yet are we not free from Popish Pretenders: Where is this Proselytes beloved Shame Prince of Wales, and his Bloody Protector the French King? Is it not possible for them upon any Revolution either Foreign or Domestic, to send (when we are least ware of it) Arms, and Assistance to cut off the Protestants, when not a Man of these great Rebels are disabled from Reacting the former Tragedies? Nay they are by so much in the better capacity than ever, by how much they are Possessors of the Treasure and Riches of the Protestants.  
He closeth this Paragraph like his broth Teague, that swears if he had Noting he would give you Someting; so this Blade has been emptying his Budget, to prove that nothing will shorten the War, but by pardoning all the Grandees; and yet at last he tells you, that you shall be satisfied with enough that will forfeit their Estates, and never accept of the Indemnity; he might then have saved his labour in his Learned Argument, for the number, excepted is but Seventy odd, and they such Monsters, that if any in Ireland should stand out, we may suppose it to be them: but I cannot grant him so much Carriage in any of his Countrymen as to refuse Pardon; we know them to be so far from that, that an Irishman will twist a Gad to hang his Father, so that he may have the favour of being hanged last.  
And now comes the Blade to that which we may justly call Libellous, in offering that to the English Nobility, and Gentry of Ireland, which I fear he never had himself, a Consideration; and that is, whether they can propose any thing that will increase the charge and danger of England, since the work is to be effected by English Lives and Purses, and that they that prescribe these hazardous and chargeable methods, do not lay their Fingers to the Work.  
This, I say, is a mischievous and false Insinuation, and gives the Lie to the Grand Council of the Nation.  
The Gentlemen of Ireland have always, and still do propose that which may soon and most scecurely establish that Kingdom in the Hands and Government of the English, which they believe can never be effected without making Examples of some few, though not one of ten thousand.  
They own their Preservation (under God) from the King and English of England; but he asserts a falsehood, which we appeal to the Honourable House of Commons to justify us against, in affirming, that we will not so much as lay our Finger to that Burden we pull upon the Lives of the English in the reduction of Ireland.  
The House of Commons received the Address of the Gentlemen of Ireland, praying to be recommended to his Majesty for that Service, and that not done in a general manner, but the name of every individual person returned; his Majesty was pleased to employ all he could find room for: since that twice before the King and Counsel they have offered their Service to go in the Head of the Army against the Irish Rebels, many are gone Volunteers, and those that are left, would according to their several Circumstances do the same, had they conveniencies to carry them. It is strange confidence, that in the Face of the King and Parliament, he should assume to print such a notorious untruth, as that the Nobility and Gentry of Ireland will not lay their Finger to the War they engage England in.  
I have thus briefly shown the Folly and rashness of this Irish Minister of States pretended Reasons for a General Pardon to the Irish, not excluding Seventy Persons, as Victims for more Thousands of Protestants they have ruined. I might say much more, but that is done to my hand, in a Letter called the Mantle thrown off, or the Irishman dissected, which bears date before these Reasons set forth by Teague, who, I presume, was angry for taking off his Mantle, and would cover himself with the Fig-Leaves of an unwarrantable and irrational Discourse.   

London, Printed for Ric. Chiswell, at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Churchyard. MDCLXXXIX.