Stonehenge Situated in the midst of the Plains, 6 Miles distant from the City of Satisbury, is esteemed one of the wonders of England. It is a great huddle of large unpolished Stones, placed in a circular fashion, but in such an irregular manner that it's affirmed to be impossible to count their Number, some of these Stones are 30 feet high, and there are some Stones laid across the Tops of others, that all the strength of Man could not perform without the help of Engines, nor are there any Carriages now in use, that could carry such prodigious Bodies of Stone, so that how they came there nobody can imagine, for there is no such Stone within 100 Miles of it, nor any Quarries of Stone in any Countries about. Most Authors are silent concerning the Compilers of this Stupenduous Work, the best of them are only uncertain Guessers.    


IGNATII Jones MAG: BRIT: ARCHITECTI GENERALIS VERA EFFÍGIES    

THE most notable ANTIQUITY OF GREAT BRITAIN, vulgarly called Stone-henge ON SALISBURY PLAIN.  
RESTORED By INIGO Jones Esquire, Architect general to the late KING.  
LONDON, Printed by James Flesher for Daniel Pakeman at the sign of the Rainbow in Fleetstreet, and Laurence Chapman next door to the Fountain Tavern in the Strand. 1655.   

TO The Right Honourable PHILIP Earl of Pembroke and Montgomerie, Baron Herbert of Caerdiff and Sherland, Lord Parr and Rosse of Kendal, Lo: Fitzhugh Marmyon and Saint Quintin &c.  
Stone-henge restored is humbly dedicated by Your LOds devoted servant John Webb.   

TO THE FAVOURERS OF ANTIQVITY.  
THis Discourse of Stone-henge is moulded off, and cast into a rude Form, from some few indigested notes of the late judicious Architect, the Vitruvius of his age Inigo Jones. That so venerable an Antiquity might not perish, but the world made beholding to him for restoring it to light, the desires of several his learned Friends have encouraged me to compose this Treatise. Had he survived to have done it with his own hand, there had needed no Apology. Such as it is, I make now yours. Accept it in his name, from  I. W.  

  

Stonehenge RESTORED, BY INIGO Jones Esquire.  
BEing naturally inclined in my younger years to study the Arts of design, I passed into foreign parts to converse with the great Masters thereof in Italy; where I applied myself to search out the ruins of those ancient Buildings, which in despite of Time itself, and violence of Barbarians are yet remaining. Having satisfied myself in these, and returning to my native country, I applied my mind more particularly to the study of Architecture. Among the ancient monuments whereof, found here, I deemed none more worthy the searching after, than this of Stonehenge; not only in regard of the Founders thereof, the Time when built, the Work itself, but also for the rarity of its Invention, being different in form from all I had seen before: likewise, of as beautiful Proportions, as elegant in Order, and as stately in Aspect, as any.  
King James, in his progress, the year one thousand six hundred and twenty, being at Wilton, and discoursing of this Antiquity, I was sent for by the right Honourable William than Earl of Pembroke, and received there his majesty's commands to produce out of mine own practice in Architecture, and experience in Antiquities abroad, what possibly I could discover concerning this of Stonehenge. What mine opinion was then, and what I have since collected in relation thereunto; I intend to make the subject of this present Treatise. And certainly, in the intricate, and obscure study of Antiquity it is far easier (as Camden very well observes) to refute and contradict a false, then to set down a true and certain resolution. For mine own part, in what I shall here deliver, I intend not to struggle against any opinion commonly, and long since received. Let every man judge as it pleaseth him. What opinion soever the Reader inclines to, I shall not make much material, my aim being, a desire only to vindicate, as much as in me lies, the Founders of this venerable Antiquity from oblivion, and to make the truth, as far forth as possibly I may, appear to all men.  
Several Writers, both Strangers, and our own countrymen, have treated of Stonehenge. Before recite whose opinions, I think not amiss to seek this subject from the most ancient times, endeavouring thereby to give satisfaction whether or no, the Druids, alias Druidae (in Authors indifferently written, and in old time the Priests of the Britains and Gauls) or the ancient Britains, for the Druid's use, might not be the Founders of so notable a monument; which if they were, there is then no cause why bestow farther study or pains, in searching who the Founders were, but acquiesce in the honour of our own Nations first erection of it.  
As far nevertheless, as from History ancient or modern may be gathered, there is little likelihood of any such matter, considering especially what the Druid's were; also, what small experience the Britains, anciently inhabiting this Isle, had, in knowledge of what ever Arts, much less of building, with like elegancy and proportion, such goodly works as Stonehenge.  
Concerning the Druid's in the first place, true it is, they are reported in ancient times, to have been in great esteem in this Island, where their discipline, and manner of learning, 
Caesar. comen. lib. 6.  was supposed to be first invented, and from hence translated into Gaul. Disciplina in Britannia reperta (saith Caesar) atque inde in Galliam translata esse existimatur. They are said in like manner to have ordered and disposed all divine matters, as well in relation to their several kinds of Sacrifices, as to expounding whatever rites of their idolatrous superstition; insomuch, 
Plin. lib. 16.  you may call them (if you please) the Bishops and Clergy of that Age.  
Their power moreover, and pre-eminence was not confined within the strict limits of sacred matters, but enjoying a more large prerogative, temporal negotiations, and affairs of State were transacted by them: the managing of Peace and War was usually remitted to their Authority, even when Armies were ready to join in battle. Publica iis (saith Strabo) & privata judicia committuntur, & aliquando causis bellorum disceptandis jam acie congressuros composuerunt. 
Strab. lib. 4.  Judges they were (saith Caesar also) in almost all civil and criminal causes: 
Caesar. lib. 6.  sentence they gave in case of life and death: decide they did controversies, and debates betwixt party and party: finally, whatever else was requisite and convenient to keep the people in due obedience to their Princes, they wholly took the care and charge of.  
These were the main affairs wherein the employment of the Druids consisted, and whereunto they wholly addicted themselves. Whosoever desires to know more of them, may read Caesar, Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, Pliny, Diogenes Laertius, Ammianus Marcellinus, and such like ancient Authors. But, whatsoever these, or other Historians have written of the Druids, certainly, Stonehenge could not be builded by them, in regard, I find no mention, they were at any time either studious in Architecture, (which in this subject is chiefly to be respected) or skilful in any thing else conducing thereunto. For, Academies of design were unknown unto them: public Lectures in the mathematics not read amongst them: nothing of their Painting, not one word of their Sculpture is to be found, or scarce of any Science (Philosophy and Astronomy excepted) proper to inform the judgement of an Architect; 
Vitr. li. 1.  who, (as Vitruvius saith) should be peritus Graphidos, eruditus Geometria, & Optices non ignarus &c. perfect in design, expert in Geometry, well seen in the optics, skilful in arithmetic, a good Historian, a diligent hearer of Philosophers, well experienced in physic, music, Law and astrology.  
Of all that have written of the Druid's, no Author knew them better than Caesar, neither hath any more fully described them; who after a large discourse of their discipline, 
Caesar. li. 6.  privileges, and theology, Multa de sideribus (saith he) atque eorum motu, de mundi ae terrarum magnitudine, de rerum natura, &c. disputant, & juventuti transdunt. They make much dispute, and instruct their Scholars in many things concerning the Stars, and their motion, the greatness of Heaven and Earth, of the nature of things &c. As for other Arts relating to the mathematics, or any works of this kind, he makes no manner of mention, though himself an Architect, glorying in his own, and much more extolling others invention in that Art.  
The truth is, those ancient times had no knowledge of public works, either Sacred or Secular, for their own use, or honour of their Deities. Besides, they used not any buildings of Stone, or (for aught is manifest) knew so much, as how to order working therein. The Druid's led a solitary contemplative life, contenting themselves with such habitations, as either mere necessity invented, to shelter them from contrariety of seasons, without Art, without Order, without any whatever means tending to perpetuity: or, such as Nature alone had prepared for them in dens, and caves of desert and darksome woods; esteeming it, questionless, the highest secret of their mystery, rather to command in caves and cottages, then live like Kings, in Palaces, and stately houses. They were too wise, knew too well, 'twas their humility, integrity, retired manner of life, and pretended sanctity possessed the people with an awfully reverend esteem of them; and which fed, and kept up their reputation throughout the country, when outward appearances of State and magnificence would either have brought them into envy, and their superstition into contempt, or themselves and Religion both to be wholly extirpated and laid aside.  
Pomponius Mela discoursing of the Druids, 
Pomp. Mela lib. 3.  Docent multa (saith he) nobilissimos gentis clam & diu vicenis annis in specu, aut in abditis saltibus, They teach the Nobility, and better sort of their nation, many things, even twenty years together, secretly in caves, or close coverts of obscure woods and forests. Such, and no other were their habitations, such their Universities, and public schools.  
As for their Temples' and sacred structures, they consisted not in variety of forms, costliness of materials, or perfection of human Arts, but were of Natures own framing in like manner, being no other than groves of oak. The Druid's chose of purpose (saith Pliny) such groves for their divine Service, 
Pliny lib. 16.  as stood only upon Okes; nay they solemnised no Sacrifice, nor performed any sacred Ceremonies without the branches, and leaves thereof; from whence they may seem well enough to be named Dryadae in Greek, which signifies as much as oak Priests.  
The Romans having forced their passage, and gained victory over the Druid's in Anglesey, cut down their woods and groves, amongst them reckoned holy, and consecrated to their execrable superstitions. 
Tacit. Ann. lib. 14.  Excisi luci (saith Tacitus) saevis superstitionibus sacri.  
To this purpose, Humphrey Lloid, in his history of Wales, The vast woods growing in that Island, were not only by the Romans, but afterwards, when the Christian Faith took place in this Nation, by the Christians also felled and rooted out. And why? because of the idolatry (saith he) and absurd Religion used in them. Again, in his Epistle to Ortelius concerning the Isle of Anglesey, the same Author affirms; Though there is little wood now growing there, yet every day the roots and bodies of huge trees of a wonderful length and bigness are by the inhabitants found, and digged out of the earth, in divers places in low grounds, and champion fields.  
Now, if in stead of these roots, and bodies of trees, the ruins of ancient Structures had been there found, it might peradventure, with some probability, have been presumed, either that the Druid's used Temples, or some other buildings of stone. For, their ancient seat was in the Isle of Mona, now Anglesey, whence modern Writers style it Insulam Druidum, the Island of the Druid's, and sedem Druidum, the seat of the Druid's. And from hence, questionless, it came to pass, the Romans, with such difficulty, under the conduct of Suetonius Paulinus, brought that Island under their power; nor was it wholly subdued to their Empire, until Julius Agricola's time. For, whereas in other parts of Britain, the people contended for Liberty only, there, they fought pro aris & focis, for Liberty, and Religion both.  
There it was the British armies (saith Tacitus) being imbattailed, 
Tacit. Ann. lib. 16.  the women ran to and fro amongst them in sable weeds, their hair about their ears, and firebrands in their hands, like infernal furies, the Druid's round about them also, lifting up their hands to Heaven, and pouring forth deadly curses; the novelty of which sight bred such amazement in the Roman Legions, (the Romans here, it seems, were unacquainted with the Druid's till then) that they stood stock still, and close together, not once moving a foot, as if possessed with a resolution to act nothing at all, but receive their deaths tamely and without any great resistance.  
Wherefore, besides, that History hath not remembered the ruins of any ancient buildings digged up in Anglesey; if either, this Antiquity had been remaining in that Island, or any Author delivered such Actions of the Druid's, as aforesaid, performed about the place, where Stonehenge remains standing, there might have been some advantage made thereof to the purpose now in hand. But Anglesey excepted, ancient Writers give them residence in no part of Britain beside, nor are they remembered by any, to have been found elsewhere, throughout the whole Nation. With respect whereunto, if the Druid's had knowledge, either to build the like magnificent structures, or use, for any such, they would, without all peradventure, have erected them upon the same place rather where themselves resided, than elsewhere.  
Neither are we to wonder, they chose such an out-nook or corner as Anglesey, to reside in; in regard, there, they lived remote, and solitary; there, were store of caves, and dens to instruct their Scholars in, close and retired places for their own habitations, and plenty of groves to perform their sacred mysteries in. Moreover, they passed their days there, like the Hermits of old time, according to their own desire, in full contentment, and with free liberty to study, and contemplate what they pleased. For, Anglesey (we must know) in those times of yore, was wholly overgrown with desert Woods, and obscure forests, from whence the ancient Britains called it Ynis Dowil, the shadowy or dark Island. Which name it still retains, and is well known thereby to the now inhabitants, who are, even at this day, likewise inclined, (yea, they usually accustom themselves) to commit things more to Memory, then Writing; and, as having received it by tradition from their Ancestors, living in those ancient times, still endeavour to observe that custom of the Druid's, who held it unlawful to commit any thing to writing. 
Caes. Com. lib. 6.  As Caesar (in the sixth book of his Commentaries of the Gaulish war) delivers.  
Concerning the Britains in the next place, The condition of those ancient inhabitants of this Island in the Druid's time duly considered, (viz. in what manner they lived, how unskilful in all Sciences, and civil customs, what Deities they had, in what places they adored them, and what manner of buildings, or sacred or secular, were used by them) as little reason appears, that this Antiquity was by them erected.  
As for their manner of living, the Britains were then a savage and barbarous people, knowing no use at all of garments. 
Herodian. lib. 3.  Vestis usum non cognoscunt (saith Herodian.) Now, if destitute of the knowledge, even to clothe themselves, much less any knowledge had they to erect stately structures, or such remarkable works as Stonehenge. What fashions they used to adorn their bodies with, the same Author tells us. As a rare and rich habiliment, they wore about their wastes and necks ornaments of iron (saith he) and did pounce and colour their bodies with sundry forms, in rude manner representing several creatures. In which regard, they would not be otherwise clothed, lest constrained thereby to hide such their simple (though with them much esteemed) bravery.  
Again, in other their civil customs, they were no less rude and ignorant; yea, so barbarous, even in things appertaining to common sustenance, and whatever husbandry; 
Strabo li. 4.  that (as Strabo) Quidam eorum ob imperitiam caseos nullos conficiant, cum tamen lacte abundent: alii hortos colendi, & aliarum partium agriculturae ignari sunt. Many of them, though they had great plenty of milk, yet their want of skill was such, they knew not how to make cheese: others so simple, they knew not to order their gardens or orchards, or any thing belonging thereunto.  
Their country also then lay uncultivated, no corn sown: Quaevis herba & radix cibus est, Their food was herbs and roots (saith Dion Cassius. 
Dion li. 62. ) Hence Sir Walter Raleigh calls them the British nomads. 
Ral. li. 3. c. 5.  And (by the way) it may not inappositely be observed, milk, roots, and fruit were the chief banqueting dishes; and skins of beasts (if clothed) the most costly habits of our Forefathers. Now who can, in reason imagine, that any great knowledge, practice, or delight of Arts and Sciences, wherein the elegancy of Architecture consists, should be in use or esteem, amongst a people, wholly devoted (as I may so say) and given over to such barbarity?  
There were then no public roads, or common highways to pass from one place to another, no constant habitations, Nec moenia, 
Dion li. 76.  nec urbes, Nor towns nor walls (as Dion out of Xiphiline hath it) much less Temples, or other buildings made of stone, composed by Art, with Order, and Proportion.  
Besides, it is not to be past over in silence, how Tacitus expresseth himself in the before cited fourteenth Book of his Annals, telling us; The Romans overthrew not the Temples, or razed to the Foundations, any of the sacred structures of the Druid's and Britains made of stone, or other materials, which he might as readily have done, if they had used any such: but positively, the Romans cut down the Britains woods and groves, amongst them reckoned holy, and consecrated to their execrable superstitions. True it is, other Temples, of greater magnificence than already spoken of, I find none: Ornaments of Art to enrich them they were not acquainted with: such orderly composed works as Stonehenge, they had not any: yea, no kind of sacred structures of stone were in use amongst them: their idolatrous places being naturally adorned, only with wild, and overgrown shades, designed and brought to perfection by Dame Nature herself, she being Architect general to all their Deities. Nor did it consist with their vain Religion to use any other, they making their worship, performing their Ceremonies, offering their Sacrifices in dark and obscure groves, most conformable unto their barbarous, and inhuman, human oblations.  
Neither must it seem strange, they used no other Temples than these, 
Mayer. 1 K. 1. Ch.  it not being their custom alone; for the Excelsi or high places mentioned in the sacred Story, wherein the Heathen performed idolatrous rites unto their Idols, were commonly groves, affectedly sited upon some mountainous place, without any House or Temple. The Persians of old, (of whom Herodotus 
Herod. li. 1. ) Neque statuas, neque templa, neque aras extruere consuetudo est, Erected neither Images, nor Temples, nor Altars: quinimo hoc facientibus insaniae tribuere, accounting it great folly and madness in those that did: but ascending to the tops of the highest, and most lofty hills, on them offered sacrifices to their Gods. From hence, Xerxes, in his expedition, burnt down the Temples of the Greeks, because they shut up their Gods therein, to whom all things are open and free, and to whom the whole Universe serves for a Temple. The Abasgians also (inhabiting Mount Caucasus) did worship, even till Procopius his time, groves and woods; and in a barbarian simplicity esteemed the very trees themselves to be Gods. In like manner, the Northern and Southern people of America, made all their Invocations and Exorcisms in woods. The ancient Germans likewise consecrated woods and forests. Lucos ac nemora consecrant, saith Tacitus of them. And the like places for idolatrous superstition, did divers other barbarous Nations use, before reduced to order, and civility of life, Tacitus giving this reason for it: They thought it a matter ill beseeming the greatness of their Deities, to enclose them within Temples made by Art. His words are, Nec cohibere parietibus Deos arbitrantur, They thought it not fit to restrain their Deities within compacted walls: id est, neque templis, neque domibus, viz neither within Temples or Houses made with hands, as C. Pichenas commenting thereon more fully interprets.  
Touching the manner of the buildings of the ancient Britains, and of what materials they consisted, I find them so far short of the magnificence of this Antiquity, that they were nor stately, nor sumptuous; neither had they any thing of Order, or Symmetry, much less, of gracefulness, and Decorum in them, being only such as Ovid 
Ovid. Met. lib. 1.  (relating to the first Age of the world) makes mention of. 
— domus antra fuerunt,  
Et densi frutices, & junctae cortice virgae.  Thus Englished by Arthur Golding. 
— their houses were the thicks,  
And bushy queaches, hollow caves, and hardles made of sticks.  To like purpose Vitruvius. 
Vitru. lib. 2.  In the first Age of the world (saith he) men lived in woods, caves, and forests, but after they had found out the use of fire, and by the benefit thereof were invited to enter into a certain kind of society, coeperunt alii de frond facere tecta, alii speluncas fodere sub montibus, nonnulli hirundinum nidos, & aedificationes earum imitantes, de luto & virgultis facere loca, quae subirent. Some of them began to make themselves habitations of boughs, some to dig dens in mountains; other some, imitating the nests of birds, made themselves places of loam and twigs, and such like materials, to creep into, and shroud themselves in. Directly after which manner of workmanship, were the houses of the ancient Britains.  
Domos ex calamis aut lignis ut plurimum habent compactas, Their houses for the most part are of reed and wood, saith Diodorus 
Diodo. li. 6.  Siculus.  
In the Northern parts they live in tents. Degunt in tentoriis, (saith Dion, epitomised by Xiphiline.)  
Their Cities were without walls, the Country without Towns. Urbium loco ipsis sunt nemora, (saith Strabo 
Strab. lib. 4. ) woods stand them instead of Cities or Towns. Arboribus enim dejectis ubi amplum circulum sepierunt, ipsi casas ibidem sibi ponunt, & pecori stabula condunt, ad usum quidem non longi temporis. For when by felling of trees, they have enclosed, and fenced therewith a large circuit of wood, therein they raise cabins and cottages for themselves, and hovels for their cattle, of no great continuance, but only to supply their present use and occasion.  
Opidum Britanni vocant (saith Caesar 
Caesar. lib. 5. ) x silvas impeditas vallo atque fossa munierunt, quo incursionis hostium vitandae causa, convenire consueverunt, The Britains call a thick wood, enclosed about with a ditch and rampire, made for a place of retreat to avoid the invasion and assault of their bordering enemies, a Town.  
As for Colonies of any Nation practised in Arts, from whom they might receive or knowledge, or civil conversation, there were none settled amongst them: neither had they commerce, or traffic, with any people experienced therein, much less acquaintance with any other, except those of Gaul, welnear as barbarous as themselves. None of the Gauls in a manner, had any knowledge (saith Caesar) of the nature and quality of the people of Britain, or of the places, ports, or passes of the country. Neque enim temerè praeter mercatores illò adit quisquam, 
Caesar. lib. 4.  neque iis ipsis quidquam, praeter oram maritimam, atque eas regiones quae sunt contra Galliam, notum est. For, not any went thither without eminent danger, except merchants, and they also could give account of nothing, save only the Sea-coast, and those countries which were opposite to Gaul. Never any Colony of the Greeks, for aught I know (saith Ortelius 
Ortel. descr. Fr. ) was seated in Britain. And Caesar, the first of all the Romans that discovered it, saith Camden. 
Camden fo. 2.   
If desire nevertheless, to know in what times the ancient Britains began to be civilised, when to learn the knowledge of Arts, to build stately Temples, Palaces, public Buildings, to be eloquent in foreign languages, and by their habits, and attire, attain the qualities of a civil, and well ordered people, Tacitus shall relate the same.  
Sequens ●iems saluberrimis conciliis absumpta &c. The winter ensuing (being the second year of Julius Agricola his Propraetorship, or lieutenancy in Britan; Titus Vespasian Emperor, about one hundred thirty three years after the first discovery thereof by Caesar) was spent in most profitable, and politic counsels (saith Tacitus. 
Tacit. in vit. Agr. ) For, whereas the Britains were rude, and dispersed, and thereby prone, upon every occasion, to war; Agricola, to induce them by pleasure to quietness and rest, exhorted in private, and helped them in common to build Temples, Houses, and places of public resort, commending those, that were forward therein, and punishing the refractory Moreover, the noblemens' sons he took, and instructed in the liberal Sciences, preferring the wits of Britain, to the students in Gaul, as being now eagerly ambitious to attain the eloquence of the Roman tongue, whereas lately they utterly rejected that language. After that, our attire grew in account, and the gown much used amongst them, and so by little and little they proceeded to provocations of vices, to sumptuous galleries, baths, and exquisite banquetings. Thus far Tacitus. Now had there been but the least mention made, by any Author, concerning the Druid's instructing, and training up the ancient Britains in any such matters, as these, (which Tacitus remembers the Romans to have done) what conclusions might have been raised from them? what presumptive reasons drawn, to prove, Stonehenge a work of the Druid's, or at least erected for their use?  
To conclude, if this authority from Tacitus only, (an Author esteemed the Polybius of the Latins) be throughly weighed, it will evidently manifest, (whatever else hath formerly been delivered) there was no such thing in Britain, before the Romans arrived here, as that which we now call Stonehenge. What credit else with posterity could Tacitus expect to gain, in affirming the Britains were taught and instructed in the liberal Sciences by the Romans; if those Arts acknowledged, to be practised amongst the Britains before? What need to have told us, the Romans made them skilful in erecting sumptuous Palaces, stately porticoes, and public places, if the inhabitants here, accustomed to enjoy such noble buildings, before the Romans arrival in this Land? Why, tell succeeding Ages, when gentle persuasions not prevail, to make the Britains innovate, and admit of sacred structures to whatever Deities, Agricola compelled them to found magnificent Temples, and assist therein, if this Antiquity Stonehenge extant before those times? Why also, should the Britains look upon the Temple erected by the Romans at Camalodunum, (supposed Maldon in Essex) in honour of Claudius' sacred memory, as an Altar of perpetual dominion over them, if been used to such structures before? yea, such an eyesore the Britains accounted it, as, that Temple was one of the principal causes, which gave birth to that fatal insurrection under Boadicia. Neither would Tacitus have magnified the introducing those customs amongst them, as admirable policy in Agricola, and the true and only rule to bring them from their rude, and dispersed manner of living to civility, if the Britains attained such discipline before, or any knowledge in the excellency of Architecture preceding the time of the Romans government here. No, for what saith Camden? 
Cam. fo. 63.  It was the brightness of that most glorious Empire, which chased away all savage Barbarism from the Britains minds, like as from other Nations, whom it had subdued.  
Furthermore, in the time of this Agricola, Britain was fully discovered, the Romans had circumnavigated it, and knew, for certain, it was an Island, formerly doubted of till his time; yea, there was not a Port (as I may so say) a bay, mountain, valley, hill, plain, wood, or forest, either any custom, rite, ceremony, or what else belonging to the knowledge of the country, or manners of the People, but the Romans were then as well acquainted with (especially, in that part of the Island now called England) as, at this day, the Inhabitants themselves are. Nevertheless, what mention soever is made by their Historians, concerning other matters of the Britains, not one word is to be found of this Antiquity, or any building of this kind in use amongst them. But, because some curiously learned have desired somewhat to be spoken for their better satisfaction touching this particular, I have been too prolix. In a word therefore, let it suffice, Stonehenge was no work of the Druid's, or of the ancient Britains; the learning of the Druid's consisting more in contemplation then practice, and the ancient Britains accounting it their chiefest glory to be wholly ignorant in whatever Arts. Neither could it be otherwise, seeing their life so uncivil, so rude, so full of wars, and consequently void of all literature. (as Camden 
Cam. fo. 4.  relateth)  
Yet, before I come to speak of this middle Age (if I may so call it) wherein the Romans prevailed, and to complete their victories gave first rise to civility in this Island; as, I began with times of great Antiquity, so must I now descend to those less ancient, and modern, wherein, as posterity hath suffered an irreparable damage, through want of writing in those first times, so hath it been almost at as great a loss, by too much writing in later times; so many Authors, so much contrariety, so little certainty is found amongst them. Who, when they could not search out the truth in deed, laboured to bring forth narrations invented by themselves, without or reason, or authority: delivering (saith Camden) their several opinions, rather with a certain pleasant variety to give contentment to their Readers, then with any care or judgement to find out the truth of things.  
THOSE ancient Historians who (among other actions of the Britains) treat of this Antiquity, differ much in their several reports. And, as it is usual with Historiographers of other Nations, where, they cannot give a just and rational account of unwonted accidents, beyond the common course of things, to fill up their stories with fabulous, and incredible relations; so, no marvel, if we hear the like in our own Histories. Credibile enim est calamitatem bellicam, quae ecclesias unà cum bibliochecis exhauserat infinitis, clara vetustatis monumenta abrasisse. For evident it is, through the calamities of wars (saith Leyland) 
Leyland. de assert. Arth. fo. 35.  which together with infinite Libraries ruined the Churches themselves, the certain records of our Antiquities, are utterly lost. Unde scripturienti de antiquitate Britannica occultissima pleraque omnia. Whereby the Writers of the British Stories, are all of them, for the most part, very obscure and doubtful.  
A. The Altar  
Giraldus Cambrensis, 
Gir. Camb. de adm. Hib. Cap. 18.  curiously diligent in his relations of the miracles in Ireland, amongst other strange things in those parts, reckons up this Antiquity Stonehenge. Fuit antiquis temporibus in Hibernia, lapidum congeries admiranda, (saith he) quae & Chorea Gigantum dicta fuit, quia Gigantes eam ab ultimis Africa partibus in Hiberniam attulerunt &c. There was in Ireland in ancient times, a pile of stones worthy admiration, called the Giants Dance, because Giants, from the remotest parts of Africa, brought them into Ireland, and in the plains of Kildare, not far from the Castle of the Naase, as well by force of Art, as strength, miraculously set them up. These stones (according to the British story) Aurelius Ambrose, King of the Britains, procured Merlin by supernatural means to bring from Ireland, into Britain. And, that he might leave some famous monument of so great a treason to after ages, in the same order, and art, as they stood formerly, set them up, where the flower of the British Nation fell by the cutthroat practice of the Saxons, and where under the pretence of peace, the ill secured youth of the Kingdom, by murderous designs were slain.  
Rainulph Monk of Chester, 
Polychr. li. 5.  speaking of Aurelius, alias Aurelianus Ambrose (by others called Ambrose Aurelianus) saith (as Sir John Trevisa the Priest in old English laid it down) His brother Uter Pendragon by help of Merlin the Prophet brought Choream Gigantum, that is Stonehenges out of Ireland. Stonehenge is now in the plain of Salisbury: of that bringing of Stonehenge out of Ireland, speaketh the British story, if it should lawfully be ytrowed.  
It appears, Rainulph of Chester, as easy credit as he gave to strange stories, had not much confidence in this: and if, according to Geffrey Monmouth, or Matthew Westminster, I should set it down, I presume you would be of his mind. But, I affect not such conceits, they are neither fitting my discourse, nor your perusal. Nevertheless, seeing none of them tell us, by what ways, or Arts, Giants (as they will have it) brought them from the remotest parts of afric into Ireland (for it seems they could not handsomely find a Merlin to help them therein also) I shall take so much leave, following Geffrey Monmouth's steps, as to give you, at least, some part of the story, and relate (according to their opinions) how they came from Ireland hither. After Geffrey Monmouth's discourse of Uter Pendragon's victory over the Irish, who with Merlin forsooth and a great Army, were sent by A. Ambrose to fetch the Giants dance, Lapidum structuram adepti (saith he) gavisi sunt & admirati; circumstantibus itaque cunctis, accessit Merlinus & ait, utimini viribus vestris juvenes, ut in deponendo lapides istos, sciatis utrum ingenium virtuti, aut virtus ingenio cedat, &c. i.e. Having found the structure, from joy they fell into admiration, and standing all of them at gaze round about it, Merlin draws near, and thus bespeaks them: Use now your utmost strength young men, that in taking away these stones, you may discover, whether Art to strength, or strength gives place to Art. At his command therefore, they bring several sorts of engines, and address themselves to pulling it down. Some ropes, some cables, some had made lathers ready, that what they so much desired, might be effected, but in no wise able to achieve their purpose. Deficientibus cunctis, solutus est Merlinus in risum (saith Geffrey) & suas machinationes confecit. Denique cum quaeque necessaria apposuisset; leviùs quàm credi potest lapides deposuit: depositis autem, fecit deferri ad naves, & introponi: & sic cum gaudio in Britanniam reverti coeperunt. All of them tired, Merlin breaks out into laughter, and provides his engines. Lastly, when he had set all things in a readiness, hardly to be believed it is, with what facility he took them down: being taken down, he caused them to be carried to the Ships, and embarked; and so with joy they began their return towards Britain. Leaving it for us to suppose, with as small labour they were embarked, disimbarqued, and brought from their landing place to Salisbury plain: all (it seems) done by Merlin's spells. But of this too much.  
Nevertheless, as I contemn fables, so do I embrace, and take pleasure in the truth of History: and therefore, that which concerns the slaughter of the British Nobility by treason of Hengist commander of the Saxons, as of greater moment, and truth, I shall more fully relate. And Geffrey Monmouth's Authority in this treacherous slaughter of the Britains, though I respect not so much, as Ninnius, Malmsbury, Sigebert, and others that affirm the same; yet, because he was the first, after so many, and so ancient Authors, that fathered Stonehenge their monument, and A. Ambrose founder thereof, and therefore must trace him, and his followers therein; I will give you the history likewise from him, and thus it was: Hengist, upon his return with new supplies into Britain, finding Vortigern beyond expectation restored to the Crown, and withal greatly alienated in his affections towards him, prepared for his defence, with force of arms. But, whether he thought himself too weak; or, that he rather sought to be especially revenged on the British Nobility, who had wholly unriveted his designs, or both; he thought it no difficult matter to delude him by a Treaty, whom formerly he had so easily beguiled with his niece Rowena. To which purpose, he makes an overture, to compose the enmities betwixt them at a Parley; and the King accepting it, appoints Ambresbury Town their meeting place, Nec mora, statuta die instant convenerunt omnes intra nominatam urbem (saith Geffrey) & de pace habenda colloquium inceperunt. 
G. Mon. li. 6.  Ut igitur horam proditioni suae idoneam inspexisset Hengistus, vociferatus est, Nemet our saxas: & ilico Vortigernum accepit, & per pallium detinuit. Audito ocyùs signo, abstraxerunt (i.e. eduxerunt) Saxones cultros suos, & astantes principes invaserunt, ipsósque nihil tale praemeditantes jugulaverunt circiter quadringentos sexaginta inter Barones & Consules. The prefixed day being come, they all, without delay, met in the aforesaid Town, and began their Treaty for Peace; when therefore Hengist saw fit time for execution of his intended Treason, he cried out, giving the word, Nemet our saxas (Nem eowr seaxes (saith Verstegan 
Verstegan Ch. 5. ) that is, Take your seaxes; a kind of crooked knives, which each of the Saxons then carried closely in his pocket) and forthwith seized upon Vortigern, and held him by his robe. The Saxons quickly hearing it, drew forth their knives, and fell upon the Britains standing by, of whom, part Noblemen, part officers of State, expecting no such design, they slew four hundred and sixty. Quorum corpora beatus Eldadus postmodum sepelivit, atque Christiano more humavit, bawd longè à Raer-caradane, quae nunc Salesberia dicitur, in coemeterio, quod est juxta coenobium Ambrii. Whose corpses holy Eldad, according to custom, after Christian manner interred, not far from Raer-caradane, now called Salisbury, in the churchyard adjoining to the monastery of Ambresbury.  
With this relation of the Saxons treachery, Matthew Westminster 
Ma. West. fo. 84.  (in his Floreshistoriarum) seems to agree. And it wholly destroys the opinion commonly received, That the said Treaty with the Saxons, the massacre of the Britains, and likewise their interment, were at Stonehenge; and that in memory, those matters so transacted there, A. Ambrose in the same place erected this Antiquity. Wherefore, I much wonder, 
holinsh. l. 5. Speed lib. 7. Stow fo. 53. 4to.  our modern historians should cite the aforesaid Authors in cofirmation thereof, especially, when they affirm directly, the treaty was held in Ambresbury Town, and that the British Nobility fell by Treason there. jussit Vortigernus & cives & Saxones Maiis Kalendis, quae jam instare incipiebant, juxta Ambrii coenobium convenire (saith G. Monmouth, 
G. Monm. lib. 5. ) Vortigern commanded both his own people, and the Saxons, upon the Calends of May then approaching, to appear near to the Monastery of Ambresbury. In Pago Ambri convenire, to meet in the Town itself of Ambresbury (saith Matthew Westminster) In order to which summons, (that I may proceed with Geffrey Monmouth's story explaining himself positively concerning the place) statuta die instant convenerant omnes intra nominatam urbem, &c. the appointed day being come, all of them met together within the forenamed Town, and there treated. The issue whereof was, that upon the word given (as before related) The Saxons drew their knives, and falling upon the Britains standing by, slew them. And, lest posterity should doubt those sacrificed for their country's cause neglected in their funerals, he leaves not there, but gives us the direct place, and manner of their burial, affirming plainly they were buried by a metropolitan of those times, even in a Church yard, as Christians should. In coemeterio, quod est juxta c●nobium, In the churchyard, close by the Monastery. (saith he) There is not one word mentioned (I pray observe) of Salisbury plain, where this Antiquity Stonehenge remains, throughout all their Story.  
But, it's objected, although they were buried at the Monastery, the monument for their memory might be set up elsewhere, in a place more proper, and more conspicuous; even, as in the most properly conspicuous places where great actions happened Trophies were erected by the Romans, whose customs A. Ambrose living long time amongst them, knew very well. I answer, A. Ambrose, is supposed by Bede, and the best Authors, descended from the Romans; who, living many years under their subjection, in foreign parts, had fully informed his judgement, no doubt, with whatever customs, civil or martial, then in use amongst them. For, though the Romans in those times, had utterly lost all knowledge of Arts, questionless civil, and martial customs in some sort continued with them. Nevertheless, if A. Ambrose did erect any monument for the British Nobility, he rather, doubtless endeavoured to observe the rules of his own Religion, being a Christian, than the Heathenish customs of his Ancestors. However, in erecting it, at the place of their interment, he pursued both. As for the Christians honouring to posterity their famous men after death, it being so well known, I need not relate it. And, as concerning the ancient Romans manner in burying their Emperors, and those that had triumphed, or otherwise deserved well of the commonwealth, though they burned their bodies abroad, 
Thomas. Procachio fo. 46.  the place for sepulture of their Ashes, was within the City, monuments to their memory being erected, upon the same place where buried; so was Publicola honoured, so the Fabritii, the Caesars, and others. And, after the same fashion it seems, was the monument for the British Nobility (if any) set up where they were interred; as in the place of all others most proper for it, all the considerable circumstances touching their deaths, happening there in like manner.  
It's true the Romans set up Trophies for great Victories, in the most eminent places where those victories were obtained by them; as the Trophy for Caius Marius his vanquishing the Cimbrians, in the most notable place where that memorable field was fought. Also, the Trophy dedicated to the memory of Augustus Caesar that by his happy conduct, all the Alpine Nations, were reduced to Roman obedience, was erected in the most conspicuous place of the Alps. Now, this martial custom considered, the British Nobility being (as the aforesaid Historians maintain) slaughtered in the Town, and buried at the Monastery adjoining. Some one of those high hills, on either side Ambresbury, had certainly for site been more eminent, and the monument itself more exposed to the daily view of travellers, then about two miles from the Town, in a place remote, where this Antiquity stands. Which, though indeed eminent of itself, and overlooking the plains adjoining; yet, at a large distance, especially on that side towards Ambresbury, and Salisbury-ward, is so surrounded with hills; as it appears with an Aspect of Religious horror, rather than as carrying any form of whatever sepulture.  
This, though sufficient to refute the preceding objection (the former reasons being grounded upon customs only) I shall yet, from the histories of those times, further answer thereunto; Matthew Westminster 
Math. west. fo. 92.  tells us, A. Ambrose having completed his victories over Hengist, and subdued his sons at York; Deinde porrexisse ad monasterium Ambri, ubi principes defuncti jacebant, quos Hengistus prodiderat; from thence came to the Monastery at Ambresbury, where the deceased Nobles, whom Hengist betrayed, lay buried. And Geffrey Monmouth, 
G. Mon. li. 8.  prosecuting the same story, affirms also, that A. Ambrose being come to the Monastery, ut locum quo defuncti jacebant circumspexit, pietate motus in lachrymas solutus est, dignum namque memoria censebat cespitem, qui tot nobiles pro patria defunctos protegebat. So soon as he cast his eyes upon the place where the slaughtered Princes lay interred, deplored them; esteeming that very ground which covered so many Nobles, dying for their country's cause, worthy eternal memory. Upon this consideration, Praecepit Merlino (saith the same Author) lapides circa sepulturam erigere, quos ex Hibernia asportaverat. A. Ambrose commanded Merlin, that the stones brought out of Ireland (for he still troubles himself and readers therewith) should be erected about the place of their burial. Whereby it clearly appears their Sepulchre was set up about the same place where they were buried, and not elsewhere. Also, as fully that their burial place (as both the said Historians have told us) was at the Monastery of Ambresbury, or Churchyard adjoining to it. All which former circumstances duly weighed, 'tis not possible Stonehenge should be supposed their Monument; except Geffrey Monmouth, having made so formal a tale of their easy transportation from Ireland, would compel us also to imagine, posterity might as easily be induced to assent, they were in like manner removed from the churchyard at Ambresbury to Salisbury plain, the one being equally as ridiculous as the other, and no manner of credit to be given to either.  
Wherefore, laying all the aforesaid Authorities together. First, that Giraldus Cambrensis formerly cited, tells us, (in that part of his story which carries most likelihood of truth) a Monument was set up by A. Ambrose, in memory of the Britains, slain at a Treaty by the Saxons, upon the very same place where slain; and in order thereunto the aforesaid British Historians unanimously affirming the place at which that treaty was held, and where those Britains were slain, was the Town itself of Ambresbury, not where this Antiquity Stonehenge remains: again, if suspect Cambrensis authority, and allow rather what our Historiographer of Monmouth saith, That the Monument was erected by A. Ambrose, upon that plat of ground, where the slaughtered Britains lay buried; he telling us also, their burial place was in the Churchyard of the Monastery at Ambresbury (at the Monastery itself, saith Matthew Westminster) certainly then their Monument (whatsoever it was) being set up at the place, where they were both slain and buried, and (according to the aforesaid Authors) they being nor slain nor buried at Stonehenge, it must necessarily follow, this Antiquity was not erected in Honour of those Britains. unless any man will undertake to prove (which most certain it is none can) Stonehenge stands now, where Ambresbury stood of old: or that the Monastery and Churchyard thereof were not at Ambresbury, but at Stonehenge.  
Among other sepulchers found at the said Monastery, it's worthy memory, that about the beginning of this Century, one of them hewn out of a firm stone, and placed in the middle of a wall, was opened, having upon its coverture in rude letters of massy gold, R. G. A. C. 600. The bones within which Sepulchre were all firm, 
The original Inscription I could not procure; such relation thereof nevertheless as came to my hands, I have, upon credit of those persons of quality from whom received, inserted it here.  fair yellow coloured hair about the scull, a supposed piece of the liver, near upon the bigness of a walnut, very dry and hard, and together therewith, were found several royal habiliments, as jewels, veils, scarfs, and the like, retaining even till then, their proper colours. All which were afterwards, very choicely kept, in the collection of the Right honourable Edward, than Earl of Hertford: and of the aforesaid gold divers rings were made and worn by his lordship's principal Officers. Concerning which Tomb (though I list not dispute) why might it not be the Sepulchre of Queen Guinever, wife of King Arthur; especially the Letters R G. as much to say, Regina Guinevera, declaring her title and name; and the date An. Chr. 600. (if truly copied) agreeing (possibly well enough) with the time of her death? Besides, Leyland 
Leyl. de assert. Arth.  affirms, several Writers make mention, she took upon her a nun's veil at Ambresbury, died, and was buried there. To which he gives so much credit, that (what ever Giraldus Cambrensis delivers to the contrary) he will by no means allow, either her body to be afterwards translated from Ambresbury, or, at any time, buried by her husband King Arthur at Glastonbury. Unto Leylands reasons for her interment at Ambresbury, Camden (it seems) inclines also, because wholly silent of her Sepulchre, discovered anywhere else: though he at large sets down all the circumstances of her husband's body, its being found at Glastenbury. For, had Camden apprehended any thing inducing him to believe, her body had been together with his there found, he would never, certainly, have concealed it from posterity.  
Whether the aforesaid Tomb so found, were her monument, yea or no, enough concerning the slaughter and sepultures of the aforementioned Britains; as also, that Stonehenge was not erected in memory of them. Let us come now to Aurelius Ambrose, and see whether Polydore Virgil's story in relation to Stonehenge agrees with what other Authors have delivered of Aurelius. For from Polydore's authority, our modern Writers raise their second, and quite contrary opinion: 
Speed lib. 7.  namely, that the Britains erected this Antiquity for A. Ambrose his Sepulchre. 
Stow fo. 53.   
Polydore Virgil 
Polyd. Virg. lib. 3.  treating of the actions of those times betwixt the Britains and Saxons; Britanni, Duci suo Ambrosio de republica bene merito magnificum (saith he) posuerunt sepulchrum &c. The Britains in memory of his great achievements for the Commonwealth, erected a magnificent Sepulchre to their Chieftain Ambrose, made of great square stones in form of a Crown, even in that place, where fighting, he was slain, that the prowess of so great a Commander, should neither be forgotten amongst themselves, who then lived, or left unremembered to posterity. Which Monument remains even to this day, in the Diocese of Salisbury, near unto the village called Amisbery.  
This opinion of Polydore is grounded (as I conceive) upon no great likelihood. For, should the British Nobles, far inferior to A. Ambrose, in honour, and dignity, be buried in the Churchyard of a Monastery, and a Sepulchre assigned for Ambrose himself in the open fields? Should that Christian King, who had accomplished so many great achievements victoriously against the Pagans, enemies to Christ? Caused Churches to be repaired, which the Barbarism of the Saxons had destroyed? pulled down and demolished idolatrous places of the Heathen, and (as is more probable) rather, then erected by him, whilst living, to others, or by others, to his memory after dead, the very first that began to deface this Heathenish sacred structure, (for, though a Roman, yet a Christian, and zeal to true Religion, might, no doubt, cause him dispense with ruining idolatrous Temples though formerly built, and consecrated to false Gods by his seduced ancestors) should he, I say, be buried Pagan-like, in unsanctified, unhallowed ground, and others far less eminent, less conspicuous, in more noble, and sacred places? It could never be. Neither reason of State, nor fervour of piety, in those more scrupulous times, could ever admit thereof.  
Had Polydore, or any other, told us some Pagan-Saxon-Commander lay there entombed, 'twould have carried a show of much more credit, and the ancient custom of that people's burying their dead might have been produced, at least as a probable argument, to confirm the same. For the Saxons a Pagan Nation, if any of their Princes or Nobility died, in their houses at home of sickness, were buried in pleasant, and delightful gardens; if from home, and in the wars, not far from their camps, in heaps of earth cast up in the fields, which heaps they called Burrows: and the promiscuous common people in meadows and open fields. Saxones Nobiles gens Christi ignara, in hortis amoenis, si domi forte aegroti moriebantur: 
Leyl. de assert. Art.  si foris & bello occisi, in egestis per campos terrae tumulis quos Burgos appellabant, juxta castra sepulti sunt: vulgus autem promiscuum etiam in pratis & apertis campis. As Leyland, who laid a good groundwork towards the discovery of British Antiquities, delivers.  
Polydore nevertheless, had great reason to imagine A. Ambrose famed the restorer of his country (and Bulwark of War, as Camden calls him) worthy an everlasting Monument, Extat etiam nunc id monimentum in dioecesi Sarisberiensi prope pagum quam Amisberiam vocant, Which monument is yet extant in the dioecese of Salisbury (saith he) not far from Ambresbury Town: and so was the Churchyard of the Monastery too. He also tells us, Factum fuisse ad formam coronae, it was made in form of a Crown. An elegant expression (I confess) of a no less elegant work, if he meant Stonehenge; yet no argument thereby to prove A. Ambrose or buried, or slain there. For, as touching A. Ambrose his death, several Authors, of as good credit as Polydore (his integrity nevertheless I question not, others have been busy enough therein) affirm, 
G. Monm.  that Pascentius Vortigerns son, 
M. Westm.  with many rewards corrupted a certain Saxon 
Polychron.  called Eopas (Clappa, saith Caxton 
Caxton. ) who, 
Leyland.  taking upon him the habit of a Monk, under pretence of physic (A. Ambrose being then sick) gave him poison, whereof he died at Winchester. And no wonder he was so poisoned, many examples of the like kind being recorded in History. As in later times, 
Knolls in vit. Ba.  the Turkish Emperor Bajazet the second, under pretence of physic poisoned by a Jew: also Conrad third of that name Emperor of Germany, 
Ped. Mexia in vit. Con.  by an Italian: and, in times of old, under the same pretence, Pyrrhus that famous Epirot had been poisoned by his own physician, 
Plutarch in vit. Pyrr.  if C. Fabricius the Roman Consul would have inclined to such ignoble resolutions, as Pascentius after put in act against A. Ambrose in our story.  
Amongst other, who relate this disaster of A. Ambrose, Matthew Westminster 
Ma. West. fo. 94.  tells us, The said pretended Monk, tandem ad Regis praesentiam perductum, venenum ei porrexisse, &c. being at last admitted to the King's presence, administered poison unto him, which having drunk, the wicked traitor advised him to sleep, and in so doing suddenly should recover health! Nec mora, illabente per poros corporis & venas veneno, mortem pariter subsecutam esse. But, ere long, the poison being dispersed through the pores and veins of his body, death seized upon him.  
Furthermore, at Ambresbury, that is, Ambrose his Town, 
Cam. fo. 254.  (Camden tells us) certain ancient Kings, by report of the British story, lay interred. Whether A. Ambrose was one of them, or no, I argue not; yet the same Author saith, Ambrose Aurelianus gave name unto the place. And why not, he being buried there, as well, as upon the translation of the body of Edmund that most Christian King, the Town of Edmundsbury in Suffolk was so called?  
It manifestly hence appears, Stonehenge no Sepulchre, either erected by A. Ambrose, or by the British Nobility, or to any of their memories. Some Monument there was, perhaps, anciently set up in honour of them, at the Monastery of Ambresbury. Which, the fury of the Saxons when victorious, or violence of time, which destroyeth all things, utterly consuming, might happily be the reason, Historians in succeeding Ages, finding so notable an Antiquity as Stonehenge, not far from thence, and not apprehending for what use it was first built, supposed no other thing worthy A. Ambrose, or those Britains, than such an extraordinary structure. Whereas, the Monuments in those ancient times, made for great Princes here in Britain, were only two Pyramids between which interred, of no extraordinary bigness erected to their memory in what e'er Religious places those Princes lay buried. Moreover, if seriously take notice of the several sorts of sepulchers used by divers Nations, none are found bearing like Aspect with this work Stonehenge, but of other kind of Architecture, far different in Form, Manner, and Composure. Some, made of one column only; or, if otherwise, only a vase erected on the place of burial, as amongst the Athenians: Some, had a column whereon the shields used in War by the deceased, whilst living, were fixed, as in those medals of silver, which the Roman Senate dedicated to Vespasian: Some, a column with a Statue thereon; so the famous column of Trajan had a Colossus on the top thereof, as by his medals also appears. Again, the Gauls on the tops of Mountains, erected pyramids or columns, as Monuments to their Princes. The Saxons were buried (as said before) in huge heaps of earth, to this day visible among us. The Keep of the now castle S. Angelo at Rome was the Sepulchre of the Emperor Adrian. (such mighty moles were the Monuments of the Romans) The Greeks erected Altars, and instituted Sacrifices to the memory of their Chieftains, as the Spartans to Lysander: The renowned Carian Queen made the Mausoleum for her husband, a massy bulk of building, 140 foot high: The huge pyramids in Egypt causing such wonder in the world, were sepulchers of Egyptian Kings. In a word, amongst all Nations, sepulchers whether little or great, were always real and solid piles; not airous, with frequent openings, and void spaces of ground within, exposed to Sun and wind, neither uncovered like this Antiquity; or in any manner so built, as may enforce the least presumption, that this our Stoneheng was ever a Sepulchre.  
I have given you a full relation what concerning Stonehenge hath been delivered by Writers, in respect of us though ancient, yet in regard of the great antiquity of this Work, indeed but modern, Geffrey Monmouth living not full five hundred years ago, and Polydore Virgil long after him, in King Henry the eighths reign: Who, as they are the principal Authors that write any thing of Stonehenge; so, upon what authority deliver the same, they make not appear. Insomuch, Camden gives no more credit to their relations in this very particular, then unto common sayings, (so he calls them) as if grounded upon Fame only, or invented by themselves. And it may the rather be so presumed, because, as they lived not in ancient times, and consequently could not themselves bear testimony of any such things; so, neither the Britains nor Saxons for a long time after their first arrival here, had any Records or Writings to convey whatever actions, either of their own, or others to posterity. Ninnius a British Historian, living about one thousand years ago, telling us, Britannos doctores nullam peritiam habuisse, &c. The great Masters and Doctors of Britain had no skill, nor lest memorial of any thing in writing: confessing, that himself gathered whatsoever he wrote, out of the Annals and Chronicles of the holy Fathers. Nec Saxones amusi quicquam penè de rebus inter ipsos, & Britannos eo tempore gestis scriptum posteritati reliquerint, 
Leyland. de assert. Art. fol. 25.  &c. Neither did the Saxons being unlearned (saith Leyland) leave almost any thing in writing to posterity, of the actions performed in those times betwixt themselves and Britains: whatsoever, remembered after Christ taught in this Island, of the first victories of the Saxons, being both taken up upon trust from the mouth of the common people, and committed to writing from vulgar reports only. Neither the Britains, utterly worn out with so many wars, had (as the same Author hath it) or desire, or opportunity, had they desired it, to bestow their pains in compiling any whatever history, that might commend their actions to succeeding Ages.  
But, it may be objected: If Polydore Virgil, and Geffrey Monmouth could neither be eye-witnesses themselves, nor have authority from other more ancient Authors for what related by them concerning Stoneheng: and that from whatever writings ancient or modern, not any thing of certainty can be found out concerning the same; from whence then appear, for what use, or by whom Stonehenge erected? I answer, though not appear from Histories written either by the Britains or Saxons; yet, as Gildas professing he wrote his History (for the former reasons) by relations from beyond Sea: and, as Ninnius his out of the Annals and Chronicles of the holy Fathers as aforesaid: so, several other ways a possibility of truth may be gathered, namely, from the authority of other Nations; from the concurrence of time for such undertakings; from the customs of forepassed Ages in like works; from the manner and form of building proper to several Countries; from the use to which such buildings applied, and the like. Upon which, as occasion serves, intending hereafter more largely to insist, I shall in the mean while set down the judgement our late Writers give of this Antiquity.  
Camden, a diligent searcher after Antiquities of our Nation, having, in his Chorography of Wiltshire, collected all the aforesaid opinions, together with his own, gives a summary description of Stonehenge, 
Cam. fo. 251.  in words as follow. Towards the North, about six miles from Salisbury, in the plain, is to be seen a huge and monstrous piece of work, such as Cicero termeth insanam substructionem. For, within the circuit of a ditch, there are erected in manner of a Crown, in three ranks or courses one within another, certain mighty and unwrought stones, whereof some are twenty eight foot high, & seven foot broad, upon the heads of which others, like overthwart pieces, do bear and rest crosswise, with a small tenon and mortaise, so as the whole frame seemeth to hang; whereof we call it Stonehenge, like as our old Historians termed it for the greatness the Giants dance. Our countrymen reckon this for one of our wonders, and miracles. And much they marvel, from whence such huge stones were brought, considering that in all those quarters bordering thereupon, there is hardly to be found any common stone at all for building: as also, by what means they were set up. For mine own part about these points I am not curiously to argue and dispute, but rather to lament with much grief, that the Authors of so notable a Monument are thus buried in oblivion. Yet some there are, that think them to be no natural stones hewn out of the rock, but artificially made of pure sand, and by some glewy and unctuous matter knit and incorporate together, like as those ancient trophies or monuments of victory which I have seen in Yorkshire. And what marvel? Read we not I pray you in Pliny, that the sand or dust of Puteoli, being covered over with water, becometh forthwith a very stone, that the cisterns in Rome of sand, digged out of the ground, and the strongest kind of lime wrought together grow so hard, that they seem stones indeed? and that statues and images of marble scalings, and small grit grow together so compact and firm, that they were deemed entire and solid marble? The common saying is, that Ambrose Aurelianus, or his brother Uther did rear them up, by the art of Merlin, &c. Thus far Camden, it being needless to repeat more from him, having already delivered the story from the Authors themselves. Yet here nevertheless, as necessarily induced thereunto, I shall take leave to observe something more remarkable to our purpose in hand, upon his words.  
A. Stones fallen down— B. Part of the outward circle— C the highest Stones the inner part about 23 feet high each.  
In the first place then, Stonehenge is by him called a huge and monstrous piece of work, terming it from Cicero, insanam substructionem. To which I say, had Camden as well attained other abilities of an Architect, as he was skilful in Antiquities: or been as conversant in Antiquities abroad, as learned in those of his own Nation, he would have given a far different judgement hereof. For, whosoever is acquainted with the ancient ruins yet remaining in and about Italy, may easily perceive this no such huge building, either for the circuit of the work, or bigness of the stones, they being as manageable to the Roman Architects, as amongst us to raise a maypole, or mast of a Ship. And, if this styled huge and monstrous, what may be said of Diocletians baths? the great Cirque? Marcellus his theatre? Vespasians Temple of Peace? and other prodigious works of the Romans? the very remainders whereof now lying in the dust, breed amazement and wonder (not without just reason too) in whosoever beholds them with attentiveness and judgement. Nay, whereas he styles it insanam substructionem, it's demonstrable, that betwixt this Island of great Britain, and Rome itself, there's no one structure to be seen, wherein more clearly shines those harmoniacall proportions, of which only the best times could vaunt, then in this of Stonehenge.  
Moreover, Our countrymen marvel (saith he) from whence such huge stones were brought, considering that in all those quarters bordering thereupon, there is hardly to be found any common stone for building. Upon what trust Camden (his extraordinary judgement otherwise considered) took this relation, I know not. For, there is not only common stone thereabouts, for ordinary uses, but stone of extraordinary proportions likewise, even for greater works (if occasion were) then Stonehenge: the Quarries of Hasselborough and Chilmark, both of them not far from the borders of the plain, having of a long time furnished all the adjacent parts with common stone for building. And (to come nearer the matter) it is manifest, that in divers places about the Plain, the same kind of Stone whereof this Antiquity consists may be found, especially about Aibury in North-Wiltshire, not many miles distant from it, where not only are Quarries of the like stone, but also stones of far greater dimensions than any at Stonehenge, may be had.  
They wonder also (saith he) by what means they (that, is such huge stones) were set up. What may be effected by that mechanical Art, which Dee in his mathematical Preface to Euclyde, calls Menadry, or Art of ordering Engines for raising weights; those (it seems) of whom Camden speaks took little notice of, when Archimedes during the siege of Syracuse, 
Plut. in Marcel.  raised out of the Sea, and turned in the air at pleasure, the Ships and galleys of the Romans, full fraught as they were with soldiers, Mariners, and their ordinary lading: and if King Hieron could have assigned him, a fit place to firm his engines on, he would have undertaken to remove, even the terrestrial Globe out of the world's centre, so high, perfection in this Art transported him. What should I say of the Obelisk in Ages so far past, brought from the Mountains of Armenia, and erected in Babylon by Semiramis, one hundred & fifty foot high, and at the base twenty four foot square of one entire stone? 
Herod. lib. 2.  Est in fano Latonae (saith Herodotus of his own knowledge) delubrum ex uno factum lapide, cujus parietes aequali celsitudine ad longitudinem quadragenum cubitorum. cujus lacunari, pro tecto impositus est alias lapis quatuor cubitorum per oras crassitudine. In the Temple of Latona (in Egypt) is a chapel framed of one stone, whose walls being of equal height, are in length forty cubits, covered in like manner with one sole stone four cubits thick. Those, which made this wonder would have much more admired, if they could have seen the Obelisk raised in times of old by King Ramesis at Heliopolis, 
Ptol. lib. 4. Plin. lib. 36.  in that part of Egypt anciently called Thebais, in height one hundred twenty one Geometrical feet (which of our measure makes one hundred thirty six feet) of one entire stone: and so little wonder made they of raising it, that the Architect undertook and did effect it, the Kings own son being at the same time bound to the top thereof. Amongst the Romans, Augustus Caesar erected in the great Cirque at Rome, an Obelisk of one stone, one hundred and twenty foot, nine inches long: another also, was set up in Mars field, nine foot higher than it, by the said Emperor. And it seems also, neither they, nor Camden's self had ever seen that Obelisk, which even in these our days, in the year one thousand five hundred eighty six, Sixtus Quintus caused to be erected in the Piazza of S. Peter at Rome, 
Dom. Font. lib. 1.  one hundred and eight Roman palms high, and at the base twelve palms square, (according to our assize, fourscore and one foot high, and nine foot square) of one entire stone also: Dominico Fontana being Architect. But, there are more strange things (as Sir Walter Raleigh hath it) in the world, then betwixt London and Stanes. It is want of knowledge in Arts makes such admirers, and Art itself have so many Enemies. Had I not been thought worthy (by him who then commanded) to have been sole Architect thereof, I would have made some mention of the great stones used in the work, and Portico at the West end of S Paul's Church London, but I forbear; though in greatness they were equal to most in this Antiquity, and raised to a far greater height than any there. What manner of Engines the Ancients used for raising; and what secure ways they had, for carriage and transportation of their huge weights, is more proper for another subject.  
Some there are (saith Camden) that think them to be no natural stones, hewn out of the rock, but artificially made of pure sand, and by some glewy and unctuous matter, knit and incorporate together, like those ancient trophies, or monuments of victory, which I have seen in Yorkshire. As for these Monuments (for my part) I have not seen, otherwise I would give my sense upon them, and happily they may be found as far from being artificial, as those at Stonehenge. And what marvel? (saith he) read we not, I pray you, in Pliny, that the sand or dust of Puteoli, being covered over with water, becometh forthwith a very stone &c. He might as well have told us the Rocks in Portland are artificial. But it's true, this sand of Puteoli, was much used by the Ancients, and it is such a kind of earth, as is very famous for its admirable effects in building, being tempered with the cement of Cuma; For, it not only yields strength to all other buildings, but thereby also, all works made in the Sea under water, are most firmly consolidated. Yet, do I not find, that ever the Ancients made any artificial stones thereof, or that Vitruvius hath any thing to that purpose, to him the credit given to Pliny, and others, concerning the Earth of Puteoli, being only due; posterity being in the first place beholding unto him for finding out the nature of that earth, he giving us not only the effects thereof, but the cause also from whence those effects proceed. Hoc autem fieri hac ratione videtur, quòd sub his montibus (i.e. in regionibus Baianis, 
Vitr. lib. 2. cap. 6.  & in agris, quae sunt circa Vesuvium montem) & terrae ferventes sunt, & fontes crebri, qui nen essent, si non in imo haberent, aut de sulphur, aut alumine, aut bitumine ardentes maximos ignes. Which is (saith he) by reason in those mountains (to wit, in the regions of Baiae, and fields about mount Vesuvius) the grounds are hot, and full of springs, which heat could not be, but that from the bottom, are nourished mighty great fires, arising from sulphur, alum, or brimstone there. Indeed, according to Pliny, the sand upon the side of the hill of Puteoli, being opposed to the Sea, and continually drenched, and drowned with the water thereof, doth (by the restringent quality, no doubt, of the salt water) become a stone so compact, and united together, that scorning all the violence of the surging billows, it hardeneth every day more and more.  
Nevertheless, whosoever could find out any kind of earth in this Island, naturally apt, to make artificial stones of such greatness as these; and, like them so obdurate also, that hardly any tool enter them: or, that our ancestors in times of old, did make use of such a cement, and in what manner composed by them. The benefit thereof doubtless, would amount so ample to this Nation, that Records could not but render him deservedly famous to all posterity. In the mean while, as it is most certain those stones at Stonehenge are natural; so, am I as clearly of opinion, the very Quarries from whence hewn, were about Aibury before mentioned: where, no small quantities of the same kind, are even at this day to be had; vast scantlings, not only appearing about the Town itself, but throughout the plain and fields adjoining, the Quarries lying bare, numbers also numberless of stones, are generally seen. (being no small prejudice to the bordering inhabitants) As also, not far from the edge of Wiltshire, in the ascent from Lamborn to Whitehorse hill, the like stones are daily discovered. To mention, more places in particular is needless, the Quarries at and about Aibury (without relating to Lamborn, or what ever other) distant but fifteen miles or thereabouts from Stonehenge, being of themselves sufficient to clear the doubt. These, having through long time, got the very same crustation upon them, are in like manner coloured, grained, bedded, weighty, and of like difficulty in working, as those at Stonehenge. Some of which, being of a whitish colour, are intermixed and veined here and there with red: some, of a lightish blue, glister, as if mineral amongst them: some, for the most part white, perplexed (as it were) with a ruddy colour: some, dark grey and russet, differing in kinds as those stones at Aibury do. Some of them again, of a grayish colour, are speckled or intermixed with dark green, and white, together with yellow amongst it, resembling after a sort, that kind of marble which the Italians (from the valley where the Quarries are found) call Pozzevera; nothing, notwithstanding, so beautiful, though naturally much harder, and being weathered by time, as in this work; disdain the touch even of the best tempered tool. Insomuch, that if nothing else, the more than ordinary hardness of them is such, as will in part convince any indifferent judgement in the nature and quality of stones; those, in this Antiquity, are not (as Camden would have them) artificial, but natural.  
Whatsoever, worthy admiration concerning Stonehenge, either in relation to the greatness of the work in general, the extraordinary proportion of the stones in particular, the wonder the people make, from whence brought, by what Arts or Engines raised, and in such order placed, Camden delivers: certainly, in his judgement he was wholly opposite to the opinions of the aforesaid British Historians. He would never else, with so much regret have complained, The Authors of so notable a Monument lay buried in oblivion, had he given any the least credit, this Antiquity had been built, either by A. Ambrose, or the British Nobility, or to eternize either of their names, or actions to succeeding generations. Let Geffrey Monmouth and his followers, say what they please, Henry Huntingdon (his Contemporary, if not more Ancient) is mine Author, 
H. Hunting. lib. 1.  Nec potest aliquis excogitare, qua arte tanti lapides adeo in altum elevati sunt, vel quare ibi constructi sunt. No man knows (saith Huntingdon) for what cause Stonehenge erected, or (which is fully answered already) by what Art such huge stones were raised to so great a height. Take with you also Draytons' judgement in his Poly-olbion couched under the fiction of old Wansdikes depraving Stoneheng. (Wansdike being a huge Ditch in Wiltshire so called, 
Cam. fo. 241.  anciently, as Camden opines, dividing the two kingdoms of the Mertians and West Saxons asunder) 
Whom for a paltry ditch, 
Poly-olbion Cant. 3.  when Stonendge pleased t'upbraid,  
The old man taking heart, thus to that Trophy said;  
Dull heap, that thus thy head above the rest dost rear,  
Precisely yet not know'st who first did place thee there;  
But traitor basely turned to Merlin's skill dost fly,  
And with his magics dost thy maker's truth belie.  For, as for that ridiculous Fable, of Merlin's transporting the stones out of Ireland by magic, it's an idle conceit. As also, that old wife's tale, that for the greatness it was in elder times called the Giants dance. The name of the dance of Giants by which it is styled in Monmouth, hath nothing allusive, no not so much as to the tale he tells us, saith a modern Writer in the life of Nero Caesar.  
Furthermore, 
Speed lib. 7. Stow fo. 58. in 4o.  our modern Historians Stow and Speed, tell us, in several parts of the Plain adjoining, have been by digging found, pieces of ancient fashioned armour, and the bones of men, insinuating this as an argument, for upholding the opinions of the British Writers. To which, if they would have those to be the bones of the slanghtered Britains, how came those Armours to be found with them, they coming to the Treaty unarmed, and without weapons? Howsoever, what is done in the Plains abroad, concerns not Stonehenge, Neither can any man think it strange, that in a place, where Fame hath rendered, so many memorable and fierce battles, fought in times of old, rusty armour, and men's bones should be digged up. It is usual throughout the world in all such places, and (if I mistake not) Sands in his Travels, relates, that even in the Plains of Pharsalia, such like bones and Armour, have lately been discovered: and Sir Henry Blunt in that notable relation of his voyage into the Levant, speaks with much judgement of those Pharsalian fields. 
Cam. fo. 194. Speed lib. 7.  Likewise, the aforesaid Writers, might well have remembered, some of themselves deliver, that at Kambulan, or Cambula in Cornwall, such habiliments of War have been digged up, in tillage of the ground, witnessing either the fatal field, sometimes there fought, where Mordred was slain by Arthur, and Arthur himself received his death's wound: or else, the relics of that battle betwixt the Britains and Saxons, in the year eight hundred and twenty. 'Tis true, the relation conduces much towards confirming, that ancient custom of the Saxons, formerly recited out of Leyland; considering especially, not far from this Antiquity, lie certain hillocks, at this day commonly called the seven Burrows, where it may be presumed, some Princes, or Nobles of the Saxon Nation lie interred. But, that Stonehenge should therefore be a place of burial, the aforesaid relation to maintain the same is nothing worth.  
They add moreover, the stones yet remaining are not to be numbered, according as our Noble Sidney in his Sonnet of the wonders of England.  
Near Wilton sweet, huge heaps of stone are found,  
But so confused, that neither any eye  
Can count them just, nor reason reason try,  
What force brought them to so unlikely ground.  
This, though it scarcely merits an answer, yet, to satisfy those which in this point may be curious, let them but observe the orders of the Circles, as they now appear, and not pass from one to another confusedly (noting nevertheless where they begin) and they'll find the just number easy to be taken.  
Now, though whether in order to the Place itself where this Antiquity stands, or Persons, by whom Stonehenge pretended to be built, enough said, to wave the reports upon fancy, or common Fame, formerly delivered: to the state of Time nevertheless, wherein the British Histories would have it erected, because nothing by me hath yet been spoken, I will therefore add, 'tis not probable such a work as Stonehenge could be then built. For, although our Britains, in ancient time possessed, together with the Roman civility, all good Arts, it is evident during the reign of A. Ambrose (about the first coming in of the Saxons here, and towards the later end of the fifth Century, as Historians and Chronologists compute it) in the last declining of the Roman Empire, the Arts of Design, of which Architecture chief, were utterly lost even in Rome itself, much more in Britain, being then but a Tempest-beaten Province, and utterly abandoned by the Romans. Britain, therefore, being overrun with enemies, and the knowledge of Arts then lost amongst them: none, questionless, can reasonably apprehend so notable a work as Stonehenge could in such times be built.  
Stone hinge Wiltshire  
With us here also, the Saxons domineered over all, and A. Ambrose with the Britains had enough to do, in endeavouring the recovery of their lost country from a mighty prevailing Enemy, that in few years afterwards (maugre all the ways which force or policy could invent) conquered the whole Nation. Among other calamities attending that miserable Age, Camden (from William of Malmsbury) directly to the purpose in hand tells us. 
W. Malmes. fol. 8. Camden fo. 87.  Cum Tyranni nullum in agris praeter semibarbaros, nullum in urbibus praeter ventri deditos reliquissent: Britannia omni patrocinio juvenilis vigoris viduata, omni Artium exercitio exinanita, conterminarum gentium inhiationi diu obnoxia fuit. When the Tyrants (to wit, the Romans) had left none in the country but half Barbarians, none in the Cities and Towns, but such as wholly gave themselves to belly-cheer; Britain, destitute of all protection, by her vigorous young men, bereaved of all exercise, and practice of good Arts, became exposed for a long time to the greedy, and gaping jaws of Nations confining upon her.  
Here you have it from an Author, more ancient than G. Monmouth a little, though both lived in one age, the times about A. Ambrose government, whether before, during his reign, or after, were so full of miseries, that he complains, none then employed, or exercised in any whatever works belonging to Art. They had something else (as appears by divers Writers) to think upon, all their abilities being insufficient to defend their country from foreign servitude, their Cities and Towns from ruin, and destruction, and their habitations from rage of cruel and insolent enemies, robbing, 
Gildas.  spoiling, burning, wasting, all before them: to which, plague, perstilence, and famine being joined, the inland part of the Island, even to the Western Ocean was welnear totally consumed.  
Besides, the country was so oppressed, what with outward hostile miseries, what with intestine tumults and troubles: that, had they not lost the practice of all Arts (as the former Historian saith they had) so far were they from erecting any work of this kind, that they were compelled to abandon their Towns, and houses, built in times foregoing by their ancestors, and betake themselves to mountains, caves, and woods for shelter. Now, if the calamities of those times hung over the Britains heads, in so general manner, that not one amongst them had leisure to put pen to paper, (as from Leyland before remembered) much less able were they, without all peradventure, to undertake so great a work as Stonehenge, wherein, as all rational men must grant, numbers of men employed, and many years taken up, before brought to its absolute perfection.  
But, nothing can better express the ignorance of that Age, than the barbarous manner of inscription upon the Tomb of the British Hector King Arthur, nephew to A. Ambrose, found long since in the Churchyard of the Abbey at Glastenbury, the letters whereof, being exactly represented to our view by Camden, 
Cam. fo. 228.  do, as by demonstration, fully discover to us the Barbarism of those times. As, barbarous in those characters, so were they ignorant in, and had lost the use of all other Arts. Nor exercise nor practice of good Arts, was then amongst them, saith the Historiographer of Malmsbury. And well he might so deliver himself, notwithstanding Matthew Westminster tells us, A. Ambrose repaired Churches, which the rage of Saxons, enemies to Christian Religion, spoiled. For, besides, the vast difference betwixt such works as Stonehenge, where Art overmasters the common skill of man, and making up the decays of ruinated buildings, is apprehensive even to the meanest capacities: Gildas and Bede (whose Antiquity and learning the greater it is, the more is their authority acceptable) affirm, the Britains in those times knew not in what manner to bring up bare walls of stone. When, the Roman Legion sent to aid the Britains by Valentinian the third, under the conduct of Gallio of Ravenna, was remanded hence, for defence of France; before departing, they exhorted the Britains to make a wall overthwart the Island, to secure themselves from the Barbarians, Picts, and Scots: which wall, Bede tells us, was made not so much with stone, as turfs, considering they had no workmen to bring up such works of stone; and so, (saith the venerable Historian) they did set up one, good for nothing. 'Twas made by the rude, and unskilful common multitude, not so much of stone, as turfs (saith Gildas also) none being found able to give direction for building works of stone. This was about thirty six years preceding A. Ambrose government. In which time, the Romans abandoning Britain, Vortigern usurped; called in the Saxons to his aid; was deposed by his Nobility; and Vortimer his son set up. Whom Rowena having made away; Vortigern was reinthronised. Him A. Ambrose invades, and having burnt him, together with Rowena in Wales, assumes the Crown as his; holding continual war with the Saxons, until poisoned by Pascentius as aforesaid.  
It being thus, that nothing but universal confusion, and destructive broils of war, appeared then in all parts; more ancient, and far more propitious times, must be sought out for designing a structure, so exquisite in the composure as this: even such a flourishing Age, as when Architecture in rare perfection, and such People looked upon, as by continual success, attaining unto the sole power over Arts, as well as Empires, commanded all. I say, such Times, and Persons, because those things, which accord not with the course of time, which by a general consent of Authors agree not; which by the approved customs of ancient Ages, and votes of learned men, are not received and allowed, and consequently no ways probable; I easily admit not of.  
Another fiction there is concerning Stoneheng, not to be past over; and though the cause upon which it's grounded, be far more ancient than the government of Ambrose, or aforesaid slaughter of the Britains: nevertheless, in respect it is a new conceit, not thirty years being past since hatched, I suppose this the most proper place to discourse thereof, having ended with Geffrey Monmouth, Polydore Virgil, and their followers.  
The Author thereof is Anonymus, unless known in being Translator of Lucius Florus. His opinion, (in his Nero Caesar) Stonehenge the Tomb of Boadicia (formerly remembered) Queen of the Iceni. 
Ner. Caes. fo. 181.  His reason, first, because that memorable battle betwixt her, and Suetonius Paulinus fought upon a Plain. Secondly, in respect the Britains buried her magnificently. For confirming this, he tells us, Had the precious volumes of the Cornelian Annals, and Dio Cassius, and John Xiphiline been within the sphere of Geffrey Monmouth's studies, not Aurelius Ambrose, nor those four hundred and sixty Noblemen of Britain, murdered in Vortigern's reign, should have carried away with him the fame of this material wonder, but magnanimous Boadicia. It seems, he would not be behind-hand with Monmouth; for, as the one finding no story more famous than of A. Ambrose and the slaughtered Britains, fathered Stonehenge upon them: so, to make the inventive faculty, as apparently predominant in himself; this other, respecting Boadicia's heroical actions, would as willingly make the world believe this Antiquity her Monument.  
His principal argument I delivered before; to wit, the battle betwixt Her and the Romans, wherein Boadicia utterly overthrown too, being fought upon a Plain. Was there in old time (did he think) no Plain in Britain to fight a battle on but Salisbury Plain? How came Boadicia and her Army thither? I find indeed, Boadicia leading one hundred and twenty thousand fighting men out of the Iconian Countries, and like a terrible tempest, falling upon Camalodunum, that famous Roman Colony of old, (where the first fury of the War was felt) she surprised it and razed it to the ground; Suetonius Paulinus then in Anglesey: Intercepting Petilius Cerealis, who advanced with the ninth legion to relieve that Colony, she cut all his Infantry in pieces: Putting to the sword all those, which imbecility of sex, tediousness of age, or pleasure of the place detained from following Suetonius in his march from London: And taking Verulamium, sacked and burnt it down to ashes. But, how she Marched from thence to Salisbury Plain is neither apparent nor probable; not the least inkling being left in the world, what hostile acts she committed, which way she moved, or what done by her, after the ruin of Verulam, till utterly overthrown.  
Can it be imagined, she that destroyed so great a Colony, together with a free-borough of the Romans, slaid seventy or eighty thousand persons in such horrid manner as scarce credible; reserving not one Prisoner alive, but killing, hanging, crucifying, and burning whatsoever Roman, or to that party inclined: that was yet victorious, and her Army increasing daily; can it be imagined, I say, she Marched to Salisbury Plain with so huge an Army invisibly? or stole from Verulam thither by night, lest notice should be taken of her proceedings? Anonymus self cannot think so unworthily of his Boadicia, yet certainly after such manner she went, if ever went thither at all: Otherwise, Boadicia marching in the height of glory, and bearing down all before her till rancountred by Suetonius. Those faithful Historians Tacitus, and Dion, (both so sedulous in delivering her Fame to posterity) would never have omitted so notable a march, through such a large tract of enemy's country, as of necessity she was to make from Verulam, to Salisbury Plain; but would have prosecuted her War, by recording the spoils, rapines, burnings, and devastations made therein; as particularly, as from the first fomenting the rebellion, till her advance to Verulam, they have done. Upon which Town, and the aforementioned places only, the aforesaid Historians directly tell us the whole burden of the War fell. 
Tacit. Ann. lib. 14.  Ad Septuaginta millia civium & sociorum iis quae memoravi locis occidisse constitit, saith Tacitus. It was manifest, there were slain in the places, I have remembered, the number of seventy thousand Citizens and Allies. 
Dion. Cas. lib. 62.  Bunduica duas urbes (saith Xiphilines' Dion also) populi Romani expugnavit atque diripuit, in iísque caedem infinitam, ut supradixi, fecit. Bunduica took and razed to the ground two Towns of the Romans, and in them made that infinite slaughter, I have mentioned before, of fourscore thousand persons. At Verulam then, it fully appears, the course of her Victories stopped, the inhuman butchery of the Romans, and their confederates, ended with the massacre in that Town; which could not possibly have happened, if with such a firm resolution to extirpate the Roman name in Britain, and such a numerous Army to effect it, she had gone on victoriously unfought with, so far as where this Antiquity stands. And therefore the Plain of Salisbury could not be the place of battle, as Anonymus would fain enforce it. Who having so largely, and with so good advice, discoursed the motions, and actions of this rebellion, with all the circumstances thereof, from the first rise, till she destroyed Verulam, should either have found some warrantable authority for Boadicia's so great an undertaking afterwards, else never engaged her so far within the Roman Province; otherwise, some may imagine, he framed it, only out of ambition for a mere pretence, rather, then stated it, from a real endeavour, to make discovery for what cause Stonehenge at first erected.  
Furthermore, Suetonius Paulinus was too well skilled in the discipline of war, to make the seat thereof in a country so absolutely Roman, as betwixt the British Ocean and the River Thames. He had it's true (being returned from Anglesey) abandoned London, no colony. But upon what result? finding his access of strength disproportionable to the War in hand, 
Tacit. Ann. lib. 14.  and therefore determined with the loss of one Town to preserve the rest whole, (whether London or Camalodunum is not to the purpose) and, by attending the motions of the enemy, wait all fair occasions to give Boadicia battle, 
Dion. Cass. lib. 62.  being unwilling to try his fortune too suddenly, multitude and success making the Britains outrageously daring. In the interim nevertheless, raising what forces, the exigency of so important affairs would permit.  
Which way Suetonius marched from London is altogether omitted, yet if lawful to conjecture, why not? to draw off the Forces of Catus Decianus Procurator, (not long before fled into Gaul, for fear of this War) together with the remains of Petilius Cerealis troops; 
Ner. Caes. fo. 105.  quartered, as Anonymus confesseth, in those very camps yet appearing about Gildsbrough and Daintry in Northamptonshire, then, confining the Icenian Dominion to the Westward. Which Troops therefore, lay doubtless, in very great danger if not timely relieved; especially in case Boadicia should conduct her Army that way; as, ere long afterwards she did so far as Verulam; this course being taken by her, not improbably, in pursuit of Suetonius. Neither was it very dangerous for the Roman general to lead his Forces that way, the Enemies main strength lying about Camalodunum. Howsoever, whether he marched up to them or no, concluded it is, he made his retreat towards Poenius Posthumus encamped with the second Legion in the borders of the Silure, (now Herefordshire, Radnorshire &c.) for which Legion, Suetonius sending to have it brought up to his Rendezvouz, his commands being slighted, 
Ner. Caes. fo. 154.  that strength failed him. The way which Suetonius took, after his departure, was in mine opinion (saith Anonymus) towards Severn, where Poenius Posthumus encamped with the second Legion among the Silure. So also Spencer our famous English Poet finds it. Whereby it appears, Suetonius retreat was not Westward to Salisbury Plains, but Northerly towards that second Legion. In this retreat, I may not omit, Anonymus conducts him over the Thames at London; 
Ner. Caes. fo. 155.  which if granted, and, that he kept the river upon his right hand still, until engaging Boadicia, as Anonymus saith he did: then was Suetonius march far away indeed from Salisbury Plain. The course of that River winding, as we all know, through Berkshire out of Oxfordshire, where Tame from the County Buckingham, and Isis from the edge of Gloucester Province, make their conjunction a little beneath Dorchester. And, if keeping this course still by the river's side, Suetonius Marched alongst the banks of Cherwell also, then must Anonymus, whether he will or no, bring him up close to Gildsbrough and Daintry, 
Ner. Caes. fo. 166.  as aforesaid; and thereby (for it is admitted Cerealis horse-troops were at the fight) reconciling all opinions, upon his direct way towards the second Legion.  
How far on, nevertheless, toward Poenius Posthumus Camp Suetonius advanced is uncertain; but, that the battle might be fought in some Plain about Verulam, or upon that road, is not altogether improbable (Especially considering part of Suetonius strength consisted of Londoners, who, as Auxiliaries followed him in this War, and would not stay behind) For, the Roman general when marshalling his Army for fight, had with him (saith Tacitus) the aids of the places adjoining. What places were these? the last place named by him was Verulam, the next place before it London; and, if the Historian intends either of these two, by the places adjoining to the field, where the battle fought: then may Anonymus prove the deserts in Africa, as soon as the Plains of Salisbury, to be the place of battle.  
Spencer saith, 
Cant. 10.  the battle was fought near Severn: 
Which seeing stout Bunduca up arose,  
And taking arms, the Britons to her drew;  
With whom she marched straight against her foes,  
And them unwares besides the Severne did enclose.   
Concerning Boadicia's magnificent obsequies; a mighty Prince may be buried with great solemnity, yet no material Monument dedicated to his memory. Examples of this kind are so frequent, there needs no mention of them. Humaverunt magnificè, 
Dion. Cass. lib. 62.  (they are dion words) the Britains laid her into the earth magnificently, with as much pomp, happily, and honour, attending her to the grave, as their barbarous customs for their glorious Chieftain would admit; but, that they raised any Monument, or erected whatsoever kind of Sepulchre for her, much less so notable a structure as Stonehenge, he nowhere tells us. Which had the Britains done, the Historian could not avoid, taking more knowledge thereof, then of her bare enterment, and would undoubtedly have recorded it. Again, grant Salisbury Plain the place of battle, yet, Dion saith not, they buried her magnificently where the battle fought, only, Humaverunt magnificè: adding withal, those, that escaped the field, prepared to reinforce themselves for a new trial, in the mean while a disease seizing on Bunduica, she died. Now then, after so terrible an overthrow, wherein 'tis reported she lost fourscore thousand Britains; Boadicia, in all likelihood, endeavoured to recover the Icenian countries, her principal strength; having in her speech before the battle insinuated the fenny parts thereof, as a refuge if the worst should happen. In what countries else could they recruit? where falling sick she died, (whether by violent or natural death is not material) and as ever observed among all Nations, was, no doubt, buried in her own territories, among the graves of her renowned Ancestors.  
That the Britains, until Julius Agricolas time, 
Ner. Caes. fo. 117.  had learned nothing (as Anonymus takes special notice) but to fight, and were no handicrafts-men, whereby they might be capable of erecting such works as Stonehenge, being already fully proved from Tacitus, I will add, the ringleaders or heads of commotions against Empires and Commonwealths were anciently, (in many countries at this day) not only themselves punishable by the Laws with death, but their whole families and kindred though guiltless, suffered in like manner; their very houses also, being razed to the ground, left any knowledge of such pernicious undertakings should remain visible to posterity: and a capital crime it was, in whomsoever that restored them. How comes it then, Boadicia the principal promoter, 
Sueton. in Ner.  and Head of an insurrection so fatal, as accounted by Suetonius Tranquillus, among the infortunate losses of the Roman Empire, 
Dion. Cas. lib. 62.  and the more ignominious by a woman's conduct, should be permitted by the conquering Romans, a monument to eternize her fame to succeeding Ages? Boadicia, that ripped up the bellies of the Roman Legionaries, and cutting out their bowels impaled their bodies upon burning stakes; that hanged up the most noble and honourable Roman Dames naked, and slicing off their paps, sowed them to their mouths, as in act of eating them; that in scalding water boiled the Roman infants, and young children to death; their Parents, Husbands, and Commanders unable to relieve them, but enforced to give way, and happy in so saving themselves from the cruel inhumanities of the conqueress. We fought for to live, saith Tacitus. Yet, when e'er long afterwards, victoriously recovering Britain to Caesar, by so memorable a battle as compared to their victories of old, should the Romans suffer the enthralled Britains to erect a Trophy to her memory, whose purpose was absolutely to root out all that was Roman here? what greater infamy to the Roman name, except the permission of it? They, who rased and broke in pieces whatever titles and inscriptions, bearing the names of their Caesars; pulled down and demolished the royal Ensigns, Trophies, Statues, Temples, or whatever else sacred, to their own Emperors, when actively administering to the prejudice of the Roman State; would they permit any public monuments be erected to the memory of a conquered Prince, of an Enemy so barbarously cruel as Boadicia? That she lives in History, they could not prevent; so live their worst of Emperors. Moreover, public Monuments were in all ages set up in honour of the Vanquishers, not vanquished; respecting which, Anonymus should also, either have made Boadicia victress, or never supposed Stonehenge her Sepulchre.  
The time assigned by Anonymus, 
Ner. Caes. fo. 182.  for erecting these orderly irregular, and formless uniform heaps of massive marble, (as he calls them) to the everlasting remembrance of Boadicia, is much above fifteen hundred years since: Petronius Turpilianus succeeding Suetonius Paulinus in the lieutenancy of Britain; who by his idle and lazy life, making the world believe there was peace here: Anonymus will have it a proper time, for permitting such an office to the Britains, in Boadicia's honour. Times of peace, 'tis confessed, when Arts flourish under nobly minded governors, are chiefly proper for erecting magnificent buildings. The Government under Petronius was guilty of none of these. As for the State of Britain in general, Tacitus in the life of Agricola tells us, Petronius had composed the former troubles; but in what sort, the fourteenth book of his Annals declares; non irritato hoste, neque lacessitus, neither the Enemy, incensed him; nor he, provoked the Enemy: otherwise Petronius durst not do. And, if peace settled, why doth the Historian call them Enemies? Concerning his own person in particular, Petronius gave himself over to an unprofitable life, disguising it under the honourable name of peace, Honestum pacis nomen segni otio imposuit, saith Tacitus. And, the Britains (as said before) were not then civilised, nor friends to such Arts as either nourish or are nourished by peace, therefore such a work of wonder as this Antiquity famed, not to be expected from them. For, as through the malignities of the Age, wherein Aurelius Ambrose lived, the Britains had utterly lost the practice of all those Sciences, in times foregoing, learned by their ancestors from the Romans: so, through the neglect of civil policy in the preceding Roman governors, in this lieutenancy of Petronius, the Britains had not attained the knowledge of any those Arts, not many years afterwards, taught their posterity by the Romans. Whose imperial Eagles took not wing in Britain with such lofty speed, as over other countries; 
Tacit. Ann. lib. 14.  The Britains being a fierce Nation, slowly giving ear to any peace, the Romans had work enough in subduing them. Julius Caesar rather showed the Island to his successors, then left them possession of it: Augustus and Tiberius held it policy to neglect it: Caligula intending to invade Britain, was diverted by his Wars in Germany: Claudius first prosecuting the conquest with effect, established the colony at Camalodunum, and his lieutenants Aulus Plautius, Flavius Vespasianus. Ostorius Scapula, and Didius Gallus by little and little, after much contest, and various success, subdued certain Countries; and reducing the nearest part of the Island to the form of a Province, built also, or rather cast up some few fortifications further within the land: Nero's Generals had much to do in keeping, what their predecessors gained; Suetonius Paulinus (under him) struck that fortunate battle with Boadicia, else the Romans beaten out of all. So that, in the time of Petronius, the Romans having obtained no such assured dominion over the Britains, as might make them, themselves confident to undertake great and stately buildings here, for their own either public, or private accommodations; (the ruin of Camalodunum being too fresh in memory) occasion was not offered, nor the time yet come, to let the Britains know by what Arts all civil Nations of the world, did erect their excessive, rather than not magnificent structures, for eternising their names to succeeding generations. And therefore, the lieutenancy of Petronius Turpilianus, not proper for building this stony marvel, as Anonymus suspects. For, beside what's delivered, whensoever Stonehenge built, the preparation only of materials for the work, and bringing them to the place, what Engines or Arts soever used, necessarily, spent more time, than Petronius consumed in the whole continuance of his government here. What tumults succeeded him, let others declare.  
Furthermore, if those times of Petronius would not, yet (saith Anonymus) other ensuing seasons might permit such an office to the Britains, her name for ever glorious among them. The heinousness of her Rebellion, horridness of her cruelties, and inveterate hatred Boadicia bore to the Romans, whereby her name for ever infamous among them, clearly manifest all other ensuing seasons, equally improper for those ancient inhabitants of this Island, to erect Stonehenge. If the Britains, once attaining the Roman manner of Architecture, in any succeeding times had expelled the Romans, and been triumphant; some probable reason, at least, Anonymus might have alleged, towards advancing his opinion. But Boadicia and her Complices overthrown, the Roman Power in this Island increasing daily, and the liberty of the Britains as fast declining, no following season could be opportunely favourable, for undertaking such a work by them; the erecting whereof, yea the sole endeavouring to commemorate by such public means, so mortal an enemy to the Romans as Boadicia: nothing but the dearest lives of the bold attempters, could, certainly, expiate. The Temple upon Mount Coelius at Rome, 
Suet. in Vespas.  begun to Claudius sacred memory by Agrippina, was destroyed to the very foundations by Nero. If then, insulting Agrippina might not erect a memorable structure, to the glory of her deceased Caesar; whom the Senate and People of Rome, in all solemn manner deified: What oppressed Britan, durst undertake the raising a public Monument to the honour of vanquished Boadicia, whom the State (in all reason) for ever declared enemy to the Roman Empire? And though, after a long succession of years, the Romans abandoned this Island, yet, when departed, the Britains were left in such deplorable condition, (at large declared before) that, albeit her name never so glorious among them, they had much more to do, in saving their own miserable lives from plague, famine, and the sword, than any opportunity, or ability to erect whatever Monument to the glory of Boadicia. But, of this enough; the invalidity of Anonymus opinion especially respected. The discovering the original foundation of an Antiquity so famous, being not to be enforced by jealous suspicions, raised upon bare and groundless conjectures.  
THIS Antiquity (called by Henry Huntingdon, The second: by Poly-olbion — First wonder of the land) because the Architraves are set upon the heads of the upright stones, and hang (as it were) in the air, is generally known by the name of Stone-henge. It is sited upon the Plain in the County of Wiltshire in England, not far from Ambresbury (the foundations of whose ancient buildings, frequently digged up, render it to have been in times past a Town of no small fame) six miles at least from new Salisbury northwards.  
The whole work, in general, being of a circular form, is one hundred and ten foot diameter, double winged about without a roof, anciently environed with a deep Trench, still appearing about thirty foot broad. So that, betwixt it, and the work itself, a large and void space of ground being left, it had, from the Plain, three open entrances, the most conspicuous thereof lying North-east. At each of which, was raised, on the outside of the Trench aforesaid, two huge stones gate-wise, parallel whereunto, on the inside two others of less proportion. The inner part of the work, consisting of an Exagonall figure, was raised, by due symmetry, upon the bases of four equilateral triangles, (which formed the whole structure) this inner part likewise was double, having, within it also, another Exagon raised, and all that part within the Trench sited upon a commanding ground, eminent, and higher by much, than any of the Plain lying without, and, in the midst thereof, upon a foundation of hard chalk, the work itself was placed. Insomuch, from what part soever they came unto it, they rose by an easy ascending hill.  
Which, that it may be the more clearly demonstrated, (being by me, with no little pains, and charge measured, and the foundations thereof diligently searched) I have reduced into Design, not only as the ruin thereof now appears, but as (in my judgement) it was in its pristine perfection. And that the groundplot, with the uprights, and profyle of the whole work may the more distinctly be understood, I have purposely countersigned each Design of them with Numbers, and the particular parts thereof with Letters.  

Nu. 1  
Signifies the Plant of the whole work in general, with the Trench round about it, drawn by a small scale, that it may be seen all at one view.  

A  
The Trench.   

B  
The interval betwixt the Trench and Work.   

C  
The Work itself; in the inmost part whereof, there is a stone appearing not much above the surface of the earth, (and lying towards the East) four foot broad, and sixteen foot in length. Which, whether it might be an Altar or no, I leave to the judgement of others, because so overwhelmed with the ruins of the Work, that I could make no search after it, but even with much difficulty, took the aforesaid proportion thereof. Yet for my part, I can apprehend no valid reason to the contrary, except that the whole constructure being circular in form, the Altar should rather have been placed upon the centre of the Circle, then inclining to the circumference. Nevertheless it cannot be denied, but being so sited, the Cell (as I may call it) was thereby left more free, for the due performance of those several superstitious rites, which their Idolatry led them to. Besides, though the altar amongst the Ancients was exalted and raised somewhat high above the earth; yet, their Ara was made quadrangular, not very high, and as some will have it close to the ground, being consecrated as well to the supernal as infernal Deities: 
Rosin. lib. 2.  and therefore in respect of the form, it may hold well enough it was anciently an Altar.   

D  
The supposed Altar.   

E  
The great stones which made the entrances from the outside of the Trench, seven foot broad, three foot thick, and twenty foot high.   

F  
The parallel stones, on the inside of the Trench, four foot broad, and three foot thick; but they lie so broken, and ruined by time, that their proportion in height cannot be distinguished, much less exactly measured.   

G  
The scale of fifty foot.  
The Design follows.    

Nu. 2  
The Groundplot of the work, as when first built, in a greater form, with the four equilateral triangles making the scheme, by which the whole work was composed.  

H  
The six principal entrances, three whereof directly opposite to those of the Trench.   

I  
The stones which made the outward Circle, seven foot in breadth; three foot and an half thick, and fifteen foot and an half high: each stone having two tenons mortised into the Architrave, continuing upon them, throughout the whole circumference. For, these Architraves, being jointed directly in the middle of each of the perpendicular stones that their weight might have an equal bearing, and upon each side of the joint a tenon wrought, (as remains yet to be seen) it may positively be concluded thereby, the Architrave continued round about this outward circle.   

K  
The smaller stones of the inner circle, one foot and an half in breadth, one foot thick, and six foot high. These had no Architraves upon them, but were raised perpendicular, of a pyramidal form. That, there was no Architrave upon these, may be hence concluded, the stones being too small to carry such a weight, the spaces being also too wide, to admit of an Architrave upon them without danger of breaking, and being but six foot high, there could not, possibly, be a convenient head-height remaining for a passage underneath, especially, considering fully the greatness of the whole work.   

L  
The stones of the greater Hexagon, seven foot and an half in breadth, three foot nine inches thick, and twenty foot high, each stone having one tenon in the middle.   

M  
The stones of the Hexagon within, two foot six inches in breadth, one foot and an half thick, and eight foot high, in form pyramidal, like those of the inner circle.  
The Scale which hath this mark, X, is of thirty foot, by which likewise all the ensuing Designs are drawn.    

Nu. 3  
The upright of the work, as when entire, in which the perpendicular stones of the outward circle, are countersigned with the Letter I, as in the groundplot.  

N  
The Architrave lying round about upon them, being mortised into them, and jointed in the middle of each of the perpendicular stones. This Architrave is three foot and an half broad, and two foot and an half high.   

O  
The Architrave lying on the top of the great stones of the Hexagon, and mortised also into them, sixteen foot long, three foot nine inches broad, and three foot four inches high. This Architrave continuing only from stone to stone, left betwixt every two and two, a void space free to the Air uncovered. For, if they had been continued throughout the whole Hexagon, then necessarily there must have been two tenons upon each of the said stones, as those of the outward circle had, but being disposed as aforesaid, that one, which was in the middle, and yet remains apparent, was sufficient for the thing intended.    

Nu. 4  
The Profyle, or cut, through the middle of the work, as entire, countersigned with the Letters of the Groundplot.  
The Designs follow.   

Nu. 5  
The whole work in Prospective, as when entire, whereby the general composure of the particular parts of the uprights, are together all seen: and, by which also, the stately Aspect, and magnificent greatness thereof, are fully, and more apparently conspicuous.   

Nu. 6  
The Groundplot of the work, as it now stands, countersigned with the same Letters by which the Plant marked Nu. 2 is described. The stones of the greater Hexagon, and outward circle, after so long contest with the violence of time, and injury of weather, are for the most part standing at this day; which, though not all at their full height, as when first set up, yet the Footsteps nevertheless, of so many of them as expressed in the Design, are still remaining in their proper places. Those of the inner circle, and lesser Hexagon, not only exposed to the fury of all devouring Age, but to the rage of men likewise, have been more subject to ruin. For, being of no extraordinary proportions, they might easily be beaten down, or digged up, and at pleasure, made use of for other occasions. Which, I am the rather induced to believe, because, since my first measuring the work, not one fragment of some then standing, are now to be found.   

Nu. 7  
The ruin yet remaining drawn in Prospective.  

P  
The manner of the tenons, of a round form, mortised into the Architrave of the outward Circle.   

Q  
The tenons of like form in the middle of the stones of the greater Hexagon.   

R  
The English foot (by which the work itself was measured) divided into twelve inches, and each inch subdivided into four parts.  
Hitherto, upon what occasion Stonehenge built (you may easily perceive) is very doubtful, the true History of those times, when first erected, and by which the memory of things especially made over to succeeding Ages, being either not written, or if written, utterly lost. Likewise, as for what use set up, not yet known; so, by whom also founded, is equally uncertain.  
You cannot but remember, in what manner the ancient Inhabitants of this Island lived, before reduced to civility by the Romans I have formerly delivered: also, how they were first instructed by them, in several Arts and Sciences, whereof the Britains wholly ignorant, before the Romans arrival here, and teaching them. I have given you in like manner, a full description of this Antiquity, whereby doubtless it appears to you, as in truth it is, a work built with much Art, Order and Proportion. That the ancient Britains, before the discovery of this Island by the Romans, could not be the Founders thereof, by the former reasons, I suppose, is clearly manifested. For, where Art is not, nothing can be performed by Art. As, for that which concerns the British Nobility, Aurelius Ambrose, or Boadicia, enough already.  
It rests now, to endeavour the discovering by whom Stonehenge built; in what time, and, for what use anciently erected. But, it is not expected (I hope) any absolute resolution should be given by me, in so doubtful a matter, for, as it hath been always lawful for every man in such like matters (saith Camden) both to think what he will, and relate what others have thought: So pardon me, if I take upon me, what others have done before me, and interpose mine own opinion also, grounded nevertheless upon such Authorities, customs, and concurrence of time, as very probably may satisfy judicious and impartial Readers.  
Touching the Founders of Stonehenge. Among the Egyptian Antiquities, or those Eastern Nations from whom the Grecians deduced their learning, I find not any such composure ever used: or with the Greeks themselves, mention made of any work conformable to this, in point of Order. (as the most conversant in those Histories cannot contradict) I read nevertheless, in Pausanias, 
Pausan. fo. 392.  of a Temple amongst the Eleans erected without walls: novam quandam in Eleorum foro templi formam vidi. I saw (saith he) in the market place of the Eleans, a Temple of a new form. Modicae est aedes altitudinis, sine parietibus, tectum è quercu dolatis fulcientibus tibicinibus. A low thing, without walls, having the roof supported with props of oaken timber (instead, it seems, of columns) neatly wrought. He remembers a Temple also in Attica sacred to Jove without a roof. 
Idem fo. 75:  The Thracians (as I read likewise) used to build Temples dedicated to Sol, of a round form, open in the middle, and also without a roof: by the form, or roundness thereof, they signified the sun's figure; by making them open, and rooflesse, they expressed his surmounting, and dilating light equally to all things. Thrace's soli rotunda templa faciebant (saith Daniel Barbaro) in medio sub divo, 
In Vitr. lib. 4.  & aperta erant: hac forma Solis figuram innuebant: quòd autem aperta essent, & sine tecto, innuebant Solem supra omnia esse, & lumen suum diffundere.  
Howsoever, considering what magnificence the Romans in prosperous times anciently used in all works, both public, and private: their knowledge and experience in all Arts and Sciences: their powerful means for effecting great works: together with their Order in building, and manner of workmanship accustomed amongst them: Stonehenge in my judgement was a work, built by the Romans, and they the sole Founders thereof. For, if look upon this Antiquity, as an admired and magnificent building, who more magnificent than the Romans? 
Seamoz. lib. 1. fo. 9  Essi soli frà i populi dell' universo, con ogni termine di magnificenza edificarono tutti i generi d'edifici. They only amongst all the Nations of the Universe, erecting all sorts of buildings, with all kinds of magnificence, saith Scamozzo in the first Book of his Architecture. If consider the Art, and elegant disposition thereof, all Arts and Sciences (we must know) were in full perfection with them, and Architecture, which amongst the Greeks was youthful only, and vigorous; under the Romans their Empire grown to the full height became manly and perfect, not in inventions, and elegancy of forms alone, but also in exquisiteness of Art, and excellency of materials. Salito al colmo l'imperio Romano, ella pure divenne virile e perfetta: non solo nelle inventioni, e nella elleganza delle form, mà pariment nell' esquisitezza dell' artificio, e nella singolarità della materia. As the same Author hath it. If take notice of their power and ways by which they effected such goodly structures, their means were not ordinary according to the common custom of other People; and why? because, besides particular Artisans practised in several Arts, they employed in those their works whole bodies of their own Armies, and whatever Nations subdued by them. The Romans were wont to exercise therein (saith Camden 
Camden fo. 64. ) their soldiers, and the common multitude, upon great policy doing the same, left being idle they should grow factious, and affect alteration in the State. The Britains complained (saith Tacitus likewise) corpora & manus contrivisse, that their bodies and hands were worn out, and consumed by the Romans, in bringing to effect their great and admired undertakings: in that kind employing their slaves and prisoners also, as holding it, rather than by violent deaths to cut them off; more profitable for the Commonwealth, more exemplary for others, and far greater punishment for their Prisoners, to enjoin them continual labour.  
If observe their Order in building; the only Order of Architecture, which Italy may truly glory in the invention of, is the Tuscan Order, so called, because first found out by the Tuscans, that in a more than ordinary manner they might reverence their Deities in Temples composed thereof. 
Choul. fo. 5.  (Janus their first King, according to the common opinion of divers ancient Historians, being the first of all others, that built Temples to the Gods) Which Order, though first used by the Tuscans, certain it is, the Romans took from them, and brought it in use with other Arts, in several parts of the world, as their conquests led them on. Now of this Tuscan Order, a plain, grave, and humble manner of Building, very solid and strong Stoneheng principally consists. So that, observing the Order whereof Stonehenge built, there being no such Elements known in this Island as distinct Orders of Architecture, until the Romans introduced them, the very work itself, of so great Antiquity, declares the Romans Founders thereof. Who, that hath right judgement in Architecture, knows not the difference, and by the manner of their works how to distinguish Egyptian, Greek, and Roman structures of old, also Italian, French and Dutch buildings in these modern times? Is not our Shipping by the mould thereof, known throughout the world English built? Who did not by the very Order of the work, assure himself, the body of the Church of S. Paul London, from its Tower to the West end anciently built by the Saxons: as the choir thereof, from the said Tower to the East end by the Normans, it being Gothic work? yet that there might be a Roman Temple in old time standing in that place, I will not deny, the numbers of Oxeheads digged up and anciently sacrificed there, setting all other reasons aside, so probably manifesting the same. And in all likelihood, the Romans for so notable a structure as Stonehenge, made choice of the Tuscan rather then any other Order, not only as best agreeing with the rude, plain, simple nature of those they intended to instruct, and use for which erected; but also, because presuming to challenge a certain kind of propriety therein, they might take occasion thereby, to magnify to those then living the virtue of their ancestors for so noble an invention, and make themselves the more renowned to posterity, for erecting thereof, so well ordered a building.  
Besides, the Order is not only Roman, but the scheme also (consisting of four equilateral triangles, inscribed within the circumference of a Circle) by which this work Stonehenge formed, 
Vitr. lib. 5.  was an architectonical scheme used by the Romans. Whereof, I shall have more occasion to speak, when I come to set down, for what use this Antiquity at first erected.  
Again, the Portico at Stonehenge, is made double, as in structures of great magnificence the ancient Romans used: so at the foot of the Capitol the Temple to Jove the Thunderer, built by Augustus Caesar; so the Pantheon at Athens, royally adorned with one hundred and twenty vast columns of rich Phrygian marble, by the Emperor Adrian. But, some may allege, the Romans made the Pillars of their double porticoes, of one and the same symmetry, or very little different, which in this Antiquity otherwise appearing, cannot be a Roman work. To as much purpose it may be alleged the Temple of Diana at Magnesia, was no Greek work, because the Pillars of the inner Portico were wholly left out. Yet it's true, the Romans usually made them as is objected, and the reason was, because of the weight the inner Pillars carried: now, in this work, no roof being to be sustained, nor any manner of weight born up, though the judgement of the Architect, thereby to save labour and expense, ordered the stones making the Portico within, of a far less proportion than those of the outward circle, it retains nevertheless the proper Aspect (principally aimed at by the ancient Architects) in use amongst the Romans, and consequently for aught alleged to the contrary by them built.  
In this Antiquity, there is a Portico also (as I may rightly term it) within the Cell, or greater Hexagon, reduced likewise into the same figure. Now, that the Romans used to make porticoes on the inside of their buildings, as well sacred as secular, by the ruins of their Basilicaes' or Courts of judicature; by that Temple without a roof anciently dedicated to Jove in Mount Quirinalis, now the Horse Mount in Rome; by the Temple of Bacchus there of a round form, at this day consecrate to S. Agnes without the gate Viminalis, manifestly appears. But in what ever structures else the Romans used them, certain it is, within their most stately Temples which lay uncovered, and had no roofs, they always made such porticoes; and though in other Temples they sometimes disposed them, yet from Vitruvius it may be gathered, they properly belonged to the Aspect Hypaethros, which was uncovered and rooflesse as this Antiquity Stonehenge, he peremptorily assigning porticoes to be made on the inside of no kind of Temples, but those; 
Vitr. lib. 3. cap. 1.  His words are, Hypaethros in interiore parte habet columnas, remotas à parietibus ad circuitionem (ut porticus) peristyliorum. Temples open to the air, and without roofs, have columns on the inside, distant from the walls, as Courts porticoes about them. Even, after the same decorum as at Stonehenge.  
Furthermore, if cast an eye upon their artifice and manner of workmanship, Stonehenge appears built directly agreeable to those rules, which the Romans observed in great works. For, the Roman Architects, in distinguishing the manner of their Temples, always observed (as Vitruvius in his third book teacheth us) the greater the columns were, the closer they set them together; so in this Antiquity, the stones being great, the spaces betwixt them are likewise narrow.  
The Architraves also, in this work were all of them set without mortar, and fixed upon the upright stones by tenons (as formerly described) in the very same manner, as in great structures, where the stones solid, and of more than ordinary greatness, the Romans were wont to do. They laid them without any unctuous incorporating matter, 
Leo Bap. Alber. lib. 3.  nullo fulta glutino, saith Leo Baptista Albertus. And divers examples of this kind might be brought, I myself amongst other Antiquities have seen the ruins of an Aquaeduct, built by the Romans in Provynce, running through a deep valley, and raised in height equal to the adjacent Mountains, upon huge Arches-fifty eight foot wide, the stones whereof, being of extraordinary scantlings, were laid without any cement or mortar, to incorporate them with the rest of the work. And, where occasion guided their judgements to the observance of this rule, they united and compacted the stones together, by certain ligatures or holdfasts, (the Italians call them Perni, pegs or tops, for such they resemble, and we, from the verb tenere to hold, not improperly calling them tenons) quae inferiores, & und superiores in lapides infixae, cavatae fuere, ne quid fortè protrusi ordines alteri ab alteris distrahantur. 
Leo Bap. Alber. lib. 3.  Which (saith Albertus) being formed in the inferior stones, were hollowed or mortised into those above, lest by any chance they should start one from another, and break the order of the work. Here the Florentine Architect gives us the self same manner of banding stones, when the Romans laid them without mortar, as if he had seen this very Antiquity Stonehenge.  
Moreover, what ever footsteps of the Romans found in other places of this Island, it's not inconsiderately to be past over, that in Wiltshire, the County (as is said before) where our Stonehenge remains, Roman Antiquities are most perspicuous, not only, by the apparent testimonies of the coins of their Emperors in divers places digged up, but by several their encamping places yet to be seen, 
Camden.  as Leckham, in times of yore a seat of the Romans: the place also where old Salisbury now showeth itself, within six miles of Stonehenge: and within three miles thereof Yanesbury Castle, supposed a work of Vespasians when he conquered, and after kept in subjection the Belgae, ancient inhabitants of that tract. Likewise the ruins nearer yet to Stonehenge, 
Speed.  of a fortress our Historians hold anciently a garrison of the Romans, and in many other forts of that Shire (both by their form and manner of making well known to have been Roman) the tract of their footing is yet left.  
But it is objected, If Stonehenge a Roman work, how comes it, no Roman Author makes mention of it? I answer, their Historians used not to commit to writing every particular work, or action the Romans performed: if so, how vast would their volumes have been? Stonehenge 'tis granted, is much admired by us, yet, how far more admirable works were the Romans Founders of, not mentioned in any of their ancient stories? That notable bridge invented and built by Caesar, for passing his Army over the Rhine, himself at large describes, remembering little or nothing nevertheless concerning divers other as great works in Gaul and Batavia, supposed to be performed by him also. Dion, Herodian, Eutropius and other their Historians tell us, the Romans built the so famed wall, commonly by us called the Picts wall, extending cross over our Island from the Irish Sea to the German Ocean, above fourscore Italian miles in length, with many towers and fortresses erected upon it; when works of as great admiration in Britain they have past in silence: those wonderful causeys made throughout the land, by draining and drying up Fens, levelling hills, raising valleys, and paving them with stones of such breadth, that Wains might without danger pass one by another, not any ancient Roman Author (for aught appears) directly mentioning. Yet, who doubts them Roman works? I dare confidently avouch, the Romans by little and little founded and raised them up, saith Camden. 
Cam. fo. 64.  And why? mark I pray, because, whilst Agricola governed Britain, Tacitus tells us, several ways were enjoined. If then, because Tacitus affirms in general terms only, several ways enjoined, Camden confidently concludes them Roman works, no Roman History otherwise remembering them; Why may it not, the same Tacitus telling us in like manner, Agricola exhorted the Britains in private, and helped them in common, to build Temples, Houses, and Places of public resort, as peremptorily be inferred, Stonehenge was a work built by the Romans, though not particularly remembered by them in their stories? In a word, 
Tacitus. Beda.  Temples and places of public resort, the Romans built here, and were the first that did so, leaving it to after ages to find out by their Manner of building, Order in building, and Power and Means for building, such lofty ruins, as appears in this Antiquity, could be remains of none but Roman building.  
The next thing to be inquired after, is, in what time Stonehenge built. Happily, about those times, when the Romans having settled the Country here under their own Empire, and, together with bringing over Colonies reduced the natural inhabitants of this Island unto the society of civil life, by training them up in the liberal Sciences. For, then also (saith Camden 
Camden fo. 63. ) did they furnish the Britains, with goodly houses, and stately buildings, in such sort, that the relics and rubbish of their ruins, cause the beholders now, exceedingly to admire the same, and the common sort of People plainly say, those Roman works were made by Giants, of such exceeding great admiration, and sumptuous magnificence they are.  
This relation of Camden's, reflects chiefly upon the time of Agricola; nevertheless, that Stonehenge (though fabled Giants work) was then built, I dare not affirm: the great works of the Romans, brought to perfection in this Island, being not the work of a day. It hath been the invention of wise Romans of old, affecting civility, to raise goodly buildings here: but the precise times when, in things so far from all knowledge, cannot be with any certainty avouched. For my part, I should choose to assign those times for building thereof, when the Romans in their chief prosperity most flourished here, and refer the first erection to the time betwixt Agricolas government formerly mentioned, and the reign of Constantine the Great: in order to which, the times rather somewhat after Agricola, if not during his own lieutenancy, than next preceding Constantine. For, long before Constantine acquired the sovereignty (which was not till the year of our Lord three hundred and ten) the magnificent splendour of that mighty Empire began sensibly to wane, and the ambition of the great Captains of Rome, (some few excepted) tended rather to make parties for obtaining the Purple Robe, than (after the manner of their ancestors) to eternise their names by great and admirable works, or patronising good Arts, for want whereof they began likewise to decay apace; Serly in his third Book speaking of those times, telling us, that id temporis Architecti, si cum superioribus conferantur, rudiores & ineptiores extitisse videntur. In those days although there were many Architects, yet, compared with such as lived in the preceding Ages, they were very rude and unskilful. Besides, the condition wherein this Island was, divers years preceding Constantine, would not admit such undertakings. for, by the civil discord of the Romans, the Britains taking occasion to make frequent revolts, in hope to recover their lost liberty, the Romans were put upon other manner of counsels then to think of building; namely to reduce the Britains to their wonted obedience, and keep the Province in some reasonable quiet, by expelling the Scots and Picts (savage and perfidious People even from times of old) making daily inroads and incursions thereunto.  
These pressing occurrences therefore, to wit, civil broils amongst the Romans themselves, frequent insurrections of the Britains, daily inroads by the Picts and Scots, together with the downfall of Paganism, decay of Arts, and fatal ruin of the whole Empire, making the times both long before and after Constantine incompatible for undertaking such works as this Antiquity, it may safely enough be concluded, if Stonehenge not founded by Agricola, yet erected it might be about fifteen hundred and fifty years ago, in the times somewhat after his government, 
Tacit. in Vit. Agr.  the Province being formerly left by him in good and peaceable state, the Britains reduced from Barbarity to order and civil conversation, and the Romans flourishing in all manner of Arts and Sciences.  
Now, concerning the use for which Stoneheng at first erected, I am clearly of opinion, it was originally a Temple, it being built with all accommodations properly belonging to a sacred structure. For, it had an interval or spacious Court lying round about it, wherein the Victimes for oblation were slain, into which it was unlawful for any profane person to enter: It was separated from the circumadjacent Plain, with a large Trench in stead of a wall, as a boundary about the Temple, most conformable to the main work, wholly exposed to open view: Without this Trench, the promiscuous common multitude, with zeal too much, attended the ceremonies of their solemn though superstitious Sacrifices, and might see the oblations, but not come within them: It had likewise its peculiar Cell, with porticoes round about, into which Cell, as into their Sanctum sanctorum (pardon the expression) none but the Priests entered to offer Sacrifice, and make atonement for the People: Within the Cell an Ara or Altar was placed, having its proper position towards the East, as the Romans used. Arae spectent ad Orientem, saith Vitruvius. 
Vitr. lib. 4. cap. 8.  And, that there hath been the heads of Bulls, or Oxen, of hearts, and other such beasts digged up, or in, or near this Antiquity (as divers now living can testify) is not to be omitted; for who can imagine, but these were the heads of such, as anciently there offered in Sacrifice? together with which also, were heaped up great quantities of charcoal, happily used about the performance of their superstitious ceremonies. That the ancient Romans had charcoal in use amongst them, Pliny affirms. 
Plin. lib. 16. Tom. 1. lib. 33. Tom. 2.  And when I caused the foundations of the stones to be searched, myself found, and yet have by me to show the cover of a Thuribulum, 
Rosin. lib. 3. Choul fol. 217, 229.  or some such like vase (I suppose) wherein Choul in his discourse of their Religion, reports the ancient Romans used to carry Incense, wine or holy water, for service in their Sacrifices, lying about three foot within the ground, near one of the stones of the greater Hexagon.  
The Order whereof this Temple consists, according to the rules of Art observed by the ancient Romans in works of this kind, is mingled of Greek and Tuscan work. For, as the plainness and solidness of the Tuscan Order, appears eminently throughout the whole Antiquity: so the narrowness of the spaces betwixt the stones, visibly discovers therein, the delicacy of the Corinthian Order. Which commixture amongst the Roman Architects was very usual, in regard Vitruvius (in his fourth Book and seventh Chapter) treating somewhat largely (his method otherwise considered) of several sorts of the like composed Temples, mixed of the Greek and Tuscan manners tells us: that, Nonnulli de Tuscanicis generibus sumentes columnarum dispositiones, 
Vitr. lib. 4. cap. 7.  transferunt in Corinthiorum & jonicorum operum ordinationes. Some taking the qualities of the columns of the Tuscan Order, transfer them into the symmetry of the Corinthian and Jonick works. Whereby (to please themselves it seems in their own inventions) efficiunt Tuscanicorum & Graecorum operum communem ratiocinationem. They make of the Tuscan and Greek works one common composure. As the same Author likewise remembers.  
The Aspect of this Temple; by which we understand that first show which Temples make to those that draw near unto them, is Dipteros Hypaethros, which is double winged about uncovered. Dipteros circa aedem duplices habet columnarum ordines (saith Vitruvius 
Vitr. lib. 3. cap. 1. ) Dipteros hath double orders of columns about the Temple. Hypaethros sub divo est, sine tecto, (as the same Author) Hypaethros is open to the air, without a roof.  
The Manner of this Temple is Pycnostylos, or narrow spaces. Pycnostylos is that kind of Temples, which hath the columns set thick, and close together creb●is columnis, as Vitruvius 
Vitr. lib. 3. cap. 2.  also hath it.  
But it may be objected, though it appears from very good Authorities, the Artifice, and workmanship of this Antiquity, together with the scheme which formed it, were Roman: and the Order of which consisting, invented in Italy, and so consequently Roman in like manner: as also, by the several peculiar accommodations, the probable relics of Heathenish Sacrifices, and determinate rules of Architecture, it was anciently a Temple: nevertheless it appears not, the Romans ever used any whatever profane structure like this, much less any manner of Temples of this kind of invention, Where the Temple lies open without walls, surrounded only with pillars. For, that the upright stones which make this work Stonehenge, are in stead of them, may well enough be granted.  
To this I answer, the learned in Antiquities very well know, those things which oblivion hath so long removed out of mind, are hardly to be discovered. Yet, as to the first part of the objection, that the Romans never used any whatever profane structure like this, Varro de re rustica (as I find him cited by Philander 
Phil. in Vitr. lib. 4. ) tells us, that they had in use amongst them a round building without any walls, having a double Order of columns round about, this he calls by the name of Tholus, edificium rotundum, columnatum duplici columnarum ordine. A round edifice (saith he) environed about with a double order of columns. Which double Order of Columns Pyrrho Ligorio a famous Neapolitan Architect, and great discoverer of Antiquities, in his description thereof designs without a roof also.  
But to come to their sacred works, which in regard of this Antiquity, are (it's true) of most concernment, I find the Romans used (as Vitruvius 
Vitr. lib. 4. cap. 7.  witnesseth) such manner of Temples. For (in his fourth Book, and seventh Chapter) he delivers, there were amongst others two forms of round Temples, commonly in use amongst them, the one called Monopteros; the other Peripteros. This, had the Cell enclosed about with a continued wall, and at a proportionate distance from it, the columns placed which made a Portico round about it, clean different from Stonehenge: the other made open, and in stead of a wall encompassed with a row of pillars only, having no enclosed Cell within it at all, as much conducing to our purpose in hand. 
Aedes sacrae Templa dicta fuerunt, quòd essent quasi aedes Deorum. Rosin. lib. 2. cap. 2.  His words are these, Fiunt autem aedes rotundae, è quibus aliae sine cella columnatae constituuntur. They make also (saith he) round Temples, of which some are built without a Cell, environed with Pillars only. These were without any walls, (as his Commenter hath it) lying open to the Air. And truly (as I may presume to say) from this very manner the invention of stoneheng was principally taken, 
Dan. Barbar.  in ordering whereof, the Architect disdaining usual and common forms, of both the aforesaid forms composed one. For, taking the outward circle from the Monopteros, he made it open also as in that, but in stead of the continued wall circularly enclosing the Cell of the Peripteros, at Stonehenge he made only an Hexagon about the Cell, leaving the same open in like manner. And, as Hermogenes (whom I shall have occasion to remember again) to illustrate his work, leaving out the inner row of Pillars, made a single Portico about the Temple at Magnesia, whereby it came to be a new invention, for which he is famous to posterity: so the subtle Architect, whosoever he was, to ennoble this his work, adding the said Hexagon here, made a double Portico round about this Temple, and thereby a new invention likewise, no less famous to succeeding Ages. Our Antiquity Stonehenge had otherwise been of the self same Aspect without a Cell, as Vitruvius hath before delivered. That Temple Monopteros, was environed with a row of pillars; this Temple Stonehenge, in stead of them, supplied with a rank of pilasters (as they may well be called) continuing round about it. That, lay open to the air without any walls: so doth this at Stonehenge. That, had over the pillars an Architrave, frieze, and Cornice, the Order being delicate: this at Stonehenge, over the pilasters an Architrave only, as most conformable to the solidness of the Order and plainness of the work.  
Thus it fully appears, the ancient Romans used to erect Temples, which lay open without walls, surrounded only with pillars; in invention like this at Stonehenge. But, let us see whether the form Monopteros, had any roof over it. That the Romans had Temples uncovered, and without roofs, like Stonehenge, is in part already, and shall more manifestly be hereafter proved: and searching curiously into their Antiquities, it will be found the greatest, most splendid, and most magnificent work of all others, which the Ancients made for service of their Deities, were those kind of Temples of the Aspect Hypaethros. Whether the Monopteros was one of that kind, appears not yet, and Vitruvius is very obscure therein; nevertheless, that it was built without a roof, I shall illustrate by these reasons.  
First, Vitruvius tells us not it had a roof; for, in his precepts of all several kinds of Temples, after he hath delivered the Aspect, Form, and Manner of them with much exactness, he omits not throughout his fourth Book to demonstrate as well the contignation, as proportion of timbers of the roofs, belonging to all those Temples, which had any, and when vaulted he gives us likewise the form thereof, if the Temples so covered: but, in the description of the form Monopteros, there is no manner of timber work, nor form of vault, nor the least word mentioned of any roof at all, in what place soever throughout his whole work speaking thereof. In which respect, considering all Temples having roofs, those roofs are described by Vitruvius, and that he describes no roof belonging to this, it must necessarily follow, the Temples in form Monopteros had no roofs over them.  
Again, after giving the proportion of the Architrave over the columns of the Monopteros, he saith, Zophorus & reliqua quae insuper imponuntur, ita uti in tertio volumine de symmetriis scripsit. The frieze and other ornaments laid upon them, are as in his third Book of symmetries made mention of. Now, in his third Book, he only treats of proportions, and not one word is so much as mentioned by him of any manner of roofs at all, only in the close of the said Book, he gives the proportion of frontispieces belonging to quadrangular Temples: the same referment in like manner he makes for the ornaments of the Peripteros, and withal proceeds to a full description, in what manner the roof of its Cell was made, which questionless, he would likewise have done in the other form, if it had been covered. For, he saith, whatever is to be laid above the frieze of the Monopteros, is, as set down in his third Book: but, in his third Book, there is not one word mentioned of any roofs; the conclusion than follows the Monopteros was without a roof.  
Lastly, he positively tells us it was sine Cella, without a Cell: now the Cell (and which for distinction sake I have so called in describing this Antiquity, because it was applied to the same use, to perform their sacred rites in) was indeed properly, 
Bern. Baldo.  the inner, or chief part of the Temple, quam nos corpus Templi vulgò dicimus, we commonly call it the body of the Church, which enclosed with walls, was covered with a roof, as Vitruvius declares in the form Peripteros, tecti ratio ita habeatur &c. The manner of a roof (saith he) was thus &c. But, the Monopteros was without a Cell, and consequently without a roof also, as having no walls to bear it. For, in regard of the manner of the Architecture, the pillars standing in Island (as we say) the work could not securely bear a roof, if made of any great capacity: either therefore, they made Temples of this form very little (in which respect only, Palladio supposeth it might be vaulted) inconsistent with the Roman greatness, or else, like Stonehenge they were wholly uncovered and rooflesse. Howsoever, it is manifest, the Aspect was just the same. And if I should say, the ruins of one after the same form also, remains yet in Oxfordshire, which the common people usually call Rolle-rich-stones, take it but as my conjecture only, as likewise one or two built after the like manner in Scotland, no man unless Hector Boetius knowing by what Kings.  
Moreover, the proportions appearing in this Antiquity Stonehenge, are much conformable to those, assigned by Vitruvius to the parts of the Monopteros: He tells us, Tribunal habent & ascensum ex suae diametri tertia parte: they had the Tribunal, (by which is understood that level upon which the Temple placed) and the ascent, consisting of one third part of the Diameter. So at Stonehenge, the work itself is one third part of the Diameter of the circumvallation: And, according to the proportion allowed by him to the Ascent, it seems those Temples were sited more stately than others, (by consequence great also) and certain it is, whosoever views this Antiquity attentively with judgement, upon the place where remaining (for the Folio being too little I could not express it in Design) and doth allow a proportionate depth to the Trench surrounding it; considering also, together therewith, the level of the plain lying without, he will then find it standing upon such a rising ground, that the Ascent unto it, was not much less magnificent, than what Vitruvius hath declared.  
Furthermore, besides the aforementioned round Temples, Vitruvius in the same Chapter tells us, that, generibus aliis constituuntur aedes, ex iisdem symmetriis ordinatae, & alio genere dispositiones habentes. The Romans built them after other manner of inventions, following the same proportions, and having their disposures after another kind. Of which, if vouchsafed to posterity the descriptions, some of them might have been found, not only agreeable in Aspect, but happily of the very self same form also, as this Temple Stonehenge doth appear.  
Now considering this discourse may happen into the hands of those, who cannot by words so easily apprehend things of this Art, I have for their satisfaction brought into Design, the plants of both the aforesaid Temples mentioned by Vitruvius, whereby their conformity with Stonehenge, and the invention thereof taken from them, is more clearly manifested.   

A  
The Plant of the Monopteros.   

B  
The Order of Pillars which continued round about it, to which the outward circle (of pilasters) in this Antiquity Stonehenge, directly corresponds, as will appear in the second Figure thereof, formerly described by the Letter I.  
The Design follows.   

C  
The Plant of the Peripteros.   

D  
The Portico continuing about the Cell.   

E  
The Circular Cell enclosed with a wall, which in the Temple Stonehenge, to vary the invention, was converted into an hexagonal form, and in stead of walling it round about, the Architect as said before, left it wholly open, as most agreeing with the nature of the Deity to whom consecrate.  
By the Plants of which said Roman Temples, although it is plainly manifest, from whence the invention of Stonehenge was taken: yet, that it may more clearly be understood, I have, unto the Order of pillars which makes the Portico of the last of those Temples, applied the architectonical scheme by which our Antiquity was formed; whereby the intersection of the several triangles fully demonstrates after what manner the greater Hexagon made open at Stonehenge, was raised from the solid wall environing the Cell of the Peripteros.   

F  
The Rank of Pillars which made the Portico of the Peripteros.   

G  
The architectonical scheme by which Stonehenge formed.   

H  
The circular wall environing the Cell of the Peripteros.   

I  
After what manner the stones of the greater Hexagon at Stonehenge, were raised from the circumference of the said wall.  
But, before deliver my judgement, unto which of their Deities this Temple Stonehenge was anciently dedicated by the Romans, I shall give you some customs in force amongst the Ancients, relating the Decorum used by them, in building their particular Temples: whereby, those several opinions seemingly conclusive to whom Stonehenge sacred, may more evidently appear invalid, and my own more apparently probable. Those therefore that endeavour the searching out Antiquities of Architecture, must amongst others, especially prescribe to themselves five things to be guided by. viz. The Situation, Aspect, Manner, Form, and Order of the work as in use amongst the Ancients. For, inventing the several ornaments of Architecture, at first for honour and distinction only of their Deities, they appropriated to each of them particular situations, precise forms, peculiar Orders, according to the several qualities, in regard whereof adored by them.  
The situation of the Temples to Venus, Mars, Vulcan, they ordained to be chosen without their Cities, as those which moved men's minds to lasciviousness, wars, and devastations. Within their Cities they placed the Temples of the Patrons of Chastity, Peace, good Arts: and of such Gods also, to whom the Protection of their Cities committed. To Pallas, Mercury, and Isis the chief precedents of Artificers, and Merchants, they built Temples near the Market places, or upon the Market places themselves. To Apollo and Bacchus near the theatre. To Hercules near the Cirque or amphitheatre. Unto Aesculapius and Salus, in places most of all others healthful, and near to pure streams, and waters; because the infirm people, coming out of a pestilent and contagious air, to that which was good and healthful, by drinking those waters might the sooner, and with less difficulty be recovered, whereby zeal to those supposed Deities increased.  
The Aspect Hypaethros, mentioned before, of which Stoneheng appears built, was proper only to some of their Gods, as shall be remembered in due time: the other five (Needless here to name) were indifferently disposed, sometime to one, and sometime to another Deity, as the magnificence of the Temples to be built required, and, as to be made with porticoes or without.  
The Manner, which Vitruvius distinguishes into five kinds, according as the intercolumnes are of five several proportions, was only so far forth peculiarly appropriated to their Deities, as it was agreeable to the proper Order, otherwise they followed the greatness of the Work.  
But, to each of them appropriating particular forms of Temples; to some of their Gods, they made them of a round form, to others quadrangular, to others of many angles: some of them having their Temples covered, with roofs over them; others again built uncovered, without any manner of roofs at all: As, our Antiquity Stonehenge.  
Lastly, the Order of which they built them, was so diligently observed, according to the peculiar qualities of their Deities, that seldom or never they varied: as in fit place I shall remember. These aforesaid rules also were so firmly observed by the Ancients, that even at first sight the Roman Architects of old were able to judge, to what Deity, this, or that Temple sacred: and the modern Italian Architects, by the ruins of them at this day, give such notable testimonies towards the discovery of them, as are very hardly to be contradicted. Whosoever desires more of this, may read Vitruvius, Leo Baptista Albertus, and other Authors writing of Architecture. That then we may arrive to a degree of certainty unto whom our Stoneheng anciently dedicated; some such deity of the Romans is to be found out, in whose honour they built Temples, not only in such situations as this at Stonehenge; but with whose nature or quality the Form and Aspect thereof may be agreeable also; and the Order proper. For, whosoever goes about to enforce other reasons, do as I conceive but beat the air, neither can they reduce this Antiquity to any probable original.  
To which of the Roman Deities Stonehenge consecrated, are, as I said before, several opinions. Some presume it sacred to Diana, but upon what ground their conjecture is raised, considering both the Aspect and Manner of this Temple utterly different from those the Ancients used to dedicate to Her, I cannot conceive; 
Vitr. lib. 3. cap. 1 & 2.  for, the Manner of the Temples erected to Diana, was Diastylos, i.e. columnis ampliùs patentibus, made with large and void spaces: the Aspect of that at Ephesus was Dipteros; that at Magnesia Pseudodipteros: which Manner Hermogenes inventing to save expense and labour, though he left out the Order of pillars within, and thereby the Portico came to be more large, yet the Aspect continued still the same. And, as in the Aspect and Manner, so likewise in the Order and Form it's different: that, at Ephesus aforesaid being of the Jonick Order, the Order peculiarly appropriated to Diana, and quadrangular: of the same Form also, was that at Magnesia aforesaid, and so likewise the Romans built them, as by the now Church of S. John Evangelist at the Latian, or Latin Port, 
Fab. Cal.  anciently the Temple of Diana; and that in Mount Aventine also, the chief of her Temples in Rome, fully appears. The situation of the Temples dedicated to her, was in groves, whence Vitruvius 
Vitr. lib. 4. cap. 7.  calls her grovy Diana. 
Ecce suburbanae templum nemorale Dianae, saith Ovid.  
See where Diana's grovy Temple stands.  In which sort Virgil, Pliny, and other Authors also tell us her Temples were always sited. The Architecture therefore of the Temples to Diana, and this at Stonehenge being so far different, there is no probable reason Stonehenge should be supposed dedicated to her.  
Some, again, would have Stonehenge consecrated to Pan; because Pan a Greek word signifying the Universe, under him the whole frame of Nature was adored. And therefore, the Ancients made his statues with horns, saith Servius, expressing thereby the beams of the Sun, and horns of the Moon; those issuing from his forehead, and turning upwards towards Heaven, as Boccace will have it, signified the celestial bodies: feigning also, as the world moves with extraordinary swiftness, he excelled likewise in speed of running. By the purple, ruddy, and inflamed face, attributed to Pan, that pure fire, above all other Elements holding his place in the confines of the celestial spheres was demonstrated: by his large long beard descending down upon his breast, the two superior Elements air and Fire of a masculine nature, sending down their impressions upon the other two naturally feminine was showed: by the spotted skin covering his breast and shoulders, the eighth sphere wholly embellished with glorious stars; inveloping in like manner all appertaining to the nature of sublunary creatures was represented: by the sheephook which he held in one hand, nature's dominion over all things (according to Boccace) was signified: and as Servius saith, because this staff, or rod was crooked, the year revolving into itself, was thereby expressed: in the other hand holding a Pipe, consisting of seven reeds, whereby, the celestial harmony conceived by some to have seven sounds, and seven different tunes, according to the number of the Planets, and their spheres which are seven, was so set forth.  
After this manner Mythologists discourse of Pan, with various opinions, according to the subtle niceties of their several fancies: and in these respects as having relation to the Heavens, this Antiquity Stonehenge is imagined sacred to Him. 'Tis true, if mythology, and not demonstrative reasons were to be fixed upon in matters of Architecture, the former conceptions might be some ground to frame conjectures Stonehenge sacred to Pan. But, Architecture depending upon demonstration, not fancy, the fictions of Mythologists are no further to be embraced, then as not impertinently conducing to prove real truths. Wherefore, the aforesaid ancient rules for building Temples considered, and comparing the Order, Form, Aspect and Situation of the Temples to Pan, with the like in this Antiquity, so much contrariety is found betwixt them, as may convince any reasonable judgement Stonehenge not dedicated to Him.  
Pan pastorum, venatorum, & universae vitae rusticanae praesidem crediderunt Antiqui, saith Natalis Comes. 
Nat. Com. lib. 5.  Pan was the reputed God amongst the Ancients, of Shepherds, Huntsmen, and all those that led an agrestick life. The same Author also calling him Piscatorum Deum, the God of Fishermen as well as Shepherds. Arcadibus Deorum antiquissimus & honoratissimus est Pan, saith Dionysius. 
Dion. Hali. lib. 1.  Pan is the most ancient, and most honoured Deity of the Arcadians. 
Rosin. lib. 2.  And in Arcadia itself where he was principally adored, they built his Temples for the most part in Towns of the same Form and Order as to Juno: In the Town of Heraea, habet Pan templum suum (saith Pausanias in his description of Arcadia) quod olim Junoni dicatum fuit, 
Pausan. fo. 496.  Pan had his Temple which anciently was dedicated to Juno. Now, the Order appropriated to Juno by the Romans, was the Jonick, as is manifest from Vitruvius, who tells us, To Juno, Diana, and Bacchus, and to the other Deities of the same quality, 
Vitr. lib. 1. cap. 2.  they built Temples of the Jonick Order. The Form in like manner of her sacred structures was quadrangular, as in Mount Aventine, in foro Olitorio (or the herb Market) in Mount Quirinal, and elsewhere amongst the Romans the ruins of her Temples do evidently witness: as also, her Temples anciently at Argos, 
Alexan. Don. Pomp. Totti.  and amongst the Elians in Greece, built of the like Form, and of the Doric Order. But this Antiquity is of the severe Tuscan work, 
Pausan. fo. 114. & 317.  and of a round figure. The Temples to Pan had a Portico only in front, at Stonehenge it continues round about the Cell. The Temples to Pan were not exposed to the open air, and built uncovered as Stonehenge was, but had roofs upon them. For, Ignis eiperpetuus ardebat, 
Ibid. fo. 516.  therein they kept perpetual fire, as at Acacesium a Town also of Arcadians; all Temples wherein they kept such fires being covered, as the Temple to Apollo at Delphos amongst the Greeks, and to Vesta at Rome amongst the Romans. But, if at any time they did erect them distant from a Town, reserving always the Form and Order, they chose such situations as wholly environed with trees; for example, the Temple to Pan in Mount Lycaeus, was compassed in with a thick wood, condenso circumseptum luco, as Pausanias hath it: so likewise, that Temple sacred to Him in the Parthenian forest, according to the said Author. Now, this Temple Stonehenge is sited in an open champion country; where scarce a bush or tree, much less thick woods, or forests to be seen throughout the whole Plain; nor was there ever any in times of old as History remembers, and the nature of the soil, as I am informed, is no wise prosperous for their growing there, as is sufficiently before declared.  
But Pan (say they) being the God of Shepherds, why might not Stonehenge to gratify them be erected, and consequently by the Romans dedicated to their God Pan? no place in the whole Island more abounding with sheep, than the circumadjacent Plains; the almost innumerable flocks whereof, not only most plentifully satisfying the bordering inhabitants for food; but, from their delicate fleeces, a great part of the known universe are clad also. I answer, amongst the Romans (declared at large before to be Founders of Stonehenge) I do not find any one Temple, Holy House, Sanctuary, Grove, Altar, or any such like sacred structure consecrated to Pan in their own Country; much less any Temple dedicated unto Him by them in Britain: and therefore, utterly improbable this Temple Stonehenge should be erected by the Romans unto Pan.  
There was a Temple indeed, 
Dion. Hal. lib. 1.  built to Pan Lycaeus on Mount Palatine, 
Rosin. lib. 2. cap. 20.  by those Arcadians which accompanied Evander into Italy; in which, though the Romans in succeeding times performed the same rites, as the Arcadians anciently had instituted; yet, He passed with the Romans under the name of Lupercus, 
Iustin. lib. 43.  and in honour of Him, as some Authors of opinion, certain festivals or games called Lupercalia, at Rome only, not in Provinces conquered by them, were solemnised by the Romans; noblemens' sons running in those games, 
Plutarch. in Rom.  according to the primitive institution setting forth and beginning their course at Mount Palatine, and so round about the City to the same place again. 
Rosin. lib. 3. cap. 2.  I may not omit, nevertheless, that several Authors deliver the Lupercalia were instituted in thankfulness to Lupa, or the wolf that gave Romulus suck, and the course of those games beginning at Mount Palatine (not so much in remembrance it seems of Pan's Temple there, as) from the Lupercal or the very place they say where Romulus was cast out. 
Plut. in Rom.   
Dionysius 
Dion. lib. 1.  of Halicarnassus tells us the Arcadians built the aforesaid Temple to Pan, idoneo invento loco &c. when they had found out a convenient place for it adjoining to their habitations: the condition or nature of which place is not unworthy your observation; for by his description thereof we shall easily perceive what manner of situation was by the Arcadian Shepherds held proper for performing the ceremonies of their God Pan. His words are, Erat tum, ut fertur, spelunca sub tumulo magna, denso querceto contecta, & sub petris profundi fonticuli, solúmque rupibus contiguum nemorosum, & frequentibus ac proceris opacum arboribus: ibi ara deo extructa, more patrio sacra fecerunt. Under the Hill (to wit, Mount Palatine) was anciently, as report goes (saith he) a great cave or den, covered over by a thick grove, deep wells or riverets running amongst the stones of the cave, and round about it a wood, by the many and tall trees growing therein very dark and obscure: there the Altar of the God was placed, and his Sacrifices after their Country manner performed. Now is Stonehenge thus sited, or was there ever any such like place near this Antiquity? of all the places in England that I know, none comes nearer that cave, than Ochy-hole in Somersetshire: And if the Ancients held such dismal situations only proper for Pan's Temples, then without peradventure Stonehenge was never erected in honour of him, they being no innovators in their superstitions.  
A further observation may be made to our purpose, upon the aforesaid description, Erat tum antrum magnum, it was anciently (saith Dionysius 
Dion. lib. 1. ) a great cave. But in his own time, which was under Augustus, the Romans had so choked up the place with building, that the manner how Pan's Temple in old time stood, was hardly to be discovered: nunc quidem aedisiciis (saith he) fanum circumquaque sepientibus, difficilis conjectura est qualis olim loci natura fuerit. At this present, verily, the Temple being every way environed with buildings, it is hardly to be conjectured in what manner of place it anciently stood. This was the cause which enforced him to deliver to posterity the former description merely upon report. Certainly then, the Romans employing the place to profaner uses, Pan's Deity was little esteemed by them; otherwise, they would never have polluted it, by setting up private houses upon the place consecrated to him. Now the Romans slighting him after this manner at home, little reason appears so magnificent a structure as Stonehenge, should be erected by them for adoration of Pan in other countries.  
Furthermore, the Sacrifices in times of old offered to Pan were milk and honey, offered up in simple Shepherds crocks or earthen pitchers: quare non ritè sacrificabant, qui tauros illi immolabant, aut qui in aureis poculis lac aut vinum offerebant &c. Wherefore, they sacrificed not aright, saith Natalis Comes, 
Nat. Com. lib. 5.  who immolated bulls or Oxen unto him, or out of golden cups poured forth milk or wine upon his Altars; for goblets of that metal were proper only for the supernal and celestial Deities, not to terrestrial, and such as had care of herdsmen or Shepherd Swains. To which purpose also, the same Author out of Apollonius Smyrnaeus remembers Pan, thus speaking of himself. 
Sum Deus agrestis, cur his sunt aurea sacris  
Pocula? quo vinum funditis Italicum?  
Ad petram cur stat taurus cervice ligatus?  
Parcite: non haec est victima grata mihi.  
Pan montanus ego sum, ligneus, ipsáque vestis  
Pellicea est: mustum è fictilibúsque bibo.  In English thus: 
A rural God am I, in golden cup  
The Falern wine, why then d'ye offer up?  
Why at mine Altar, stands the stern Bull bound,  
Or ox that's fat, with laurel garland crowned?  
Spare ye such cost: no grateful victims these  
Are unto me, others less costly please.  
A Mountaineer, a woodman clad in skin  
Am I: your wine in earthen vessels bring.  But the Sacrifices anciently offered at Stonehenge (already remembered) were bulls or Oxen, and several sorts of beasts, as appears by the heads of divers kinds of them, not many years since there digged up.  
As for that of the Pantheon, it is very well known the Ancients so called it, not in any relation to Pan, but because it was sacred to Jove the Revenger, and according to others to Cibele, and all Gods. For which reason, Boniface the fourth obtained licence from the Emperor Phocas, 
Platin. in Bon.  to consecrate it to the Virgin Mary, and all Saints. And who knows not the Architecture thereof wholly different from this of Stonehenge? The Pantheon hath its Cell enclosed with a continued solid wall, and the Portico only in front, of the delicate Corinthian Order; of which Order the inner part consisted likewise, being vaulted in most admirable and magnificent manner. From whence Dion 
Dion. lib. 53.  Cassius delivers his opinion, inde id nominis habere, quòd forma convexa fastigiatum, coeli similitudinem ostenderet, it to be called the Pantheon, because by the form of that vault wherewith covered, it represented the concave of Heaven, or (as others will) the figure of the world; for the world being man's house, the firmament is as the vaulted roof thereof. At the crown of the vault it had an opening, by which only it received light and air. But, this Antiquity Stonehenge built of a grave and humble Order (as is said before) had a double Portico continuing round about it, the Cell thereof free and open, and every way exposed to the air, received light from all parts.  
Wherefore leaving these, Stonehenge was dedicated, as I conceive, to the God Coelus, by some Authors called Coelum, by others Uranus, from whom the Ancients imagined all things took their beginning. My reasons are, First, in respect of the situation thereof; for it stands in a Plain, remote from any Town or Village, in a free and open air, without any groves or woods about it.  
Secondly, in regard of the Aspect; for Stonehenge was never covered, but built without a roof. Which Decorum the Romans ever observed, both in the Situation and Aspect of the Temples dedicated to this their God, and to Jove the Lightner, the Sun, 
Vitr. li. 1. cap. 2.  and the Moon. Jovi fulguratori, & Coelo, & Soli, & Lunae, aedisicia sub divo Hypaethráque constituuntur. To Jove the Lightner, and to Coelus, and to the Sun, and to the Moon, they erected buildings in the open air and uncovered, saith Vitruvius in the second Chapter of his first Book. Take with you also his reason. Horum enim Deorum & species & effectus in aperto mundo atque lucenti praesentes videmus, because both the forms and effects of these Deities, we behold present before our eyes, in a clear and open view. Another reason I find also why they built their Temples to Coelus, 
Godw. Antiq. l. 1. cap. 20.  and those other Deities uncovered as Stonehenge: because they counted it an heinous matter to see those Gods confined under a roof, whose doing good consisted in being abroad.  
Thirdly, in regard of the Form of Stonehenge, which is circular. 
Pier. Valer. Hier. lib. 39  This figure was proper to the Temples of Coelus and Tellus, whom the Ancients called Vesta, as Valerianus (in his hieroglyphics) affirms. Non solament la palla, ma una simplice piegatura di ruota, appresso gli Egizziani demostrava il Cielo. Not only (saith he) the circular form, but the mere segment of a circle amongst the Egyptians was an hieroglyphic of Coelus. And to this purpose also, 
Leo Bapt. Alb. lib. 7.  Leo Baptista Albertus useth these words. Aedem Vestae, quam esse terram putarent, rotundam ad pilae similitudinem, faciebant. Unto Vesta, whom they reputed to be the Earth, they built Temples of a round form globelike. Besides, observe what Philander commenting on Vitruvius tells us. 
Philand. in 4. lib. Vitr. cap. 7.  Templorum quanquam alia fiant quadrata, alia multorum angulorum, Coeli naturam imitati veteres, imprimis rotundis sunt delectati: Although (saith he) the Ancients made some Temples square, some of six sides, others of many angles, they were especially delighted with making of them round, as representing thereby the Form or Figure of Coelum, Heaven.  
Fourthly, in respect of the Order whereof Stonehenge built. The severity of this Tuscan work, retaining in it a show (as it were) of that first face of Antiquity 
An. Pal. li. 1.  (as A. Palladio terms it) being most agreeable to the nature of this their God, reputed the ancientest of all their Deities, and Father of Saturn. For, it was the custom of the Ancients (as in part I remembered before) to appropriate the several Orders of Architecture, according to the particular qualifications of those they deified. Minervae, & Marti, & Herculi, aedes Doricae fient: his enim diis propter virtutem, 
Vitr. lib. 1. cap. 2.  sine deliciis aedificia constitui decet. To Minerva, and Mars, and Hercules, Temples of the Doric Order were made; for, to these Deities in respect of their valiant actions, it was requisite to build without delicacy. Veneri, Florae, Proserpinae, Fontium Nymphis, Corinthio genere constitutae, aptas videbuntur habere proprietates, quòd his diis propter teneritatem, graciliora & florida, foliísque & volutis ornata opera facta augere videbuntur justum decorem. To Venus, Flora, Proserpina, the Fountain Nymphs, the Corinthian Order was thought most proper: because unto these in regard of their tender natures, the work seemed to advance a just decorum, when made delicate and flourishing, and adorned with leaves and volutes. Junoni, Dianae, Libero Patri caeterísque diis qui eadem sunt similitudine, si aedes jonicae construerentur, habita erat ratio mediocritatis, quod & ab severo more Doricorum, & à teneritate Corinthiorum, temperabitur earum institutio proprietatis. To Juno, Diana, Bacchus, and to the other Deities of the same quality, building Temples of the Jonick Order, they had regard unto the mean, that from the severe manner of the Doric, and delicacy of the Corinthian, the condition of their endowments might be duly moderated, saith Vitruvius. To Jupiter, Sol, and Luna, though they made Temples sub divo open to the air and without roofs like this Antiquity; yet were they not built of severe and humble but most delicate Orders, and accordingly were adorned with costly ornaments, and beautified with various enrichments in several sorts of sculpture, as by the ruins of them in divers parts of Italy remaining to this day, evidently appears. Respecting therefore, this Decorum used by the Ancients in building their Temples, and that this work Stonehenge is principally composed of a most grave Tuscan manner, by just proportions of an agreeable form; it is in mine opinion, as I said before, most agreeable to the quality and condition of that ancient Coelus, whom Antiquity reputed the very stem whence all those Deities in the succeeding Ages proceeded. Coelus ex eadem conjuge (scilicet Tellure) procreavit Oceanum, Coelum, Hyperionem &c. 
Apollod. lib. 1.  & novissimum omnium Saturnum suscepit. Coelus, by the same wise (to wit Tellus) had Oceanus, Coelum, Hyperion &c. and last of all begat Saturn. To which purpose also Lactantius, I find Uranius by his wife Vesta had Saturn and Ops: Saturn attaining the government, called his father Uranius, Coelus, and his mother Terra; that by this change of names, he might the more magnify the splendour of his original &c. Further, I conceive it will not be impertinent to our purpose in hand, to deliver what the Ancients have reported of Coelus; and wherefore they ascribed divine Honours unto Him.  
According to the Poets, Coelus was not that huge machine adorned with stars, which Orpheus saith was composed for habitation of the Planets, and other Deities, and which we behold moving with continual revolution: but a certain man so called, son to Aether and Dies, that, is della virtù ardente, & della luce famosa, of transcendent influence and resplendent brightness, as Boccace hath it. 
Boccace lib. 3.   
By Historians, especially Diodorus 
Dioder. lib. 4.  Siculus, it's thus delivered. Scribunt primùm regnasse apud Atlantides Coelum: Hominésque antea per agros dispersos, ad coetum, condendásque urbes exhortatum, à fera eos agrestíque vita ad mitiorem cultum extitisse &c. They write, he which first reigned over the Atlantides was Coelus, and that he invited men living dispersedly before throughout the fields, to convene, and dwell in companies together, exhorting them to build Towns, and reducing them from wild and savage to the conversation of civil life: Taught them also to sow corn and seeds, and divers other things belonging to the common use of mankind; Ruled likewise over a great part of the world from East to West; Was a diligent observer of the stars, and foretold men divers things to come: The year (before confused) bringing into Order, according to the course of the Sun, reducing it also into months after the moon's course, and appointing likewise the several seasons of the year. Whereby many ignorant of the perpetual course of the stars, and amazed at his future predictions, did verily believe he participated of Divine Nature, and therefore after his death, as well for benefits received from him, as great knowledge of the stars, they conferred on him immortal honours, and adored him as a God. And, as appears, called Coelus in regard of his skill in the celestial bodies, as also, for divers other causes eternal King of all the world. Thus Diodorus. It being an ordinary custom among the Heathens to deify, and esteem for Gods, such excellent personages, as either had well ruled, or governed them, or done any notable thing among them to their especial benefit, or good liking. Such, were they men, or women, remained with the name, reputation, and reverence of Gods or Goddesses after their deaths.  
Furthermore, according to the Philosophers; Men (they knew not how) by nature soon wanting, and by instinct as soon seeking some God (in stead of apprehending better) deified the best to sense. Whereupon, out of all Entities as most glorious to the eye, they first made choice of Heaven, and Heavenly bodies; 
Plu●. Phil. opin.. lib. 1.  considering again, as the most beneficial objects, those living creatures, and fruits which the Earth beneath brought forth, to make complete generations, they coupled Coelus to Tellus, adoring Heaven as Father, and Earth as Mother to these; the pouring down of showers from Heaven seeming in stead of natural seeds, and the Earth as a Mother to conceive, and bring forth the same.  
Fifthly, the Sacrifices in times of old offered to Coelus were Bulls or Oxen, their great God Jupiter himself, as I find in Rosinus, 
Rosin. lib. 2. cap. 5.  offering such Victimes unto him. Ante pugnam, quae cum Gigantibus in Creta habita est, Jovem sacrificasse dicunt Soli, Coelo, ac Terrae bovem. Before the battle struck with the Giants in Crete, they say Jupiter sacrificed an ox to Sol, Coelus, and Terra. Now that there hath oftentimes been digged out of the ground at Stonehenge, the heads of such beasts, in all probability anciently in that place sacrificed; I need not again remember, being it is so well known.  
Sixthly, all the upright stones in this Antiquity are pyramidal like flames, in imitation of those etherial fires, wherewith the Heaven is adorned. 
Pier. Valer. Hier. lib. 60.  Now, that Fire hath the form of a pyramid is evident, percioche, essendo largo da basso, intorno alla materia & esca, da che si pasce, finisce in acuta fiamma che riguardo all Cielo. Because, being large at the bottom, in respect of the matter and fuel, by which it is fed, it finishes in an acute flame tending upwards towards Heaven. And, that the Heavens are adorned with fires, Natalis Comes in his Mythology, out of Orpheus, makes apparent. Nihil aliud esse Coelum existimans, nisi hunc aethera qui constat ex altissimis illis ignibus. Supposing the Heaven to be no other thing, but this Air which consisteth of those transcendent Fires.  
Lastly, that Stonehenge was anciently dedicated to Coelus I collect from the Conformation of the work. For the conformation of the Cell and Porticus in the Plant, was designed with four equilateral Triangles, inscribed in a Circle, such as the Astrologers use in describing the twelve celestial signs in musical proportions. 
Vitr. lib. 5.  According to that of Vitruvius; In ea conformatione quatuor scribantur trigona paribus lateribus & intervallis, quae extremam lineam circinationis tangant; In the conformation thereof, let four triangles be inscribed of equal sides and intervals, which may touch the extreme part of the circumference: quibus etiam in duodecim signorum coelestium descriptione, Astrologi ex musica convenientia astrorum ratiocinantur; by which figures also, Astrologers from the musical harmony of the stars ground their reasonings, as concerning the description of the twelve celestial signs. Besides the Cell itself in the formation thereof, is cast into an Exagon, one of the three figures, likewise used by Astrologers in their aforesaid arguments of the sympathy of the stars. Figuris tribus (saith Philander) utuntur Astrologi, Trigono, Tetragono & Hexagono. The Astrologers make use of three sorts of figures; the Triangle, Tetragon, and Hexagon. Furthermore, the three entrances leading into the Temple from the Plain, were comparted by an equilateral triangle; which was the figure whereby the Ancients expressed what appertained to Heaven, and divine mysteries also. Aggiungono i Magi (saith Pierius Valerianus 
Pier. Valer. Hier. lib. 39 ) i un triangolo semplice di lati uguali, è indizio di divinità, overo effigy di cose celesti. The Magi add that a triangle of equal sides is a symbol of Divinity, or sign of celestial matters. Now this Antiquity consisting of several stones, orderly disposed into one entire work, in imitation, as it were, of those several stars which appearing to us in the Heavens in form of a circle, are called the celestial Crown; and wholly designed by those schemes wherewith Astrologers use to describe celestial bodies; which figures, usually applied by them to particular accidents only, being all jointly made use of by the Architect for conformation of this sacred structure, it is not improbable Stonehenge was so composed, because dedicated to Coelum. Yea further, (if lawful to compare an idolatrous place with so divine a work) was not the Temple at Jerusalem adorned with the figures of Cherubims, that thereby the Nations of the Earth might know it was the habitation of the living God? and, why not in like manner this Temple composed by astrological figures, that after Ages might apprehend, it was anciently consecrated to Coelus or Coelum Heaven?  
But in this conjuncture; concerning such kind of Temples as this at Stonehenge, what saith the learned Patriarch of Aquileia? 
Dan. Barba. in lib. 4.  Io credo, che quel Tempio senza parete significava alcune cose del Cielo, 
Vitr. cap. 7. in Ven. 1584.  gli effetti delle quali sono nello scoperto. I believe that Temple without walls (speaking of the Monopteros aforesaid) had a relation to Coelum (Heaven) because the effects thereof are openly displayed to the full view of all men.  
Camden tells us he had heard, that in the time of King Henry the eighth, a table of metal was found, not far from this Antiquity, engraven with divers strange characters, which being not legible, was neglected and lost: had, indeed, that Table been found within the work itself it might happily have brought to light somewhat in relation to Stonehenge. And by all likelihood, in time some inscriptions may therein be found, it being the custom as well of Greeks as Romans, in times of greatest Antiquity, to lay inscriptions (usually) under the first stones set in what works soever; especially, those of any great magnificence. Wherefore, I advise mine honoured Friend Laurence Washington Esquire in whose demesnes this Antiquity stands, to whom I am much obliged, for his friendly notice of what things have been there of late years digged up, that he would be solicitous upon any search made there, to inquire after them, and if any found not to neglect, or curiously conceal them, but preserve and willingly produce the same.  
I suppose, I have now proved from authentic Authors, and the rules of Art, Stonehenge anciently a Temple, dedicated to Coelus, built by the Romans; either in, or not long after those times (by all likelihood) when the Roman Eagles spreading their commanding wings over this Island, the more to civilize the Natives, introduced the Art of Building amongst them, discovering their ambitious desire, by stupendious and prodigious works, to eternize the memory of their high minds to succeeding Ages. For, the magnificence of that stately Empire, is at this day clearly visible in nothing more, then in the ruins of their Temples, Palaces, arches Triumphals, aqueducts, Thermae, Theaters, amphitheatres, Cirques, and other secular, and sacred structures.  
History affords only Contemplation, whereby their great Actions are made conceivable alone to reasoning: but the ruins of their buildings Demonstration, which obvious to sense, are even yet as so many eye-witnesses of their admired achievements. 
Roma quanta fuit, ipsa ruina docet,  
How great Rome was, her ruins yet declare.  Opinions fancied to the contrary, I have rendered improbable, the Authors of them in respect of this Antiquity being not only modern; but also, what said by them Romance-like hatched out of their own brains, 
Camd. fo. 8.  even as other fables invented by them, touching the Britains of old. Men possessed nevertheless, with a former conceit of things, endure not by any means new opinions, having not commonly patience to search long after the truth thereof. To them, ever the more generally received, the truer things seem, accounting all of their own time despicable; insomuch, as some are so far in love with vulgarly received reports, that it must be taken for truth, whatsoever related by them, though nor head, nor tail, nor foot, nor footstep in it oftentimes of reason or common sense. They that believe Geffrey Monmouth's ipse dixit, may make themselves merry therewith; in pleasing their own fancy, they displease not mine. As I have delivered my own judgement freely, all reason they should enjoy theirs. But such as sail in the vast Ocean of time, amongst the craggy rocks of Antiquity, steering their course, betwixt anciently approved customs, and convincing arguments, guided by good Authority, and sound judgement, arrive much safer, and with better repute, in the secure Haven of undoubted Truth. For mine own part, I had rather err happily with venerable Antiquity, than so much as trouble my thoughts with modern conceits. Whether, in this adventure, I have wafted my bark into the wished Port of truth's discovery concerning Stonehenge, I leave to the judgement of skilful Pilots. I have endeavoured, at least, to give life to the attempt, trending perhaps, to such a degree, as either may invite others to undertake the Voyage anew, or prosecute the same in more ample manner, in which, I with them their desired success, and that with prosperous gales they may make a more full and certain discovery.  
FINIS.     

Errata.  
Folio 10. line 6. These words, [The Romans overthrew not the Temples, or razed to the Foundations, any of the sacred structures of the Druid's and Britains made of stone, or other materials, which he might as readily have done, if they had used any such: but positively,] should have been printed in the ordinary letter. Fo. Line Read 18 22 was 28 4 Cappa 38 19 Mercians 49 37 Strait 50 1 Strait 80 23 the roof