THE THIRD SPEECH OF THE LORD GEORGE DIGBY, To the House of Commons, Concerning Bishops, and the city Petition, the 9th. of febr. 1640.  
Printed for Tho: Walkley. 1640.   

The Lord Digby's Speech to the House of COMMONS, concerning Bishops, and the city Petition the ninth of Febr. 1640.  
Mr. SPEAKER,  
I Know it is a tender subject I am to speak of, wherein I believe some within these walls are engaged with earnestness in contrary opinions to mine; and therefore it will be necessary, that in the first place I beseech the patience of this House, that they will be pleased to hear me without interruption, though somewhat I say should chance to be displeasing, I hope there will be somewhat from me ere I conclude, that may be of service to this House.  
Sir, if I thought there were no further design in the desires of some, that this London Petition should be committed, then merely to make use of it, as an Index of grievance: I should wink at the faults of it, and not much oppose it.  
There is no man within these walls, more sensible of the heavy grievance of Church government, than myself; nor whose affections are keen to the clipping of those wings of the Prelates, whereby they have mounted to such insolences, nor whose zeal is more ardent to the searing them, as that they may never spring again.  
But having reason to believe, that some aim at a total extirpation of Bishops, which is against my heart, and that the committing of this Petition, may give countenance to that design, I cannot restrain myself from labouring to divert it, or at least to set such notes upon it, as may make it ineffectual to that end.  
Truly Sir, when this Petition was first brought into the House, I considered it in its nature, in the manner of the delivery in the present conjuncture of affairs, both ecclesiastical and civil, to be a thing of the highest consequence that any age hath presented to a Parliament; and the same thoughts I have of it still.  
I profess, I looked upon it then with terror, as upon a comet a blazing star, raised and kindled out of the stench, out of the poisonous exhalation of a corrupted Hierarchy: Me thought the comet had a terrible tail with it, Sir, and pointed to the North, the same fears dwell with me still concerning it, and I beseech God they may not prove prophetical: I fear all the Prudence, all the forecast, all the virtue of this House, how unitedly soever collected, how vigorously applied, will have a hard work of it. Yet to hinder this meteor, from causing such distempers and Combustions by its influence, as it then portended by its appearance, what ever the event be, I shall discharge my conscience concerning it freely, and uprightly, as unbiased by popularity, as by any Court respects. Sir, I could never flatter, the sense of this House, which I reverence so much, as to suppress a single no, that my heart dictated, though I knew the venting of it might cast prejudices upon me, had my fortune placed me near a King, I could not have flattered a King. And I do not intend now to flatter a multitude.  
I shall desire those worthy Aldermen, and the rest here of the city of London, not to take any thing I shall say in the least way of disparagement, or reflection on the city, I look not upon this Petition, as a Petition from the city of London, but from I know not what, 15000. Londoners, all that could be got to subscribe.  
When this Petition was first presented, there might be more reason for the Commitment of it, as being then the most comprehensive Catalogue we had of Church grievance, but now that the Ministers by their remonstrance, have given us so fair, and full an Index of them without those mixtures of things contemptible, irrational, and presumptuous, wherewith this Petition abounds, I do not know I profess to what good end it can be committed, being full of contemptible things, but first let me recall to your mind the manner of its delivery: And I am confident, there is no man of judgement, that will think it fit for a Parliament, under a monarchy, to give countenance to irregular, and tumultuous assemblies of people, be it for never so good an end: Besides, there is no man of the least insight into nature, or history, but knows the danger, when either true or pretended stimulation, of conscience, hath once given a multitude agitation.  
Contemptible things (Sir) swarm in the 8. 13. 14. 15. 16. ●7. Articles of this Petition. Did ever anybody think, that the gaites of Ovid, or Tom. Caries muse, should by 15000. have been presented to a Parliament, as a motive for the extirpation of Bishops, the scandal of the Rochet, the lawn sleeves, the four corner Cap, the Cope, the surplice, the Tippet, the Hood, the canonical Coat; &c. may pass with arguments of the same weight, only thus much let me observe upon it (Mr. Speaker) that one would swear the Penners of the Article had the pluming of some Bishops already, they are so acquainted with every feather of them. In a word, I know not whether be more preposterous to infer the extirpation of Bishops from such weak Arguments, or to attribute as they do to Church government all the civil grievance not a patent, not a monopoly, not the price of a commodity raised, but these men make Bishops the cause of it.  
For the irrational part (Mr. Speaker) first they petition us in a Method only allowable with those, whose judgement or justice is suspected, that is Inquum petere, ut aequum feras; There is no logic, no reasoning in their demands: It were want of logic in me to expect it from a multitude, but I consider the multitude in this is led by implicit faith, to that which hath been digested, and contrived but by a few, and in them truly I cannot but wonder at the want of Reconciliation here.  
A Petition, Mr. Speaker, aught in this to be a kind of syllogism, that the Conclusion, the prayer ought to hold proportion with the premises, that is with the Allegations, and Complaints, and to be reasonably deduced from them.  
But what have we here a multitude of Allegations, a multitude of Instances, of abuses, and depravations of Church government: And what inferred from thence, let the use be utterly abolished for the abuses sake: As if they should say, that because drunkenness and Adultery are grown so epidemical, as is alleged in the Petition. Let there be no more use of Wine, nor of Women in the Land.  
Christ's discipline hath been adulterated, 'tis true, the whole Church inebriated by the Prelates, therefore infer our Petitioners, let not so much as the chaste, the sober use of them be suffered.  
Give me leave to continue one of the Comparisons a little further, should it be demonstrated unto us, that Wine could not be made use of without drunkenness, and withal some such liquour presented, as healthy, and as nourishing, from which no distemper could arise; I should not blame any man for desiring to pluck up the Vine by the roots. But for the movable illssake, to take away the solid good of a thing, is just as reasonable in this, as to root up a good tree, because there is a Canker in the branches.  
For the bold part of this Petition, Sir, what can there be of greater presumption, then for Petitioners, not only to prescribe to a Parliament, what, and how it shall do; but for a multitude to teach a Parliament, what, and what is not, the government according to God's Word.  
Besides, what is the Petition against, is it not against the government of the Church of England, established by Acts of Parliament? Is it not against the liturgy, against several forms of Divine Service, ratified by the same Authority?  
'Tis true, Mr. Speaker, the Parliament may mend, may alter, may repeal laws, may make new, and I hope in due season we shall do so in point of Church-government: but in the meantime let me tell you, Sir, I cannot but esteem it an irreverence, an high presumption in any to petition point blank against a Law, or Government in force.  
Representment of inconvenience may be made, (as the Ministers have done) such as may endure the wisdom of a Parliament, to advise laws, to rectify, to repeal them; but it imports the very essence of Parliaments, to keep up the honour of its former Acts, and not to suffer them to be further blasted from abroad.  
Believe me, Mr. Speaker, all the reverence and authority, which we expect from future times to our own Acts, hereafter depends upon our upholding the dignity of what former Parliaments have done, even in those things which in their due time we may desire, and intend to reverse.  
Mr. Speaker, you see in what plain language I have set forth unto you the faults of this Petition, notwithstanding as great as they are, so they may not obtain any seeming countenance from us; I find myself willing to have them past by, especially when I consider how naturally prone all mankind is, when it finds itself oppressed beyond patience, to fly unto extremes for ease. And indeed, I do not think, that any people hath been evermore provoked, than the generality of England, of late years, by the insolences, and exorbitances of the Prelates.  
I protest sincerely, Mr. Speaker, I cannot cast mine eye upon this Petition, nor my thoughts on the practices of the churchmen, that have governed it of late; but they appeared to me as a scourge employed by God upon us for the sins of the Nation; I cannot think of that passage in the book of Kings, he that escapes the Sword of Hazael, shall Jehu slay, and he that escapes Jehu, shall Elisha slay.  
Me thinks, the vengeance of the Prelates hath been so laid, as if 'twere meant no generation, no Degree, no Complexion of Mankind should escape it.  
Was there a man of a nice and tender conscience? him have they afflicted with scandal in Adiaphoris, imposing on him those things, as necessary, which he thinks unlawful, and they themselves knew to be but indifferent.  
Was there a man of a legal conscience, that made the establishments by Law, the measure of his Religion? him have they nettled with innovations with fresh introductions to Popery.  
Was there a man of a meek and humble spirit, him have they trampled to dirt in their pride.  
Was there a man of a proud, and arrogant nature, him have they bereft with indignation at their superlative insolence about him.  
Was there a man peaceably affected, studious of the quiet, and tranquillity of his country? their incendiariship hath plagued him.  
Was there a man faithfully addicted to the Right of the crown, loyally affected to the King's Supremacy, how hath he been galled by their new Oath? a direct Covenant against it.  
Was there a man tenacious of the liberty, and propriety of the subject, have they not set forth books, or Sermons, or Canons destructive to them all.  
Was there a man of a pretty sturdy conscience, that would not blanch for a little. Their pernicious Oath hath made him sensible, and wounded, or I fear prepared him for the devil.  
Was there a man that durst mutter against their insolences? he may inquire for his lugs, they have been within the Bishop's visitation; as if they would not only derive their Brandisment of the spiritual sword from S. Peter, but of the material one too, and the Right to cut off ears.  
Mr. Speaker, as dully, as faintly, as unlively, as in Language these Actions of the Prelates have been expressed unto you, I am confident there is no man hears me but is brimful of Indignation.  
For my part I profess I am so inflamed with the sense of them, that I find myself ready to cry out with the loudest of the 15000 down with them, down with them, even to the ground.  
But M. Speaker, when I cast mine Eye round upon this great and wise Assembly, and find myself a part too (though the most unworthy and Inconsiderable) of that Senate, from whose dispassionate and equal Constitutions, present and future times must Expect their happiness or Infelicity.  
It obliges me to the utmost of my power to divest myself and others of all those disturbances of Judgement which arise ever from great provocations, and to settle my thoughts in that temper which I think necessary to all those that would judge clearly of such things as have incensed them.  
I beseech you gentlemen let us not be led on by passion to popular and vulgar Errors, it is natural (as I told you before) to the multitude to fly unto Extremes, that seems ever the best to them, that is most opposite to the presentest object of their hate.  
Wise counsels (M. Speaker) must square their resolutions by another measure, by what's most just, most honourable, most convenient: believe me, Sir, great alterations of Government are rarely accompanied with any of these.  
M. Speaker, we all agree upon this; that a Reformation of Church Government is most necessary, and our happy unity of opinions herein should be one Argument unto us to stay there, but Sir, to strike at the root, to attempt a total Alteration, before ever I can give my vote unto that, three things must be made manifest unto me.  
First, that the mischiefs which we have felt under episcopal Government flow from the nature of the function, not from the abuses of it only, that is, that no Rules, no Bamdaryes can be set to Bishops able to restrain them from such Exorbitances.  
Secondly, such a frame of Government must be laid before us, as no time, no Corruption can make liable to proportionable inconveniences with that which we abolish.  
And thirdly, it must be made to appear that this Utopia is Practicable.  
For the first, Sir, that Episcopacy a function deduced through all ages of Christ's Church, from the Apostles times and continued by the most venerable and sacred order ecclesiastical; a function dignified by the learning and Piety of so many Fathers of the Church, glorified by so many martyrdoms in the Primitive times, and some since our own blessed Reformation, a government admired (I speak it knowingly) by the learnedst of the Reformed Churches abroad, and lastly a Government under which (till these late years) this Church hath so flourished, so fructified, that such a government, such a function, should at the faggend of 1640 years be found to have such a Close devil in it, as no power can Exercise, no Law restrain appears (Sir) to me a thing very improbable: I profess I am deceived Sir if triennial Parliaments will not be a Circle able to keep many a worse devil in order.  
For the second, I know not the strength of other men's fancies, but I will confess unto you ingenuously the weakness of my faith in the point, that I do not believe there can any other Government be proposed but will in time be subject to as great or greater inconveniences than Episcopacy, I mean Episcopacy so ordered, reduct and limited as I suppose it may be by firm and solid boundaryes.  
'tis true Sir, we cannot so well judge before hand of future inconveniences, for the knowledge of the faults and mischiefs of episcopal government resulting from fresh and bleeding Experience.  
And the insight into dangers of any new way that shall be proposed being to rise only from speculation, the apprehension of the one is likely to be much more operative than of the other, though perhaps in just reason it ought to be the weaker with us, it is hard in such cases for us to preserve an equal and unpropense judgement; since being in things of this world so much too hard for faith and contemplation: yet as Divine as our inspection is into things not experimented, if we harken to those that would quite extirpate Episcopacy, I am confident that instead of every Bishop we put down in a diocese, we shall set up a Pope in every Parish.  
Lastly M. Speaker, whether the subversion of Episcopacy, and the introducing of another kind of Government be practiceable, I leave it to those to judge who have considered the connexion and interweaving of the Church Government with the Common Law, to those who heard the King's Speech to us the other Day, or who have looked into reason of state.  
For my part (though no Statesman I will speak my mind freely in this) I do not think a King can put down Bishops totally with safety to Monarchy; not that there is any such alliance as men talk of twixt the mitre and the crown, but from this reason; that upon the putting down of Bishops, the Government of Assemblies is likely to succeed it. That (to be effectual) must draw to itself the supremacy of ecclesiastical Jurisdiction that (consequently) the power of Excommunicating Kings as well as any other Brother in Christ, and if a King chance to be delivered over to Satan, Judge whether men are likely to care much what becomes of him next.  
These things considered M. Speaker, let us lay aside all thoughts of such dangerous, such fundamental, such unaccomplished Alterations: & all thought of countenancing those thoughts in others; let us all resolve upon that course wherein (with union) we may probably promise ourselves, success, happiness, and security, that is in a through Reformation.  
To that, no man's vote shall be given with more zeal, with more heartines than mine. Let us not destroy Bishops, but make Bishops such as they were in the Primitive times.  
Do their large Territories, their large Revenues offend? let them be retrencht, the good Bishop of Lippo had but a narrow diocese.  
Do their Courts and subordinates offend? let them be brought to govern, as in the Primitive times, by Assemblies of their clergy.  
Doth their intermeddling in secular affairs offend? exclude them from the capacity, it is no more than what reason and all Antiquity hath interdicted them.  
That all this may be the better effected, M. Speaker my motion is that: First, we may appoint a Committee to collect all grievances springing from the misgovernment of the Church (to which the Ministers head of Government will be sufficient without countenancing this Petition by a Comitment) and to represent it to this house in a Body.  
And in the next place that we may (if it stand with the order of Parliaments) desire that there may be a standing committee of certain members of both Houses who (with a number of such learned Ministers as the Houses shall nominate for Assistants) may take into consideration all these grievances, and advise of the best way to settle peace and satisfaction in the Government of the Church, to the comfort of all good Christians and all good commonwealth's men.  
FINIS.