WEST BARBARY, OR, A short Narrative Of the Revolutions OF THE KINGDOMS OF Fez and Morocco. With an account of the present Customs, Sacred, Civil, and Domestic.  
By LANCELOT ADDISON, Chaplain to His Majesty in Ordinary.  
Printed at the THEATER in OXFORD, and are to be sold by John Wilmot, 1671.   

TO THE Most Worthy and truly Honoured Joseph Williamson Esq.  
SIR,  
THE Liberty of Dedications, being the undoubted Privilege of every Scribbler, may save me harmless in prefixing your Name to the ensuing Remarks. In which I do not so much design your Patronage, because I cannot fancy that these Papers will be so much taken notice of as to be questioned for their Faults. But my whole Design on this occasion is to tell the World, how much I love your Person, and honour your Worth.  
I will not be so vain as to endeavour to represent you to the World, or to your Self, for you are sufficiently known to both; and your excellent Parts & Integrity have not attracted you more honour at home, than they have acquired you abroad. For I know your Reputation is as happy in Foreign Countries for the even Menage of Affairs, as in your own.  
But to attempt any thing of your Panegyric, were to do, what is done by all who know you: & therefore I may justly divert my Pen to express my Resentments, that I can make no Present agreeable to your Merit or my Affection. For which, I have no other Apology, but either my Unhappiness, or that this is not the Age, when Temples, Altars, and Statues, are erected to Worth and Virtue. Nevertheless, I cannot be so fashionably modest, as altogether to Vilify my Offering, or so far wrong you, as to imagine it will be despised as utterly Unprofitable; for it must be a Present extremely mean, which so great an Ingenuity as yours, will despise; and a Subject strangely dry, from whence so great a Discernment can gather Nothing.  
I know, that little worthy a Polite Judgement can be gathered from a Discourse of People famous only for being Barbarous; yet if Public Affairs can spare you minutes enough to read over these Remarks, you may perhaps in them meet with so much Order, Civility, and (according to their way) Religion, as may somewhat refine that Name. However, if what I tender may be by you received, as it is sincerely intended, for an Unfeigned Testimony of my Respect and Affection, I have accomplished my Design, which is without all Artifice, to declare myself,  
Your Humble, Faithful, and Devoted Servant, LANCELOT ADDISON.   

THE PREFACE TO THE READER.  
IT being the manner of those who Write, to acquaint the Reader with the Design of the Book; if I had any in Publishing this besides your Divertisement, it was chiefly to make the Justice and Religiousness of a People esteemed Barbarous, Rude, and Savage, to reflect upon their Enormities, who would be reckoned for the only Illuminati of both. And to show that this Unlicked, Uncultivated People agree with the wisest Nati●●s, in making the care of Religion and Justice to suppress Vice and encourage Virtue, as the only method to make a State happy.  
It was one of the Pedantic Vanities of the Grecians to repute all Barbarous but themselves; and albeit there are some who have the same Opinion of every thing that is divers from the Manners and Customs of their own Country, yet those who acknowledge Humanity in all its Habits, may in perusing the Remarks made upon these Barbarians, meet with something that may civilize the Title, and induce them to think, that what is commonly called Barbarous, is but a different Mode of Civility.  
As for the Truth of what is written, I have used an Industry as probable to ensure me thereof, as the nature of the Subject would give me leave. Having first travelled the Country, and remarked as much as such an occasion would afford, and then retained a Conversation with such Persons, both Moors and Jews, as I found best able to increase and amend my first Remarks. So that they are not barely the Occasionals of a Journey, nor scraped up from Casual Discourses, but the result of some Years Inspection into the People of whom I write; and that I might not disingeniously impose upon your Belief, I have not contented myself with a single Test, but have rejected several Passages which have not had a sufficient confirmation. It being not my intent to be known for Writing things strange and Romantic, but to be very civil to the World, in putting nothing upon them but what is Firm and Solid.  
As for the Dress wherein they appear (though perhaps suitable enough for the matter) I have been therein so negligent as not greatly to regard it, except in the Narrative to preserve coherence. For I conceived, I was not to present you with the Customs of a Nation as I made them, but as they were in themselves, which could scarcely be done, but by exposing them (thus) naked.  
The Narrative of the late Revolutions, etc. is that for which to some I may seem the less accountable, because I insinuate a want of Public Records among the Moors, out of which it was to have been collected. But there was no such great need of those Assistances in Penning the Annals of our Age; and the Narrative ascends no higher than the Period of the Xeriffian Family, and the Division of Kirams Usurpation of the Crown of Morocco, which are very fresh in the minds of the Moors. And yet for the clearer Certainty herein, I have had the assistance of some Ancient observing Moors, who were Actors in the late Revolves. But my best help I had, was from an Aged, Inquisitive, noting Person, an Hebrew Sabio, one Joseph Messias, who for many Years had been Secretary of Tituan, and with great diligence had observed Memoirs of what a long time had happened in that part of Barbary. In what concerns the War between Gaylan and Taffilet, I confess I am not very particular, because much thereof related to Tanger; but what is here wanting, may be supplied in the modern Story of that Ancient City.  
How far I have been from Transcribing Leo Afer, which some may suspect, will easily appear by comparing what is contained in the Remarks of West Barbary, with his Description of Africa.  
That I have not spoken more largely of their Colleges, needs no other excuse, than that they now use none; and the like may be answered for my silence of their Libraries. And how famous soever Mauritania Tingitana hath been in former Ages for a Race of Literati, yet now there is little hope to see a Restauration of their Studies, if it be considered what small regard the present Moors bear to Learning: Which I understood from Cidi Abdella, Gaylan's Secretary, a Spanish Renegado of a bold Capacity; to whom, when I was praising the Ancient Learning of Fez, etc. he told me, That now the Moors were not very fond of Bookish Inclinations, being generally addicted either to Military or Mechanic Employments: and when I read to him out of Don Diego Savedra Taxardo (in the 66th of his Empressas' Politicas) how that a Learned Age might have as little Valour as Devotion: That all knowledge was superfluous which taught the People more than to Obey, endure Travel, and Conquer: That great Discursists were apt to intrigue Affairs, dispute the Prince's Resolutions, and stir up the People: That it was the best Obedience, which was rather Credulous then Inquisitive: That the Ottoman Empire, so much enriched with the Spoils, and elevated with the Trophies of many Nations, reckon it among their Happinesses, not to have their Consultations lime-twigged with Quirks and Sophisms of Philosophical Persons, and make Illiterature one of their chief Engines of Empire: That the City may be taken, while the Mathematician is delinea●●●g the Fortification: That Nations, Provinces, Colonies, have grown great by Industrious, and not Poring Arts, etc. While I was thus reading to the attentive discerning Renegado, he broke out into a sort of Exultation, and called Muley Mahumed to witness, that he thought Savedra (the Author I read) was a Moor, or otherwise he could never have so punctually described the Humour, and Sentiments of the Moors concerning Learning: adding withal, that if they who in their present Illiterature were so prone to Sedition, that they would be much more so, if they were heated with Bookish Speculations, and had their Black humour chafed and quickened with Subtilizing Studies.  
The next thing which may seem herein omitted, is, that which would have best pleased the Virtuosos, an account of their Libraries, for which I was once solicited by a Letter from a Stranger, in the Year 1664. who designed an Universal Catalogue of Ancient and Modern Writers, and their Books: And though he possessed me with great hopes of finding great store of Books in Barbary for his purpose; yet upon Enquiry, I met with nothing but Disappointment, and that the Moors are so far from having excellent Libraries, that they wonder to see any Book of Age or Volume in their own Language. This I understood from Cidi Hamet Cogez (formerly Alcayd of Alcazàr) who when in Tanger coming to see the Public Library that we had Founded there, where I showed him a MS. in his own Character concerning their Religion, he kissed, hugged, laid it to his Brow, upon the Crown of his Head, lifted it up to Heaven, and in every Circumstance appeared therewith so much transported, that I could scarce rescue it out of his Embraces.  
The same MS. I showed to a Talib (who was one of Tafilets' Emhérkin, or Messengers of State, sent to Compliment His Excellency the Lord Ambassador, The Illustrious Lord H. Howard at Tanger) who esteemed it so great a Rarity, that he solicited the Ambassador to beg or buy it for him at any Rate. This Manuscript is now in the Possession of the Archbishop of Canterbury His Grace. It is the first part of the Mustadarif (or, as the Talib Expounded it) The Clean Book. It was composed by Alfachì Mahumed Ebn Ahmed Alchab, and Copied into that fair Letter, wherein it is now extant, by Ali Ebn Abd'aliráhman ebn Mahumed, a Native of Suz, who finished it in the second Month Giamadi, Anno Hegirae, 1005.  
But these Stories have betrayed me to an unintended length, for which I hope to make some amends in what follows; in which I have endeavoured, like a merciful Executioner, not to protract your Pain.   


A BRIEF NARRATION Of the late Revolutions in the KINGDOMS of Fez and Morocco.  
THIS Narrative of the Revolutions of Barbary, shall not be derived beyond the Annals of our own Memory. For whose clearer introduction, the contexture of affairs invites us to step back to the notorious change, which happened about the year 1508. Near which time the Marine Family approaching to it's designed period and determination, it fortuned that a certain Alfachi, or Morish Priest, in the Province of Dara, began to grow into great reputation with the people, by reason of his high pretensions to piety and fervent zeal for their Law, illustrated by a stubborn rigidity of conversation and outward sanctity of life. His first name was mohammed Ben Amet; but pretending to be descended from their Prophet, he caused himself to be called Zeriffe: A Title which the Kindred of that Impostor have appropriated to themselves, and made the character of that whole Family. The credit of his pretended Pedigree, was another Engine wherewith he insinuated himself into the people's liking, which together with his seeming severity, made him of no vulgar esteem with a generation, who from time to time have been fooled with such Mountebanks in Religion.  
The great applause and approbation his person met with from the Moors, kindled in him no less an Ambition then of making himself Lord of Mauritania Tingitana; which must needs have proved a very Hypocondriacal design, had it not been assisted with a favourable conjuncture of affairs. For the Mauritanian Princes had a long time weakened themselves with civil discords; and the Portugals taking that advantageous occasion, had far advanced their Arms, and arrived at a considerable puissance in Barbary, and were still under a daily success of new achievements: Besides, the Moors desirous of Novelties, and sensible of oppressions, both from their own and foreign powers, were sufficiently inclinable to adhere to any, who appeared with probability to deliver them from their present Yoke.  
This now Zeriffe, who wanted neither Wit nor Ambition to conduct or enterprise an innovation, found by the Stars, in whose Science his Legend makes him very skilful, that the time was not yet suitable for so great an undertaking. Religion was his pretence, and nothing could have been so fit beside to advance him in the estimation of the many.  
To facilitate his designs, he sent his three Sons, Abdel, Abnet, and mohammed in Pilgrimage to Mecha and Medina, to visit and worship the Sepulchre of their Great Prophet. Much was the reverence and reputation of Holiness, which they thereby conquered among the superstitious people, who could hardly be kept from kissing their garments, and adoring them as Saints. His admired sons failed not in their parts, but acted as much Devotion, as high contemplative looks, deep sighs, tragical gestures, and other passionate Interjections of Holiness could express; Alà, Alà was their doleful note, their sustenance the people's Alms. Their Father received them with content and joy, and perceiving the favour and opinion of the people toward him, to continue the same as at the first, he resolved to make use thereof, and thereupon sent Abnet and Mahumet to the Court of Fez, where they were kindly received by the too credulous King, who made the elder, Precedent of the famous College Amadorac, and the younger, Tutor of his own Sons. Advanced thus in favour at Court, and Grace with the people, by the Council of their Father, they desired leave of the King to display a Banner against the Christians; induceing him to believe, that they would easily draw the Portugal Moors to their party; and by that means secure the Provinces of Morocco. Muley Nazer the King's brother, resisted the p●●●tion, warning the King not to arm this name of Sanctity, which being once Victorious, might grow insolent, and forgetful of Duty in minding a Kingdom. He told him likewise that War makes men awless, and that through popularity, many became ambitious and studious of Innovation. But the King intoxicated with the Opinion of these Pilgrim's Sanctity, rejected his Brother's necessary cautions, and gave them a Banner and Drum, with Letters of Credence to the Princes and Cities of Barbary, with twenty horsemen to attend them. Many Wonderful successes awaited upon their actions, and all things thrived so well under their conduct, that at last the King of Fez, who all along applauded his own Victories in theirs, began to distaste them. And seeing they had poisoned the King of Morocco, and made Amet Zeriff to be proclaimed King in his stead, he mistrusted his own safety, and began but too late to repent his approveing of an armed hypocrisy. Puffed up with their successes they forgot their obedience, and these Saints deny the King the fifth part of their spoils, and only sent him six Horses and six Camels, and those lean and ill shapen. The King demands his deuce, but they answered, That seeing they were lawful successors to mohammed, they ought to pay no man Tribute, and that they had more right in Africa then himself; but if he would respect them as his Friends and Allies, they were not froward to embrace him under that quality; but if he expected any more at their hands, they doubted not, but as they had had power to offend the Christians, they should not be destitute in defending of themselves; By which it appeared, that they took up Arms, not out of Love to their Country and zeal for their Religion, but out of a desire of Rule.  
The sword by both sides was chosen to umpire the contest, which awarded for the Zeriffs. For upon the encounter of both the Armies, the Fessan Forces after a long and doubtful Battle were defeated; and the Zeriffs so well improved the victory, that in few moons they became the uncontrolled Lords of the Kingdoms of Fez and Morocco, in whose Government their Family continued a considerable sum of years. But not with out destructive Hostilities among themselves; the Descendants pulling down each other by the like treacheries, that advanced their Ancestors: The greater thief still leading the less to the Gallows. Their Rebellions appeared under the specious pretences of mending some faults in Government, and one Cousin deposed another, under the pleasing disguise of setting up a gentler and more orderly Dominion; forgetting that it is safer to permit some inconveniences in the outer buildings, then to pull the whole structure down; There being corruptions which may safelier be continued then removed.  
But notwithstanding these Civil Wars, the power still remained in the same Family, and the dissension of the branches proceeded not so far as to cut down the tree. And yet about the year 1607. the Zeriffian House seemed near an extirpation by reason of Boféres and Sidans opposing Muley Sheck their elder Brother in his succession. But Muley Sheck and Boféres dying in the wars, Morocco was left to Abdalla son of Muley Sheck, who scarce warmed the throne, till he was violently pulled thence by his Uncle Sidan, and by an unintended kindness freed from the troubles of a Crown.  
This Muley Sidan once more joined Fez with Morocco, and in himself made the Zeriffian Family to reign over both. But he was much infested both by Land and Sea. For Abdela a Religious Hermit, and Hean, one of like hypocrisy and zeal, two opposite factions distressed him at Land, and the Pirates of Salla and Algiers by Sea. But his great valour maintained him against both. For by his own Arms he pacified the tumults at Land, and by the assistance of the English Shipping, he destroyed the Pirates of Salla, which so much disquieted the Ocean. And this being done he sent to have the like aid against those of Algiers the Pest of the Mediterranean. The tenor of his Heroic letter sent to King CHARLES of Great Britain on this occasion, I have here annexed, with no other design then to manifest the great esteem, which that Mahumedan Prince worthily retained of CHARLES the first, our Victorious Martyr.  
The Letter of the KING of MOROCCO To the KING of ENGLAND. 
1625.   
WHen these our Letters shall be so happy as to come to your Majesty's sight, I wish the Spirit of the Righteous God may so direct your mind, that you may joyfully embrace the Message I send; presenting to you the means of exalting the Majesty of God, and your own reward amongst men. The Regal power allotted to us makes us common servants to our Creator; then of those people whom we govern: so that observing the duties we owe to God, we deliver blessings to the world; in providing for the public good of our States, we magnify the honour of God; like the Celestial Bodies, which though they have much veneration, yet serve only to the benefit of the world. It is the Excellency of our Office, to be Instruments whereby happiness is delivered to the Nations. Pardon me Sir, this is not to instruct, for I know I speak to one of a more clear and quick sight then myself; but I speak this, because God hath pleased to grant me a happy victory over some part of those Rebellious Pirates, that have so long molested the peaceful trade of Europe; and hath presented further occasion to root out the Generation of those, who have been so pernicious to the good of our Nations: I mean, since it hath pleased God to be so auspicious to our beginnings in the conquest of Salla, that we might join and proceed in hope of like success in the War against Tunis, Algiers, and other places (Dens and Receptacles for the inhuman villainies of those who abhor Rule and Government.) Herein whilst we interrupt the corruption of malignant Spirits of the world, we shall glorify the great God, and perform a duty that will shine as glorious as the Sun and Moon, which all the Earth may see and reverence: a work that shall ascend as sweet as the perfume of the precious Odours, in the Nostrils of the Lord. A work grateful and happy unto men: a work whose memory shall be reverenced so long as there be any that delight to hear the Actions of Heroick and Magnanimous Spirits; that shall last as long as there be any remaining amongst men, that love and honour the Piety and Virtue of Noble minds. This action I here willingly present to You, whose Piety and Virtues equal the Greatness of your Power: that We who are Servants of the Great and Mighty God, may Hand in Hand Triumph in the Glory which this Action presents unto us. Now because the Islands which you Govern, have been ever famous for the Unconquered strength of their Shipping, I have sent this my trusty Servant and Ambassador to Know, whether in your Princely Wisdom You shall think fit to assist me with such Forces by Sea, as shall be answerable to those I provide by Land: which if You please to grant, I doubt not but the Lord of Hosts will protect and assist those that fight in so glorious a Cause. Nor ought You to think this strange, that I, who much reverence the Peace and accord of Nations, should exhort to a Warr. Your great Prophet Christ Jesus was the Lion of the Tribe of Judah, as well as the Lord and Giver of Peace: which may signify unto You, that he which is a lover and maintainer of Peace, must always appear with the terror of his sword, and wading through Seas of Blood, must arrive at tranquillity. This made JAMES your Father of glorious memory, so happily renowned amongst all Nations. It was the Noble fame of your Princely Virtues, which resounds to the utmost corners of the Earth, that persuadeth me to invite You to partake of that blessing wherein I boast myself most happy. I wish God may heap the riches of his Blessings on You, increase your happiness with your days, and hereafter perpetuate the greatness of your Name in all Ages.  
The Traders into the Levant have reason to bewail, that the condition of his Majesty's affairs would not give him leave to entertain this motion: which in all probability can never be revived with such promising circumstances, as it might then have been enterprised; for those Pirates were then inconsiderable to what they are now; for by the computation of their increase in Shipping and Skill in Navigation, if not timely subdued, they in short time may bid defiance to the Christian in the Midland Seas. And albeit the proposal was not embraced, yet it loudly spoke Sidan a Prince of Generous Designs, and Noble Ambitions; and one who aimed at the Advance and Security of Trade, the Common interest of the World.  
Muley Sidan having reduced the affairs of State to a great degree of Quiet, he finished both Life and Reign at once, contrary to the example of the most of his Predecessors, whereof few either Reigned to the natural length of their Life, or were suffered to live beyond the violent shortness of their Reign. Upon his Death, Muley Abdelmeleck his eldest Son, entered upon the fruition of his Father's Achievements. He was a person of much phlegm and indifferency, naturally fitted for a tame and peaceable Empire, into which he was happily inaugurated, but not long continued, for in the second year of his reign he was unnaturally assasined by his second Brother Luellud, whose ambition broke all bonds of Nature and Polity to ascend a Throne. But the infamous fratricide was presently thrown from his usurped greatness: for having by a powerful example taught the nearest method to wear a Crown, he was clandestinely Murdered by his youngest Brother Muley Hamet Sheck, before he had accomplished the period of twenty Months in his Kingdom. And it is remarkable that Muley Shek pretended to no vengeance of his eldest Brothers death in that of his second; but that he acted it only cut of an itch to obtain the Government, seconded with a suspicion of his own safety; which could not be great, while his Brother might justly fear him as a Rival for the Kingdom.  
Muley Sheck being the last of the Brothers, and thereby without any to competition him, he studied to make both his Government and Person gracious to the people. In which artifice he was so prosperous, that no Sultan in Barbary had equalled him in a confluence of happiness. The Sky of his Reign was for nineteen years serene: and there were no prognostics of alteration in his condition, till Laella, one of his Wives, began to be exorbitant in her appetites, and to meditate disloyalty to her Husband's Bed. She is reported to have been a woman of a refined subtlety, and learned in the most artful methods of stealeing her pleasures. But at length she fell excessively enamoured of her own kinsman, one Cidi Kirum, whom the King had adopted into his Grace and Conversation. This Kirum was of a popular inclination, and skilful in feeding the humours of the people. He had been at Mecha in Devotion, and of course received for that visitation the title of Hadge, granted to all that have performed the Hage, or Pilgrimage to their Prophets Tomb. By this, and a great show of exterior Religion, he had with men of all capacities purchased a significant reputation. And albeit he was a wellwisher to an Innovation, the common design of their pretended Piety, yet the present face of affairs looked very disagreeable upon such an enterprise. For the King so ruled, that all had cause to love, and none to fear him, and the courteousness of his personal behaviour, had secured him a large share in the worst of his Subjects bosoms; His custom being to punish and spare none, who were convict offenders against their Law, the known Rule both of their Religion and Polity. And for the greater discouragement of all commotions, the Zeriffian name was grown sacred with the Moors, through its long continuance: and they concluded its prosperity a Divine approbation of its Right.  
Kirum no doubt was still as covetous to enjoy the Crown, as Laella his Bed; whose amours at last grew to that height of impatience, that nothing could quiet them, but the embraces of her Paramour in a Regal State; which she plotted with a feminine invention. The death of the King her Husband was the only secure Recipe for her distemper, but altogether of an unsafe accomplishment, if enterprised by open violence. Wherefore she is reported to have essayed his Death by Sorceries; in which wickedness (Story tells us) that the Mahometan Women have always been dexterous. But not precisely to determine, by what way Muley Hamet Sheck came to his Grave, it is certain that his end was sudden and unexpected, and that he shut up his life before he had seen the twentieth year of his Reign. His decease was much lamented, and the more because it came unsuspected. The Government lineally descended upon his Son Muley Labèsh, a child of three years old, whom his dying Father bequeathed to the protection of Kirum El Hadge, and other Grandees of the Kingdom, appointing them to administer the affairs of State in Labèsh's name, till he was come to the age of eleven years. In which time Kirum was so balanced with his fellow Regent's, that he durst not attempt the least alteration. But such was the crafty conduct of his demeanour, that he had made many of the Almocadens among the Alàrbs to be his creatures and ready at his Devotion, and of whose assistance he might rely, when he saw it convenient to time a Revolution: which he deferred to the entrance of the second year of Labèsh's reign, being the thirteenth of his age. At which time Kirum secretly retired from Court, and was not heard of, till he appeared in the head of a numerous Army of Alàrbs, whom he had alured into Rebellion with the promises of large Incoms, the bait disloyalty still leaps at.  
Labèsh quickly took the Alarm, and with considerable Forces marched toward Kirum, if possible to end the War in the place where it was begun. The Moors highly extol the valour and conduct of this young King, who forgetting the delights and toys of that age, devoted himself to the severities of Military Discipline, constantly watching in the Camp, or courageously fight in the Battle. For four years His fortunes and Kirum's had their vicissitudes, for so long they fought with dubious presages of the event; till Treachery at last is said to have given Kirum that conquest which courage could not; for Labèsh being invited by Kirum to receive his Recantation, met with a Barbarous death, where he hoped to receive a Loyal subjection. Others report that Kirum slew him with his own hands in that fatal Battle, which proved the finishing overthrow.  
After the death of Labèsh, Kirum became too powerful for the resistance of his scattered Forces, having none left under whose conduct they might venture their last Efforts; so that now all oppositions being removed with the King, Kirum made a quiet march to Morocco, where the Citizens received him with all the significations of subjection, in whose imitation the adjoining Cauílas brought in the pledges of their Allegiance to Kirum: which they did not intermit, till by a natural death he resigned the Kingdom to his Son Muley Boucar, who after the short reign of three months was dethroned by Taffalete, of which Revolution more will be said in the story of that prevailing Zeriff.  
The Moors having for a long season been torn and distracted with the unnatural Murders of Sidans Sons, and wearied out with following those Wars, which had no juster causes then private interests and envious Annimosities, began at last to provide for their own peace and safety. The adored Zeriffian Family was extinct in Labèsh, whereby they were quitted from obedience to that Race. Kirum by several of the great ones living distant from the Court, was looked upon as one, both by unjustness of title, and meanness of Pedigree, unfit to receive their Allegiance. In this shaken and doubtful State of affairs, some stood neuter in their judgements, but outwardly complied with the present Government; others resolved to stand upon their Guard, chooseing rather to run the hazards of War, then to enjoy the safety of a dishonourable Peace.  
Cidi Hamet-Ali-Haiáshi, Cidi Mahumet Benel Hadge-Ben-Boucar, and the Zeriff of Benzaruel were the Chiefs in these new commotions, but all opposite factions, and all Alarbs, and all great Saints: The last of the three contented himself with the protection of Ben Zaruel, a large Cauíla almost impregnable by nature, in whose Government his Ancestors for many years had lived in peace. But after two months of stout resistance was subdued by Tafilete; who took with him the Aged Zeriff, and dispersed his Family, of which there perhaps will be an opportunity of speaking more in another paragraph.  
Haiáshi and Ben-Boucar, gifted with greater ambitions, laboured to enlarge the Curtains of their Territories, and each seemed to aim at no less than the Empire of Mauritania Tingitana. Their outward Sanctimony equalled them in the people's affection and esteem, and if they could have reconciled their Interests, and joined in the same design, they had shared that state, which both lost, while each would have all or none: of whose rise and fall these succeeding periods will give you information.  
Cidi Hamet Ali Haiáshi was an Alarb, (or one of that sort of Moors, who live under Tents and in Mountains, without any fixed habitations, as I shall show in my notices upon this Country,) who had the learning of a Talib, and sanctity of a Marabout; by which he was esteemed as an Oracle among his Countrymen, who upon all Emergent occasions repaired unto him for advice and Instruction; which they received as Infallible, and obeyed as a Law. His Parentage according to the Moresco Heraldry was not obscure; for the Government of Abenimálec was Hereditary to his Family, and legally descended to his possession. Which Abenimálec being a very large Cauíla, upon the river of Mamora, was by Haiashi governed with that politic carriage, which made him reverenced of his own people, and feared of his neighbours, as appeared in their ready abetting his enterprises.  
The late suspected death of Muley Sheck, together with the violent murder, and dethroning of his Son, both Haiashi's beloved Sovereigns, made Kirum, whom he supposed to have been as well the secret contriver of the first, as he saw him the open actor of the second villainy, to be odious to his thoughts, and unfit for his obedience. Revenge, whose lawfulness is an Article in the Moors Creed, put Haiashi into Arms, with intent, if not to depose Kirum from being King, yet at least keep himself from becoming his Subject. His first Musters consisted ownly of the Levies of his own Cauíla, to which were daily accessions of the Neighbouring Almócadens, which helped to adjust his Insurrection. His Forces being soon increased above his hopes, he ordered his March toward Fez, the Metropolis of the Kingdom of that name. This ancient City was now governed by Vbahà, Kirums Creature; who upon the advance of Haiáshi's Forces, secretly stole away to Morocco, as not daring to trust himself to his own valour, or the fidelity of the Citizens. By the flight of Vbahà, Fez being left Governorless, it became the easy Achievement of Haiáshi; under whose Command it continued seven Years, and was a fair addition to his Greatness and Safety, being (as was said) the Metropolis of the Kingdom.  
Haiáshi by his Successes began to be the envy of Ben-Boucar, who for some Years after his Revolt from Morocco, contented himself with the solitary Dominion of Záwia, where he lived in a House of that name, which for its Religious Foundation, was become a Sanctuary, or Refuge for Offenders. The Inhabitants of Záwia are reported to be very numerous and Warlike, yet by reason of remoteness, they created Haiáshi very small Disturbances; besides, Ben-Boucar was unwilling to refer himself to the uncertain Decision of the Sword, which, in all probability, must have given the Victory to Haiáshi, by whose Forces he was far exceeded. He therefore betook himself to Stratagem, and consults with Ali Ben Hamet, Almocaden of Saphían, one whom Haiáshi had not yet entirely subdued, by what method their common Enemy might be removed. Now the Moors, in removal of those they hate, seem to know no other Policies, besides an armed Violence, and secret Massacre. The two Conspirators saw their inability to undertake the former, and therefore resolved to put the latter in execution.  
Ali Ben Hamet greedy of that sweet bit Revenge, and to express it upon Haiáshi, who had despoiled him of his Right, vudertook to be his Assassinate: which he thus effected. Haiáshi being lodged in his Tent near Azount, a Fountain he greatly esteemed in the Cauíla of Atcleik, about six League's North of Alcazàr, was in the Night visited by Ali, accompanied with about 70 Horse, who came not with any show of Hostility, but with a pretence of Friendship, declaring, That his Errand was designed to render himself Haiáshies Subject, and to receive the continuance of his Cauíla from his hand. Under this Cloak Haiáshi received him into his Tent, and thereby gave him the opportunity of Murdering him, which he effected with one Stab. The Murderer had his Accomplices ready to make his Escape, which was the less difficult, because Haiáshi had no Guards, which he had declined either to save Charges, or dissemble his confidence in the Moors, who are best made faithful by being trusted; but very vindictive, when they find themselves suspected.  
Ben-Boucar being ascertained by Ali of Haiáshies treacherous Slaughter, in the Twelfth Year of his Revolt, he incèssantly marched to take Possession of his Country, which he found ready at his Devotion; either because the People were unprovided for Opposition; or, that they thought Ben-Boucar's Superiority was less obnoxious to exception, than any other they could elect. The Almócadens, mindful of their accustomed method to preserve their Commands, secretly one after another subscribed to Ben-Boucar's Regiment; only Fez and Alcazàr cost him some time and Blood in their Reduction. But at last they yielded upon Articles, Arzila having first shown them the way. Ben-Boucar's next March was to Tituan, governed by the Ancient and Worthy Family of the Narsis, out of which he had received a Wife, and by that Relation was welcome to the Supremacy of that City.  
Ben-Boucar having brought this part of Barbary to his subjection, resolved to return to Záwia: But before he left the Country, he took from the Grandees thereof, the best Assurances he was able for their Obedience and Fidelity. Next, he disposed the Towns of greatest Importance, to the Government of his Sons and Favourites. To his eldest Son Abdalla he entrusted the Rule of Salla, which he had observed proner to Sedition then the rest, and yet much addicted to Persons famed for Piety, for which Abdalla was arrived at a Saintship. To his second Son Mahumed, he committed the care of Fez, to whom he saw the People thereof have a peculiar Inclination. To his third Son Hamet Zéer, or Hamet the less, he gave the command of Shehàll, a Mountain of rude Inhabitants, yet much addicted to obey a fierce nature, wherewith Hamet Zéer was furnished. Arzila he left to Benzèir, a Thing of his own framing: And Alcazar to Cidi Benzían. After this Partition, he returned to his Religious Záwia, where in great Peace he enjoyed the fruits of his War, making the easiness of his Yoke an argument with the People to bear it.  
But the memory of Haiáshi's treacherous Death (compassed by Ben-Boucar) was still fresh in the Breasts of those Sons, whose Fathers had their Fortunes thereby depressed; which Ben-Boucar, as he could not but know, so he could not but conclude, That the vindictive Spirit of a Moor would take the first occasion of avenging. In prevention whereof, he took with him to Záwia such Sons as he saw were likeliest to inherit their Father's hatred against him; not as Hostages of Peace, but as Pledges of his Care, whom being as yet in their nonage, he loved to Print with the Characters of a peaceable acquiescence in his Authority. Among these Youths, young Gaylan was most considerable, and indeed the only Person that he detained: whose Story now succeeds, in which will be supplied what is here wanting of Ben-Boucar.  
In Beniworfut, near to Arzila, lived the Family of the Gaylans, which was of that sort of Moors styled Barabàrs, and to which through flux of time, the Government of that Cauíla was become Hereditary. This House (though never low or obscure) began to be signally advanced in Ali Gaylan the Father, which proved but a Prophecy of its downfall in El Hader the Son; whose Ambition lost what the others Humility had obtained. Ali was in great favour with Haiáshi, and a chief Engine of his advancement, in which he was observed not much to endeavour his own. But his greatest Renown sprang from his Zeal for the Mahometan Law, an Artifice which seldom fails, & a knack with which whosoever is gifted, cannot want Reverence among the Moors. Arzila being much moved with his Sanctity, invited him to a residence among them, which they rewarded with considerable Rents, and great Testimonies of respect.  
This Ali Gaylan spent the last Scene of his Life with great satisfaction to Haiáshi's prosperity, whom at his Death he left without any threatening Prognostics of an alteration in his State: But when he grew sensible of the near approaches of his end, he called for his Beloved El Hader, to whom he recommended the care of his Family, Government of his Caulla, imitation of his Conversation and Faith to Haiáshi. El Hader was too young for the undertaking all this when his Father died, which caused the provident Parent to leave him to the careful Tuition of Hamet Benzían, Almocadèn of Beniharòs, with whom he remained, till removed thence by Ben-Boucar, after the reducement of Haiáshi. About the xxiii of his Age, this El Hader Ben Ali Gaylan, was married to the Daughter of one Akadim, a principal Man in Beniworfut, upon which Marriage he had licence to return home; a Concession that proved very fatal to Ben-Boucar. For El Hader being got to his own Territories, where he received an affectionate welcome; there happened a Commotion in the populous Cavíla's of Saphean, Sháwia, and Homàr, (all Alarbes) which denied to pay Ben-Boucar the accustomed Rights, & were so far from an obedient tender thereof, that they inhumanely murdered his two Brethren, Abdelhálac and Missínievi, whom he sent to demand them.  
The news of this Insurrection quickly arrived El Hader, who thereupon, with some of the best Horse of his Cauíla, instantly posted to Alcazar, where according to Intelligence he met with Haiáshi's Murderer, whom with his own hand he killed, in revenge of the Murder he had committed upon his Father's Friend: In whose death, he pulled down one of Ben-Boucars best Supporters in this Canton of his Dominion. Next he sped to Arzíla, forsaken by Ben-Boucars Alcáyde, who upon the tidings of Hamets' death, and the Alárbes revolt, durst not trust himself among a People whom he saw zealously to favour his Master's Enemy.  
Upon this Gaylan appeared at Arzíla, which was very acceptable to his Father's old Admirers, who readily yielded him their utmost Assistances, and were seconded with several of the adjacent Cavíla's. Ben-Boucar coming to chastise the seditious Alárbes, and to avenge his Brother's blood, which he speedily dispatced; his next care was to render Gaylan sensible of his Deportment, who, upon his advance, took sanctuary in Arzíla, where he lay immured, till such time as necessity forced Ben-Boucar to withdraw his Levies. Upon every such retreat, Gaylan was still at his wont disturbances, and yet upon every return of the Enemy, he betook himself to the protection of Arzila; Out of which nothing could fetch him, but a close, tedious, and expensive Siege, a thing ill agreeing with the Moors Custom and Provision.  
Ben-Boucar, weary of that Fatigue, in which for some Years he had been exercised, and whereof he saw no end, proffered Gaylan this Accommodation: That if he would pay him the accustomary Tributes, and an acknowledgement of superiority, he should peaceably possess the Government of Arzila, and his own Cauíla. Gaylan was not backward to accept an Accommodation so favourable to his present Condition and future Designs; being at that time shut up in Arzila, and yet entertaining an ambition of making himself Lord of the Country. This accommodation being ratifyed, Ben-Boucar returned home, and Gaylan was set at liberty to take his Divertisements in the Country, where his plausible Fortune and Personage, Zeal for their Law, and reservation of Carriage, made the Grandees of the Country greatly affected with his Society. Gaylan finding himself under so favourable an Aspect, thought of Strengthening his Intentions by contracting Alliances with the best Casts: whereupon he took him a second Wife, a Daughter of Cassian Shot Almocadèm of the Cavila called Angera, a Warlike Family, and descended of the Andalusian Moor banished Spain. His third Wife was the Daughter of Cogèr Alcáyde of Alcazar, and a leading Person in that part of the Country. His fourth was a Virgin Daughter of Múfadal, Governor of Tituan, which made up the legal number of four, so many being allowed by their Prophet: upon the death of his second Wife, to keep up the account, he married the Daughter of one Messimd, a popular Person in Tituàn, and descended of a Saint.  
By these Alliances he got an Interest both in the Persons and Places of greatest moment in this part of the Country, by which he was animated to break with Ben-Boucar: a design of such nature, that Gaylan durst not venture thereon in any open Declaration, but advisedly disguised it under a pretended Enterprise against the Christians, Garrisoned in several Towns on the Barbary Coast, maintained by the Crowns of Portugal and Spain. Which to effect the better, he first showed the Moors how their Prophet, both by his Example and Doctrine, had taught them to exercise their Revenge against all Opposers of his Law; and that whoever should die in its Defense or Propagation, were assured of Paradise; and then concluded, how much it would redound to the honour of that Generation, if they should drive the Christians out of their Country, to which and their Religion they were the common Enemy.  
This Proposal was strangely moving with People of all capacities, and the report of Gaylans' Intentions against the Christians, induced many to be his Followers, who otherwise would have eschewed his Company: But having drawn in some by his Affinity, others with fair Promises, and the generality with Religious Pretences, he began a little to pull aside the Veil, and show the naked Face of his Design. Having given some Testimonies of his Zeal and Valour against the Christians, and enraged them to an activity above what they had of late expressed: He likewise laid before them their necessity of Union, and that they should combine under one Leader, the better to carry on what they had begun. He also set before them their unhappiness to be governed by one whom age and distance rendered so unfit to relieve them, in case of sudden necessity; and withal magnifyed his Title to the Government of the Country, equal to Ben-Boucars. The People found no reason to dispute any part of Gaylans' Harangue, in which they could perceive he aimed at nothing but their safety. Whereupon the Alcáyde of Alcazar, El Hàders' Father-in-law, was the first that declared for his Government, who was seconded with several other Grandees of the Country, so that in short time all the Cavílas which Ben-Boucar had taken from Haiáshi, left him as they had done their former Master, and adhered to Gaylan. But Sálla and Tituàn utterly dissented from the rest, and instead of yielding a tame submission to Gaylans' Empire, they altogether resisted him. This moved El Hader to advance his Forces first against Tituàn, which he found very stubborn: for Abdel Crim Nacsis (the chief Governor thereof) would be inclined to no thoughts of Pacification or Surrender, while he could cherish any hopes of being relieved by his near Relative Ben-Boucar. But at length, despairing of any Succours, and seeing the great spoils Gaylan was like to make of their Vineyards, Gardens, and Houses of Pleasure about the Town, which the Inhabitants highly valued for their profit and delight, he sought to prevent him in that desolation, by a mature and timely Address for Peace: which was welcome News to Gaylan, being very covetous to be Master of a place so considerable for Strength, Riches, and Traffic. The Articles were soon concluded, Gaylan demanding no more than their subjection, a constant Levy of Soldiers to serve him on occasions of greater moment; and that one of his own Election should be equal in the Government with Nacsis. Upon this Pacification with Tituan, Gaylan marched against Sálla, which was under the Rule of that great Saint, Abdala Ben-Boucar, who upon weak Temptations retired to the Castle, leaving Gaylan the Signory of the Town, wherein he placed some Forces of his own, to secure the Inhabitants from Apostasy. But not long after, Abdala being sore pressed for want of Provisions, and hopeless of being succoured by his Father, privily quitted the Castle, having first of all sent away in an English Frigate, his Wives to Phedálla.  
The gaining of this Castle made Gaylan sole Master of this North West Canton of Barbary, beyond which he was never able to enlarge his Territories; albeit he was struggling for more room, as foreseeing that endeavours after more, was the means to be secure of what he had got already. He often tried his valour upon the Xerif, Hamet Bocálla, chief of Benzaruel, and Beni-Hálet, but his Attempts still proved successless, for those Cavila's are almost inaccessible by reason of their Mountainousness. Erif, Botoía, Beniuphràsh, Benimisgíldah, and Benijaacòb, being all large Cavíla's which for Generations had been governed by the house of Arras, under the title of Alcayde, never received any attempt of Gaylan's reducing them. And albeit he wanted neither courage nor ambition to have made himself Sultan of Barbary, yet his Stars denied him that Grandeur, and he was never able to stretch his Arm beyond the command of 22 Cavíla's, whose names are hereunto annexed, with the number of their usual levies of Men for the Wars.  

The List of the Names of the Cavílas, with the number of their Forces, which were under Gaylans' Government in the Year, 1666.  
1. ANgerá under the command of Cassian Shot, Gaylans' Father-in-law, is a large Cauíla, inhabited with Barabàrs, and is able to raise 500 Foot, and an equal number of Horse.  
2. Wadròss, the nearest Neighbour to Tanger, yields upon any urgent occasion 800 for the Wars, in equal number of Horse and Foot.  
3. Benidèr, about ten Leagues from Tanger, can bring 500 Foot and a thousand Horse to the Field.  
4. Minkél, a small Cauíla, not able to levy above 500 in all.  
5. Hammihárshen is well Peopled, and able to advance 1000 in all; the greatest part Foot.  
6. Hamnizóuer commonly raiseth as many.  
7. Alkaróbe, being a large and well-inhabited Cauíla, is able, upon a small warning, to arm out 1500 Horse and Foot in equal numbers; it is governed by Mahumet Akadim, and Lassin Akadim his Brother, who revolted from Gaylan and sided with Tafilete.  
8. Benióbras, of Horse and Foot can raise a thousand; it is governed by Ali Azús, who revolted from Gaylan to the Xeriff.  
9 Beniharòs is next adjoining to the former, and able to send 1200 to the Field: This Cauíla is governed by Lasin El Phut, who was the first that invited Tafilete to advance against Gaylan, promising him his assistance.  
10. Beni Josèph is a Cauíla of two days Journey, able to raise 3000 in all, but very few Horse: It is very Mountainous, and so fortified by Nature, that it has often attempted to stand upon its own defence. It is governed by Lazid Ali Mahumed, who left Gaylan upou the approach of Tafilete.  
11. Sumátta is a small Cauíla, whose usual levy is 500 of all sorts: It is governed by Talib Ali Elfiluz, who joined with Tafilete.  
12. Beniworfùt, which advanced 600 Horse, and as many Foot: The Government hereof belongs to the House of Gaylan, but since Tafilets' Empire, the Almocaden thereof is one Mahumed Dengith.  
13. Arzila and Salli make one Cavila, and when but easily charged, raise 500 Foot, and as many Horse; they are governed by an Alcayde.  
14. Halixérif raiseth with Alcazar 1200 Foot in all: it belongs to the Alcayde of Alcazar who in Gaylans' time was Mahumet Cozhez, but now Ali.  
15. Kit●n, which being very small, its Forces exceed not 200.  
16. Benimadar yields about the same number.  
17. Beni Záid, which if the same with that in Leo Afer, must yield more Soldiers than 500, though that was the ordinary levy exacted by Gaylan.  
18. All Couff is a small Cavila, lying between Alcazar Ezzaguer, and Ceuta, which usually sent in 200.   
These are all, or the most of them Barabars, who have fixed Habitations, living in Neighbourhood and a settled Conversation; and of these consisted Gaylans chief Forces: yet he had besides these four Cavílas of Alárbes, namely, Delholòt, Sháwia, Beni-Guedàr, and Saphián, which are reported to be very numerous and Warlike, lying West of Salla and Alcazar: But by reason of their untractable nature, and floating manner of living, they are not so certain in their Musters, nor ready upon Emergencies. These Gaylan could never bring under a perfect subjection, but was content they should pay some small Tribute in acknowledgement to his Superiority.  
The above mentioned Cavíla's were the total of Gaylans' Dominions, beyond which he could never make any Enlargement. He was for the space of twelve Years prosperous in his Government, and the general success of his Enterprises, raised him highly in the estimate of his Followers: It being the Genius of this People, to make the Prosperity of the Action, an undoubted argument of its Justice, and the voice of Heaven to approve it.  
Gaylan from his Youth was trained up in Arms: And for the Adventures he had made upon Tanger, when Portugúes, was called the Almocaden of those Fields. But not to mention any thing of his proceedings against the Christian (that being no design of this Paper) we find him constantly in War with the Moor. Ben-Boucar was still Master of Fez, and ready upon every frail Temptation to enter Gaylans' Frontiers, which kept them both in continual Hostility. The People at length wearied out with the incessant Troubles occasioned by these Rivals for the Supremacy, were ready to adhere to some third Party, able to settle the Government in such a single Person, as both by Title and Strength should be above an ordinary Competitor: Which unexpectedly came to pass in the Sixteen hundred and sixty fifth of the Crucifixion; for about the entrance of that Year, Muley Reshid first appeared with the Prognostics of a Revolution, of whom I here set down this short Account.  
In the Province of Dara, in Numedia, the Country of Mahumed Ben Amet, Founder of the Xeriffian Empire, there arose a Mulátto (one whose Father was white, and Mother black) one Reshid Ben Mahumed, a Native of the Town of Taffilete, the place whether Mahumed (the second Son of Mahumed Ben Amet) the second of that Family (who was Emperor of Morocco) had confined his eldest Brother Amet, whom he had taken Prisoner. This Reshid ripening in Years and discretion, began to make himself known to the World by the name of the Xeriff of Tafilete: By which Title he made himself descended of the Xeriffian House, which so long had enjoyed the Empire of Barbary, and of the Prophet Mahumet. [Xeriff] (as was said) being a Name peculiar to that Deceiver. And because a research into Moresco Geneologies shall have labour for the pains, I shall inquire no further after Reshids' Pedigree, then to observe that his Father was one Muley Mahumed, a Prince of great Authority in Numedia, who besides his four legal Wives, had several Concubines; of one of which, being a Negra, he begot this Reshid. His Father dying while he was a minor, he was committed to the Tuition of his Elder Brother Muley Hamet Ben-Mahumed. This Reshid having accomplished his Pupillage, began to look into his Condition, and to inquire what was left him by his deceased Father: For by the Moresco Institutes, the Sons of Concubines are equal Sharers in the Patrimony with those of the lawful Wives. While Reshid made himself the comparative of his Brother, he was lost into an Emulation, that spurred him into the endeavours of promoting his Fortunes. He saw his own Condition, and that of Public Affairs, qualified for no other Proposal to effect his desired Advancement, but what was to be obtained by the Sword: Whereupon he consulted with his own Genius, by what Artifice he might soon imbroil Barbary in a new War, and communicated the Design with some few Moors of his own Complexion. At the first opening of his Adventure, his Retinue exceeded not the number of thirty, and those of an inferior Quality, who yet, by reason of the contractedness of their Lots, were disposed to execute any Proposition that was probable to enlarge them.  
With this paucity of Adherents, Reshid secretly withdrew from Tafilete to Tessa, a place abounding with Inhabitants, but as poor as numerous. Here Reshid received the Royal Title of Muley, and was Proclaimed King of Tafilete. And in acknowledgement and token of his Royal Power, the People brought him Presents, as the known Pledges of their Loyal subjection. This new Sultan manifested a great disdain of that Avaricious humour, which had possessed the minds of the Barbarian Princes, much inveighing against the sordid Devotion of Sacrificing the Wealth of their Subjects to themselves. He therefore by a subtle contrariety refused to shrine up more Money in his Coffers, than might decently defray Expenses, leaving at the first that pleasing bait to be devoured by his Proselytes, whereby he purchased a great reinforcement of his Retinue. Tessa, which he elected for his first place of Arms, swarmed (as was said) with poor Inhabitants, whose Labours were too little for their Sustenance, which might render them the readier to take the Impression of any Council that was likely to better their Condition. And Muley Reshid is conceived to have repaired to this beggarly Colony, to meet with an easier advance of Followers.  
By rolling up and down, he had in short time gathered so great a Bulk, as threatened an Inundation wheresoever it should spread itself. Attended with this numerous Rabble, he addressed himself to his Elder Brother Muley Hamet, in a posture compounded of Hostility and Friendship, of whom he demanded the Estate left him by his Father, that he might be the better enabled to perform something worthy of Their House. The two Brothers began to wax hot in the Conference; and it is said, that the Language on both sides was so exasperating, that they had like to have forgot the distance of their Condition, and to have closed up their Discourse with an unmannerly Combat. Both were so far transported with Anger, that without the least overture of Reconcilement, they fell into declared Hostility, and left their private Quarrel to the public determination of a War.  
In which Muley Reshid was so fortunate as to slay his Brother, and thereby was left without any to justle him in the Government of Dara. This success did so swell Reshid's bosom, that less room could not circumscribe him then a Kingdom. The present Affairs of Barbary were auspicious to his Enterprises: the Countries being rend into petty Monarchies, every Almocaden that was able, having put himself into a defensive Posture, aiming to live independent in his Government. This division much facilitated Muley Reshid's Designs: yet nothing was more conducing to his success, than his careful execution of Justice, the want whereof had been a general pretended grievance; every detected Criminal had condign punishment according to demerit, whereby he became both beloved and feared.  
Together with his care for public Justice, he continued his seeming neglect of Riches; still dividing among his Partisans the estates of those whom their own obstinacy made his spoils. But those, who gently yielded to his mercy, he generously protected both in their Goods and Persons. This obliging carriage gave wings to his Fame, and made him where ever he came to be received with acclamations; The common voice was Illah Enzur Muley Reshid, i.e. God bless Prince Reshid & the vulgar esteemed him sent on purpose to chastise oppressors.  
Having made himself master of his Brother's Territories, he advanced towards Erìf governed by the alcayde Arras, who was his Brother's confederate, and his Father-in-law, and who in confidence of this relation (if we may credit report) granted Muley Reshid a peaceable admission into his Dominions; wherein for some Moons he deported himself as a Son. But being ascertained of the Alcayds' intention to contract a Friendship with Tanger, and that he had dispatched an envoy to the same purpose he concluded that he now wanted no reason to declare himself an enemy to the Alcayd's proceedings, and under this pretext armed against him. The Alcayd seeing the Xériff attempting to dispoil him of his Territories; and that contrary to all Ingenuity and Laws of Hospitality; he began to usurp the Country of his Entertainer, he thought it high time to provide for his defence. Therefore with some Extemporary Forces he repaired to the Maritime Bos●mma where he reinforced a small Fort; not out of any hopes to maintain it against the Xériff, but thereby to have the advantage of surrendering it and himself upon gentler Articles. Muley Reshid advised of the Alcaids' flight, addressed himself to the pursuit, and overtook him at the mentioned Fortress. Which in few days the Alcayd delivered up to be demolished by the Xeriff, and himself his prisoner.  
This Victory, or rather surprisal of the alcayde was a fair accession to Reshids' power, having now subjected the only Potentate, whom the rest of the neighbouring Grandees had so often Courted for a Confederate.  
Having thus obtained the command of Erìf and the rest of his Fatherinlaws Country, it raised in him no less aspireing hopes then to become Sultan of Mauritania Tingitana, at that time rend into parties. To the accomplishing of which design he saw the gaining of Fez would contribute much to his esteem, and give him admission into the heart of the Kingdom. Upon this consideration he resolutely marched to try his fortunes with that ancient and famous Metropolis. This City was lately in the Government and Possession of Cidi Mahumed, second Son to Ben Boucar, who was despoiled thereof, together with his Life, by the cruelty of Bensállah, Soheìr, and Doríedi, said all to be Andaluzian Moors, and who had the Government thereof divided among them, when Reshid came against it. The news of whose approach no sooner reached Fez. but the Governors, whom guilt had made cowardly, betook themselves to the strongest holds of the City, depositing the Keys into such Hands, as they thought fittest to be entrusted with the protection of the Gates. Reshid seeing that Fez was likely to cost him dear, if he stayed to take it by a formal Siege, thought of having recourse to Stratagem; knowing that he who aspires after nothing but Conquest, ought not to bind himself to the Laws of a fair Gamester.  
Reshid had so long pressed the City by impeding their Markets, that he might reasonably imagine there was a want of provision of cattle; whereupon he resolved to lodge some of his Forces near the City Walls, and that himself, with about sixteen more, would drive some cattle to the Gates of Fez, under the disguise of Friends come to bring them Provision. This he put in execution in the Night, and coming with the cattle to the Gates, with a Voice counterfeiting haste and fear, they called to the Guards for entrance, and desired that they would take into their Protection them and the booty brought for their succour. Two were admitted to enter, whereof the Xeriff is said to have been one, who instantly slew the Centinel, and thereby made way for the rest; who having seized the Keys, strait ascended a small Turret over the Gate, and thence gave the Signal to his Forces, lodged near for the purpose to advance: And the small Gun that was placed in the Gate, he caused to be turned upon the City. The Citizens being miserably confused and affrighted at the suddenness of the action, were not recovered of their Distractions till Reshid poured in his Army amongst them; against whom being unable to make any considerable opposition, their last and only succour was a timely submission, which they performed with such humility, that Reshid had no temptation to reject it. After they were received into protection, the Fezans were not penurious in complaints against their Governors, imputing it to their wilful Pride, that the Xerif was not received with such evidences of Honour, as they had always born to that Title. But not staying at such useless Compliments, Reshid in the first place took into his possession the ancient Treasures of the Kings of Fez. Next, he caused the three Governors to be brought before him, and having told them of their great Oppressions of the People, he commanded one of them to be burnt immediately, another to be dragged about the Streets till he was dead; but the third he committed to custody, and afterward is said to have killed him with his own hand: And then declared, That this was the just recompense of all those who deal unjustly with the People.  
And having thus subjected the famous Fez, his next Trophies he designed upon Ben-Boucar, whom without much resistance he took Prisoner, and brought to Fez, and there granted him a liberal Confinement, in token of that respect which he bore his Piety and Age. After this, he went against the Xerif of Benzaruèl, who proved a very resolute Enemy, for with the strength of his own Cauíla he found a Months work for all Reshids' Army, but at length was forced to render himself Prisoner, and still remains in that Condition.  
Reshid had now so far advanced his Dominion in the Kingdom of Fez, that he had none therein to oppose him but El Hader Ben Ali Gaylan; who for his military Skill, personal Valour, and many Years of Success and Settlement in his Government, rendered Tafilete dubious in his Councils how to proceed against him. Tafraught, a prodigious ridge of Mountains, so secured Gaylans' Frontiers, that no part was left passable, but what might easily be guarded. And therefore to enter Gaylan's Dominions by open violence, Tafilete foresaw would cost him the expense of more time than his Affairs could spare: upon which reflection, he fell to his successful Art of making a false Party in his Enemy's Camp, that he might obtain by intestine Treachery, what in this case he could not by his own Force. To this end he secretly entered into correspondence with Cidi Lasin El Phut, Governor of Benittaròs, (Gaylans' chief Frontier Cauíla) who was entrusted with the Avenue that let into Gaylans' Country. Lasin was not much indisposed to a Revolt from Gaylan, being one of those whom he had highly displeased in not calling them to the adjousting of the last Peace with Tanger, nor to partake of its Benefits (which was very fatal to that juncture of Gaylan's Affairs) and because he saw the growing power of Tafilete, and that albeit for a while they might resist him, yet in time he would eat through their Alps. Upon these Temptations, or what other, we may imagine operative upon the wary, covetous, aspiring and revengeful nature of a Moor, Lasin contracted with Tafilete, Reshid, or the Xeriff (which in this Narrative do all express the same Person) to advise him, when he should attach the Passage, who to that end had always a select Band in readiness. And when by his own Example Lasin had taught the Guards to be remiss, and had got the advantage of Gaylans' absence, he gave Tafilete the Signal, who gained the Passage, and with such suddenness set upon the Reserves, that they were not able to make any considerable resistance.  
The news of this Disaster soon reached Alcazar, where Gaylan was entertaining himself with his Relation Cogez, who with some of his best Troops marched to the succour of his other Forces, which otherwise had been totally destroyed. Gaylan in this Encounter gave great testimonies of his Valour, and had, no doubt, given the Enemy a brave repulse, if his Infantry had not been wholly discomfited ere he could come to their relief. At last, finding himself oppressed with number, he was forced to order the Party that stuck to him to seek for their safety, and himself, with about six more, retreated to Arzila; from whence, as one not well recovered of the fright, he acquainted that Excellent Person, Colonel H. Norwood, the Lieutenant Governor of Tanger (with whom he was then in League) with his Disgrace, in this following Letter, Translated out of Spanish.  
The Superscription. Al Exmo Senòr Don Enrique Norwood.  
Ex t. Sir,  
ALL Places are overspread with the Disasters and Events of our War. The ill success at this time befallen me, hath been by the Design of my Enemy, a Xerif of Tafilete, who falling in with his Army, surprised my careless outguards, and broke and rooted the whole Body. Upon notice whereof, I got on Horseback at Alcazar, but found my People running away in so great Disorder, that it exceeded my Power to rally them till I came at Arzila. Whence I am now necessitated to crave your Excellency's assistance, upon the account of that Peace and Friendship so solemnly contracted betwixt us. I therefore desire, That you would send me a Boat of good bigness, that if I should be put to any straight, I might send to you for succour, which I doubt not but your Excellency will please to send me upon Honourable Terms.  
Also I desire your Excellency, that in case any of my Guards, of what Quality soever, do retire to your City with Cattle, or otherwise, that you would vouchsafe to favour them with your Protection, and supply their Necessities.  
I crave your Excellency's Commands, which I am ready to perform with great willingness.  
The Bearers, your Mariners, promise to return, by whom I entreat you to send a larger Imbarcation.  
May God keep your Excellency. Arzila, June 29. S. V. 1666.  
Assoon as the Lieutenant Governor had perused the Letter, he resolved to gratify Gaylan's desires, as being glad of an opportunity to vindicate the honour of the English Nation from some imputations, which Gaylan objected to the Lieutenant Governor (when he was with him at Arzila) and which was chiefly occasioned through some mistake between the Great Tiveot and Gaylan, concerning the time when the War should commence in the Year 1663. For albeit the Earl of Tiveot had sufficiently cleared the Honour and Justice of that Action, yet Gaylan seeming not so to apprehend it, the Lieutenant Governor was glad of an occasion to let him know, That it was the mind of his Master, the King of Great Britain, that all his Ministers should be punctual in the observation of what they stipulated in his Name. To which end, in a generous and well-composed Letter, the Lieutevant Governor condoled Gaylan's misfortune, assuring him of his Friendship, and that he would exactly comply with every Article of the Peace concluded betwixt Tanger and his Excellency; and that if any of his Vassals, Allies, or Domestiques, should in any Exigence make Tanger their Sanctuary, they should find it no otherwise, and that they should be treated according to their Quality and Condition. This Letter was sent by a Kinsman of the Lieutenant Governors, who according to directions, confirmed Gaylan in the belief of meeting with all the succours that he could reasonably expect from the lately contracted Friendship.  
This Message, whose kindness was doubled by its seasonableness and speed, put new Spirits into Gaylan's drooping Concerns, and gave him Courage to sound the temper of his revolted Cavílas, which he found well disposed to his Service, albeit they were forced to dissemble their Intentions till their Harvest was secured, lest otherwise they should second the War with a Dearth▪ for so little is the Provision of the Moors, that the loss or miscarriage of one Crop, brings a Famine.  
But while Gaylan was labouring to retard, Tafilete was improving his last Victory: and having possessed himself of the Passage into his Enemy's Territories, he quickly became Master of Alcazàr, the chiefest of Gaylan's Inland Towns, which was deserted by Cidi Hamet Cogèz, who for many Years had governed there by the Title of Alcayde. The tidings of the Xerifs Successes no sooner reached Tituan, but that Town declared for him, and with their best Solemnity Proclaimed him King. At the same time the Shalt of Angera, a principal Person in those parts, nearly related to Gaylan by Blood and Marriage, retired to the Woods in the Bay of that Alcazàr, which stands upon the Midland Sea; where he resolved to conceal himself, whilst he sent his Domestiques to Ceuta, a Spanish Garrison, and Tanger, to procure Seguròs for himself and Family, in case the Xerif should prove implacable, and refuse to receive him unto fair Quarters.  
But the Shalt of Angera tired with his retreat, and cherishing some dull hopes of Gaylan's Recovery, sent in a Bille● to the Lieutenant Governor of Tanger in Moresco, in which he seemed to insinuate, that he intended no submission to the Xerif, which was Translated thus.  
The Letter of Almócadem Casum Shalt, and his Sons Almócadem, Abdelcrìm, and Almócadem Ali, to the Captain of Tanger, whom we honour much. Desiring that he would do them the favour to send them four Kintals of Powder, four hundred Balls, and a Kintal of Lead, with fifty or more Muskets: and that if the Captain have any need of Wood or Barley, they will repay him in that Commodity: This they solicit as Gaylan's faithful Friends.  
I have inserted this Letter for the sake of its stile, being the first and only Address made in this manner to any of the English Governors in Tanger. But how hopeful soever the Shats Affairs might appear at the date of this Letter, yet very shortly after they seemed to be in a very languishing state, as was easily to be collected by a large account thereof given to Cidi Hamet Algílo, who was then in Tanger, and which is here translated out of Arabic thus.  
The Letter of Taliffo Hamet El Shalt, which is bid to salute Hamet Algílo, and to give him an account of the Troubles that have happened here; how that the same Night that Taliffo Hamet El Shalt left Angera, he came into the Fields of Tanger, where he killed two Men, and took away their Goods; and returning to the Aldéa (or Village) he found not one Person at his House, neither Man nor Woman, except Ali El Hag in the House of our Uncle Abdelcrim: all our Kindred were fled to Ceuta. But coming to speak with the People of Angera, they desired us for the love of God to leave them, whereupon they also fled to Ceuta: He that did this was Ben-Halóo. I thereupon writ a Letter to the King, to desire to have pity upon us. I writ also to Almocadem Hamet Ben-Léefi, and now write again for the Kings Answer, and according to it I shall advise both them and thee. Have thou patience, and within two or three days the Answer will be come. Moreover, I let thee know, that we are guarding our Houses from fire and mischief, having every Night twenty upon the Guard. I endeavour to keep up my People's courage. Know moreover, that the King hath given to Abdelháder Alfiftoah, the Government of Angera, but the People will not receive him, but have writ to the King about it, though as yet they have no answer. Lastly, I give thee to understand, That the King hath burned the Village of Benigerfut, and taken away their Goods.  
So various was Gaylan's Fortunes, that while at one place he seemed desperate, in another he was victorious, and notwithstanding that at Angera Taffilete was a Conqueror, as his letter intimates, at Arzila he was subdued; for from thence Gaylan assured his Confederates that all his Cauílas were returned to their Obedience, that they had massacred those Tafilete had left to keep them in awe, and shut him in between two rocky mountains; and that himself was hastening thither to see his enemy and act his Catastrophe, and to put a period to the war. At the same time he gave out that Tituàn was penitent for their Revolt, and weary of the Xerifs exactions, and were ready to join with him to effect the utter overthrow of that Imperious Invader.  
Yet what face soever Gaylan put upon his condition, it was certain that Taffilete daily advanced his conquest, and at the same time when his enemy thus confidently reported his distress; he was in a flourishing condition, for the Xerif had then routed all Gaylan's fresh recruits, and in detestation of him had taken up the bones of his Father and burned them, saying, That he deserved no better, who was the root of that bramble, which had so long tyrannically rend and torn the poor.  
He had also taken Prisoners some of Gaylan's nearest relations, and sent them to Fez, and committed great spoils upon their goods, whom he found absent from their habitations, and had brought a considerable wing within a league of Arzila, where if he had stayed to straighten it, want of bread within a few moons would have constrained them to surrender.  
The Town of Tituàn was at this time likewise so far from resuming Gaylan's Interest, that all things there seemed settled under the Authority and obedience of Taffilete The notice of which truth was the subject of a letter sent to Colonel Norwood (Lieutenant Governor of Tanger) whose Honourable proceedings had rendered him so esteemed among the Moors, that Taffilete thought him a fit Person to be complemented; and to that end ordered his Alcáyd of Tituàn to make his address.  
The Alcáydes' letter from Tituán to Colonel Norwood translated out of Spanish.  
Excellent Sir,  
HIs Majesty the K. Muley Xerif my master (whom God preserve many years) hath sent me to this City with express order to take Care of all Vessels of Trade and Commerce, which shall come to this place, & that they receive all security & Royal dealing here, as is used in all places under the Rule and Government of the King my Master. To this purpose he hath granted me his Royal order to give Seguros in his Royal Name. Therefore all who have any occasion to traffic here, may come in safety, & be assured of good usage, both in Goods and Persons, above all that hath been here formerly. This his Majesty hath commanded me to advise your Honour, that you might not be ignorant of the King's pleasure and kindness. And if you send any to trade hither, they shall find no imposts, but such as are every where usual. And if your Honour please, we may with our mutual Seguros (or letters of safe conduct) send men or Goods, as occasion shall require. To this I desire your speedy answer.  
The Alcáyd from whom this came, was a French man, Cidi Hadracháman Ben-Réshed, one who had succeeded his Father in the Consulship of Tituàn, who hoping to raise himself with the Xerif, renounced his Christian Religion and liberty for the Mahumedan Imposture and servitude; and changed the gentle Name of Antony Cheysan, for this stubborn one Hadracháman, and to encourage his Conversion, the King made him Alcayd de la Mar, or Receiver of his Customs in the Port of Tituàn, and also adopted him for his Son, by the name of Ben-Reshed.  
The Lieutenant Governor delayed not to answer the Alcáydes' letter, as importing Trade, the chief thing which most concerned the welfare of Tanger, to whose advancement the Lieutenant Governor always declared a singular propensity. About the same time Hamèt Ben-Isa Nacsis, & Hamèt Ben-Abdelcrìm, Governors of Tituàn, with other Grandees of the Country and chief Ministers of the King sought unto him in matters of Moment. Betwixt whom and Gaylan he guided himself so steadily, that the continuance of his Friendship could not be suspected by the one, nor want of disposition to contract a new one by the other. Tafilete could not so much esteem him his enemy as Gaylan's Friend; and his fidelity to a distressed Confederate removed all suspicion of being otherwise to a prosperous. And by this wise management he cleared up those scruples, which through some mishapprehensions of former proceedings (of the Earl of Tiveot above mentioned) had rendered the Moors jealous of the English fidelity. But a little to return to Gaylan, who had by this so long contemned the condition of his affairs in a doubtful Style, that at length an ambiguous intimation of his Enemy's disgrace was taken for a clear assertion of his own. And however he laboured to beget or preserve his friends hopes of his Restauration, yet it could not take with those who saw Taffilete master of the whole Country, and all places of importance replenished with his Creatures; and Gaylan shut up in Arzila, from whence he could create no more disturbances than amounted to a few plundering Sallies, which served only to exasperate the adjoining Cavilsas, and totally to alien and estrange them from his Relief. And yet was this a mischief which surpassed the Xerifs skill and Power to Remedy, for Gaylan might still have kept Arzila from him, as he had done from Ben-Bowcar, if his accomplicies had been now as Trusty as they were then; But he found the Scene so far changed, that he had reason to suspect those in whom he once confided. He saw that the people of Arzila were weary of their confinement, and the more, because they could not foresee any hope to be enlarged. And that they could not but conclude, That their sturdy resistance of Tafilete, contrary to the example of all their Neighbours, would, if protracted, render him implacable. All this Gaylan was able to read in their carriage, wherein there appeared so great an alteration, that he clearly perceived some mischief intended against him, and fearing that they might appease Tafilete with the Sacrifice of Gaylan: he resolved upon a sudden removal, & having before dealt with the Pirates of Alger for his Protection, when nither pressed by the Enemy, nor want of Provision, he unexpectedly shipped himself, goods and the dearest Friends, upon two of the Algerine Corsaires, that were crusing before Arzila; and presently sailed to Algèr, where I leave him to be plagued by that Medley of the worst of men, for his ingratitude toward the Honourable Colonel Norwood, which would brand him to mankind, if that Judicious and Vigilant Governor would give an Account of his last deportment, and oblige the world with his Exact History of Tanger, since it came into the possession of our dread Sovereign Charles the second whom God Preserve.   

Of West Barbary.  
WE find a Commonwealth compared to a ship, and the Western part of Barbary hath fulfilled the Allegory, not only in respect of the intestine Broils, wherewith it has been so long tossed; nor yet in regard that the government thereof hath been continually floating from one faction to another. But in this especially, that there remains no tract, or impression, no Registers to acquaint us with what hath passed, except ruins and devastations, the Genuine memories of a Desolating war. For to demand of a Talib (one of the most learned sort among the Moors) the Annals of remote vicissitudes, or an account of the Traverses that bear a fresher date, were to baffle his observation, and thereby affront his adored literature.  
Now the likeliest reason, that can be rendered of this ignorance, is the neglect of preserving Records of their Transactions, for the Moors trust all to an Illiterate Tradition; insomuch that the best Chronique can be now compiled of their late changes, must for the most part be collected from some aged Grandsire's memory; a frail foundation to support an Historical credit.  
As for the Ancient Model of the Moresco Polity, it is so miserably convulsed & shaken through manifold alterations caused by prevailing Interests, that not many of its first Maxims, nor much of its old Constitution, are visible in the present state; And this superseded my Curiosity in making reserches into the Moors Politics, further than to be informed of the Methods used to ascend to government by the aspiring factions of the last Age, of which I have given an Account in the foregoing Narrative. And therefore without the solemnity of any larger introduction; I shall give a faithful Narration of the present customs of Barbary in the succeeding Chapters.  

CHAP. I.  
The soil, productions, Commodities, and Husbandry of the Country.  
Lo Afer delivers two Etymologies, which are so agreeable both to the nature of the Language, and Glebe of the Country, that they may seem to have been imposed by Adam, the Primitive Nomenclator. For if we listen to the Moors language, Barbary seems to be descended from Barber, which signifies an inarticulate murmur and grumbling noise without accent or harmony, for their speech is harsh, being very guttural: which is esteemed an argument of its Antiquity. And indeed it hath gained the vogue of no less ancient a pedigree, than to be bred of the old Punic and Arabian.  
Another reason why this Country bears the name of Barbary, may be taken from the frame and disposition of the Earth, which being full of wild and unkindly tumors, well challengeth the name of Bar (a Word not known to the present Inhabitants) signifying a Desert, and the duplicate of the Monosyllable Barber implieth that of old, Barbary was nothing but a great Solitude. And for this derivation, Leo Afer tells this Story: King Iphycus being driven out of Aethiopia, fled into Egypt, where finding himself much pressed by his Enemies, and dubious what course to run for his safety, he asked his Adherents what they thought was the most probable way to secure themselves; whereupon they all, with an unexpected consent answered Barber, meaning thereby that the hopefullest method of Protection was to pass over Nilus into the Deserts of Africa. And finding this Etymology to bear so fair a Proportion with the Complexion and Surface of the Land, I shall not scruple the occasion of its Imposition.  
But when we look from the outward shape, to the Productions of the Country, we see the uncomeliness thereof recompensed in the Fertility, which forbids us to judge of Internal Dowries by the outward Model: Providence usually supplying the defects of the Body with the abilities of the Mind, it being the fate of many excellent Parts, like Galba's, to be ill lodged. The Ancients accounted Wood and Grain, the more natural and useful Issues of a Country, as having a more immediate tendency to supply Mankind with the greater Necessities of Lodging and Diet. But in this Canton of Barbary, the Woods are scarce and mean, and fitter to warm the House then build it. For ranging their Groves, I found them consist chiefly of Cork-Trees, which seemed to differ but little from the Scarlet-Oak, excepting the indenture of their Leaves. Their Fruit is a smaller kind of Acorn, woody within: At the Root of these Trees is usually found the Lentisco, which is generally but a shrub, and of little other service to the Moors then to feed their Goats. The Juice whereof, mingled with other Ingredients, is used by the Potters to give a faint colour to their Earthenware, which they find to enhaunse the price, and advance the sale.  
The next remarkable sort of Wood is the Alcaróbe, a Tree of great Curiosity, and meriting a larger Note. The Alcaróbe bears a Cod, in quantity▪ and likeness much resembling the English Bean; the inner substance thereof is sweet, and lodgeth hard small Kernels. This Fruit is eat by the Moors of inferior Condition, and by all at the Feast Ashoràh: but it is chiefly preserved for their Horses, to whom it is both Physic and repast. For as a Moor, well skilled in that Animal, told me, the Fruit of the Alcaróbe hath two excellent Properties, to Drench, and make their Horses Fat.  
Some have called the Fruit Locusta, and supposed that it was the Baptists Food in the Wilderness: But others conjecture that St. Matthew's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, were only the tops and extremities of Herbs and Plants. And there are also some judicious Critics, who interpret the Baptist's Locusts to be a kind of Fly or Grasshopper, which in warmer Climates are very large and many, and were formerly dried and eaten by the Inhabitants. But they were observed to yield but small Nutriment, and ever thought fitter for Medicine than Alimony. I was told (but by a Traveller) that in Egypt these flies come in such clouds, that they darken the sky where they appear, and that in a short space they consume the fruits of the Earth where they are permitted to fall. To prevent which mischief (he told me that) the people observing the season of their coming, prepare against them, and keeping them from settling by discharging Guns into the air where they are discovered. That these locusts and Grasshoppers were eaten by the Barbarous Nations, may be concluded from the Law that made them forbidden meat to the Jews, Levit. 11. 22.  
But to leave the Moor to this sort of flies, whereof he hath no scarcity, there is a greater probability that the fruit of the Alcaròbe is the same with the Prodigal's Ceratia, or husks; for it doth excellently accord with their description set down by that great intelligence of Divinity in his Note. B. S. Luke. XI.  
In some parts of this Country there is great plenty of white Mulberry trees, nourished on purpose to feed the silkworm, a creature that doth afford the curious many delightful speculations; but the Moor regards it only for its emolument. The season of the worm being passed, they feed their cattle with the residue of the Mulberry leaves.  
The Towns of Commerce, and Conversation, have pleasant Orchards of Orange, Lemons and Limbs, with Gardens yielding plenty and variety of salad. And that which maketh their Gardens both profitable and delightful is, that they are always fruitful and retain a refreshing verdure. And this they effect by keeping the soil constantly in a temperate moisture: for the watercourses are so providently contrived that every Garden receives it in due proportion, and at a certain hour; which running among the little trenches, affords a very equal and fertile irrigation.  
Besides the Salad ordinary in other Country's, they have one sort rarely to be met with in Europe, which they call by a word, sounding spanish Tomátoes. This grows in the common fields, and when ripe is plucked and eaten with oil▪ it is pleasant but apt to cloy. Barengénas, as in Spain, grow creeping like Cucumbers upon the Ground; These are boiled with Beef and Mutton, and of no vulgar estimation among the Moors.  
Some Cauílas (a division in the Country that much resembles that of Counties in England) have large and fruitful Vineyards, and the blood of the Grape, though it be utterly prohibited them by Mahumed their Prophet, yet of late through the licentiousness of the times, it is liberally quaffed by many of the Moors. But that they might not herein give offence to the weaker Musulmen, nor betray any contempt of the law, they are generally cautious in this liberty, and use it, as we say, Under the Rose.  
The Plants of this Country are very observable for their variety and strangeness, for many are to be found in Barbary, which cannot be met with in colder Climes. And some, which are usual in other Country's, are in this found to differ much from their descriptions in Common Herbals. 
D. H. W●a●.  This I learned from a worthy Friend (well read in this part of Nature) who had enterprised, and would doubtless have finished, a Collection of Barbary Simples, if his too early immortality, and immature death had not deprived the world of that profitable endeavour.  
The Grain in this, differs not from that in other Country's, excepting that here are two sorts of Grain, scarce well known in other parts of the world, The one they call Pharoùk, which is of a lesser size, hungry and course, much resembling, if not altogether the same, with the Spanish Panizo, and it is only the more beggarly Moors that use this for bread. The other is known among them by the name of Tourkiá, which is a larger body than the former, and yields good flower, whereof bread is made for the Nobles of the Land. And as the Barley and Beans are reaped in April, the wheat in May and June, so is September the usual season for gathering the other kinds of breadcorn.  
The rains are to the Moors, what the Nilescope is said to be to the Egyptians, for according to their plenty or scarceness, they are able to foretell the dearth and plenty of the year. But there is a sort of Religionists among them, who measure the products of the earth by the sins of its Inhabitants, and who divine of the success of their tillage from the Observation of their Ramadan (or Lent) and the due celebrating of their [Easter] Hìd Seguèr, or the little feast that concludes it.  
If the clouds are sparing in showers at Seedtime, and Ear-ring, the crop is little lean; and in their best Harvests, they seldom reap more than will bring about the year, so that the failure of one Crop brings an inevitable dearth upon the land. The Moors are very observing of the Trade-rains, (for so they may not improperly be termed, as never falling but at such a time) The former Rain is called by a word importing Blessing, and the latter [Nas●n] or Holywater, of which names I could meet with no other Rationale but Tradition.  
There appears but little industry in the Moors husbandry, for their tillage is so mean, that he that sees it may justly wonder, that the Land under such small improvement should be so fruitful. In most parts they plough but with two Oxen, carelessly tied by the horns, and in some Cauílas with a like number of Asses, Mules, Camels, and a base breed of Horses. The plough turns up no more mould, than sufficeth to bury the seed: for (say they) if the furrows should be deep, and the drought begin, ere that the corn hath broken the Earth, it would not be able to force a passage through the stiffened clods. They use no labour to assist the Arbale by manuring it, except that the Ordure of their Towns is cast out, not so much to enrich the Glebe, as to keep themselves cleanly. But this painful part of husbandry is supplied by the Anniversary burning of the withered grass and stubble, which servs to help the soil, and destroy the Vermin, which otherwise, especially the Scorpion, would render the Country very dangerous for habitation.  
When the Moors have reaped their corn, they tread it out with Oxen, Camels, &c, & winnow it upon the place where it grows, and then set the chaff on fire; In which particulars they are an excellent Comment upon the like, reflected upon in Sacred Writ. Instead of Granaries, they have Caves bricked or wrought with stone, called Matamóras, in which they reposite their Corn, where it is preserved from the Worm, and other Enemies. The Straw they chop and keep for their Horses', for although there be abundance of Herbage, yet no part thereof is cured and preserved for a Winter store of Hay, which I impute to the Moors sloth, rather than the needlesness of such a Provision.  
After I had taken this Survey of what appeared upon the Earth by Nature, or its Improver, Husbandry, I found sufficient Instigations, both by Curiosity and Reason, to dive into its Entrails, which I have been told are in many places as rich as the best Oars can make them. And of this Truth there have appeared large Specimens', about Tituan, Alcazàr, Ghebèr, etc. And the reason why the Moors pursue not so advantageous a Temptation, may be charged upon their Ignorance, Idleness, or Fear; as in another place I may have occasion to demonstrate. The Commodities of this Country bearing the name of Mercántil, are chiefly Honey, Wax, Hides, Marokins or Córdavans, Dates, Almonds; course Twine, Mats of a curious Straw and Workmanship, Mantles, Alheìcks, and in some places great store of Salt-Peter. As for the Fabulous abundance of Gold reported to be found in Barbary, I leave its Legend to the Poets.   

CHAP. II.  
Of the Beasts in Barbary, tame and wild.  
THe Survey now passeth one Stair higher, from Vegetable to Sensible Creatures, whereof Barbary has no less plenty, than of Grass to maintain them, but looking into their Flocks and Herds, I found the latter more numerous, yet not to that quantity as report informed me. And enquiring why the Moors were more for the Stall, than the Fold; they replied, That Cows yielded them more constant relief than Sheep, and were more ready to furnish out both their Tables and Purses. Their Horses are both few and mean, and for the most part much inferior to those of other Nations, which at first created my wonder, because of the great repute the Barbary Horses had obtained in most European Countries. But they have a peculiar Cast of Barbs able to maintain this Renown, which the Moors carefully preserve, never employing them in low and base Offices, but keep them only for the Saddle and Military Service. And to the great ease of their Horses, the Moors have store of Camels for their sorest Drudgeries. Now the Camel is a Creature of strange Bulk and humour, whose Diet is mean and incredibly little, for they will Travel great Journeys under heavy Loads, without further allowance than the tops of Thistles, or any mean Herbage. Nor are they less abstemious in their Bevarage, than Meat; being so patient of Thirst, that they will Travel four days without touching Water, and then at one Drinking take in as much as will serve them as many Days more. The Moor from Observation hath this general Rule concerning Camels; viz. That those which when young drink much and often, are of a degenerate Lineage, and will never prove serviceable.  
There is a Presumption, that the Camels engender backward, but Ali Mulùd, an Ancient and Inquisitive Moor, would often swear by the Hairs of his Chin (an Oath that he had learned in the time of his being a Slave in Spain) that he had much enquired after the manner of the Camel's Copulation, but could meet with no certain Information therein; for (said he) these Creatures are strangely bashful in their Embraces, which makes them very secret in the time of their Amours; and to retire, if possible, even from their Keeper's Eye. At the season of their Coition, both Sexes are very furious, and like their Moresco Masters, they never forget to revenge the Injuries done them at that time. I was told by an Alarb, who had no Temptation to abuse my Credulity in such an unconcerning Story, that the Mácho, or Male Camel, generated with the Female when she is asleep, and that the Female brings forth in a kind of negligent slumber. But I leave the curious Inquisitors of Nature to discover the frailties of this Story, and pass on to remark the docile gentleness of the Camel, which is evident in their submission, kneeling to be loaden and unloaden at their Drivers pleasure. And we find it reported in the History of Beasts, Jonson. Hist. Quadrup. That Camels have been taught to dance exact Measures, which is no more strange, than the Ballétto di Cauálli, that not long since graced the Nuptials of a Duke of Florence.  
But intending no Zoography, I pass from this and other Tame Quadrupeds, to observe that Barbary hath all sorts of Beasts that are called Wild: Lions, Leopards, Wolves, Foxes, &c with great plenty of Jackals, so much famed for Catoring for the Lion: They usually hunt in Packs, opening with a shrill yelping noise, and are described to be Mongrel Creatures, of an equivocal Generation, deriving rapaciousness from the Wolf their Sire, and cunning from the Fox their Dam; they are very ravenous, eating Carrion, digging up dead Bodies, and will feed upon that which a genuine Fox will not deign to taste.  
Wild Boars are no rarity in this Diocese, which the Moors hunt and kill in a Manly Pastime, they being no way subservient to the Trencher, because all sorts of Swine's Flesh is forbidden Meat by their Law. But their Slaves, that are Christians, have permission to dress and eat them, and know from Experience that they are very wholesome and strong Food.  
But I shall surcease to Travel further among these inhospitable Savages, with whose descriptions Natural Histories are so largely replenished, and therefore I will shut up this Chapter with this general Remark, That Barbary hath variety of all sorts of Beasts, Birds and Serpents; the Land affording Habitations most suitable to such unsociable Being's.   

CHAP. III.  
The Division of the Inhabitants, different manner of living, their Genius, their entertainment of Foreign Ministers.  
THe Family of Noah (saith the Jewish Antiquary Flau. Joseph.) being jealous of a second Deluge, durst not descend to Cultivate the Plains, but dwelled upon the tallest Mountains: till at length, Sem ventured to Inhabit the Valleys; where they lived in a Cluster, and seemed suspicious of the Divine Command, bidding them disperse and overspread the Earth: fearing that this might be a Design to scatter them that they might the more easily be destroyed, for which reason they long time kept together in a close Neighbourhood. Out of which story nothing is needful here to be collected, but that Mountains have ever proved the Refuges of the Distressed, and the People that Inhabited them valued for their Antiquity above the rest of the Land. Of which truth, Barbary yields a pregnant instance in the division of her Inhabitants, of which there are two sorts known among them, by the usual Names of Alárbes and Barabárs.  
The Alárbes are usually by the Europeans styled Mountaineers, from the place of their greatest residence. And these think themselves the Elder Natives, and therefore of the better House. They are not altogether so Civilised as the other, but live more rudely and rovingly, shifting from Mountain to Mountain according to their Exigences, never confining their rambling humours to any settled Mansion. They live in Haimas or Tents, made of a course brownish Cloth, which the Women work and wove of the Bark of Palmito's mingled with Goat's hair; and these Itinerary Habitations they remove from one place to another, in obedience to their fickle Humours and cogent Necessities. Robbery is their Masterpiece and best Livelihood; and in this Estate they much glory, as coming so near the condition of Muley Mahuméds first Votaries. About an Age past they were very numerous, but the late Civil Wars have made great abatements of their Musters.  
The other sort of Moors are vulgarly called Barabàrs, but by a Dialect Brébers: These have fixed Dwellings, and live in Neighbourhood; and finding Conversation to be useful and safe, affording Comfort and Profit, they are combined into Aldéa's, or Villages, where their Cottages are so disposed, that there is not any considerable disproportion among them in respect of their distance from the Giemma, or Church.  
Over these Barabàrs are Subordinate Governors or Almocadens, to whom they pay a dutiful Observance. Their Vocation is Tillage and Grazing; and live much after the condition of the Labaradóres in Spain, the Paisants in France, and the Boors in Flanders. The Barabàrs of late are grown more numerous than the Alárbes, and for several Years have inhabited both the Mountains and Campaigns. But albeit they have taken the Hills from the Alárbes, yet they have left them the reproach of Robbery, though they themselves are no Novices in that Mystery.  
But notwithstanding their different Mode of living, they unite in the general Character of Body and Humour: For they are all of a large Stature, strong Constitution, stately Carriage, and differing in Complexion according to their conversing with the Sun and Air. Those whom for distinction I must call the Gentry, are according to their Rules of Chivalry well skilled in managing of the Horse, and dextrous at the Lance, for they scorn all toil that is not Military, and account no Employment so noble as that of a Soldier. They agree likewise in Humour, for both are Jealous and Revengeful. Their Jealousy is palpable in their Carriage towards their Wives, whom they keep in great Subjection and Retirement, which makes Adultery a Stranger to their Beds: Nor can it reasonably be otherwise, seeing that the Wife is fully assured that the very attempt to pilfer a Pleasure, if discovered, will cost her her Life. They are likewise implacable in their hatred, and impatient till they have avenged an Injury; for they are taught by their Prophet, That Revenge is a Virtue. But leaving these Passions to the justification of the Moresco Law and Customs, the Moors are guilty of a censorious Suspicion towards Strangers, which hath no colour to be excused. This I first observed in their carriage toward Don Diego de Palma, a Cavalier of the Habit of St. James, who being sent to Compliment Gaylan from his Catholic Majesty, and chanceing to smile at the Moors Deportment, as not answering the starch'dness of his own Nation; the Moors, who were very circumspect in observing every tittle of the Don's Deportment, were so sagacious as to find in this casual Smile a derision of their Courtship, which they left not unrevenged in intrigueing his Errand. Now it is observable, that the Moors are very morose and abstemious in point of Laughter, esteeming those who are much thereunto addicted, to be scornful and foolish.  
And now having promised to give an account of the Moresco manner of receiving Public Ministers, and finding that they have no solemn & fixed Rites; I conceive the description of their entertaining the Spanish Envoy, may serve for a Specimen of their Carriage toward all Persons of the like Character: which take as follows.  
The Envoy Don Diego Felippe de Palma, having from Ceuta (a Spanish Garrison on the Barbary-coast) advised Cidi el Hader Ben Ali Gaylan, that he was come from the Crown of Spain on a Message to his Excellency (that was Gaylans' Title) and desired to know when and where he should have permission and security to deliver it: Gaylan returned him answer, concerning the set Day and Place for the Don's Reception, which was according to our stile, the tenth of September, in the One thousand six hundred sixty third Year of Grace, and at a place equally distant from Ceuta and Tituan: where, to grace the Entrata, Gaylan appointed a Parade of the best Horse of his own Cauíla, and committed them to the Conduct of his Brother Cidi Tobib Ebn Ali, who marched with them from Arzíla to Tituàn, whither according to appointment, Gaylans' Father-in-law, Almocadèm of the Cauíla of Angerà, had sent his Sons with about sixty of their Cousins, to join with Tobib, who with many more went to receive the Envoy at the prefixed time and place: Where the Moors, having paid him their Greetings, they all Marched in this order.  
In the first Troop came the two Sons of the Almocadèm of Angerà, with about sixty of their Kindred, all bravely mounted, and according to their Gallantry, richly accoutred: These in several Rings exercised the Lance with laudable Agility, the Music of Tituàn still playing before them.  
In the next rank came Cidi Tobit, attended with about fifty Horse, maintaining a very slow march, as if they intended to revie or deride the Spanish Gravity. Next to them road the Envoy, Don Diego Felippe de Palma del Habito de Sanjago, with a single Trumpet sounding before him: Next came led six stately Horses trapped in blue Cloth: after them fourteen Mules loaden with Trunks; and in the last place road the Governor of Tituàn, with the Alárbes Music tinkling before him, and attended with a large & well ordered Train. Vast multitudes were flocked thither, having no other business but to gaze, being Strangers to such a Procession.  
In this order was Don Diego conducted to his Lodgings in Tituàn, where he courteously received the Christians that came to give him the Parabien to Barbary, and declared a great readiness to serve my Comrade and myself, whom he knew had no other concern in those Parts, but securely to travel and view the Country. After two days refreshment at the Moors charge, the Don began his march toward Arzíla, but first caused the Horses to be richly trapped, and led in State through the Streets of Tituàn; which being done, they came into a Plain a little out of the Town, where the People made a spacious Circle, in which the Moresco Cavalleres showed their active Horsemanship, and dexterous darting of the Lance; after which, about fifty Negroes and Alárbes began a Dance, which they performed with pleasant variety of Gesture, and strange Agility.  
These Desports being finished, the Envoy advanceth his Journey, and found the ways crowded with Spectators, invited thither by Gaylan's Politic Friends, who designed that the People might take notice of the Honour done to Cidi El Hader, and that his Friendship was sought by one of the greatest of Christian Monarches. But there were many that came not so much to be Spectators, as to reap the fruit of a common Report, that the Don would cast great store of Realito's among the poorer Moor. But their hopes were deceived in the rumour of the Spaniards Bounty, who did not herein degenerate from the Nature of his Nation, which has ever been noted for a backwardness to such insignificant Profusions. The Envoy being safely arrived at Arzíla, he was lodged in an Apartment of Gaylan's Place (pardon the Word) where I leave him to lodge, and eat, if possible, worse than he did at home.  
The business and design of this Embassy, met with diversity of Conjectures: by some it was supposed that Don Diego was sent to solicit larger Privileges for the Spanish Garrisons on the Barbarian Coast. Others concluded that the Duke of Medina Celi, envious at the Earl of Tiveot's successes against the Moors, and his Truce concluded with Gaylan, caused this Messenger (a Creature of his own) to be sent with Instructions, to interrupt and disturb the new Correspondence and Amity betwixt Tanger and El Hader. But to find out the Riddle, I ploughed with one of their own Heifers, having employed a Moor versed in public Affairs, (and recommended to me by that great Lover of the English, Cidi Abdelerim Nacsis, then chief Governor of Tituan) who from the Spaniard's inquisitiveness after the state and condition of Tanger, the number of the Soldiers, the quantity of the constant Guards, the height and strength of the Walls, the situation and number of the Guns ready mounted, etc. with his Design in a Moresco habit to take a narrow view of the whole place (which in Gaylan's company within few days after he performed) filled us with Jealousies that some mischief was purposed against Tanger. And it is very certain, That the forementioned Duke had an evil Eye upon the Immortal Tiveot, for the Renowned Victories which under the most Christian King he achieved against his Nation's Interest in the Low Countries, which aged Choler he found highly inflamed by the Victories gained by that indefatigable Captain over his Moresco Neighbours, which instigated the Duke's spleen not so much against Tanger, as its Restorer Tiveot, who being at this time in England, took the advantage of his absence to disgrace him (if any such thing had been possible) with his new Confederate Gaylan. And acquiescing in this account of the Embassy, I pursue my Province in setting down the exact account of the present Customs of the Moors.   

CHAP. IU.  
The Moresco Compellations, Reverence to Superiors, Complexion and Conversation of the Women, pious manner of salutation and Style.  
I Have not found any Nation so rude and Barbarous, as to be utterly devoid of all Rites of Civility and Respect: for some tokens of honour & kindness, some terms of distance & familiarity are used by the most uncultivated. And the Moors though they are very sparing in Compliments, yet they use both words & gestures of Respect. Towards all superiors they indifferently use the Compellative Cidi, which is as extensive as [Sir;] To women of better quality they use Lala, signifying as largely as Madam doth now in England. And as to their outward demonstrations of Respect, there is little variation; for a grave inclination of the body, with a putting the right hand first to the heart, next to the forehead, and then kissing the two foremost fingers laid a cross the lips, is the exactest manner of saluteing the Grandees; whose hand, knee, or bottom of the Vest is kissed by the Vulgar. Those that are familiar, and of equal rank, at their first meeting strike hands, but shake not, & then lift them up & lay them to their breasts. And their greetings are in the second person singular, useing [Thou] to all from the slave to the King: wherein they observe the Eastern Custom. But in their addresses to their Prince no people can testify more signal tokens of Humbleness & Piety, for at the entrance into the Royal presence, they bow their bodies to the ground, saying, Sálam Allíg Allá Ensorúck Mulèy, Peace be to thee, God preserve King Fuláno; & these words & gestures are devoutly repeated at every pace they advance toward the King. And if any come with petitions they kiss, the earth when they present them to his royal perusal. The like Reverences are discharged when they depart the Presence. But I pass on to view the female Moors, who if preserved from the injuries of the Sun & weather, are generally well complexioned full bodied, & of good symmetry. Those that live in great Towns, together with the wealthier sort in the Country, are inclined to paleness, which may be imputed to their sedentariness, or want of motion; for they seldom stir abroad, except it be to visit the Sepulchers of their deceased friends in devotion, to pray for their felicity, and in the night time to the Baths for health and cleanliness. As to their Friday-meetings I shall speak of it in another Chapter. They never step without the threshold but so closely veiled, that no part is visible but an eye. In the state of Matrimony their principal study is to please their husbands, to whom they are taught by their Alcoran to bear a dutiful observance, and to omit no art that may render them delightful to their conversation. Those husbands that are able, allow their wives Negra's or black-women, to do all the servile offices in the Family; but yet there is no quality that sits idle; for the chief of the Moresco Dames employ their time in some thrifty huswifry. And this prevents that custom of expensive gossipings, with which in some Nations so many wives are debauched, and husband's beggared. And yet the married women want not their friendly conversations, for they visit one another's houses in token of good neighbourhood, but without the company of their husbands; no male though he be never so much a relative, can be admitted into their society. And to prevent it, she that makes the visit first, sends to know whether the husband be at home if the answer be negative, then without further ceremony she goes strait to her Gossip's apartment, where she is entertained with a liberality that never injures her husband; who if returning home in the interim of the visit, is careful to give no interruption, but upon notice quickly departs the house; yet they give such signals that he has been there, as are easily perceived by the Visitant, who thereupon shortens the Visit, otherwise it commonly lasts a whole day. But these being offices that are seldom in their returns, may justly be pardoned in their length.  
But foreseeing that I shall in another place have occasion to speak again of the Moresco women, I surcease to enlarge the paragraph that here concerns them, and therefore proceed to view the pious forms used by the Moors in their salutations and Letters.  
And indeed there is none that has had any intimacy with the Moors in this particular, but he might observe a great appearance of Piety in all their customary expressions. And this I learned both from the discourse and practise of those with whom I journeyed, who at their setting out in the morning, would with zeal and humility look up to heaven, and in a low voice say, Bismillah, that is, in the name of God; which is also done at the beginning of any labour or travail. By which they intent that nothing ought to be enterprised, but in the power and hope of the divine favour and help. And when the work or journey is finished they say, Ham der illah, Thanks be unto God; in which words they deny all ascriptions of success to themselves. When they meet one another upon the road, etc. their greetings at large is this thanksgiving, El ham dillah all salam tiqsi. i e. God be praised that I see thee well: but in passing by one another the Salutation is usually this prayer, if there be no more but one, Salam alleq, if more than one, Salam alleq cum, Peace be with thee, or you. At the hearing of one another sneezes, they say, Era hanig allah, Dios tenga V. M. en sumano. God be your keeper. When one Moor goes to see another at his house, the first that receives him saith, Mar bába, or welcome, which if repeated thrice, is an undoubted mark that they are glad to see him; which kind reception he requites with saying, Allah ellah miq i. e. God pay▪ you. And the like air and genius of Devotion and Piety is observable in those letters that the Moors write in their own language; a taste whereof you have in these two ensuing, translated out of Moresco.  
In the name of God Gracious & Merciful, whose Blessing be upon our Lord Mahomed & his Family. To the Mighty, honourable, Glorious, and most Excellent Lord and Governor of Tanger the Earl Tiveot.  
GOd perpetuate your Excellency's Honour and Glory, and vouchsafe your perseverance in Grandeur and Felicity. Happiness unto you with the odours of a glorious Name, shall continually breathe out their fragrancies, and let God continue and prosper both you and your estate agreeable to your wishes.  
Furthermore, to advise us of your abundant love, and especially generosity, there came to us the worthy Gentlemen your servants in their Ship, with the honourable Commanders of it, the Consul and the Captain, and they behaved themselves amongst us like Men, touching your Command which they observed, and accomplished our desires according as we expected in the going forth of our men, they returning home to us in health and safety, so that we now reenjoy their company according to the best of our wishes. And let God in our stead largely reward and recompense you, who have so highly obliged us herein.  
Your Messengers stayed with us for some days, till we had performed some of their desires, so that we sent along with them two excellent horses and of the best sort that hath been in our time, one whereof was for our own Riding, and the other is of the same breed; likewise forty good choice beasts, both Bulls and Cows, and a flock of about fourscore sheep, as a present to your Excellency, which out of your Grace ●nd favour, you would vouchsafe to accept from us. For the deserts and Merits of your Honour, God alone can recompense.  
We gave also to your Legates two special horses and a few Cattle as the time permitted, and they likewise bought some horses as the time served, and then departed from us well contented. But we are always with you in that inviolable love and friendship, which neither distance of place, nor length of time shall ever dissolve. And as for our Country Barbary (blessed be God) all of it that is loyal and in obedience to us, whether Mountains, Plains, or Citiès, you have free passage into in love and friendship, to converse and trade as you please, and to manage all your affairs. And this will be of great advantage unto us, if it please God we live, and the General take the Castle of the Port Town, and thè Rebbels return wholly to their obedience, and then you shall not apologise for us, or excuse us in any service we can do you. But we request you to excuse us at present, as to the rest of your desires, being assured that we cease not to encounter and fight those enemies which have broken Covenant with us, that so they may shortly (if God please) return to their Allegiance.  
And we entreat you to grant our Servants, the Inhabitants of the Port, your best assistance in what ever they shall have need of your help and supply. And whatsoever of our Consorts shall come to you, we beseech you not to be wanting in your Care towards them.  
But the most earnest and important business which concerns us to mention to you is, for a great ship to lie at the Port between us and the enemy, on purpose to cut off all relief by shipping from the Enemy, and pray let it be hastened with its fraught, provision and all other necessaries. This is our chief business which we entreat you to accomplish, according to our desires. And any of the Ships that shall come to this Port, shall drive away whatsoever Merchant ships they find there, and seize their goods. For the only thing we are wanting in, and in need of assistance, is this business of the Merchants. Thus we have given you the full of our desires in what we have written. And let God accomplish all your desires. Farewell,  
Written the third day of the week being the twenty fifth of the month Dulhevil the last month of the 1073. year of the Hegira. The Servant of God who trusteth in him Abdalla ebn Mahamed ebn Abebeker, of blessed memory.  
The Superscription, To the chief of the Nobles Lord and Governor of Tanger the Earl Tiveot whom God preserve.  
Another Letter.  
IN the name of God the Greatest of all Great ones, whom we worship and serve and none other.  
To the most excellent Count Tiveot Captain General of Tanger, the Just and Valiant, greeting and desiring that he may have health and Prosperity which we value much.  
We received the Servants of your Excellency in our Country, for whom we have done what we are able, and have commanded our Vassals to guard them to Tanger. The Present made us by your Excellency we kindly receive. God augment your Honour and Happiness.  
In all that is required at our Hand, Let it be upon our head, that we serve you with much willingness, Being that we are made Friends we esteem your Friendship much. My Son and cousins Greet your Excellency, desiring God that you may have health.  
Subscribed Almocadem Cassian Shat.  
This Shalt, is Father to one of Gaylan's Wives, numerous in alliances, and reported to be an Andalusian, on of the race of the Moors banished Spain; He hath hereditary to his Family, the command of Angera, which is a large Cauíla adjoining unto Tanger. And having lodged at this Grandee 's house, I may from our entertainment there be able to give you an account of the Moors hospitality, which differs not in the fashion, however it may vary in the stuff.   

CHAP. V.  
The Moresco Entertainment, fashion of Travelling, Hospitals, Diet, Reverence to Corn, forbidden Meats.  
IN the Year of Salvation, 1663. Sept. the sixth, at the going down of the Sun, we came to an Aldéa called Angerà, at the utmost Bounds of a Mountain of that name; where we repaired to the House of Cidi Cassian Shalt, whom we found sitting at his Door, environed with about twenty aged Moors of the Neighbourhood. Alighting from our Horses, we delivered our Segúra or Letters of safe Conduct, to the Old Man; who when he had perused, returned them with a grave Nod, the testimony of his Approbation, and the signal of our Welcome. This done, we were called to a little upper Room, which we could not enter till we had put off our Shoes at the Threshold; not for Religion, but Cleanliness, and not to prevent our unhallowing of the Floor, but defiling the Carpets wherewith it was curiously spread. At the upper end of the Room was laid a Velvit Cushion, as large as those we use in our Pulpits, and it denoted the most Honourable part of the Room. After we had reposed about an hour, there was brought in a little oval Table, about twenty Inches high, which was covered with a long piece of narrow Linen; and this served for Diaper. For the Moors, by their Law, are forbidden such superfluous Utensils as Napkins, Knives, Spoons, etc. Their Religion laying down this general Maxim, That mere Necessaries are to be provided for: which caused a precise Moor to refuse to drink out of my Dish, when he could sup Water enough out of the hollow of his Hand. But this straitness has of late Years begun to be enlarged, and the prohibition is interpreted to reach no farther than their Churchmen, and chief Ministers of Justice; so that those who are able to provide handsome Furniture for their Tables, have a Dispensation, which they seem not prone to make use of, if the humour of the rest may be devined by that of this Grandee: At whose House the Table was adorned as before, and for Supper there was placed upon it an Earthen Pot full of Mutton, Beef, Cabage, Raisins, Potatoes, Berengénas, etc. all boiled together, and extremely hot with Dimicuto and Garlick, which is their immutable Sauce. This hodgepodge was in imitation of the Spanish Olla Podrida, excepting that it wanted Bacon, an Ingredient so indispensible to the Spanish Olla, that there can be none without it, which occasioned this Proverb, No Sermon without St. Austin, nor Olla without Bacon: Nigh Sermòn sin Agostino, ny Olla sin locino. But to proceed in our Bill of Fare: our next Course was a single Pullet cloven down the Belly, with the four Quarters spread out at large, by a way of Cookery peculiar to the Moors. And these two Dishes, with store of good Bread, made up the Feast. Our Drink was strong Wine newly brought from the Press, which stood by us in a great stone Jar, with a sort of wooden Ladle in it, out of which we drunk. Our posture was laying round about the Table, according to the custom of the Country. Our company was the second Son of this Family, a debonair Gentile Person. Having supped, and solaced ourselves with muddy Beverage and Moresco Music, we all composed ourselves to sleep: About twenty were allotted to Lodge in this small Chamber, whereof two were Christians, three Jews, and the rest Moors: every one made his Bed of what he wore, which made our English Constitutions to wish for the Morning, which no sooner appeared but we quitted our Lodging, leaving our Entertainer sans adieu, not tarrying to return thanks for his Hospitality; which could incur no displeasure, as conforming to the stile of the Country. And this Breviate of Cidi Cassian's hospitable House-keeping, is an Essay of the rest, for the Moors have all one fashion of living, and their Houses, Diet, and Apparel vary not, but in the matter.  
Now that which makes Journeying in Barbary so full of Fatigue, is the want of Houses of Public Entertainment (like the Venta's and Posáda's in Spain; the Caborets and Hostelries in France; and Inns in England) whereby the Travellers are constrained to carry their Provisions with them. The Moors usual Viaticum are Raisins, parched Beans, Onions, Garlic, and store of Bread. They rely upon the Fountains for their Drink, which are kept in great decency and cleanlyness: at every Fountain there being a Dish made of Cork, fastened with a string, out of which Man and Beast drink for refreshment. Many of these Fountains are provided with a large smooth Stone, whereon the Moor, after he has performed his preparative Washing, celebrates his Salla, or Orisons. And the Bigots that live near these Fountains, every day repair thither to pay their Bigotage, or Superstitious Devotions.  
They usually shut up their Journey at the going down of the Sun; and if there be an Aldéa or Village at hand, they turn thither for Houseroom, and lodge commonly in a Cottage, as mean as that wherein Ovid's aged Couple entertained the Pilgrim Gods. But if it be Summer, or the Wether fair, than they repair to some shady Tree, under whose prote●tion they sleep and eat. If the place be suspected for bad Neighbours, the Travellers watch by turns, and do the like in places that are troubled with wild Beasts.  
When I said that the Moors have no Houses of Accommodation, it was with exception of the Almamóras, or Chambers maintained by the Revenues of the Church, built on purpose to receive Strangers of any Persuasion. These Houses afford nothing but room to Lodge in; but if it happen that Travellers are in want of meat, the Villagers are ready to supply them. The Alfaqúi, or Priest of the place, hath Inspection and Superintendency of these Hospitals. The Moors have likewise peculiar Places, resembling the Infirmatories or Lazarettoes in other Nations, for those that fall sick in their Journeys, whom they treat with a laudable Care, till they either recover or die: And if the infirm dye, not leaving wherewith to bury him, there is care taken for his Funeral, and a Muláto, or some base Moor, is appointed to beg the Alms of the place to defray the Expense of the Stranger's Interment. In these Almamóras, the Stranger is permitted to stay till the Wether and his Health dispose him for his Journey: but they repine at his abode, when it is not urged by necessity.  
In later Years, every Town of Trasfick hath erected a sort of Inns, called Alfandách, which affords nothing but Houseroom for Man and Beast, the Market yielding Provision for both. Those that farm these Fandáches, cannot exact above a Blankil a Night both for Man and Beast, which is in sterling Money about two pence. The Horse's Lodging costing equally with his Riders.  
These Fandáches were at first built by the wealthier sort of Moors, who dying in a pious humour, gave them to the Giámma or Church, to hollow, say the Moresco Rabbis, the filthy lucre raised by their employment. However, the Giámma has its Revenues greatly augmented by such Donations. And whatever was the Design of their Institution, we find them of late under a great Degeneracy, being little better than Tippling Shops, where the Moors Quaff the Fruit of the Vine. But that which herein most raised my Admiration, was to see the Incomes of these Fandáches, appropriated to the maintenance of the Alfaqúi's or Priests, and that that Holy Order, having the disposal of such Houses, should not see them under a more regular administration.  
But to go from these Public Houses to view the Moors in their private Roofs, I find them in their Caresses frugal, without Parsimoniousness, and placing no Character of good House-keeping in abundance of Viands. They have two dishes in singular esteem, the chief whereof ●nscussòn, which is made of Water and Flower, or grated Bread, boiled into a Consistence, into which they put Butter, or any Kitchenstuff: And this they eat without Spoons; for when it is ready, every one that is admitted to taste it, dives into it with his hand, and danceing it in his Fist, till it be shaped into a Ball and cooled, then casts it into his Mouth. The other dish is known by the name of Pillów, vulgarly pronounced Pl●w, and it is the same with that which I said has so near a resemblance with the Spanish Olla Podrida. Besides these two Dishes, the Moors of a better allay make their Breakfasts of Bonuélo's, or small Loaves boiled in Oil, which they eat with Sugar, or Honey.  
The Country Moor feed much on Milk, which they are by their Law forbidden to taste, if it has been touched by a Dog. They have store of Cheese, but very course and homely. And as for their Butter, we may suspect their cleanliness in making it; for they Churn it in a Sheep or Goat skin, dressed or fitted for that office, which they shake between their Hands.  
But not much delighted with their Dary-house, I leave it to observe their Reverence to Bread and Corn, which is both great and general, for from the Throne to the Plough, if any see a crumb of the one, or a grain of the other cast out, or scattered, he stoops to take it up, kisseth it, puts it to his Forehead, and looking up, saith, Dill a, It is from God; and then gives it to the first Creature that will eat it.   

CHAP. VI  
Of the Moresco Giammas, or Churches: their Foundation, Consecration, manner of Structure, Subordination.  
ALL Religions in their first model and Constitution have had some less intelligible Articles and things of a remoter signification, mingled with their easier Doctrin's, and more obvious Institutions. And there has ever been found a Catholic agreement, not only in the main Article of the Deity, but also in some solemn manner of his worship. Upon which consideration there were ritual circumstances established, for the more decent celebration of Religious Ministers. In the number of which ritual Circumstances, I esteem a dedicated place, Separate Time, solemn Actions, Prescript Forms, and above all a distinct Order of Persons, by whom the Exteriot Religion is to be officiated, and to whom for the Power & Sacredness of their Function there have ever been decreed convenient Observances and Revenues. How determinate the Koran is in these particulars, falls not within the compass of these remarkes, but it is evident to those that attentively read it, that the Author thereof seems not in any thing to be definitive. But what ever the mind was of that Impostor concerning the mentioned Rites, we find his Sectaries have in all their Dominions made Provision for Solemnity in their Worship. Being guided thereunto either by the more lasting and regular Principles of Reason, or in imitation of some people of an other Persuasion, which they esteemed Wise and Deliberate. Nor can Mahumed be blamed for not leaving Decretals in the Rights of worship, because their nature is of so great an indifferency, that no Religion doth acknowledge them to be determined in every particular by any Law, meriting, or usurping, the title Divine: neither is there any thing in themselves to make them originally necessary.  
And therefore without enquiring into the Motives by which the Moors or others have been induced to the usage of the Accessories of Religion, I only observe that the Moors are not therein defective; having Churches, Priests, Times, Revenues, etc. appropriate to the Divine Adoration.  
I shall begin with their Giámmas, Mosches or Churches in which this Country abounds, and to which the Moors perform a great Reverence and liberality, never suffering them to be profaned, nor to want a competent stock to keep them in repairs. The manner observed in the erection of a new Giámma is orderly and laudable, which is thus: When a considerable Number of People have agreed and resolved to settle together in neighbourhood, they seek out a piece of ground convenient for their purpose, which by mutual consent is divided, every family being allowed sufficient Room, whereof to rear an habitation. This done their next care is to set apart a spot of Earth for the foundation of their Giámma, with great regard that it have no considerable inequality of distance from their several habitations. After they have thus framed their Design, the Giámma is first built, to which Holy work all ages, sexes, and qualities of persons contribute their labours Gratis, every one valuing it for a peculiar felicity and honour to have his hands and shoulders wearied in such a sacred employment. The fabric or Giámma being finished, they dedicate it to no Patronage but the Public Worship, nor use any other ceremony of consecration, but only choose one that is able to read the Alcoran, whom they accompany to the new Giámma, where some parcel of their Law is read, and their Sallàs, or offices performed, and from that time it is accounted a Holy place. And the Giámma being thus raised to its full Stature, every family begins a Cottage for itself, and when they are built, they seek for an Alfaqui, or Priest, to Officiate in their new Church, with whom they agree for a yearly Pension.  
But we must restrain this custom of building Churches to the Barabárs who have fixed Mansions; for the Alárbs who retain no place of constant habitation, have for their Giámma a large Tent standing exactly in the middle of their dwelling-Tents, whither they resort at Canonical hours to their Orisons, in which they are comformable to the other Moors.  
The Giámmas do all agree in the fashion of structure; being all long and generally narrow, not running into Isles, nor branching into Chapels and Quires. Their situation is East and West, without any windows at all, nor have their Giámmas doors but on the North-side. [They are without the too easy accommodations of seats, Pews, or benches:] the floor of the Giámma is handsomely matted, and so are the walls about two foot high. If the roof be large and weighty it is supported with pillars, among which hang the lamps, which are kept burning all the night.  
Every Giámma has a turret, on whose top is placed a Crescent, or half Moon (a Mahumedan Cognizance) from this Turret the Almudéns, or Sexton, with a loud voice invites the People to Prayers, which supplies the forbidden use of Bells. The Moors keep their Giámmas in a very Reverend decency, never permitting any dilapidations. None are vouchsafed to enter them but the Males of their own Religion, which makes it dangerous for Christians or Jews to look within them; yet if this happens they think not the Holy place to be thereby any way desecrated. But this signal respect to their Churches, renders not their Devotions elsewhere performed, to be invalid; yet if possible they never fail to be at their Giámms, attributing much to the Statary prayers made in the Church.  
In greater Towns there are many Giámmas: in Tituàn fifteen, in Alcázar more, in Arzíla, five, and in Fez seven hundred. Among which there is a subordination, for the Giámma Gheber, or Great Giámma, being the Cathedral, or Mother-Church, commands the rest, and is the Cure of the Alcalib, or Chief-Priest. To the Giamma Gheber all the other Giámmas conform in the hour of public offices, and though all the rest are hung with Lamps, yet this has one of a peculiar shape and quantity, called Ettouria, or the Master-Lamp, in testimony of the Chutche's Prelacy.   

CHAP. VII.  
Of the Moresco Priests, their education, Orders, Office, Reverence of the Priest, Revenue, the Almudéns, Penalties for absence from the Giámmas.  
THe Moors have at this day no Schools of Science, like the European Universities and Colleges; which may be a main reason of their Growing stupidity and Barbarism; for the want either of leisure, or lack of opportunity to study Arts and Sciences, because their whole time is spent in gaining whereon to live, through a deficiency whereof the politest Nations will soon degenerate into ignorance and rusticity. As for the College called Amarodóch in Fez (whose structure cost King Aba Henen 480000 Crowns, and which has been so amply celebrated for the Concinnity of its building, delightfulness of situation, carved roof, Mosaic Arches and brazen gates) it is now wholly destitute of Students. And if the Moors were not careful to keep up great store of Petty Schools, they would soon decay and fall into a total illiterature. In these Petty Schools the Alfáqui, or Priest, takes in the first rudiments of his Learning, without any possibility of climbing higher than to write and read; and if a Youth be found towardly and capacious, and bearing a good affection to the Priesthood, when he has arrived to the first form in the School, he is removed thence, and placed with one of the best learned Alfàquis in the Town, or Cauíla where the School is kept. And this new Tutor instructs his Pupil to read the Alcoran with perspicuity, and to understand the principal points it contains: The Tutor likewise informs him of all the Rites of the Giámma, which being both few and easy, are quickly obtained; and when the Scholar is deemed competent both for age and Learning to be a Priest, than his Institutor calls two or three Alfáquis more to examine the Candidate, who being found deserving, they grant him Testimonials of his willingness and abilities to be an Alfáqui: And this is all the education and Orders, which I could observe to be bestowed upon their Priests. But it is very remarkable, that among the Moors none are admitted to this Holy Dignity, but such as are of a competent age, and married; for the former they render this reason, a Novice ought not to be admitted to the Priesthood; but I conceive that their jealousy, with which they are notoriously gifted, is the fittest account can be given of the later.  
The Moors suffer no Giámma to be vacant, because they esteem an Alfáqui to be altogether necessary to exterior Religion; and that Common Persons, or the Laity, performing the solemn offices of Religion, doth make them common. For Holy Rites are no more to be dispensed by all, than the secular Laws; and though all men have common Interest both in Religion & the Laws, yet all cannot be Administers of either. And upon this consideration, that in the Combinations and Communions of men Religion cannot subsist, without some to guide, officiate, and prescribe the ministeries thereof, the Moors are diligent to provide an Alfáqui for every Giámma, that there may be no vacancy, nor omission in the service.  
To the Alfáqui the Lay-Moors pay a signal Reverence, giving him the more honourable hand, and place. They plough his ground, dress his vineyard, reap his Corn, etc. to the end that by no secular cares he may be interrupted in his Function; And by this I am guided to look into the office of the Alfáqui, which is first, to preserve the Giámma in decency, and to provide that the structure be not dilapsed, & that the Lamps and mats be duly supplied. But the Priest never puts his hand to any servile work, having those under him upon whom all the drudgery is discharged.  
The second part of the Alfáqui's office is, to inspect the Institution of the children; to which purpose he hath usually under him, one that is fit for the toil, and reserves to himself no more but the examination of the children's proficiency, which he doth once a week; and those whom he finds remiss, receive his Correction, but the diligent, the marks of his approbation. They have no free Schools, but pay a weekly salary to those whom the Alfáqui doth appoint to teach, for none can be a Schoolmaster without his Licence and approof.  
His next care is to take notice who absent themselves from the Giámma, having power at his own discretion to punish whomsoever he observes to be therein delinquent. He is very vigilant to assist the sick, whom dying he accompanies to the Grave. If there happen any disagreement among the Neighbours, the Alfáqui mediates a reconcilement, but if the Quarrel exceeds ill language, and be concerning Meum and Tuum, he is not permitted to intermeddle.  
If the Alfáqui dislike his Cure, he hath liberty of removal, being not confined to any Parochial Giámma above a year, and he seldom contracts for a longer space. And for that time he is the Superintendent of the Mosch, out of whose Rents he defraies all the Charges for Reparations, etc. takeing the surplusage for himself.  
And now the remark passeth to the Revenues of the Giámma, which chiefly arise from the Donatives of the dead. In some places the Incoms are very large, in all comfortable; for the Moors exercise a great benevolence to places dedicated to Religion: whereby they reproach many styled Christians, who cast aside the least sheaf for the Tenth, and who are so far from enlarging the Church's Patrimony, that they are ready to devour the pitiful Remainder that she still enjoys.  
Muley Mahumed, in his third Commandment, enjoins his Musalmim Liberality, and Alms-deeds, which proceeding from goods honestly gotten are according to the Alcoran meritorious of Paradise. He likewise prefers private Alms before the public, and declares the Devil to be an inplacable enemy against this expression of mercy. And indeed there are many such pious doctrines in the Alcoran, but they are but as so many good ears of corn in a good field of Tares, or as so many single grains lost in a heap of chaff: it having been the subtlety of the old Serpent in all ages, to gild over his poisonous Pills, and to blend Truth with falsehood, that the latter might be embraced for the sake of the former. Besides it is an ancient mistake to think, that Truth and falsehood are of too great a contrariety and distance to mingle and concorporate; which makes many when they have found some truth in Doctrine, to conclude no falsehood to be joined with it. And those truths which are dispersed up and down in Mahumed's Law, being evident to its Professors, make them credulous of the whole system. And though they are zealous for all the precepts, yet for none more than that which concerns Alms-deeds; for they have their Ashoràh which is an Anniversary Festival, whereat they bestow a certain quantity of their Substance upon the Poor. But the greatest Bounties are towards the Giámma, to which every one at his death leaves a Portion of his estate, by which method the Giámma has considerable endowments, which are under a continual improvement, and made capable of no manner of Alienation.  
To every Giámma there belongs an Almudèn, or a kind of Sexton, whose office is to call the people to Church at the hours of prayer; which he doth from the top of the Turret (mentioned above) crying with a voice articulate and loud, Illáh Ghebèr, God is the great; and sometimes, Lailláh Lafoy Mahumèd Resúl allá. There is but one God, and Mahumed the Messenger of God. And these words the Almudèn pronounceth at every corner of the Turret, beginning at the East, and ending at the point that looks toward Mecha; by which they signify, that all the corners of the world should look towards Mecha in worshipping the Deity, that is be Mahumedans.  
The next office of the Almudèn is, to open the doors of the Giámma, to trim the Lamps, and keep the mats in repair and cleanliness. He also informs the Alfáqui, who hath an inherent power to punish those who can show no good reason of their absence.  
But the penalty is very tolerable, being no more than five or six pounds of Cuscussòw, which the offender brings to the Giámma, where it is eaten by the Priest and the Assembly. None are found to offend therein through contempt, or wilfulness, nor yet through the pursuance of their pleasures; for there is so strict an observance of the Church-service, that the husband will leave the society of his wife to be there, if he hears the Almudèn speaking the Invitatory. The last branch of the Almuden's office is to dismiss the people, which he doth at the end of the Salla, or Orisons, in the same words that he called them together. And now before I close up this chapter, I cannot, speaking of their Ecclesiastic penance, but observe that the Moors have no such thing as excommunication, so that they are for no crime debarred the Giámma; but on the contrary the greatest mulct inflicted by the Priest is for their absence, above three times in twenty four hours, from that Holy Place.   

CHAP. VIII.  
Of the Moresco set-times of Prayer. The preparation, Entrance into, and deportment in the Giámma. Church-music.  
THe Moor's season of Prayers returns five times in twenty four hours, or a Natural day; The first is, Alowilíc Sbah, and comes about Noon; The second they call Allahiric Luli, which is about three a clock in the afternoon; The third Ateltháh Asèr, at the going down of the Sun; The fourth Alarbèe Ashá, a little within night; The last, Alhamsáh Magnib, which is in winter a little before day. At every assembling the Prayers are the same, except that at the Allahiríc Luli they repeat the La illa Ghehèr but thrice. The Moors esteem the prayers made in the Giámma to be of the greatest efficacy, and therefore all endeavour to perform them there, but those who cannot repair thither, do discharge this duty, where the solemn hours find them  
In their addresses to these Holy celebrations the Moors use great tokens of reverence, being very punctual in fitting themselves for the Giámma. Their general preparative consists in washing; which is such a necessary right, that without its observation it is impossible to be of their Religion. And it is notorious to all acquainted with the Mahumedan Institutes, that Washing is a great part of that Law; nor need this create any man's wonder, seeing that all the Musalmim of the Alcoran use washing in a mystic signification of internal purity, and that the soul receives the benefit of their corporeal Lavors. None among them return from natural evacuations, but they wash the parts liable to defilement, nor will any who is a Virtuoso in the Ceremomies, eat with unwashed hands: which at first I Interpreted a mere Civil Cleanliness, because they use no knives, etc. but tear their viands in pieces with their fingers, but upon farther scrutiny I perceived it to be reckoned by the superstitiosi among the Actions of Religion.  
In places where they have hot Baths (which are in few places wanting) they use them after concubinate, and all improvident pollutions; but their greatest exactness in washing, is at their going to prayer. Then every part where nature disburdens her excretions, is warily cleansed, and the other parts also which are more egregiously obnoxious to pollution. If any Moor after he has washed at home, in his way to the Giámma chance but to belch, he dares not enter the Holy r●of of until he has used the lotion. And therefore in the foundation of a Giámma, great care is taken that it may stand near some spring, or receptacle of water, that those who come to the Church, may be provided with that element in case of any contingent defilement, without the trouble of returning home to wash.  
When they come to the door of the Giámma, every one puts off his shoes at the threshold, and then enters with a slow pace, erect body, and eyes bashfully looking towards Heaven: in this posture they advance directly to the southside of the Giámma, and they always make their prayers toward that point, because in all their devotions they are commanded to make them toward Mecha. While they are in the Giámma none dare openly to yawn, Cough, walk, discourse, spit, scratch his head or face, but if any has need but to wipe his lips, he doth it unseen, covering his countenance with his Alheìc, which is a loose garment generally worn by the Moors.  
And by these Reverences in their Carriage toward Holy places and Performances, they are taught to upbraid the Christians, whose behaviours at sacred solemnities some of the Moors have observed to be of a far different character. And this I learned from a Moor who had unluckily been in England to make the animadversion, with whom when I discoursed about this point, he told me with anger and indignation in his looks, that it was a shame to see women, Dogs, and dirty shoes, brought into a place sacred to God's worship, and that men should walk and discourse in a Mosch, as in a public Borsa or Exchange, and that they should have Chairs there to sit in with as much lascivious ease, as at home: which with other actions of the like irreverence he zealously repeated to reproach the Christian. And indeed I was not furnished with arguments to (nor could in conscience) excuse any considerable part of his Animadversion: only I told him; That as for the exclusion of Women from the public offices of the Mosch, it was a doctrine of the Alcoran, grounded upou conceits of imperfection peculiar to that sex, which are not so far to be owned, as for them to exclude the females from the means of their chiefest felicity. Besides this excommunion of women, was an Article of Interest and Policy, and which Mahumed adopted into his Religion on purpose to complease the Jew, who at this day begins his public Prayer with a thanksgiving to God, que no le hizo muger, that he did not make him a woman, a creature not allowed to serve him in the Synagogue, & that seeing we wanted reasons which moved the Moors to this practice, we could incur no scandal by its rejection. As for his objecting our bringing Dogs into the Church, I told him it was an uncomely and irreverend permission & wholly abhorred by knowing. Christians; that there was a Provision made against it, and that it had been his ill hap to look into a Church, where the Sanction in that particular met with a remiss execution. Next, as to our having seats in the Mosch (for I was to speak in his own dialect) and to sit at some parts of Divine service, Custom and innocent convenience were all that any one could pretend to hollow it. But as for walking in the Church in time of Divine Service, or therein at any time to discourse of secular concernments, that it was only the practice of profane and ill disciplined minds, the miscarriage of the rude, contrary to the Rule, and a certain argument of a relaxed Discipline and negligent Superintendent. Pudet haec opprobria—. But I return to the Giámma, whither the Alfáqui comes not till a considerable number of the People are assembled; who in the Priest's absence spend their time in a devout repetition of the Sallah, a Word that signifies the whole Form of their Prayers. And when the Alfáqui is come, he advanceth strait to the Southside of the Mosch, and the People fall orderly into ranks behind him. Upon this the Priest begins the Prayer in a Voice moderately elevated, which the People humbly repeat after him. At the pronouncing of Illah El Gheber, that is, God is the great, they all use an Elevation both of Hands and Eyes to Heaven: at the name of Mecha, they all kiss the Ground; but when they mention Muley Mahumed, and the Mercies he procures them, they fall prostrate, and upon the sudden, in a kind of Rapture, reassume an erect. When the Priest hath repeated lafoy illah Mahumed Resul Allah four times, the Almuden dismisseth the People. And when they leave the Giamma, the Alfáqui goes first, as a token of his Prelacy above the People. Their Salláh or Service is very short, for if it took up any considerable time, the frequency of its return would take up most of their leisure, and thereby be a sensible impediment to their Temporal Vocations.  
In the closure of this Chapter, I thought to have spoken something of the Moresco Music in the Mosch, but this I found to be a delightful piece of Devotion, wherein they seem to be very ignorant. I have been told, that in former time they had in every Giámma some Lay-people, that understood the Cadences of the Alcoran, and which could sing it in its Original Metre, which must needs be very harsh Harmony, if any at all, in regard of the incapacity that is in the Alcoran Language to fall into Syllabical Measures and Tuneable Proportions. Besides, the Moors have very harsh and sawing Voices, as they will have cause to observe who have had their Ears grated with their Amorous Sonnets, in which all are wont to express their sweetest and best moving Accents.   

CHAP. IX.  
Of the Moresco Church Government. The Alcalib, or Highpriest. The Instruction of the Women. Forms of Prayer. Charms composed by the Marabitós or Marabouts. Sabbaoth, its Institution, Celebration.  
SOme have laid it down for a great Reach in Muley Mahumed, that he reserved the Church-Government to himself and his Successors: Which is still visible in the Grand Signior and the Sophi; for albeit the one hath a Mufti, and the other a Mustard-Dini to inspect the Ecclesiastic Affairs, and to be as the Oracular Interpreters of the Mahumedan Law, yet their Election is incommunicably in themselves. And albeit that these Principal Churchmen are had in so great esteem with their Princes, that their Decisions are scarce ever contradicted by them, yet when their Determinations are not consistent with the Interest of the Public, these great Oracles are dismissed, and others introduced, who are not so scrupulous in their Sentences. By which it is evident, that the Mahumedan Princes are in effect the Heads of the Church, and chief Expositors of Religion. But not much of this can be observed in the Moors Church-Government, who have in every Cauíla (or County) an Alcalib, or Highpriest, in whose nomination the secular Power doth not at all interpose, for he is chosen out of, and by the Alfaqùis, over whom he is invested with a Power, whereby he is enabled to Depose, or otherwise Chastise the Offending Clergy. Immediately upon this Archpriests Election, he is possessed of the Giámma Gheber, or Great Church: Wherein upon every Friday he Expounds some Text of the Koran, unto which Exercise he always goes accompanied with the chief Personages of the Neighbourhood. And being entered the Church, he immediately ascends the Albambár (which is a Bench about five steps from the Ground) with a tall Staff in his Hand, wherewith he often beats upon the Bench to express his Zeal, and to awaken the People to a more signal attention to what he then delivers. This Discourse, Homily, Exposition, or Sermon, exceeds not an hour and a quarter in length, and is delivered exactly by heart. And when it is ended, the Almuden dissolves the Congregation, and the Alcalib returns to his House accompanied with the chief of the place, and in his passage he receives the customary Tokens of respect from the People. And whatever some Cursory Review of this Country tell us of the other Priests making Sermons to the People, yet having with some diligence made enquiry into this particular, I found that the Office of Preaching was peculiar to the Alcalib, or Chief-Priest, and that no Sermons were celebrated at any other Church, but at the Giámma Gheber (that which I may English the Cathedral.) This eminent Churchman is seldom seen in Public, but at this Exercise; for to make himself the more Reverenced he affects retirement, spending his hours in the study of the Koran, and in resolving such Cases as the Laity present him, who esteem his Resolutions infallible. And this, with a careful Inspection into the deportment of the Inferior Clergy, doth constitute the Office and Government of the Alcalib. As for his Revenues, they are suitable to his condition: and as to his Life, it is austere and reserved, he affecting a peculiar Gravity in all his carriage. Every Alcalib has his distinct Diocese, out of which he has no power, so that the Alcalib of Beni-Arós hath nothing to do in Minkél, for every one is absolute in his own Cauíla.  
At the public Instructions of the Giámma, none are present but the Males, for the Women, as I said, are denied admission into the Assembly, yet are not wholly destitute of the means of being taught Religion: for upon every Friday they repair to the House of the Alfaquí, where his Wife is bound to Instruct them: But her Lectures usually concern good Houswifry, and how they should demean themselves to their Husbands, in Obedience and Submission, and to live in Peace with their Fellow-wives. All the while the Women are at the Priest's House, he is not to return home, nor stir out of the Giámma, but hath his Meat brought him thither. But for what reason the Priest should be under this restraint, I leave any one to imagine, who has heard of the Moresco Jealousy. But now in case the Priest has no Wife, who seldom wants four; or that by any Indisposition she is not able to perform this Office, than it is discharged by some aged Matron of the place: and for a further supplement of the women's being debarred of the Giámma, their Husbands repeat unto them such Lessons as they have heard there. And this is all that on this account I could observe of the Moors Women.  
Muley Mahumed styled Prayer the Key of Paradise, and the Pillar of Religion, that he might the better recommend its practice to his Converts, who generally maintain so careful a performance of this Duty, that no secular business can detain them from, nor any thing divert them at their Devotion. I once endeavoured to collect their Prayers into an Order, the better to take a distinct view of this Pillar of their Religion, but I found them reduced to no certain Form extracted out of the Alcoran, but were a Collection of some incoherent Sentences magnifying the Power and Mercy of God. Their first Prayer, or rather their Creed, is that which the Almuden Proclaims with a loud voice, when he calls the People to the Mosch; as there is but one God, and Mahumed his Messenger: and this admits of no variation. The second Prayer is the first Chapter of the Alcoran, wherein there is some difference according to Translations (in which the Alcoran hath been very unhappy) but those which I have seen in Latin, Spanish, and French, agree in this Traduction of the Chapter.  
In the Name of God, Gracious and Merciful, King of the Day of Judgement: thou art He whom we adore: it is from Thee that we require help: guide us in the right way, in the way of those with whom Thou art pleased, against whom Thou art not angry, and we shall not go astray. This Prayer is repeated with the former, after the same manner as the Papists repeat their Pater noster with the Ave Maria: For the Moors have their Tesserae Precariae, or their Beads, wherewith they number their Prayers. And the whole Corona or Rosary consists of ninety eight, which the Devoti, or Religiously affected, carry always about them. They have a Custom to repeat often together the first Words of the Prayer, which they conclude to be a great act of Charity, as supplying by this Repetition the defaults of such as are remiss in this duty.  
In the Name of God, Merciful and Gracious, is the Proem of every Chapter in the Alcoran, and were the first Words that Mahumed is said to have spoken when he came out of his Epileptic Fits, which he made the People believe were Trances. And with the same Words the Mahumedan Doctors begin all their Discourses, and the Letters written in Moresco Language, if the Penmen are precise, are likewise introduced in the same Form. There is a Learned Man, that tells of a Prayer among the Mahumedans, which is called, The Prayer of Jesus the Son of Mary, ending thus, And let not such an one bear rule over me, that will have no pity upon me, for thy mercy sake, O thou most merciful. But having diligently enquired, I could not find that the present Moors have any such Litany in their Uses. There are few who are able to read, that want Manuals of Private Devotions, which are composed by the Morabitoes or Morabouts, and are indeed rather to be termed Charms, than Prayers. Now these Morabitoes or Morabouts, are a sort of Alárbes which are skilled, or so pretend to be, in the Law of Mahumed, severe in their Conversation, bearing a great ostentation of Sanctity, pretending to Prophesy, or Predictions. They compose all sorts of Charms, to which the Moor is so addicted, that he has one for every occasion: I have seen a whole Book thereof, containing some for the Childbearing Women, to facilitate their Travel; some for the Passenger, to guide him in the way; some for the Soldier; and one for the Horse, which is much in the Service of the Saddle: This they hang under the Beasts Neck, and believe that it keeps him from being blind, or dim-sighted. They have likewise Spells to keep their cattle healthy, and make them fruitfnl, all composed by the Morabouts and Priests; the latter, of late, being much given to this sort of Composures.  
And now from these short Notices of the Giámma and its Appendages, I pass to speak of the Moresco Sabbaoth. That the fifth day of the Week, is the Weekly Festival of the Mahumedans, to distinguish them from the Jew, who keeps the sixth according to our account, and from the Christian who observes the seventh, is known unto every one that knows any thing of this subject. About the Institution of this Sabbaoth, variety of Opinions may be met with: For some derive its Original from the veneration Mahumed bore to the New Moon, which is said to have appeared on Friday, the same day he began his Imposture; and in memory of so happy an abodement, he set apart this for Solemn Worship. There is another Conjecture which fetcheth its Institution from some Heathen Rites paid on this day to Venus, whose name Friday bears. But there is little ground of this Opinion, further than it may well suit with the Genius of Mahumedism, to have a day Sacred to the Goddess of Carnality. But that Opinion herein seems best to agree with the Chronicles of Mahumed, which makes his escape from the Conspiracy of the Nobles of Mecha, to have been the occasion of this Sabbaoth, from which deliverance the Mahumedan Hegira had its Original and Name. And in this Mahumed undoubtedly imitated the Ancient Christians, who took their Aeras from some notable Persecutions. But whatever was the Original of this Sabbaoth, I observed that it has no great marks of Reverence above other days: for on it the Moors go to Plough, hold their Markets, open Shops, and omit little of their Ordinaries, so that I must retract my calling of it a Sabbaoth.  
They indeed on this day have an Exposition at the Giámma Gheber, and on it they put on their whitest Alheics, dress their Locks, and are seen in their best Accoutrements. The Women likewise on this day visit the Sepulchers, and and strew the Graves of their deceased Friends with green Boughs and Herbs. And this is all that I have been able to remark upon this subject.   

CHAP. X.  
Of the Moresco Judicatory, chief Minister of Justice, Rule and manner of Process, Testimony upon Oath, Recovery of Debts, Punishment of forgers of Writings.  
THe Moors have no Judicatories, or Public Houses where they assemble about Judicial Controversies; neither have they any Mercenary Advocates, or professed Lawyers, but all is decided by an Alcaddée, who is appointed by the Supreme Ruler to be the Minister of Justice in the Cauíla, and Town where he lives. Now every Cauíla hath a peculiar Alcaddée, from whom they cannot Appeal to any other but Alcaddé Gheber, or the chief of these Justices, who is appointed to receive such Appeals, and is in constant attendance upon the King, or chief Governor. But it is not permitted to use these Appeals, except in Causes which are supposed to be too difficult for the Decision of the Local Alcaddées; and when the matter is of that Importance that the Parties are unwilling to acquiesce in the solitary Sentence of one single Alcaddée.  
These Justiciaries take no state of retirement, nor do they weary out the poor Clients with tedious Attendances, but to signify the facility of access, and their readiness to relieve and succour the Oppressed, these Alcaddées sit in the Gates of the City, or some open and Public place, to hear and determine all Cases that are brought before them. And albeit that this manner of doing Justice be conformable to the Custom of the greatest and best Antiquity, as also very significative of open & clear dealing; yet the Moor renders another reason thereof, and that it is to avoid all Suspicion and Jealousy of corrupt Carriage in the Alcaddée with the Female Plaintiffs that solicit him for Divorces.  
Every one of these Local Alcaddées has two Assessors, who in abstruser Pleas assist him with their Counsels: But the chief Employment of these Sides-men, is to Copy out the Sentences of the Alcaddée, and to draw up all the Contracts that come to be confirmed by him; for there is no bargain esteemed Legal and Authentic, till it be certified under the Hand and Seal of the Topical Alcaddée.  
The Moors, as all other Mahumedans, acknowledge the Alcoran to be the Immutable Rule both of Civil Justice and Religion, and therefore according to the Letter and Interpretation thereof, the Alcaddée frames all his Definitions and Judgements. Here's no Intreaguing the Plea with Resolutions, Cases, Precedents, Reports, Motheaten Statutes, etc. But every thing is determined according to the fresh Circumstances of the Fact, and the Proof of what is alleged. The Testimony of two Men, if they are of known sobriety, is sufficient to make good the Allegation; but there must be twelve to ratify it, if their Conversation be suspected: for the Moors believe, that amongst twelve Men as much honesty may be met with, as will equal what can be found in any two. If any Alfaquí or Priest be introduced to give evidence to the depending Contest▪ his bare Affirmative or Negative deposition is of validity to put a period to the Dispute, and the Alcaddée supersedes all Enquiry, when the Priest hath declared the state of the Cause. And in this, as in all other Instances, they give a Reverend Estimation to their Priests, whose Presence secures the Civil Disquisitions a great Veneration with the Many.  
In taking the Testimony of a Moor upon Oath, the Servant of the Alcaddée carries the Deponent to the Giámma or Mosch, where in the presence of the Alcaddée he swears by that holy place, that he will declare all what he knows concerning the matter, to which he is to give Evidence. But oaths are never administered to any in another man 's Case, but such as are suspected Persons, and they are usually numbered among the Rogues, and faithless, who have no Credit without them; Besides it is never permitted for a man to swear in his own Case, but for want of Witnesses, or when the Accusation is of that nature, that the Impeached cannot otherwise Receive Purgation. As for the Christian, and Jew, they are suffered to give Testimony according to the Rites and Customs of their own Religions, but the Moors, are not forward to put them upon this Trial, as doubting that fear of Punishment, should tempt them to perjury, and those who are thereunto accessary (according to the Moresco Principle) are involved in the Gild.  
In Pleas of Debt, it is required that the Reality of the Debt be first manifest, which being done before the Alcaddée, he signifies it to the Almocadèm of the Cauíla where the Debtor lives, who upon his Signification, commands a present payment to be made; but if the Debtor refuse or be unable, to give the Creditor Satisfaction, the Almocadém Remits him to the Alhábs, or Prison (which is always near the Almocadéms house) where he stays till bailed thence by sufficient Sureties, or Personally pays the debt.  
And to secure their Courts of Justice from interfering, or clashing one with another, the Alcaddée of one Cauíla may not intermeddle with any thing that is transacted in an other, but every one moves orderly in his own Sphere, and confines his proceedings within the Punctual Limits of his Assigned Jurisdiction. And that herein there might be no Collusion, Covin, or Imposture, every Alcaddée has his Privy Seal, wherewith he firmes the contract, or other things that pass under his hand. And the Seal is usually engraven with the name of the Alcaddée, and Place of his Office. And yet notwithstanding this care to prevent, they have the Villainy of forging deeds, which is done by some skilled in the Alcaddé's office. But upon detection he that produces the forged Paper is immediately imprisoned, and remains without hope of enlargement, till he declares the Forger, and after that the Alcaddée puts upon him a pecuniary Mulct; but he deall's much more severely with the Principal in his Forgery, who for the first Conviction receives a sharp repremend from the Alcaddée, and after that the Almocadém is ordered to burn his house; but if he be found to repeat his offence, the Forger dies without mercy; which just rigour secures them from the mischiefs of counterfeit writings to the prejudice of another's Right. So that this is a Villainy through the whole world condignly punished; and by our own Laws, a second forgery of Deeds concerning another's Land after a former Conviction, is Felony.   

CHAP. XI.  
The Moresco punishments of Fornication, Adultery, Thievery, Retaliation, Murder, Bribery, Usury, Alcadée's Revenue, Opinion of the Jews.  
IN the Moresco Catalogue of Crimes, Adultery and Fornication, are found in the first Comma, whose difference in the Moors Opinion may be collected from their Penalties. For Adultery, it is always Capital, insomuch that without regard of any Eminence or Quality, the Convict thereof is certainly stoned to Death, which is done with most notorious Circumstances. For first the day of Execution is published, than the Criminal is brought to the Calvary, where buried up to the navel in a Mat Móra, or a pit digged for that purpose, every one present casts one stone, and no more, at him, saying, this is for thy filthy transgression of the Law; but if the Adulterous be Persons of Condition, their Friends have Licence to dispatch them privily, to prevent the open reproach to their family.  
In the punishing Fornication they are less Rigorous, as finding the mischief thereof not to be of so large a derivation, as that of Adultery. And if the Persons convict of this Unchastity are in the state of Coelibate, they are only Chastised with Scourges: but if either be married, or under matrimonial contract, Death is the certain penance. But the Moors are no less solemn in whipping the Fornicator, than in Stoning the Adulterer. For on Friday, after the Archpriest has ended his Lecture, the Offender, if a man, is placed at the great door of the Giàmma Guebèr, or Cathedral Church, naked down to the middle, and in the presence of the Congregation receives an hundred stripes on his back from an Officer appointed for that Purpose, who has a certain number of Blankéles (or Moresco twopences,) for his Service; the Moors as they pass by the chastised, use these deprecatory words, Allah Iffecni min had El ham. i e. God deliver me from this wicked fellow. The woman who hath been partner in the filthiness, suffers her punishment in the night, when she is whipped through the streets, but with more severity than the man, because the Moors suppose the Female to be of a predominant allurement in such unclean commixtures.  
The Moors who live in a Roving condition are much addicted to Thievery, against which the Alcaddée proceeds by these steps of punishment; for the first Theft the Convict is publicly whipped in the Alsóuck or Market; for the second, he looseth his hand; for the third theft he may truly be said to die without mercy. For the Moors observe Caligula's Severity in making the Offender tightly sensible of his death, which they inflict. Against the day of the Thief 's Execution, the Youth of the Place are advertised to prepare their Instruments of blood, which are little dry Canes, made in the fashion of darts, accurately sharp pointed, these they hurl at the naked body of the Malefactor, till his whole skin be struck therewith full of holes, and when they find him sinking under the torture, they drag and hang him up by the heels upon a gate, or the like, where he breathes out his last in torments, and being dead he is loathsomely exposed to the birds of prey.  
In bodily injuries they observe the law of Retaliation, as an Eye for an Eye, a tooth for a tooth, etc. but it is in the power of the maimed party to Receive a pecuniary reparation, or without any satisfaction to remit the wrong; but this is not permitted till the matter hath been tried before the Alcaddée, and the hurt party publicly declared, that he is willing either freely to forgive the injury, or to accept so much money in full Repair.  
And however the Municipal Laws of some Country's put a vast difference between murder and manslaughter, as appears in their defined punishments, yet in Barbary all homicide, or killing of a man by a man, is Capital.  
And the Moors have herein two concessions. The one is to Licence the next kindred of the slain, to take money for his blood of him that spilt it. The other to permit the Relations of the murdered to kill the murderer, without any judicial proceedure, if he be not already in safe custody; which is no more than a pursuance of that Position, Revenge is no sin. Of this there happened a famous Instance, not many months before I left Barbary, an account whereof, as it was given me by my old friend Cidi Alli Mulud Ben Ali, take as follows.  
A Moor of Targa not far from Tituàn having his Brother treacherously murdered by one of the Voisinage, undertook to pursue the fugitive murderer, with design to avenge his Relations blood, and coming to Alcazer Gheber, he was informed that the Person he sought for had some days before been there, and that he had put on a Pilgrim's habit, with full resolution to pay a holy journey to Mechà; upon which the Pursuer put on the like habit, and in prosecution of his design purposed to perform the same pilgrimage; but being come to Morocco, he overtook & lodged with the murderer in the Pilgrim's hospital, where early the next morning he slew him; whereupon being apprehended and examined upon the fresh circumstances of the fact, he produced a Certificate under the hand of the Alcaddée of the place where he lived, that his Brother was slain, and that he had undertaken to avenge his death, the murderer being fled, and likewise answered them, that that was the Homicide whom he had killed, whereupon he was set at liberty, and the Corpse left to his disposal, to which giving a decent Interment, he returned home to receive the praises of his Gallantry.  
But to return to the Alcaddée, whom I shall here only observe in his Revenue, and office; as to the former it is very considerable, for he signs not a paper without a Fee; and as to the latter, it is very honourable, and careful, for all civil affairs pass through his hands, and he daily sits attending on all qualities of persons without varying his respect to any. If he be corrupt in his Charge, the Alcaddée Gueber, upon mature conviction turns him out of Office, which is his extremest penalty.  
But indeed the Ministers of Justice have no opportunity to be Collusive, as being free from the great allurement of dealing falsely, for Bribery is not known amongst them. Usury which (I promised to intimate in this Chapter) is totaly forbidden by their Law, for Mahumed hath made it an irremissable sin, and the Usurer in as bad a condition as the Devil, leaving him neither will, nor hope to be saved.  
Yet notwithstanding the severity of the Law, and the supposition of this Crime, the Moors have a Custom which much favours it; for he that borrows money of another wherewith to traffic and gain, gives the lender an equal share of the Profits, and in case the borrower lose the whole Principal, he is obliged to make it good to him that lends it, but if only part be lost, the remainder is employed to regain it. And it is usual with the lender to forbear the Borrower, till he perceives him fraudulent, Careless, or Unfortunate.  
And because the sin of Usury is so notorious among the Jews, the Moors believe that for it they are oppressed of God, and live Exiles from their own Canaan. But it is easy to observe a sort of Antipathy between these people, notwithstanding that they are conjoined in neighbourhood, commerce, & in very many rites both civil and Religious. But the contempt is reciprocal, for if the Moor by way of Proverb say, As deceitful as a Jew, the Jew repays, as vubelieving as a Moor. And this enmity I remarked in a Barabár of my Acquaintance, who observing the Jews very much frequent my lodging, he very roundly reproved that Conversation, and angrily told me, That the Jews were born to cheat both the Moor and the Christian, that he was assured that they were not descended of Adam, but that they were breed of the bone of a dead beast, and when he conjectured my incredulity of his ridiculous Story, by my smiling thereat, he told me in angry zeal, that he would pledge his head for the truth of his Assertion; whereupon I demanding what he conceived of those Jews who turned Moor, he answered, that there was such efficacy in their religion, that it made all those good who embraced it.   

CHAP. XII.  
The Moresco opinion of Marriage, manner of woeing, marriage-Solemnity, carrying home the Bride, Offering wedding-feast.  
THat marriage is honourable among all men, if it were not a truth dropped from an inspired Pen, might be proved by Induction, and the ecumenical consent of all Nations, which pretend to any settled Rites in Religion or Policy. As for Mahumed, he had matrimony in so peculiar an estimation, that he made it the second of his eight Precepts, and enjoined every Subject of his Law to marry in the Vigour of his Age, making the predominant end thereof, the Propagation and maintenance of his Sect. He likewise told them that chaste celibate was impossible, and that those who pretended to live therein, were justly to be suspected for unclean conversation. And hence perhaps it comes to pass, that the Moors (who are the Puritans in Mahumetism,) are so generally observant of this commandment; for few among them are found to live out of the state of Wedlock, if they are able to purchase a wife. But many are not very prone to take all the liberty in marrying indulged them by their Prophet; for albeit he permits them plurality of wives, yet there are several families that for many ages have confined themselves to one: & I have met with those who abhor that filthy position fathered upon Muhumed, That the more they are spiritual, the more liberty and abilities they have to be carnal.  
Unto the persons that are to be married there is no conversation permitted till the Knot be tied, so that both parties take one the other upon trust, and the man perchance never sees the woman till they be brought to the bride-chamber; A custom that would be very hardly digested by the Utopians, who think it very unreasonable that a man should take a wife with less scrutiny than he doth his horse, and that he should bring one to be the perpetual partner of his life, with less information than he doth a horse to his stable, which he may part with the next day.  
But the Contriver of the New Atlantis finds all these inconveniences avoidable by the custom of Bensalem: where (saith he) near every Town there is a couple of Pools (which they call Adam and Eves Pools;) in these it is permitted to one of the Friends of the man, another of the woman, to see them severally both naked. And the Moors have a custom not much differing from this of Bensalem, for upon the design of marriage two of the man's Female friends, who have lived long enough in wedlock to understand its Perquisites, are appointed to view the intended Bride, and to give the Suitor an account of her bodily accomplishments, and defects, which is exactly entered in the Contract, and if any infirmity be concealed for which the husband afterward disliks' her, he may put her away; and this makes them very cautious to omit nothing in the search or report; But there is no such examination passed upon the man, because he is daily exposed to a free Censure.  
If this Inquisition be passed with satisfaction, than they proceed to frame the Articles of Marriage, which is always done by the nearest Friends or Relations of the Parties to be contracted. And when they have finished them, they are brought to the Alcaddée to be confirmed under his hand and Seal; for unless the bargain be thus ratified, the woman in case of her husband's death, or her own divorce, cannot recover the Portion that was promised her, or rather the price that was to be paid for her by the man; For I suppose that few are ignorant of the Moresco Custom of buying their wives; When the Paper containing the Bargain has passed the Alcaddée, it is carried to the Alfaquì, who having perused and declared his approbation of its Contents, he bids the Man take home the Woman when he pleaseth to be his Wife; and this is all that is done by the Priest in this, according to their Estimate.  
And after this short dispatch of Wooing, Contract, and Marriage, the Bridegrooms next consultation is with his own convenience in order to fetch home his Bride: in which the warm Clime suffers him not to be tedious. But herein he is obliged to observe the appointed Times; for neither all Weeks in the Year, nor all Days in the Week, nor all hours in the Day, are free for this Solemnity. For the taking home the Bride is altogether prohibited during their Ramadàn, or Lent: The like, Prohibition reacheth unto the Tuesdays, Wednesdays, and Fridays of every Week, and on the Canonical or Regular Days, the Afternoon and Evening are the accustomary Hours. At the time when Marriage is Celebrated, they use all possible significations of Joy and Hospitality; and it is the Custom for the Friends of the Married to contribute something to grace their Nuptials. Therefore if the Married Pair live both in the same Town, then at their set time the Bridegroom goes attended with his nearest Kindred, who coming to the Lodgings of the Bride are not suffered to go in, but wait at the Door till the Negras, which the Husband hath bought or borrowed for that day, bring the Bride from her Chamber under a Canopy of Alhéicks, and place her in an Almaria, or close Chair (much resembling a Tub) which they cover with Scarves and Ribbons. And in this manner she is born through the Streets by Christians that are Captives, and for want of these by Negra's, or by a meaner sort of Whites. When they begin their March from the Bride's House to the Bridegrooms, the Music, Colours, and Drums pass in the first rank; next to them go some ancient Women, who have been a long space Married, all closely veiled: immediate next after the Almaria, or Bride-Chair, march those who carry the Clothes and Presents of the Bride, which have been made her by her Friends, who follow immediately after in a regular disposition. When they are come to the Bridegrooms, the Chair being lighted, the Negras take out the Bride, and under a Canopy of Alheicks conduct her to her Apartment, where she is received by some aged Matrons, who instruct her in the important Offices of a good Wife, and the rules of that Relation, but they are wary of betraying any discouraging Severity, and therefore intermit their Documents by tasting the good Cheer provided for their Entertainment. While the Bride is thus caressing the Matrons, and receiving their Maternal Counsels, the Bridegroom entertains his Comrades, Feasting them with the best Cuscussone, and brisk Wines, if their over scrupulousness debar them not the cheerfulness of that Beverage. But the Bridegroom is not licenced for that time to drink freely of any strong Liquor, for Reasons not worth the mentioning.  
In the interim of this Entertainment, the Bachelors make a kind of Offering to their Wedded Companion; in which they observe this Method: The Bridegroom placeth himself upon a little low Seat, behind him stand two Negroes bending his Head moderately back; then come the Bachelors, who cover the Bridegroom's Forehead and Brow with Metacales (or single Coins of Gold) and Blankéles, according to their Affection and Ability: and as they lay them on, the Negro's stroke them off into a Basin set for that purpose in the Bridegroom's Lap, who all the while shuts his Eyes. The Negroes likewise call every one by name who Offer, saying Fulano (or such an one) lays on so much, God enlarge his Life and Riches. And this continues till all the Bachelors have been at the Corban. About eight of the Clock the Company breaks up, with resolution to reassemble the next Morn; and when they are gone, the Bridegroom visits the Bride, whom he undresses with his own Hands, first taking off her Ornaments, then untying her Drawers, and in every point prepares her for his Bed; none being admitted to assist, or to be present at this Office. And this they say he doth, in signification that she is wholly and only at his disposal.  
Some Conocido's or intimate Associates of the Bridegroom, stay behind the rest of the Company to congratulate the first Pleasures of his Marriage. For about Midnight he leaves his Bride to manifest unto his select Companions the evidences of her Virginity, by Traditional Arguments authentic with the Moors. This good News they all celebrate with increase of Jollity; and now they venture to warm the Bridegroom with his own Fires, and endeavour to return him to his Bride crowned with his own Vine. But if she yield not these Testimonies of Virginity, it is in his power to put her to death, or otherwise to dispose of her as he pleaseth. For they esteem that the most unpardonable sort of Cozenage, which takes a Man's self and his Money for that which is impossible to be made good. And those Women are accounted egregiously impudent, who conscious of their own Failures dare put themselves upon this adventure.  
But if for this Injury he returns her to her Friends, she meets with that rigour at their hands, which she might easilier have undergone from her Husband; for all her Cousins think themselves dishonoured in the Debauchery of their Kinswoman, which they imagine cannot be expiated but either by death, or some more durable Purgatory. And by reason of this just Severity, the Moresco Damsels are very cautious of their Behaviour, and scarce in half an Age hath any one been convict of this Delinquency; however, the Man is circumspect not to omit the Ordeal.  
When the Bridegroom and Bride have refreshed themselves apart with their choice Companions, all are dismissed till the next day; when the Festival is reassumed, and lasts a considerable time; the Wedding Feast of the poorest continuing a Week. And for this time the new Married Man has a privilege to be absent from the Mosch without fear of mulct. Some Grandees are not seen abroad, from the day of their Wedding till they can show the Pledge thereof in their Arms. But these are bound to have a Dispensation from the Alfachi for their absence from the Mosch, and to observe the Times of Prayer in their Chambers.   

CHAP. XIII.  
Of the Moresco Polygamy, Concubinage, Divorce, for what reasons, in what cases it is allowed.  
THat the Muley Mahumed might the better complease the loose humours of his first Sectaries, he made his Religion to contain many carnal indulgences, denying nothing to Believers of his Doctrine, that had any sensible compliance with their brutal affections. And of this we meet with an Example in his concession of Polygamy and concubinage; for first he granted to every Professor of his Religion the liberty of marrying four wives; he likewise taught that they might take as many Concubines as they were able to maintain, but in this also the more illuminated Moors confine themselves to one of their own Persuasion, esteeming Concubinate with Infidels (under which name all are comprised that profess not Mahumatism) to be an unexorable uncleanness. As for Polygamy it is looked upon as a Divine Institute, and when any object against it, the Moors vindicate it by the frequent examples and universal customs thereof, in the Patriarches and worthies of the Hebrew world. And I could meet with none who asserted Plurality of wives upon politic considerations, as that it was coveinent for the propagation of the Empire, increase of people, and enlargement of their Religion: but that it proceeded from God, was used by the Holiest of his Servants, and the oeconomy of the Old Law.  
When the inconvenience of these Plurality is objected, and that their Economics cannot but be much disordered by reason of the inquietudes, and strifes that will inevitably arise among so many female corrivals for one man's affection; they tell you that this is a disease whose remedy is of a very easy procurement, by reason of that absolute Dominion, which the husband hath over his wives, whom, if they prove disagreeing, he confines to their several apartments, without allowing them any further conversation among themselves, then that their society at meals affords them. And if this will not cure the unpeaceable humour, than Divorce proves an infallible Receipt; of which give me leave to give this brief account.  
When the woman finds herself aggrieved by her husband, or any of her fellow-wives, her only reparation and succour is to seek a divorce. And in this case she has liberty to address herself to the Alcaddee, who has the sole power of dissolving, as well as of tying, the knot of matrimony. And when the woman has declared her condition, and spread before the Alcaddee the reasons upon which she grounds her desire of Divorce, the Alcaddee presently sends for the husband, & examines him concerning the verity of the complaint brought against him by his wife, if he deny it, than the matter is decided by the voice of the Neighbours, but if the husband have a willingness to be quit of his wife, than he needs but confess that whereof he is accused, and the Alcaddee tears in pieces the Bill of their marriage which he had Confirmed, declares the Marriage void, and certifies the Divorce under his Seal; and from hence forward they are both at liberty for new nuptials. From which the woman is bound to abstain till it be apparent that she is not impregnate by her last husband, who is still obliged, to provide for the issue that she shall bring into the world five months after the Divorce. But if she cannot tarry so long, than the Alcabla, or Midwife, has her in Examination, who is bound to return a just & true report upon pain of being stoned to death. The Moors call the Divorce and widows by the same word, and enjoin them the same Laws of second marriage.  
The chief causes of Divorce on the woman's part or either disquiet and froward carriage to the Family, especially when she will not live in amicable society with the Sharers of the same Bed: or when she is unpleasing to her conjugal embraces, or when she will not endure his familiarity with his women slaves. But if she be found guilty of adultery, the injury is too great for Divorce to repair and in this Case she is solely left to the pleasure of her husband, who has Absolute power both to be her Judge and Executioner. And albeit the Moors are not sparing in the revenge of their kindred's death, yet they applaud the husband who kills their kinswomen, whom he has certainly found treacherous to his Bed.  
The occasions of Divorce on the husband's side are his refusal of paying his wife marital Due; or, some other sort of unkind deportment. But after all the wives complaints, the husband is at liberty to retain or put her away; and he may at any time divorce his wife in case he will make good the marriage Contract.  
It is usually said, that the wives seek for Divorce when their husbands deal unnaturally with them; and albeit this is said to be done with a great deal of modesty, the crime being signified by the turning up of a Shoe, yet in Barbary examples of this kind are very unusual, for the Moors abhor the villainy, believing that it is not in man's Nature to be so preposterous; and that it was at first the malicious invention of some vile and impudent Strumpet.  
The Children which are begot before Divorce, follow not the woman, but are left to the husband's charge. And it is observable that the Moresco women seldom prove unfruitful, for in a town of above twelve hundred married women, it was reckoned for a great rarity that there was one died barren. But the wife, different from the Jewish custom, suffers no dishonour for her Sterility, and if the husband takes a second wife who proves also childless, the husband bears the imputation. Mahumed in the fourth Chap. of his Alcoran adviseth the husband whose wife is barren, to swear by her belly, and asserts it a means to make her Conceive. A devotion which as I have been told is still in use among the Alárbes, but quite worn out of fashion with the other Moors.  
In the nursing of Children the mother abhors that unnatural pride of suckling them with other breasts, while her own are sufficient for that affectionate service. And to show that there is something more than common kindness in this particular, the Empress herself is obliged for the first seven days to give her child suck.  
And now before I dismiss this remark, I cannot but acquaint you with all the material ceremonies, of the second, third, and fourth marriages. Every former wife upon the introduction of another, lives seven days deprived of all manner of society with her husband, who for that time devotes himself entirely to his last Bride; whom on the seventh day after marriage he solemnly brings into the acquaintance and fellowship of his other wives, whose brows the last married is bound to kiss, and tells them that they are not to be angry that their Holy Law hath entitled her to a share in his affection as large as any of theirs. The husband likewise exhorts them all to reciprocal kindnesses, assuring them that without fraud, or any partiality, he intends to divide himself among them.  
Now that which seems most nearly to concern the wives, and proves the greatest and most incentive of their wrath is their husband's liberty of taking as many Concubines as he lists; which for the most part are Blacks, the Moors doting much on that Spanish saying la Negra tiene, turmentina en ella. But those that keep Concubine slaves, are not permitted to associate with them in the night, and if any of them bear, their Patron's Children, she thereupon receives her liberty, and the Child is coheir with those begot in Wedlock.   

CHAP. XIV.  
Of the Moresco admission of Renenegadoes, Circumcision, Imposition of Names, Sur-names.  
EVery Religion have had still some Rites appropriated to the admission of such as undertook its profession; and by which they were characterized and distinguished. Concerning this the Author of Mahumatism was much distracted, not knowing what inaugurating ceremony to Ordain. His two assessors Sergius the Monk, and Abdalla the Jew, divided him with their opinions, while each pleaded for the character of his forsaken Faith. But the wary Impostor (labouring to keep up the credit of his pretensions, in being sent, to be the reconciler of the Jewish and Christian Religion, and to compose a Law comprehending both) to comply with Sergius, who stood stiffly for Baptism, he ordained daily washings to all those who became Mahumetans, & ascribed thereunto no less efficacy than the cleansing of the Soul. And that he might not disgust Abdalla the Jew, he made Circumcision admissive of Proselytes into his Law. But did not institute it under any notion of absolute Necessity, and indispensibly required of all who undertook the Profession of his Religion, but made the want of it no impediment of future happiness. And therefore in the admittance of a Renegado, or the denier of his first Religion, circumcision is not exacted of the Moors, for fear that the undergoing of such a painful Sacrament should deter the Proselyte. But when any desires to be of their persuasion, they carry the new Musulman on horseback, in a kind of triumph through the streets, & proclaims that such an one being turned Moor, desires the assistance of their Prayers that he may not Apostatise.  
But their male children are initiated by circumcision, and because the child may die before it can be circumcised, therefore the lack of this Write in such a case is concluded to be no hindrance of its enjoyment of Paradise. When the child is seven days old, the Moors give it a name, and the Father of it makes a feast. But the imposition of the Name is done in the public assembly; for the Father at the evening-Sallah carries to the Church several dishes of Cuscussow, of which he sets one apart for the Priest, and the rest to be eaten up by the people. And when the Prayers are ended, the congregation demand of the Father what he will call his Child, and if the Name he gives it be not satisfactory to the People, they decide it by lots what he shall be called, for every man here has a Vote in the Nameing of his Neighbour's Child. And when they have agreed the point, all pray that the child may Live, prove Rich and Valiant, and understand the Alcoran; then they eat up the Cuscussow and depart. It is observable that the Priest neither at the Nameing, nor circumcision of the child has any apppropriate office, of which I could find no other reason, unless the Moors estimate of these Ceremonies, which they never reckon among the essentials of Religion.  
There are some who have asserted, that there is an inevitable time of circumcision among all the mahometans; But if they had lived in Barbary, they might have lessened the proposition, for the Moors circumcise their children when they please, being by Law not bound up to any particular day or hour. But it is generally grown into fashion, to circumcise at the Animadversary Feast called Mulud, kept in December in memory of Muley Mahumed. And few or none defer the circumcision of their Males at the first Mulud after their nativity. Now there is no person set apart for this office, but the child is circumcised by any that has a gentle and nimble hand, to whom the parent gives a bountiful reward.  
When the Sons arrive to a due maturity, they are disposed of to Vocations, among which the Sword is reckoned the most honourable, as a Privilege of Primogeniture belongs to the first born. The rest betake themselves to such Callings as best agree with their inclinations and Fathers fortunes. Many of the wealthier sort put their Sons to to be Talbyes', that in case they be reduced to want, they be in capacity to be received unto the Priesthood and be maintained by the Church.  
The Moors have no surnames, which want they supply by adding to the Child's name, either the name of some remarkable time when it chanced to be born, as the Ramadan, Mulud, Ashora, and the like; or the name of the Father by prefixing Ben, as Hader Ben Abdalla: being the same with Thomas Fits Williams, etc. and the higher they derive the pedigree by reckoning up their Ancestors, it is accounted the most honourable. And in this they follow the ancient custom, for to add to a man's proper name, the proper name of his Father by putting [Son] before it, was of old in stead of that, which we now call surnames: and in some parts this is not yet worn quite out of use. Whether the names now given by the Moors, are significative of any Virtues desired or foretold by those that impose them, to be in the Children, hath not yet fallen under my comprehension.  
Curiosity tempting me in pursuance of this Note, to inquire into their childbirths; I found that therein they observed a decency conformable to the best civilised People. For the pregnant Wife perceiving the approach of her pangs, calls for the Alcabla, or Mother, the same with our Midwife, to assist her travails, who never leaves her till the seventh day after her delivery, for so long she keeps her bed, and tarries forty days before she associates with her husband. Who if he be scrupulous will not embrace his Wife from the time she appears impregnate, till the last minute of the forty days after her delivery be accomplished.   

CHAP. XV.  
Of the Moresco Funeral Rites, Testaments, Mourning for the Dead, Esteem of Interment, Sepulchers, Places of Burial, etc.  
THe Moors are very careful that nothing be wanting or disorderly in the Rites of Burial, wherein the surviving Relations signify great Sentiments of humanity and affection toward the deceased: whom when they understand that they are sick, they delay not to visit, on purpose to admonish them of their Faults, and to exhort them to look forward to the great Pleasures of Paradise. The Priest never omits this good Office of assisting the sick; and I have been told, that there are certain Azaoras or parcels of the Alcoran, appointed to be read on this occasion to the Infirm, who if he die not while those Azaora's are thrice read over, it is an Omen of his Recovery; but if the Agony be observed to increase in the time of Reading, they conclude that the Patient will not escape: which when the sick Man observes, and sees that in all probability his Distemper will terminate in Death, he begins an exact disposal of his Estate, whereof in the first place some part is bequeathed to the Parochial Church where he lives, and some small Legacies to the Alfachí and Almudéns, and the rest he leaves to be divided by the Alcaddée among his Wives and Children: in which Distribution, a Son hath twice as much as a Daughter, and the Wives can claim no more than is set down in their Contract of Marriage.  
In signification of their love to the Dead, the near Kindred of both Sexes use Tokens very expressive of Sorrow: the Men testify their Griefs by putting on their courser Alheícks, and not wearing any thing that is very white about them, which at other times is a chief part of their bravery: for they account white to be no less a token of cheerfulness than Innocency, and therefore account the wearing thereof very improper for such sorrowful occasions. The Men likewise (that are of near Alliance to the Dead) cut not their Beards, but declare their pensiveness; they suffer a great neglect in all those Accoutrements, in which at other times they are very curious; and by a peculiar Fancy they have some Hairs hanging over their Eyes in token of a careless Sorrow. But this is done chiefly for such as come to untimely ends.  
The Women are very loud and dolorous in their Lamentations of the departed, and they intermit not to howl over the Corpse while it is in the House, which is not long, for as soon as the Breath is expired, the dead Body is washed with Soap and warm Water, by those of the same Sex with the departed. Then the Body is wrapped in white Linen and laid in a Coffin (though a Coffin is but the lot of a few) on the right side, with the Face toward Mecha, in which posture it is also buried. When the Corpse is carried out to Burial, the Priest goes next unto it, who coming to the Grave or Sepulchre, prays that the Sins of the Defunct may be remitted, and that he may have a Portion in the promised Delights. Returning home from the Burial, they have a Feast to comfort those of the Family who are not permitted to dress any thing while the Corpse are in the House: and this consolatory Feast is great or small, according to the condition of the Dead.  
They account it a great unhappiness for one of their Faith to want a decent Interment; and therefore if any dye without an Estate sufficient to discharge his Funeral Expenses, they supply it by a Neighbourly Contribution. Those that are more Wealthy and Honourable have Sepulchers, which vary both in Materials and Fashion: For some are built of rough Stone, others of course Marble, but the most of Brick: Some in form of a half Moon, others open upon Pillars; and some round and close, and to be entered by a Door. But the Vulgar lie in common Graves, covered with green Turf and Boughs. At the Feet and Head of those that are thus Buried, they fix large Stones, in which are writ the Name of the Interred, with the Year of his Age and Hegira. As for Epitaphs, they are quite worn out of request, yet they were in great estimation of old, as may be gathered from that Collection which John Leo made thereof, and presented it to a Brother of a King of Fez.  
Upon every Friday the Women repair to the Graves of their deceased Friends, whose deaths they bewail with a very loud and bitter Lamentation, recounting the great Satisfaction and Pleasure which they once enjoyed in their Society. And because they believe that on every Friday the Soul returns to the Body, they spread the Graves with sweet Flowers and green Boughs on purpose to refresh it, and to adorn the Grave. But there are some Moors which hold this Rite for a Mystery in their Religion, and therefore pretend not to give any account of its usage. They have one thing in Burial, observed no where else, which is not to bury another in the same Grave where one has been Interred before, and therefore they use certain Marks to secure them from mistakes.  
It has been often told me, That the Moresco Women in their Weekly Lamentations of the dead, use to ask them what reason they had to die, seeing that they enjoyed loving Friends, wanting none of the Comforts of this Life, etc. But I found this was an idle Story, and a Moor assured me that they had no such Custom, and that it could be the Calumny of none but a deceitful Jew.  
Neither is that other Story of more credit, which makes the Moors reserve a vacant Place in the Grave, to give the dead Carcase room to rise up and kneel before two pretty Angels, who come to confess the Departed concerning the great Points of the Law; namely, paying of Tithes, giving of Alms, and observing of Rámadon: for upon mature Enquiry, I was assured that the Moors had no such Article in their Creed.  
The places of Burial that belong to great Towns, are in the Fields: but in the Country they are generally by the Highways, which may be to put Passengers in mind of their Mortality. The Ground which is set apart for this Employment, is usually the Donative of some devout Person, or purchased with Legacies bequeathed for that purpose. And that there might be no fraud practised in this Particular, both Alfachí and Alcáddee keep Registers of all such Donations, which are transmitted to Posterity. When the Ground is once devoted to this service, the Moors call it Blessed and Holy, and accounted its alienation an unpardonable Wickedness. Neither the Christians, nor any of another Religion, are permitted to tread within these Burial Places, unless they be their Slaves, whom they admit to any thing capable of service, and use as sorely as their Dogs. These Slaves always wait upon the Women to the Sepulchers, but for no other intent then to carry their Flowers and Boughs, and to assist them therewith to dress the Graves.  
There is no Aldéa or Village that has a Church, but it hath also a peculiar Burying Place, given or bought as hath been already mentioned.   

CHAP. XVI.  
Of the Moresco Ramadàn, its institution, moveableness, manner of Celebration.  
SOme have imagined that for twelve Years after the promulgation of the Mahometan Law, the Sectaries thereof kept the same Fasts with the Jews: but Mahuméd being displeased with that refractory People, and scorning to borrow any of their Institutions, commanded his Proselytes to abandon their Fasts, and appointed in their room the Moon Ramadan, to be kept in an Anniversary Abstinence. But others date this Lent from the second Year of Mahumeds' Prophecy, and that it fell out in the Month September, at which time the Alcoran is said to have been sent from Heaven. But it is not likely that the Fast was in memory thereof, because so great a Blessing (in the Mahumedans Estimation) deserved to be kept in mind by a far different Memorial, great Mercies having never been Celebrated with Penances and Corporeal Humiliations, but rather with Festival Expressions of Joy, and Actions significative of Exaltation.  
The Ramadàn is movable, and depends on the appearance of the New Moon, which, if through the Cloudiness of the Wether they cannot discern, they tarry till it may be presumed by the course of Nature that it is Changed. And those who are less Learned in the Lunar Mutations, continue the Fast for thirty days, being assured that in that Period the Moon must fulfil her course.  
A Winter Ramadàn is very welcome to the Moors, because their Labours are not then so pressive, and better then to be endured, by reason of the coldness of the Season: and the Fast is not so afflictive, because the Days are short, and the Night's long to Revel in.  
Though this be the severest Precept in the Mahumedan Law, yet it is not without all capacities of Indulgence, for therein is had special Regard to the wayfaring and infirm, who have Licence to eat in the day time, with this Caution, That at the end of their Journey, and upon their recovery from Sickness, they perform the full account of their Lent. As for the rest, they are enjoined no more than a diurnal Abstinence, having the Night at liberty for all Fruitions they can procure, Wine only excepted, which by those who at other times liberally drink it, is for this Moon totally renounced. The breach of this First they punish with Stoning to death, and there is no necessity can Privilege any (except Travellers and ins●●● Persons) to eat or drink till the Evening Star witnesseth that the Day is shut in.  
They make great Provision for this Ramadàn, wherewith they furnish out their Necturnal Festivals; and for this end, use a great Frugality before for some days.  
They place a great Sanctity in this Fast, which yet to a Scrupulist scarce would seem to deserve that name, for the Day is usually passed away in a loitering Sleepiness, and the Night in Junketing: the one is at best but a drowsy Lent, and the other a Luxurious Carnival. Yet there is a devouter sort of Bygots, who spend the Day in the Church and Devotion, and are very reserved in their Nightly Caresses, living for the whole Moon separate from Women, where they supererogate, their Law no where exacting this Severity▪ for such was the Carnal Temper of their Prophet, that he thought it an Impossibility to live a whole day Continent. Both Sexes are bound to begin this Fast at the twelfth Year of their Age, and it is placed among the Articles necessarily requisite to the Constitution of a perfect Mahometan.  
The last day of the Moon, the Moors spend in doleful Lamentations of their deceased Relations, and with their Yearly Commemoratives end the Fast.   

CHAP. XVII.  
The Moresco Feasts.  
AT the end of their Lent, Mahumed instituted a Festival Solemnity, as hath been imagined in imitation of the Christians Ester. The Turks call it Bairam; the Moors, El Ed Geer, or the Little Feast: Little, not in respect of its duration, but Expense; for it lasts three days, which equals it in length with any of the rest.  
On the first day thereof they spread the Floor of their Giámmas with coloured Leather, and then entertain each other with Honey, sweet Butter, and Wafers. And according to the performance of this Festival, they Divine, as the Egyptians by their Nilescope, the Blessings and Plenty of the descending Year.  
About two Months after, the Moors have another Festival, by them called, El Ed Gueber, or the Great Feast, in respect of the Expenses and Charges thereof. This Festival still commenceth with a Sermon, which the Alcalib or chief Priest makes concerning its Institution, with amplification of its Praises. Returning home from the Sermon, the Moors fall to killing such Sheep as they have made choice of for their Entertainment at this Solemnity, and there is not the meanest Fortune, but now has his Sheep which is killed, by cutting the Throat thereof, with their Faces towards Mecha, and Swearing by Alquiblá. This done, every Family takes the Heart and Appurtenances, and immediately dress it with Saffron, red and black Pepper; then, with store of Bread, they bring it to their Parish Church (where every Quality knows his station) and eat it in Communion. Returning from this Ecclesiastic Ordinary, they pass the second and third Day in Eating and Drinking. This is also called the Mutton Feast.  
The next to this is their Ashorah, which lasts but one Day, and called a Feast of Fruits, nothing being then eaten but Dates, Figs, purched Corn, and all such natural Cates as their Substances can procure. This Festival is not held in Giámmas, but every Father of a Family treats his Household under his own Roof. And the rich on this day give a Portion of their Estates to the Poor, who on the Morning of the Festival go from one Giámma to another, and receive the Yearly Alms, which are proportionably divided amongst them. None cast into this Treasury who have not a certain sum of Money in Possession; and he that has less than ten Metacáles (which something exceeds our Five shilling Pieces) is exempt from this Corban.  
At the receipt of these Alms, the Poor pray that God would increase the Givers store, and enable them to bestow more the next Ashoráh, telling them, That this fulfilling of the Law, is the best assurance of rendering their Petitions successful.  
Anseràh is another Moresco Festival, which lasts but a day; and with the Andaluzian Moor bears the Name of Saint John Baptist's, or the Feast of the Christians. On this Festival, those who live within ten Leagues of the Sea come thither to wash themselves; and those who cannot, by reason of distance, repair to that great Monopoly of Waters, take Salt and throw it into the Fountains at home, and Bath themselves in that counterfeit Ocean. This is exactly at Midsummer, and held in Commemoration of that great Blessing of Water. The Viands of this Feast exceed not their ordinary Provisions, only they eat them with greater alacrity.  
Mulud is the Yearly Feast for Circumcision, and continueth three days; on the first whereof, they make a Gátcha, or Hodgepodge of Flower, Water, Butter and Honey, and carry great quantities thereof to the Church, whither they invite one another, saying, Come, let us go to the Allamdillah, or to the Feast that is made to Mahumed for God's sake: And when they have eaten of this homely Dish in the Church, they leave store thereof to be devoured by the Poor, and spend the two following days in good Neighbourhood and plentiful Collations. This is their chiefest Feast, because at it their Males are Circumcised, and may seem to have a reference to the old Whitsuntide among the Christians. But I forbear to swell these Remarks with such Conjectural References, which if I should enterprise, I might make all Mahumeds' Institutions yield some probable Resemblances of those ancient Customs & Ordinances in usage among Jews and Christians; and show, that this great Deceiver has confused both the Testaments into his Alcoran, labouring thereby to have his first Pretensions made creditable, That he came to reconcile Jew and Christian unto the obedience of one and the same Law.  
These Moresco Festivals seem not so much Commemorative of received Mercies, as relaxatives of Corporeal Labours, from which they are observed to have no other Divertisements. For Cards and Dice are utterly abhorred by the better Families, not only as forbidden by the Law, under the Infamous terms of Diabolical Inventions, but as observed to be occasions of many nocive Passions, engendering Debates, and Incentives to Avarice: Besides, they are looked upon as Effeminate and Trivial Entertainments, fit only for Seamen, and Women; the former being much versed in this Idleness, though no such Aspersion can be cast on the latter.   

CHAP. XVIII.  
Of the Moresco Pastimes, Music, Dancing, etc.  
WHen the Moresco Gentry are disposed to Sports, the Wild Boar fits them with a Manly Exercise, and affords them both Pastime and Improvement; and when in the failure of some Circumstance they are debarred this kind of Recreation, they supply it with their Lances in Lusory Skirmishes on Horseback, wherein their Dexterity cannot be too much admired.  
But they are naturally uninclined to Sports, being very Saturnine, and loving the Extremes, either to sit still, or to be in robustious Motions. They spend much of their Time in a sort of drowsy Conference, but the sum of their Domestic Entertainments, are their Women and their Chess-boards: All communicating in the former, but the latter is only the serious Pastime of the Virtuoso's.  
They use Vocal and Instrumental Music, but in both are very serious and plain, devoid of Levity or Flourish. Their usual Instruments are the Rabèb and Ahlùd; the former resembles our Violin, but strung only with one great Cord of Hair; the other a Getar. In Fez they have Lutes, and those who will teach them well. The Alárbs have an Instrument called Zauphèn, like the bottom of a Kettle, on which they Tinkle with a stick. The Tituanezes have a less Organ, and also use a sort of Tabor and Pipe when they march in the Field. So most Towns have their peculiar sorts of Music. The singing part is performed by Negra's, not for any peculiar Excellency they are happy in, but because singing at public Dances is looked upon as Slavish.  
In their Dances they permit no mixture of Men with the married Women, which is granted to the Virgins, who upon some Solemnities Dance with the Bachelors; but so closely Veiled, that not any part about them is seen naked. They act the Tune with their Hands and Head, and abhor as lose and lascivious, Jigs, or high Dancing. Every Town and Cauíla have their own Dances, which are known by several Names. The Fessians have a Dance called Estitati, which is used in Sally, Mekenèz, Alcazàr, etc. Those of the City of Morocco have one named Sholakebèr; and in the Cavílas of Minchèl, Bemi-Wadres, etc. there is a Dance styled Ismmaháh. It seldom happens that those of one Town know the Dances of another, therefore thofe who use this Divertisement, only know the Name and Mode of the Dance where they live.  
Their set Times are their Weddings and Yearly Festivals, the Married dancing on the Day, the Single in the Night.   

CHAP. XVIII.  
A Miscellaneous Chapter of the temper of the Air, Diseases, Medicine, Poisons, Education of Children, Apparel, etc.  
BEfore I shut up these Tumultuary Remarks, I cannot but add some Miscellaneous Notes, occasionally collected from Discourse and Observation, of whose Credit I have not many Arguments to render me dubious. The first Notice concerns the Temperature of the Air in this Part of Barbary, wherein there is some Variation according to the Site of the Places. At Fez, the Air in Summer is more temperate then at Morocco. The Inhabitants of the latter for several Hours cannot endure the Heat abroad, and therefore for that time keep close within: But the People of the former are by no such Excess constrained to intermit their Labours. Albeit, as I have observed in other Countries, much herein is to be imputed to Humour and Custom.  
The Inland Country is hotter in Summer, and colder in Winter then the Maritine, which may easily be conceived, by considering what Neighbourhood the one hath with the Sea, the other with the Mountains, which from December to the latter end of February are covered with Snow; at the Resolution of which, such Rivers are caused, that in some places the Channels will yield Water the whole Summer ensuing.  
The Inhabitants live long, and are generally Healthy; the Diseases, when they happen, are Fluxes, after the Season of Fruits; and Calentures, when they immoderately Travel in the Sun. And what seems herein remarkable, the Winter (which Season consist of great Rains) is most mortal amongst them.  
The Lues Venerea, or Foul Disease (which the Moors call Bubès) is incident to those who accompany with variety of Women: and though this may seem to confine that Distemper to those Moors, who live after a more rude and roving manner, yet it is no stranger to those of a more refined and settled Life, the Grandees of late having herein exceeded the Paisants.  
As to the Plague, they observe no set time of its return, the tenth and fifteenth Year of its coming being worn out of Remarks; and in this last Century it has happened very seldom, but in no parts it doth rage more furi usly then in Barbary: and when they are visited, the Inhabitants take little or no care to avoid it, holding it to be inevitable.  
In cure of Sicknesses, they use very plain Medicines, and whatever be the Disease, Cauterizing is first practised, which they do with no more Art or Curiosity, then with a Knife red hot to gash and cut the place where the Pain lies. To cure the Headache, they take the Root Tauz Argent and Rosemary, burning them in an Earthen Pot, over which the Diseased holds his Head for the Fume; then binding the same in a Cloth about the Head, present ease is given. This Tauz Argent is a Root, much Celebrated for an excellent and lasting Perfume: there is great store thereof about Sally, which is white within, without duskish and streaked. The Moors use it in Airing and Perfuming their Rooms, but the scent is much less durable than has been reported.  
The People, when sick, cure themselves with Herbs, in whose Virtues the common People have a traditional knowledge. By this they supply the want of Apothecaries and Physicians, of which Profession none are found, except a few Mountebank ignorant Jews.  
The Moors have an Herb called lafoy Halis, which mingled with Honey, they make up into Balls as big as Pistol Bullets, and of these they swallow five or six at a time, which they find to procure Appetite, further Digestion, and to make Frolic, Amorous and Witty. Opium is much used by all sorts, rather for Diet then Physic; and a Moor will sooner buy a Pill of Opium, than a Cake of Bread, if his stock be too little to buy both. And in many places they are so accustomed to this Stupefactive, that the want thereof proves fatal.  
In former Times the People were so exquisite in mingling Poisons, that they had some would kill by smell: Of late they are acquainted only with two kinds, which they call Rahásh and Zehim. The former is either white or pale, and more quick in dispatching the Person who takes it. But Zehim (signifying any thing that is coutrary to the palate or liking) is cured with incessant Spitting. As for that Poison which once they had the Art to communicate in Letters, to kill those who read them, they are thereof at present totally Ignorant.  
Muley Mahumed having out of Politic Ends prohibited Printing, made thereby Writing of a more singular use and esteem; and the Moors of old were noted to be very excellent at the Pen, but now in this, as in all other Learning, they are much deficient of what they were formerly, for there are not many that arrive to a higher Proficieney in Letters, then barely to Write and Read: To which end they have little Schools, where the Children are taught after this manner. The Moors having (as I said) no Printed Books, when their Children are sent to School, they take with them pieces of Board's, or Slats, on which the Schoolmaster writes so many Letters of the Alphabet; and when the Child has learned their Names and Figures, the Master writes them a certain number more, and so proceeds till the Alphabet be ended: and then goes on to write some Periods of the Alcoran (for they teach no other Book) and continue this Method till the whole Alcoran be wrote over, which usually lasts four Years. When the Child has thus spelt it over, he begins to get it by heart, which costs eight Years at the least; then the Child, if his Father be able, is taught a little Orthography. When the Child is come to certain Periods of the Alcoran, the Father is obliged to make him a Congratulatory Present: and when he has learned the whole Alcoran, he is brought home to his Father's House in Procession on Horseback. As he Rides along, he holds a Table written with Mahumeds' Law, whereon he continually fixeth his Eye, thereby signifying, That the Honour conferred upon him was for the careful Reading of the Alcoran; and when the Youth, accompanied with the Alfaqùi, Schoolmaster, and Schoolfellows, hath visited all the Churches, they come to his Father's House, where they are entertained, and the Master rewarded for the care shown in the Proficiency of his Scholar.    
FINIS.   

An Index of the Moorish Words.  

ABa Henen. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 138  
Abdalla, Abdel. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 3, 8, 7.  
Abdalla ben Boucar. f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 38.  
Abdalla ebn Mohammed ebn Abebecar. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 121  
Abdel Crim Nacsis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 37  
Abdel Hader Alfiftoah. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64  
Muley Adolmelek. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 16  
Mahumed Acadim. f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 41  
Alarb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 20  
Ahlud. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
Almocadem Ali. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 62  
Ali been Hamet. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 26  
Ali Gaylan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 30  
Cidi Ali Mulud ben Ali. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 175  
Alla, Alla. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4  
Allah Mahmique 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 117  
Allah iffecni min had elham. f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 173  
Amadorac, Amarodoch. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 138  
Amet Zerif. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 5  
Angera. Leo Afer. p. 161. 34.  
Arras. Leo Afer. p. 229. 39  
Alarbe Asha. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 147  
Ashorah. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 78   

B.  
Bar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 76  
Barabars, Brebers'. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 133, 30.  
Bere●genas. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 91  
Bensallah. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 52  
Bismillah. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 116  
Boferes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 7  
Muleh Boucar. f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 21  
Cidi Mahumed ben el Hadge ben Boucar. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 22  
Alcadee. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 55  
Almocadem Casum. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 62  
Alcatib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 155  
Alcarobe. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 78  
Cavila. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 22  
Alcazar. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 27  
Alcazar Ezzaguer. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 42  
Ceuta. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 42  
Cidi. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 112  
Cuscussow, Enscusson. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 130, 145.   

D  
Al Dea 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63  
Dillan f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 132  
Dulhevil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 121   

E  
Era hanig allah 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 117  
Erif. Leo 162. 39   

F  
Al Faqui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1  
Fez 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 29   

G  
Cidi Al Hader ben Ali Gaylan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 105  
Giama Gheber. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 137   

H  
All Habs. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 196  
El Hader. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 30  
Cidi Hadrachaman been Reshed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 68  
Hage. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 17  
Halizarif. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 42  
Hamder illah 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 117  
El Hamdillah all salam tiqsi. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 116  
Hamet been Abdelcrim. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 68  
Hamet Zeer. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 29  
Hegira. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 121  
Hid Seguer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 93  
Homar. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 32   

I.  
Illah enzur muleh Reshid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 50   

K.  
Cidi Kirum El Hadge. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 17   

L.  
La illah lafoy Mahumed resulala. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145  
Laella. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 17  
Lala. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 112   

M  
Mahomet ben Amet. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2  
Almamora. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 128  
Marhaba. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 117  
Matmora. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 95, 171.  
Muleh Mahumed. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 45  
Mecha. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 145  
All Mocadem. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 20  
Marabout. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 162  
Mosch. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 142  
Mufadal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 35  
Mufti. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 155  
Ali Mulud. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 98  
Musalmin. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 91, 143  
Alowilicsbah, Allahiric Lulli, Atelthah Asa, Alarbe Aser, Alhamsa Magnib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   

P.  
Pillow, Plaw. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 130   

R.  
Rabeb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
Ramadan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 93  
Muley Reshid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 45  
Reshid been Mahumed. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 45   

S.  
Salam aleq, salam aleq cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 17  
Salam alig alla ensorick muley fulano 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 13  
Salla. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 128  
Sala. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 28  
Muley Sheck. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 7  
Sidan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 7  
Al Souk. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 173   

T.  
Talib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 23  
Tanger. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 41  
Turkia. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 92  
Zawia. Leo, 146. 25  
Muleh Xerif. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 67   
FINIS.