key: cord-1041780-ccaff7oi
authors: Blustein, David L.; Perera, Harsha N.; Diamonti, A.J.; Gutowski, Ellen; Meerkins, Tera; Davila, Alekzander; Erby, Whitney; Konowitz, Lily
title: The uncertain state of work in the U.S.: Profiles of decent work and precarious work()
date: 2020-08-26
journal: J Vocat Behav
DOI: 10.1016/j.jvb.2020.103481
sha: 58cbfe51862d6b958a3ee4e8f9aee1a7f37f0384
doc_id: 1041780
cord_uid: ccaff7oi

This research utilized a person-centered approach to identify profiles of decent work and precarious work, which were explored due to their centrality in current debates about the uncertain state of work conditions in the U.S. Using the Decent Work Scale and the Precarious Work Scale, the following five profiles were identified from a sample of 492 working Americans: 1) Indecent-Precarious; 2) Highly Decent; 3) Low Health Care-Low Rights; 4) Vulnerability-Dominant; 5) Health Care-Stability. These profiles were further elaborated by examining the relationship of theoretically-informed predictors and outcomes that would distinguish profile membership. Using psychology of working theory as an organizing framework for determining predictors and outcomes, the findings revealed that work volition, age, income level, and educational level significantly predicted profile membership, and autonomy, social contribution, survival needs, job satisfaction, and life satisfaction differed meaningfully across the profiles. Implications for theory, research, practice, and public policy are discussed highlighting the complexity of work conditions and their relationship to various aspects of vocational and psychological functioning.

these particular conditions of work coupled with their relationships to theoretically-informed predictors and outcomes, we have an opportunity to unpack some of the inherent consequences of inequity in the workplace. Decent work. The International Labor Organization (ILO; ILO, 2008) , which is a multinational institution that has been in existence since 1919, has advanced the notion of decent work as a means of defining the minimum acceptable standards for workers across the globe.

Based on input from governments, labor unions, and employers, decent work has been defined as consisting of five components: safe work environment, access to health care, adequate earnings, hours that allow for free time and rest, and organizational values that are congruent with family and social values ILO, 2008) . Although this definition of decent work includes some attributes of meaningful and satisfying work (such as the values congruence factor), the ILO's decent work agenda focuses primarily on defining the baseline of acceptable working conditions with respect to human rights (Blustein, Kenny, Di Fabio et al., 2019) .

From a macro-level perspective, decent work has been defined by economic indicators, which has revealed widespread deficits that are particularly problematic for young workers, women, and individuals with disabling conditions (Ghai, 2003; ILO, 2019) . Studies by the ILO have underscored that lack of decent work is associated with poverty, child labor, gender-based discrimination, and compromised workplace safety (e.g., ILO, 2019) . From a psychological perspective, recent initiatives have broadened conceptual definitions of decent work (Blustein & Duffy, in press ). Duffy and colleagues developed a measure of decent work that is based on the aforementioned five-component definition offered by the ILO (2008 ILO ( , 2012 .

Initial research on the Decent Work Scale (DWS; Duffy et al., 2017) has yielded a bi-factor model that provides both a general score and scores for each of the five factors, which reflect the J o u r n a l P r e -p r o o f Journal Pre-proof aforementioned attributes of decent work. Research using the DWS across numerous populations and regions of the globe has revealed that it is predictive of adults having greater opportunities for meeting their needs for survival, social contribution, and self-determination, as well as work fulfillment and well-being (see Blustein & Duffy, in press, for a review).

Precarious work. The second dimension is precarious work, which refers to work that is temporary, insecure, or part-time, often poorly paid, typically without benefits, and with minimal social or legal protections (Kalleberg & Vallas, 2017; Standing, 2014) . Precarious work has been a common feature of labor markets across the globe to varying degrees and with diverse impacts on specific sub-populations. Precarious work has increased during economic downturns; it also has had a particularly aversive impact among marginalized groups, including women, immigrants, and racial and ethnic minorities (see Kalleberg & Vallas, 2017 for a discussion of precarious work through the lens of race and gender). Modern precarity is notable in its expansion to all sectors of the economy, including occupations that were historically viewed as secure, such as jobs in manufacturing, retail, and management consulting (Hyman, 2018; Kalleberg, 2018) . Many workers are now facing job insecurity not as a transient condition, but as a prevailing characteristic of their work lives (Kalleberg, 2018) . Moreover, concerns about the growth of precarious work are growing due to the potential for major changes in the workforce related to the pandemic (Blustein et al., 2020) .

Empirical research has documented the aversive consequences of precarious work on physical and psychological health as well as one's capacity to developmentally progress in life, (for example, being able to marry and become autonomous adults) without the security and resources associated with stable employment (see Kalleberg, 2018 for a review). Similar to the decent work scale, a psychometric conceptualization of precarious work has been proposed by J o u r n a l P r e -p r o o f Journal Pre-proof Vives and colleagues (Employment Precariousness Scale; EPRES: Vives et al., 2010; Vives et al., 2013) . From this perspective, precarious work encompasses the following quantifiable dimensions of perceived employment precarity: vulnerability, inadequate wages, inadequate rights, and inability to exercise rights. Vives et al (2013) define the constructs within the EPRES as follows: vulnerability refers a lack of power and agency to advocate for better conditions;

inadequate wages refers to the perception of inadequate compensation; inadequate rights refers to the absence of family leave, severance pay, pension, and unemployment benefits; inability to exercise rights refers to limitations in one's capacity to take time off for vacations or being ill.

Consistent with macro-level research and theoretical expectations, individuals with greater exposure to employment precarity reported lower levels of job satisfaction as well as higher levels of psychological and physical health problems (Vives et al., 2013) .

Individuals may simultaneously perceive differential degrees of distinct decent work and precarious work conditions, constituting an integration of their perceived working conditions. This perspective posits that distinct configurations of decent work and precarious work may emerge, indicating the presence of latent subgroups within a heterogeneous population. However, this proposed population heterogeneity has not been systematically investigated in prior work on decent work and precarious work.

Indeed, previous work, with few exceptions (Kim, Duffy, & Allan, 2020) , has adopted a variable-centered approach to examining decent work and precarious work, which inherently assumes that all individuals in a sample belong to the same population and share the same set of (averaged) estimates. However, this assumption of homogeneity is rarely directly tested; and, if such homogeneity is untenable, average effects may not be appropriate for any individual in the sample (Wang & Peck, 2013) .

A person-centered approach may be more informative for investigating how the perception of decent work and precarious work conditions interact holistically within individuals to influence salient outcomes. From a conceptual standpoint, individuals may perceive differential levels of decent work and precarious work in their work lives; however, the revelation of latent profiles within the data would suggest that a combination of these beliefs plays an important role in influencing individuals' work outcomes. For example, individuals who perceive adequate compensation and safe working conditions may simultaneously not have access to time for rest or adequate healthcare. Such a configuration of decent work and precarious work conditions may have distinct outcomes compared to those individuals with a different configuration of perceived conditions (e.g., a combination of safe conditions and access to time for rest but inadequate compensation and access to healthcare). A prior investigation by Kim et al. (2020) demonstrated the applicability of profile analysis to studies of working conditions by identifying the prominent role of access to health care across several profiles of decent work, underscoring the long-standing complication of providing health insurance via employment. However, to adequately represent a more comprehensive range of work conditions, it is necessary to consider both precarious work and decent work, which together reflect fundamentally important attributes of the current labor market. Accordingly, we conducted a latent profile analysis of decent work and precarious work to identify sub-groups of individuals who are experiencing coherent configurations of working conditions. The identification of these profiles can elaborate and deepen understanding of the predictors and outcomes of diverse working conditions, optimally informing practice and public policy.

Theoretical Framework: Psychology of Working Theory J o u r n a l P r e -p r o o f

Examining the impact of conditions of work on psychological and vocational functioning requires a broad theoretical framework that encompasses both macro-level and individual-level factors. We have elected to use psychology of working theory (PWT; Blustein, 2006 , Duffy et al., 2016 , which focuses on the work lives of all who work and who want/need to work. PWT delineates how people navigate a broad array of work-related tasks, including managing survival needs, contributing to the social world, relating to others via work, and creating self-determined lives of meaning, autonomy, and authenticity (Blustein, 2006; Duffy et al., 2016) . PWT describes how contextual barriers like marginalization and economic constraints are tied to individuals' ability to choose their work and their ability to adapt to the changing world of work (Blustein, 2006) .

Recent innovations in PWT have operationalized these propositions, resulting in the development of a linear theoretical model (Duffy et al., 2016) . The model asserts the influence of macro-level factors, including marginalization and economic constraints, on work volition and career adaptability. Work volition and career adaptability are then thought to shape one's access to decent work. To the extent that work conditions provide a means to fulfill needs for survival, social connection/contribution, and self-determination, individuals are more likely to experience positive outcomes, such as increased work fulfillment and well-being. As summarized in Blustein and Duffy (in press) , studies examining the PWT model have revealed that -marginalization experiences, indicators of economic constraints/resources, and work volition all appear to be consistent direct or indirect predictors of decent work‖ (p. 29). Extant research also supports the propositions that decent work provides access to need fulfillment, which then facilitates positive outcomes (see Blustein & Duffy, for a review) . In this study, we use PWT to model the relationship of work conditions to predictor and outcome variables.

J o u r n a l P r e -p r o o f Journal Pre-proof

Diverse factors and conditions undoubtedly contribute to the expansive range of workbased challenges and resources. Economic constraints, such as limited financial means and social capital, negatively predict access to decent and stable work (Duffy et al., 2016) . Financial constraints may restrict an individual's access to career development resources, such as education and training, whereas a dearth of social capital entails a lack of networks and cultural knowledge that similarly decreases availability of decent and stable work (Shah, Mullainathan, & Shafir, 2012) . Education level represents an accumulation of social capital, which PWT scholars posit as a mechanism by which economic resources relate to decent work (Diemer, Mistry, Wadsworth, López, & Reimers, 2013; Duffy et al., 2016) . Income and education level serve as measures of economic resources in the current study, as scholars have recommended these indicators for cross-national comparisons and for making policy recommendations (Diemer et al., 2013) . Consistent with PWT, we investigated the relationship of education and income with the distinct configurations of decent and precarious work conditions. Along with economic constraints, PWT positions marginalization, resulting from historically oppressed social identities, as the other major macro-level predictor of stable and decent work (Duffy et al., 2016) . In this exploratory study, we looked specifically at genderbased marginalization as a potential predictor of profile membership. (We acknowledge the importance of other social identities as marginalizing or privileging forces; however, our sampling process did not provide sufficient variability to explore additional identities such as race or sexual identity.) Previous research reveals that marginalization due to sexism infiltrates access to education, training, and workplace policies, leading to lower pay, promotion rates, unfriendly leave policies, and negative psychological and health consequences (Heppner, 2013) .

Journal Pre-proof Therefore, we expect that women will be more likely to be represented in profiles characterized by lower decent work and higher precarious work conditions. Work volition is the perception of choice in career decision-making and represents both a malleable psychological construct, as well as a perception shaped by real barriers (Duffy, Diemer, Perry, Laurenzi, & Torrey, 2012) . Studies utilizing PWT have yielded empirical support for work volition positively predicting access to decent work Smith, Baranik, & Duffy, 2020) . Given the role of work volition in promoting positive vocational outcomes (Duffy, Douglass, & Autin, 2015; Smith et al. 2020) , work volition may prove facilitative in navigating access to decent work. The current study proposes that individuals with higher levels of work volition will be more likely to be found among profiles characterized by access to decent and stable work. Similar to gender identity, age discrimination for older adults may interfere with access to decent and stable work (e.g., Kalleberg, 2018) . At the same time, younger generations, who are newly entering the workforce, may be more susceptible to current trends associated with precariousness, such as contract work and the gig economy, and therefore, more likely to engage in precarious work (Kalleberg, 2018) . Given these varying vulnerabilities among different age groups, the current study adopts an exploratory approach to the relationship between age and conditions of work, with the intention of deriving evidence-based inferences about how age functions in conjunction with decent and precarious work.

Once we identify specific configurations of work conditions, we can then discern how these profiles may be related to distinct outcomes in vocational and psychosocial functioning.

J o u r n a l P r e -p r o o f Journal Pre-proof PWT (Blustein & Duffy, in press; Duffy et al., 2016) asserts that optimal work conditions provide a context for individuals to fulfill an array of psychological needs, leading to enhanced well-being. Having identified configurations (profiles) of work conditions, we use the PWT taxonomy of needs, which includes survival, competence, relatedness, autonomy, and social contribution to discern how specific profiles may be related to distinct outcomes in vocational and psychosocial functioning.

A key component of PWT is the application of self-determination theory (SDT; Ryan & Deci, 2002) , which has been used to frame how people motivate themselves and find meaning, authenticity, and autonomy in their work lives (Blustein, 2006) . SDT incorporates psychological needs, behavioral regulation, and the pursuit of psychological well-being in its explanation of human behavior (Ryan & Deci, 2002) . Broadly, SDT suggests that people are motivated by three basic needs: competence, relatedness, and autonomy (Ryan & Deci, 2002) . In accordance with SDT, we posit that access to contexts that provide opportunities for fulfilling these basic needs is essential for the development of self-determined and authentic engagement in a given set of tasks, such as working. Competence refers to the need to learn the requisite skills for a given environment, which optimally results in mastery Ryan & Deci, 2002) .

Relatedness captures the human striving for connection with others and the opportunity to care for and be cared for in various contexts, including work Ryan & Deci, 2002) .

Autonomy is defined as the need for control over one's life and trajectory (Ryan & Deci, 2002) .

In the development of PWT, a comprehensive needs satisfaction measure has been developed ; Work Needs Satisfaction Measure; WNSM), which integrates needs identified in initial PWT formulations (Blustein, 2006) with needs that are highlighted in SDT (Ryan & Deci, 2002) 2019) is associated with Maslow's safety and security needs; similarly, the work-based measures of self-determination needs (competence, relatedness, and autonomy) were associated with generic measures of these constructs, but were sufficiently distinct to capture the important work-based features of PWT. Social contribution needs were related to prosocial intention, underscoring the important needs that working can optimally fulfill. Research has identified links between having these self-determination needs being met and greater levels of life satisfaction and energy (e.g., Van den Broeck, Vansteenkinste, De Witte, & Lens, 2008) . When considered collectively, we expect that individuals who have access to decent and stable work will also be able to fulfill these fundamental human needs.

Considerable research has identified theoretically predictable connections between the needs satisfaction measures, indices of well-being and various aspects of the working context (see Duffy et al., 2016 , for a review). Given the prevailing research that identifies the positive attributes of decent and stable work, we expect that these working conditions will be positively related to need fulfillment and well-being.

This study offers a significant opportunity to explore the nature of diverse work conditions and their relation to theoretically-informed predictors and outcomes. The first objective of this study is to identify distinct profiles based on scores from the DWS and EPRES; once these profiles have been identified, we explore the relationships between these profiles and the predictors and outcomes that we have identified. Given that the analysis will reveal new, latent configurations of working conditions, we could not rely on a foundation of prior research J o u r n a l P r e -p r o o f Journal Pre-proof to propose specific hypotheses for each variable; as such, the study adopts an exploratory approach, consistent with this methodology to explore the following research questions: RQ #1: Are there quantitatively and qualitatively distinct profiles of individuals' perceptions of decent and precarious work? RQ#2: Can profile membership be predicted by work volition, gender, age, educational level, and income? RQ#3: Do competence, relatedness, autonomy, survival, and social contribution needs satisfaction, as well as job satisfaction and life satisfaction, differ across the profiles?

This study's sample consisted of 492 adults with a mean age of 34.61 years (SD = 9.81).

Eight participants (1.6%) did not report their age. Two hundred and ninety-nine participants identified as male (61%), 182 participants identified as female (37%), two participants identified as transgender (0.004%), two participants identified as other (0.004%), and seven participants did not identify their gender (0.014%). Three hundred fifty-five participants identified as White/European American/Caucasian (72.2%), 55 as Black/African-American (11.2%), 26 as Asian/Asian-American (5.3%), 24 as Hispanic/Latinx American (4.9%), six as American Indian/Native American/First Nation (1.2%), three as Asian Indian (0.6%), and 15 as multiethnic (3.1%). Eight participants (1.6%) did not report their race/ethnicity. Regarding income, participants reported that their incomes ranged from less than $25,000/year to over $201,000/year. The distribution of incomes was as follows: less than $25,000 (n= 58, 11.8%), $25,000-$50,000 (n = 166, 33.7%), $51,000-$75,000 (n=137, 27.8%), $76,000-$100,000 (n= J o u r n a l P r e -p r o o f Journal Pre-proof 72, 14.6%), $101,000-$125,000 (n= 18, 3.7%), $126,000-$150,000 (n= 12, 2.4%), $151,000-$175,000 (n= 10, 2.0%), $176,000-$200,000 (n= 7, 1.4%), $201,000+ (n= 3, 0.6%). The modal income range (33.7% of participants) was between $25,000/year and $50,000/year. Nine participants (1.8%) did not report their income. Participants reported that their highest level of education obtained was less than high school (n= 1, 0.2%), some high school (n=6, 1.2%), high school graduate (n= 57, 11.6%), vocational school (n= 21, 4.3%), some college (n= 120, 24.4%), college degree (n= 235, 47.8%), and professional degree (n= 44, 8.9%). Eight (1.6%) participants did not report their highest level of education.

the five-component definition offered by the ILO (2008 ILO ( , 2012 . The Decent Work Scale (DWS; Duffy et al., 2017) has yielded a bi-factor model that provides both a general score (i.e., the total score) and scores for each of the five factors identified in the Introduction (safe conditions; access to health care; adequate compensation; time for rest; congruent values with employer).

High scores on the DWS reflect greater levels of decent work. Research using the DWS has revealed excellent reliability for the subscales and general score. Also, the DWS is predictive of adults having greater opportunities for meeting their needs for survival, social contribution, selfdetermination as well as work fulfillment and well-being (see Blustein & Duffy, in press, for a review). Score reliability estimates in this sample are shown in Appendix D.

Precarious work scale. Vives and colleagues (2010) have developed a multidimensional psychometric measure of employment precariousness (EPRES). For the current study, we relied on the vulnerability (5 items), inadequate wages (2 items), inadequate rights (6 items), and inability to exercise rights (5 items) subscales, which are most consistent with prevailing J o u r n a l P r e -p r o o f Journal Pre-proof definitions of precarious work (Kalleberg, 2018) . We did not use the other two subscales of the

were not readily quantifiable. The remaining four subscales, which result in interval data, provide a sound representation of precarious work (cf. Kalleberg, 2018) . High scores on the EPRES reflect greater levels of precarity. Research on the EPRES found the measure to have good internal reliability (Vives et al., 2010) ; moreover, research has found that scores on the EPRES were associated with various health and psychosocial indices, thereby supporting theoretically-derived inferences about the validity of the measure. Score reliability estimates in this sample are shown in Appendix D.

Work volition. We used the 4-item Volition subscale from the Work Volition Scale (WVS; Duffy et al., 2012) , which provides a brief and conceptually rigorous way of assessing this construct. Higher scores on this subscale correspond to higher levels of work volition.

Evidence of reliability and validity have been obtained via studies that have demonstrated the internal consistency and stability of the Volition subscale and its relationships to related constructs, such as barriers and sense of control (e.g., Douglas et al., 2017; Kim et al., 2020) . The score reliability estimate in this sample is shown in Appendix D. Extensive evidence supporting the reliability and validity of the SWLS has been summarized by Pavot and Diener (2009) . The score reliability estimate in this sample is shown in Appendix D. internal consistency and validity of the JSS has been reported in prior research; for example, the JSS has been associated with core self-evaluations and perceptions of work characteristics (Judge et. al, 1998) . The score reliability estimate in this sample is shown in Appendix D.

Participants were surveyed through Amazon's Mechanical Turk (MTurk), an online data collection platform that allows people to complete surveys for payment. Recent investigations into the representativeness of MTurk samples have supported that this platform offers a means of surveying samples that are often more diverse than undergraduate samples (e.g., Casler Bickel & Hackett, 2013) . This platform was also advantageous for use in the present study as it enabled us J o u r n a l P r e -p r o o f Journal Pre-proof to collect data in a timely fashion and to specifically request participation from individuals who have experienced some instability in their working lives. The study was announced with the statement: -You are being asked to participate in a research study to understand people's experience of working in the United States, particularly those who are struggling in obtaining stable work.-In order to be eligible to participate in this study, participants had to be 1) above the age of 18 years, 2) currently employed at least part-time, and 3) living and working within the United States. Those who chose to participate and met study criteria, were directed to a survey in Qualtrics, which contained an initial informed consent page followed by the survey itself. Participants were compensated $3 for completing the survey, which took approximately 20-25 minutes. After they completed the survey, participants were presented with a code to enter that enabled them to receive payment. This study was approved by our university Institutional Review Board (IRB).

Recent studies on the use of Mechanical Turk (MTurk) have suggested that this method of data collection is at least as valid as other online data collection platforms (Buhrmester et al., 2011; Hauser & Schwarz, 2016) . However, critics suggest that those taking online surveys for payment may offer responses at random and leave a large proportion of survey items blank, leading to issues with data validity. To mitigate these concerns, we included 4 items that assessed whether participants were paying attention and taking the survey seriously (e.g., -Please select agree if you are paying attention‖). Data from participants who failed one or more validity checks were not included in the study sample.

Analyses were conducted in four phases. First, preliminary bifactor structural equation Precariousness Scale (EPRES) data were conducted to obtain factor scores on the decent work and precarious work dimensions to serve as mixture indicators. 1 Factor score indicators from a B-ESEM model were used as they (a) give greater weight to more reliable items and (b) can accommodate construct-relevant multidimensionality due to the presence of both general and specific constructs and item fallibility as is expected in the decent work and precarity data (see e.g., Duffy et al., 2018) . We jointly modeled the decent work and precarious work data because, from a psychological perspective, a complete representation of individuals' perceptions of contemporary work conditions requires the simultaneous consideration of both these constructs (Blustein, Olle, Connors-Kellgren, & Diamonti, 2016) . However, a challenge for the representation of these constructs in the same model is the appropriate dimensional structure.

Theorization on the structure of decent work posits the presence of both generality and specificity in these data . From this perspective, decent work data reflect a general overarching perception of decent work, representing a gestalt of perceptions of decent work conditions Duffy et al. 2016 ). In addition, specificities exist that should be treated as such in model specifications. Whereas adequate compensation reflects perceptions that one is appropriately paid for and rewarded for their work inadequate wages reflects perceptions that one is not sufficiently compensated to meet basic needs and cover unexpected expenses.

3 Alternative models freely estimating indicator variances in each profile were also estimated; however, these models tended to converge on inadmissible solutions or failed to converge altogether, suggesting overparameterization of the models (Bauer & Curran, 2003).

Journal Pre-proof (Henson, Reise, & Kim, 2007; Nylund, Asparouhov, & Muthén, 2007) . In particular, the Bayesian Information Criterion (BIC), the sample-adjusted BIC (Sa-BIC), and the Consistent Akaike Information Criterion (CAIC) were used with lower values suggesting a better-fitting model (Henson et al., 2007) . 4 It should be noted that, though the BIC, SaBIC, and CAIC are useful in deciding on the optimal number of profiles, in even moderately-large samples, these criteria can continue to decrease with the addition of profiles. In this case, -elbow plots‖ of the information criteria can be useful in detecting the point at which the criteria plateau. The BLRT provides a test of a k-profile model against a k -1 profile model where k is the number of profiles. A non-significant p-value for the BLRT indicates that a more parsimonious k -1 profile model should be retained.

The final two phases of the analyses involved tests of the predictors and outcomes of profile membership. Phase 3, addressing RQ#2, involved tests of work volition, gender, age, 5 educational level, and income as predictors of profile membership. These predictive relations were estimated using the three-step approach for LPA with covariates, operationalized via the auxiliary R3STEP option in Mplus (Asparouhov & Muthén, 2014) . In Phase 4, addressing RQ#3, we examined PWT needs satisfaction (i.e., survival needs, social contribution needs, and self-4 The Akaike Information Criterion was also reported for informational purposes. 5 Gender was modeled as a binary variable (0 = male, 1 = female); Age was modeled as an ordinal variable with five categories (0 = 18-25, 1 = 26-34, 2 = 35-44, 3 = 45 -54, 4 = 55 and above); Educational level was modeled as an ordinal variable with seven categories (0 = less than high school, 1 = some high school, 2 = high school graduate, 3 = trade/vocational school; 4 = some college; 5 = college degree; 6 = professional degree); Income was modeled as an ordinal variable with nine categories (0 = less than $25,000; 1 = $25,000-$50,000, 2 = $51,000-$75,000, 3 = $76,000-$100,000, 4 = $101,000 -$125,000, 5 = $126,000 -$150,000, 6 = $151,000-$175,000, 7 = $176,000- The test of this LPA model with distal outcomes was conducted using Bolck-Croon-Hagenaars (BCH; Bakk & Bermunt, 2016) method. This approach was operationalized via the BCH function in Mplus. Missing data and their handling are described in Supplemental Appendix C.

The test of the B-ESEM model of the joint DWS and EPRES data resulted in an excellent fit to the sample data, χ 2 (266) = 413.815, p < .001, CFI = .996, TLI = .992, RMSEA = .034 (90% CI = .027, .040). Detailed results of this analysis are reported in Appendix A, and Appendix D shows the means, standard deviations, and correlations for the decent work and precarious work factor score indicators as well as the factor score predictor and distal outcome variables. Table 1 shows the fit indices for the LPA models. The BLRT was not useful for selecting the optimal solution. The SaBIC, BIC, and CAIC continued to decrease with the addition of profiles. Notably, the BIC and CAIC reached a plateau around five profiles, and the SaBIC also showed evidence of flattening out at this point. Estimation of a sixth profile resulted in considerably smaller class sizes as well as an additional profile that was not well differentiated in terms of shape effects from the existing profiles. The five-profile solution and adjacent four-andsix profile solutions were uniformly statistically admissible. For the five-profile solution, average 6 The observed distal outcomes incorporated herein were generated as factor scores from latent variable measurement models (see Appendix B).

Journal Pre-proof latent profile probabilities for the most likely latent profile assignment ranged from .872 to .936 (M = .904), with low cross probabilities (.000-.077, M = .024). In this model, entropy was also acceptable (see Table 1 ), indicating acceptable classification accuracy (Reinekcke, 2006) . The five-profile solution was retained for further analysis and interpretation. Table 1 about here Profiles from the retained five-profile solution are shown in Figure 1 , and Appendix E shows profile-specific means on the LPA indicators. Profile 1 (31.7%) was characterized by low levels of general decent work, below-average safe conditions and values, slightly-below average access to health care, approximately average time and rest, slightly above-average adequate compensation, and above-average levels of all precarity indicators, with especially high levels of vulnerability. This profile was labeled -Indecent-Precarious Work‖. The second profile (11.2%) was characterized by high levels of general decent work, access to healthcare, adequate compensation, and time and rest, somewhat lower but still above average safety conditions and values, and below-average levels on all precarity indicators, particularly vulnerability. This profile was labeled -Highly-Decent Work.‖ Profile 3 (17.4%) was characterized by the lowest levels of access to healthcare, well-above average levels of precarious rights, slightly lower but above average levels of safe conditions, time and rest, values, and precarious wages, belowaverage general decent work and adequate compensation and, to a greater extent, vulnerability.

This profile was labeled -Low Health Care-Low Rights‖. Profile 4 (9.6%) was characterized by very high levels of vulnerability, above-average general decent work, values congruence, and, to a lesser extent, access to healthcare as well as well-below average levels of adequate compensation and time and rest, below-average precarious rights, slightly below average safety conditions and precarious exercise rights, and approximately average wages. This profile was J o u r n a l P r e -p r o o f Journal Pre-proof labeled -Vulnerability-Dominant‖. The final profile (30.1%) was characterized by moderately above-average access to healthcare, lower but still above-average safe conditions and, to a lesser extent, general decent work, marginally below-average adequate compensation, values, and wages, and lower levels of time and rest, exercise rights, rights, and vulnerability. We labeled this profile -Health Care-Stability‖. Table 3 shows mean differences in the outcomes across the profiles. Competence needs satisfaction was highest in Profile 2 (Highly-Decent Work) and significantly higher than in all other profiles. In contrast, Profile 1 (Indecent-Precarious Work) had the lowest levels of competence needs satisfaction, which was significantly lower than in all profiles. Profiles 3 (Low Health Care-Low Rights), 4 (Vulnerability-Dominant), and 5 (Health Care-Stability) did not significantly differ on competence. A comparable pattern of results was observed for relatedness needs satisfaction. Relatedness was significantly higher in Profile 2 (Highly-Decent Work) and lower in Profile 1 (Indecent-Precarious Work) than in all profiles. Relatedness was significantly higher in Profile 4 (Vulnerability-Dominant) than in Profile 3 (Low Health Care-Low Rights) but did not significantly differ from levels in Profile 5 (Health Care-Stability). Profiles 3 (Low J o u r n a l P r e -p r o o f

Health Care-Low Rights) and 5 (Health Care-Stability) did not significantly differ on relatedness. For autonomy needs satisfaction, the highest levels were observed in Profile 2 (Highly-Decent Work) followed by Profile 4 (Vulnerability-Dominant), and though these two profiles did not differ from each other on autonomy, they significantly exceeded levels of autonomy in the remaining profiles. Autonomy was lowest in Profile 1 (Indecent-Precarious Work), and significantly lower than in all other profiles. Autonomy did not significantly differ between Profile 3 (Low Health Care-Low Rights) and Profile 5 (Health Care-Stability). Table 3 and Profile 5 (Health-Care-Vulnerability Dominant) did not significantly differ; however, levels in these profiles exceeded levels in Profile 3 (Low Health Care-Low Rights).

In this study, we have sought to explore the nature of work conditions in the U.S. by examining individuals' self-reports of their working contexts along with related psychosocial factors. Consistent with RQ1, we were able to identify five profiles of decent work and precarious work (Indecent-Precarious; Highly Decent; Low Health Care-Low Rights;

Vulnerability-Dominant; Health Care-Stability), which represent individuals' self-reported experiences about their working conditions operating in combination. Moreover, meaningful relations of the profiles with (a) work volition and the sociodemographic predictors and (b) the theorized needs satisfaction and well-being outcomes support the validity of the profiles.

The first profile labeled Indecent-Precarious Work captured a relatively consistent cluster of attributes including highly precarious work along with indecent work conditions. The only unexpected attribute of this profile was a modestly elevated level of adequate compensation, which may reflect greater levels of income despite challenging working conditions. The second J o u r n a l P r e -p r o o f Journal Pre-proof profile labeled Highly Decent Work coheres around all of the decent work conditions and low levels of the precarious work indicators. The third profile labeled Low Health Care-Low Rights reflected a notable lack of access to healthcare, lower levels of rights at work, modestly high levels of safe work conditions and low levels of vulnerability. The meaning of this profile clusters around lower levels of benefits, including access to health care and the capacity for rights at work, such as paid vacations, pensions, severance pay, and unemployment benefits, in conjunction with safe conditions and more stability (via the relative low level of vulnerability).This profile may reflect the sort of work that provides reasonable conditions in some areas (e.g., workplace health and safety), but a notable lack of healthcare, perhaps reflecting a particularly American version of precarious work due to inconsistencies in access to benefits. The fourth profile labeled Vulnerability-Dominant also reflects a specific sub-section of the population that is experiencing precarious work with a particularly heightened sense of vulnerability coupled with modestly high overall decent work and access to healthcare. This profile also included below average levels of adequate compensation and time and rest, with modest capacity to express rights. The vulnerability elevation coupled with the other indices suggest that this work condition may consist of workers who experience precarity in many dimensions, but may also find aspects of their jobs somewhat manageable. The fifth profile labeled Health Care-Stability captures work with a prominent role of access to health care coupled along with stability (as reflected in an absence of the features of precariousness). This profile underscores the importance of health care in the U.S. workforce in its relationship to stability and agency at work. (Blustein & Duffy, in press; Smith et al., 2020) .

Some of the demographic factors were also related to profile membership in meaningful ways. Gender was not a statistically significant predictor of profile membership. While this finding is inconsistent with research and theory in precarious work (Kalleberg, 2018) , the result reported here is congruent with research on decent work (via the DWS scale). Although gender did not appear prominent in predicting the decent and precarious elements examined in this study, further research is needed considering the breath of literature that implicates gender in relation to so many other conditions of work (e.g., harassment, wage gaps, etc.). Age was positively associated with greater likelihood of membership in the Low Health Care-Low Rights Profile than the Indecent-Precarious and Highly Decent Profiles, respectively. A close examination of this finding reflects age differences in work conditions wherein more experienced or older workers are likely to be in conditions that are not optimal, but these conditions may have some levels of decent conditions, such as safety and adequate time for rest (cf. Kalleberg, 2018) .

Socioeconomic status factors were associated with profile membership in meaningful ways. In comparison to all other profiles, higher income predicted a decreased likelihood of membership in Low Health Care-Low Rights, which seems to reflect lower paying jobs that also do not have access to decent benefits. Furthermore, higher levels of education were significantly associated with the Vulnerability-Dominant profile membership in relation to the other profiles.

The higher education level may be reflective of consultants and other skilled precarious workers who have specific talents, but also inadequate levels of both compensation and time for rest as well as considerable vulnerability. In addition, higher income was significantly associated with being more likely to be in the Highly Decent Work profile relative to the Vulnerability-Dominant profile. Taken together, most predictors, with the exception of gender, were associated with conditions of decent and precarious work in theoretically meaningful ways.

The findings on the outcome variables in relation to the profiles provide meaningful insights into the experiences of some participants in the U.S. labor market who are struggling to obtain stable work, as well as informative observations about the underlying tenets of PWT. For example, when considered collectively, the PWT needs satisfaction factors performed in accordance with theoretical expectations (cf. Autin et al., 2019) . This is supported by the finding that the satisfaction of PWT needs was generally highest in the Highly-Decent Work profile and lowest in the Indecent-Precarious Work profile. A more nuanced look at these findings reveals that autonomy, while prominent in Highly-Decent Work, was also more pronounced in the Vulnerability-Dominant, reflecting some unique attributes of this profile. The prominent role of autonomy in the Vulnerability-Dominant profile suggests that individuals in this profile may include consultants, contractors, and other highly skilled workers who have some degree of J o u r n a l P r e -p r o o f Journal Pre-proof control in their work lives, despite precarious conditions. This finding is consistent with prior research as well as theoretical expectations about the relationship between autonomy and decent work outlined in PWT (Blustein & Duffy, in press ).

Moreover, the findings pertaining to the mean differences across the profiles regarding survival needs are consistent with theory and research, underscoring how indecent and precarious work challenges the capacity for work to sustain people. Interestingly, the Vulnerability-Dominant profile also was characterized by high levels of social contribution needs fulfillment. Given the prominent role that general decent work, access to health care, and value congruence play in the Vulnerability-Dominant profile, this finding may reflect workers whose precarity may allow them to select assignments that allow for social contribution. Lastly, the findings with life and job satisfaction were consistent with research and theory from PWT and other bodies of work in vocational psychology (Blustein, Kenny, Di Fabio et al., 2019; Swanson, 2012) . Individuals who had access to decent and stable work were more likely to report satisfaction with work and overall well-being, supporting the underlying theoretical premises of PWT.

The findings from this profile analysis affirmed many of the tenets of PWT. The positioning of decent work at the center of the PWT model is corroborated by the finding that these conditions have significant relationships with relevant predictors and outcomes. The results from the present study echo the recent profile analysis of decent work by Kim et al. (2020) , underscoring the observation that the conditions of work detailed in PWT are not simply additive elements. Beyond supporting prior research, the present study builds on the findings of Kim et al. by examining a precariousness-stability dimension, thus highlighting the importance of stability J o u r n a l P r e -p r o o f Journal Pre-proof and security in one's working life in addition to the central tenets of decent work. To fully represent the range of conditions perceived by modern American workers, our findings suggest that decent work and precarious work dimensions should be considered jointly. The profiles observed here provide evidence for theoretically cohesive clustering of individuals along the decent-indecent and precarious-stable continua. As the profiles indicate, it is entirely possible to perceive work as generally decent but to perceive various sources of vulnerability in one's work life, which may have unique implications for well-being outcomes, as is reflected in this study.

The results also point to some interesting trends that merit further investigation and theoretical development. The emergence of the Vulnerability-Dominant profile seems to suggest that a sub-group of individuals who are experiencing some indecent and precarious work conditions also have other notable attributes, including higher levels of education and autonomy as well as the capacity for social contribution. Greater levels of work volition may suggest that these individuals feel a greater sense of control over their work lives. Perhaps individuals in this profile, who had higher levels of life satisfaction than all other profiles except for the Highly-Decent Work profile, are finding ways to adapt to and resist harsh working conditions, which could be facilitated by sources of privilege (such as education).

These findings are also informative in relation to the recent application of PWT to practice using a theory of change paradigm (Blustein, Kenny, Autin, & Duffy, 2019) , which provides a clear contextual framework for counseling. The elaboration of the conditions of work detailed in this study underscores that clients in counseling and career development have their own unique experience of working (Blustein, 2006) , highlighting the importance of asking clients to describe their experiences in depth as opposed to relying on categorical inferences. For example, even if clients are earning adequate compensation, they may feel vulnerable if working J o u r n a l P r e -p r o o f Journal Pre-proof in a context that is highly unstable and precarious, an experience which may undermine their well-being.

The present results also underscore the importance of contextual factors in the career development process. Beyond individual-level change that career interventions can provide, the PWT theory of change highlights the need for systemic changes (Blustein, Kenny, Autin et al., 2019) . These findings have important implications for public policy that can guide systemic change, particularly in light of the massive rupture in work conditions during the COVID era.

The results provide a valuable glimpse of work life in the U.S. before the pandemic that highlights vulnerabilities and complexities that have been revealed in greater depth during this crisis (Blustein et al., 2020) . The identified profiles were associated with predictors and outcomes in ways that support the observation that work has a major impact on people's lives and well-being. When considered collectively, the profiles revealed a complex array of conditions that expose fault lines in the U.S. workplace. Prominent among these is the role of access to health care and other benefits, reflecting the system of healthcare insurance in the U.S. that is connected to employment benefits, which leaves many people uninsured. In addition, the notable role of vulnerability and obstacles to exercising rights and autonomy at work emerged in a number of the profiles. The findings here coupled with the extensive research on decent and precarious work inform many of the policy recommendations that have been advanced in recent years (Blustein, 2019; Hyman, 2018; Kalleberg, 2018) . Policies that will provide universal health care, ensure workers' rights, and enhance the overall decency and stability of work are viable directions for systemic reform efforts on work.

J o u r n a l P r e -p r o o f

This study is limited by its exploratory and cross-sectional nature. Although we used PWT to inform the selection of variables and to enrich the analysis of the results, caution is needed in deriving causal inferences. Furthermore, the use of self-report measures is a notable limitation. However, this is mitigated by the validity of the measures and the theoretical grounding of the constructs. The sample is limited given that the Mechanical Turk platform may not be a representative sample of all U.S. workers. Additionally, although we undertook several measures to strengthen the validity of the sample (e.g., by inserting validity checks), it is important to consider critiques of the usage of online data collection platforms such as that used in the present study. Thus, future research is needed to replicate the findings with other samples.

These limitations notwithstanding, this study provides an insightful view of the nature of diverse working conditions in the U.S. The diverse nature of the profiles that emerged in this study coupled with the meaningful findings about the predictors and outcomes of membership in these profiles underscores that the context matters in people's work lives, often in powerful and painful ways. J o u r n a l P r e -p r o o f J o u r n a l P r e -p r o o f J o u r n a l P r e -p r o o f 

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