key: cord-0834764-d2mpjkxh
authors: Kayama, Misa; Yamakawa, Naomi
title: Acculturation and a sense of belonging of children in U.S. schools and communities: The case of Japanese families
date: 2020-10-15
journal: Child Youth Serv Rev
DOI: 10.1016/j.childyouth.2020.105612
sha: bfddec04a23cd54675202eb8e998a250d2a2635e
doc_id: 834764
cord_uid: d2mpjkxh

The population of immigrants in the U.S. continues to grow, with more than one million immigrants arriving every year. This study examines the acculturation of new immigrant and temporary resident children and their parents from Japan, as they navigate two cultures and seek a sense of belonging. Acculturation to a new culture poses various psychosocial challenges, including a loss of a sense of belonging, which can result in social isolation and withdrawal. Examination of the experiences of families from Japan, where group belonging is highly valued, can illuminate the role of belonging to acculturation. We examined individual interviews with 14 Japanese parents in U.S. southern cities. During the interviews, they described the experiences of a total of 23 children from preschool to 9th grade. Parents indicated an absence of a place for children where they feel a sense of belonging (i.e., Ibasho) in their local schools, which resulted in social isolation, psychological exhaustion, and a reluctance to seek support. Children, however, found their Ibasho at a Japanese Supplementary School, where they attended weekly to receive academic instruction in Japanese, enjoyed playing with Japanese friends, and gained energy to navigate challenges at their local schools. The Supplementary School also served as parents’ Ibasho where they exchanged information to navigate cross-cultural experiences. This study has implications for how we can better support acculturation of new immigrant and temporary resident families including those from other cultural groups.

The U.S. is a country of immigrants, with more than one million immigrants entering the country each year (Pew Research Center, 2019) . Relocation to a new culture poses various psychosocial challenges to children and their families. New immigrants and temporary residents 1 often experience disruption in their sense of belonging as they acculturate to their host cultures. Acculturation is a process in which individuals participate in, and adjust to, another culture while maintaining their culture of origin (e.g., Berry, 2001 Berry, , 2003 . Differences in cultural practices, values, and behavior patterns, however, can cause psychological distress (i.e., acculturative stress; e.g., Berry, 2003) , which may lead to a loss of a sense of belonging (Kwon, 2018) and social withdrawal (e.g., Seto & Woodford, 2007) . How individuals experience acculturation and navigate two cultures likely varies across immigrant groups reflecting their cultural beliefs and practices of origin (Tian et al., 2019) , and social attitudes toward them in their host culture, such as discrimination (e.g., Kiang et al., 2016; Kanno, 2000) . The outbreak of COVID-19, for instance, has exacerbated discrimination against Asian people, which can disrupt their adjustment to the U.S. Children, who have not fully developed their cultural identity, are particularly vulnerable and may experience a sense of not belonging to any culture (e.g., Fry, 2007) . Yet relatively little research on the cultural and developmental shaping of acculturation has focused on children's sense of belonging, and how parents support their children in finding a place where they belong.

This qualitative study examines Japanese parents' narratives on their, and their children's sense of belonging as they acculturate to the U.S. The experiences of families from Japan, where individuals' sense of belonging is understood as enhancing their psychological well-being (see Bamba & Haight, 2011) , can illuminate how children's and parents' sense of belonging affects their acculturation to the U.S., and how parents support their children. Their narratives provide insights into how we can better support new immigrant and temporary resident families, including those from other cultural groups.

Cultural identity refers to individuals' understandings of self that allow them to gain social acceptance and a sense of belonging to a particular culture (Schwartz, Montgomery, & Briones, 2006) .

identities, such as a feeling of being unwelcome and a lack of belonging. Confusion in cultural identity in childhood and adolescence may lead to psychological distress such as depressive symptoms (Schwartz et al., 2006; Wei et al., 2010) and engagement in substance use (Grigsby et al., 2018) . In contrast, possessing a stable cultural identity is associated with high self-esteem and life satisfaction (Usborne & Taylor, 2010) . Thus, examining the experiences of children can broaden our understanding of the developmental and cultural shaping of acculturation, especially with respect to belonging and cultural identity. Children acquire shared understandings of self that are necessary to develop cultural identity and function appropriately within a particular cultural group, that is, a cultural self (see Author 1 et al., 2020; Shweder et al., 2006) , through their everyday social interactions with others, including adults' socialization practices at home and school, and in the community (e.g., Azuma, 1994; Clark, 2019) .

Acculturation, which requires a balanced engagement with both the host and home cultures (Berry, 2001 (Berry, , 2003 , fundamentally changes the way children are socialized. As a result, they may face challenges in navigating two cultural selves. Children, for instance, may develop a new cultural-self through their interaction with peers, educators, and other adults in the host culture (Akiyama, 2016; Berry et al., 2006; Choi et al., 2016; Rhee et al., 2003) . A newly acquired cultural self in the host culture helps children navigate and adjust to the new culture, and gain acceptance within their local communities and schools. Yet the new cultural self poses challenges in adjusting back to their culture of origin, especially for children from temporary resident families, or "third culture" children (Fry, 2007) , who are expected to return to their home countries. Many children, indeed, experience a feeling of being "lost" and perceive that they do not belong to any culture after they return to their home countries (e.g., Fry, 2007 , Kanno, 2000 Kwon, 2018) . Thus, maintenance of a cultural-self of origin is important for temporary resident children.

Children's school adjustment in their host cultures is also influenced by their association with the culture of origin, as well as their sense of belonging to local schools (e.g., Choi et al., 2016; Endo, 2013; Paik et al., 2017; Shwartz et al., 2015; Zhang et al., 2018) , including friendships with children from the same culture (e.g., Kanno, 2000) . A strong orientation to their culture of origin, for instance, can help them handle stigmatization and social exclusion at local schools (e.g., Dimitrova et al, 2015) , reduce psychological distress (Akiyama, 2016; Rogers-Sirin & Gupta, 2012; Schwartz et al., 2006) , and motivate them to adjust to their new culture, including acquisition of language. For example, the involvement of some Asian youth in their cultural community of origin is associated with higher English proficiency (Zhang et al., 2018) .

Thus, the existing literature suggests that balanced cultural identities, or a sense of belonging to both cultures, promote healthy integration of immigrant and temporary resident children into their new culture (e.g., Burgos et al., 2017; Koga, 2009; Schwartz et al., 2015) . In other words, both acquisition of skills necessary for participation in activities in the host culture, such as language competency, and adherence to practices of their culture of origin can enhance children's psychological and social adjustment in local peer groups (Berry et al., 2006; Koga, 2009) . In contrast, a failure to develop integrated cultural identities can lead to low self-esteem and withdrawal from social interactions (Schwartz et al., 2015) .

Japanese immigrant and temporary resident families are important cases to examine the cultural shaping of acculturation. The number of immigrants and temporary residents from Asian countries, including Japan, has increased substantially in the U.S. (Pew Research Center, 2015; U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 2018) . Currently, the Asian population is the second largest immigrant group (6 % of the U.S. population), and expected to become the largest group by 2065 (Pew Research Center, 2015) . Further, as of 2016, 61% of temporary residents and their families who have entered the U.S., for instance, for work and study, were from Asian countries (U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 2018). Likewise, the number of Japanese immigrants and temporary residents in the U.S. has increased about 1.5 times over the past two decades (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2019). The Japanese population, including immigrants, comprises 7.5% of the Asian population in the U.S. (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012) . Japanese people also comprise 6.4% of the Asian temporary residents in 2016.

Among them, 64% were temporary workers and their families (U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 2018). Thus, supporting the acculturation of Asian immigrants and temporary residents, particularly school-aged children, is essential, as they grow to become contributing members of the increasingly globalized society.

Acculturation of new Japanese immigrants and temporary residents has received increasing attention as an exemplary case, although current studies of East Asian immigrants in the U.S. primarily focus on those from China and South Korea (see Endo, 2016) . The available empirical literature, which also includes a number of dissertation studies that are not peer-reviewed, suggests that cultural support networks for new Japanese immigrant and temporary resident families are critical to their adjustment to local schools and communities (e.g., Akiyama, 2016; Harkins, 2001; Kanno, 2000; Nozaki, 2000; Sakamoto, 2006; Seto & Woodford, 2007; Toyokawa, 2006; Yeh et al., 2003) . Yet the Japanese population in the U.S. may face greater challenges in locating and accessing cultural support relative to other East Asian immigrants due, in part, to its smaller size and dispersion (see Akiyama, 2016; Endo, 2013; Paik et al., 2017) . The Japanese population, including Japanese Americans and immigrants, is spread across the U.S., mostly in major cities in California, Hawaii, and metropolitan areas such as Seattle, New York, Washington DC, and Chicago (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2019). This dispersion limits new immigrants' and temporary residents' access to Japanese communities and resources, especially those living in small cities (e.g., Akiyama, 2016) . For example, many Japanese temporary workers and their families are sent from Japanese companies to work in their U.S. branches (Shima, 2011; Takimoto, 2001) , many of which are located in midwestern and some southern states that do not have welldeveloped Japanese communities (see Akiyama, 2016) . Children and spouses of temporary residents who do not have adequate English proficiency are particularly vulnerable (Akiyama, 2016; Izumi & Gullón-Rivera, 2018; Takimoto, 2001) . The limited access to cultural resources by Japanese families makes them an exemplary case to examine their sense of belonging and acculturation.

The Japanese case is particularly important to understanding how a sense of belonging and the access to cultural resources affect the acculturation of new immigrants and temporary residents, because Japanese culture generally places a high value on group belonging (Markus & Kitayama, 1991) .

Disconnection from Japanese cultural groups, as well as challenges in adjustment to the new culture, can make Japanese immigrant and temporary resident families vulnerable to acculturative stress (e.g., Akiyama, 2016; Kanno, 2000; Seto & Woodford, 2007) . In order to interpret Japanese people's sense of belonging and its impact on acculturation, some understandings of Japanese concepts, such as Ibasho and self, are necessary.

Ibasho [I(ru): be present; basho: place)] is a physical and psychological "place" where individuals feel acceptance, belonging, comfort, security, and freedom (Bamba & Haight, 2011 , see also Author et al., 2014 , 2020 . According to Japanese folk psychology, Ibasho can enhance individuals' psychological well-being (see Bamba & Haight, 2011) , and provide relief and aid in recovery from stress (Author et al., 2014) . Ibasho also provides protection from anticipated challenges, and serves as a source of motivation to overcome them (Author et al., 2014; Bamba & Haight, 2011) . In contrast, an absence of Ibasho negatively affects individuals' functioning. People may feel emotionally stressed, engage in problematic social interactions (Bamba & Haight, 2011) , and isolate themselves from others (Author et al., 2014) .

Thus, we expect that the presence or absence of Ibasho may also affect Japanese immigrants' and temporary residents' experiences of acculturation (see Akiyama, 2016; Authors, 2020) .

Further, some understandings of a Japanese cultural self allow us to understand children's psychosocial functioning within and outside of their Ibasho. Japan can be characterized, broadly, as a group-oriented society (Markus & Kitayama, 1991) . Thus, a Japanese cultural self, in general, emphasizes the self as a social agent that is interdependent and flexibly responsive to the social context, that is, social experience of self, jibun [one's share of something beyond oneself] (Lebra, 1976) .

Beginning in early childhood, learning beliefs and behaviors that support the maintenance of social relationships is considered as a primary socialization goal at home and school (Azuma, 1994 ). Yet Japanese people also retain a strong sense of "self", that is, the individual experience of self, kokoro [heart and mind] (Lebra, 1976) . Kokoro reflects the inner world, such as desires, interests, and feelings (Okamoto, 2006) . Within their Ibasho, individuals may express their kokoro freely, for instance, toward those with whom they have mutually accepting relationships, such as family members and friends (Bamba & Haight, 2011) . Japanese children are socialized to balance these two selves, the kokoro and jibun (e.g., Hosaka, 2005; Lebra, 1976) . Challenges arise when the individual (kokoro), and social (jibun) experiences of the self are in conflict (Shimizu, 2001) . For example, explicitly disclosing their kokoro outside of their Ibasho can disrupt individuals' relationships with others (jibun). Yet, a total involvement in groups can result in a loss of the individual experience of self (kokoro; Doi, 1971 Doi, /2001 Lebra, 1976) . To balance these two selves, Japanese people prefer to express their thoughts and desires implicitly, including through facial expression and tone of voice. They, in turn, are required to be sensitive to, and understand, others' indirect expressions, and accommodate them without disrupting their relationships (Azuma, 1994; Lebra, 1976) .

In contrast, a mainstream U.S. cultural self generally emphasizes the self as an individual with stable traits (Rogoff, 2003; Shweder et al., 2006) . In U.S. socialization practices at home and school, for instance, individual children's strengths, rights, and independence generally are emphasized relatively more than in Japan, including through adults' encouragement to express their thoughts and feelings explicitly (e.g., Shweder et al., 2006) . In such a context, children and their families from Japan, who are not accustomed to explicit self-expression outside of their Ibasho, and who are sensitive to others' responses to their struggles, may become reluctant to express their needs of support and isolate themselves to protect their "self." These cultural differences can delay their acculturation (Seto & Woodford, 2007; Harkins, 2001 ).

Although few empirical studies examine a sense of belonging with respect to acculturation (but see Kwon, 2018) , the literature on cultural identity of immigrants, including those from Asian countries, provides some insights into Japanese immigrants' and temporary residents' sense of belonging (e.g., Akiyama, 2016; Fry, 2007; Koga, 2009; Takimoto, 2001 ).

How exposure to a new culture and separation from individuals' culture of origin affect immigrants' and temporary residents' perceived sense of belonging and acculturation may vary depending on whether or not their relocation is voluntary (e.g., García Coll & Marks, 2009; Schwartz et al., 2010) , the extent to which they maintain social relationships in their country of origin, and the availability of, and access to cultural resources and communities within their host culture (García Coll & Marks, 2009 ). For recent Japanese immigrants and temporary residents, who typically maintain relationships with relatives and friends in Japan, physical distance and a lack of Japanese cultural resources can exacerbate psychosocial distress, and delay their acculturation to the host culture (Seto & Woodford, 2007 ; see also Schwartz et al., 2006 Schwartz et al., , 2010 .

Children's perceived feeling of belonging also affects their acculturation to local schools, motivation to engage with school activities, and their relationships with peers and educators (Ham et al., 2017) . School-aged immigrant children from various cultural groups reported lower levels of acceptance at school than the general population, in part, because of school policies and environments that are not inclusive of students from other countries (Ham et al., 2017) . Immigrant and temporary resident children, including those from Japan, also reported discrimination and social isolation (Akiyama, 2016; Kanno, 2000; Kiang et al., 2016 ; see also Tobin et al., 2013) , and language barriers (Nozaki, 2000; Seto & Woodford, 2007; Yashima & Tanaka; Yeh et al., 2003) . Some Japanese children's sense of not belonging also led to social isolation and withdrawal (Seto & Woodford, 2007 ; see also Ham et al., 2017) .

For children from Japan, particularly, relationships with teachers and classmates at local schools affect their school functioning (Miyamoto & Kuhlman, 2001) . As children gain language competency, acquire interpersonal skills expected in the host culture, develop friendships with local children, and adjust to their local schools (Akiyama, 2016; Takimoto, 2001) , they report reduced levels of psychological distress (Rogers-Sirin & Gupta, 2012).

Differences in cultural values and practices between individuals' home and host cultures, in general, are considered barriers to acculturation (e.g., Schwartz et al., 2010; Tian et al., 2019) .

Consistent with Confucianism and Buddhist beliefs, Asian people, generally, are sensitive to others' responses to their actions, including any individual differences (e.g., Author 1 et al., 2020) . They may become reluctant to seek formal support that could ease acculturative stress, which increases their vulnerability to acculturation (Harkins, 2001; Yen et al, 2003) . Further, in Asian cultures, children's selfexpression of their feelings and preferences, especially towards adults, is considered disrespectful (Arora & Algios, 2019; Rhee et al., 2003) . Asian, including Japanese, immigrant and temporary resident youth, for instance, expressed difficulties in disclosing their school struggles to their parents and educators (Harkins, 2001; Rhee et al., 2003; Yen et al, 2003) , and isolated themselves from peers in times of stress (e.g., Seto & Woodford, 2007) . Asian children who have family support, in contrast, tend to function better at their local schools in the U.S. (Rhee et al., 2003; Zhang et al., 2018) .

Parents' adjustment to a new culture also affects children's acculturation. Japanese temporary resident parents, for example, reported that stress they have experienced due to relocation to the U.S. has led to their children's increased behavior problems and adjustment challenges in the U.S. (Izumi & Gullón-Rivera, 2018) . Japanese parents also reported a perceived feeling of social isolation, which left their children struggling alone at their local schools (Seto & Woodford, 2007) . They, however, discussed that their engagement with a group of Japanese parents within their local communities provided mutual social and emotional support, necessary for their adjustment to the U.S. (e.g., Sakamoto, 2006; Toyokawa, 2006) .

Further, stereotypical labels of the Asian population as a "model minority" (e.g., high achievers, studious, respectful, quiet, etc.; Kiang et al., 2016; Nozaki, 2000) also interfere with children's acculturation. Such labels may motivate children to conceal their struggles to fulfill expectations of the host culture, and prevent them from receiving necessary support (Kiang et al., 2016) . Educators also may misunderstand their school struggles. Some elementary school teachers, for instance, considered Japanese temporary resident children's behaviors that did not fit the stereotype of model minority, such as inattention, as problematic and referred them to specialized services. Children, however, reported that their challenges were due to language barriers (Nozaki, 2000) . School-aged Japanese, and other Asian, children also reported racial discrimination, including unfair treatment and social exclusion at school (Kanno, 2000; Kiang et al., 2016) , which can lead to low self-esteem and depressive symptoms (Kiang et al., 2016 ).

Japanese Supplementary Schools provide an important context to examine children's and their parents' sense of belonging within the U.S. Similar to many language and cultural heritage schools across the U.S., including for children from Asian (e.g., China, Taiwan, and South Korea), and Western (e.g., France, and Germany) countries (e.g., Lee & Shin, 2008; Liao, 2017 Technology, 2015) . The day at school is structured, as much as possible, in accordance with a typical school day in Japan, such as academic instruction, lunchtime, and cleaning their classrooms 3 . Children are also exposed to Japanese culture through their participation in seasonal events typically implemented in Japanese public schools, such as a sports festival. Through participation in these academic and non-academic activities, children are socialized to learn Japanese culture (e.g., Endo, 2013) , including a value of group belonging.

Overall, the empirical literature on Japanese immigrant and temporary resident families suggests that Japanese communities serve as important resources that help them overcome acculturation challenges, but with relatively less attention to how their sense of belonging to Japanese communities helps them navitage two cultures. This study, thus, aims at examining Japanese families' experiences of acculturation, and how their Ibasho, where they feel a sense of belonging, in local and Japanese communities, including Japanese Supplementary Schools, supports their acculturation. Their narratives can provide insights into our understanding of the roles of cultural resources and belonging in supporting acculturation of children and their families.

This study is part of a larger study examining acculturation of Japanese immigrant and temporary resident families in the U.S., particularly on their cultural identity and self (Authors, 2020), and how parents support children at home. This report focuses on parents' narratives on their, and their children's sense of belonging, or Ibasho, in Japanese and local communities. Through qualitative approaches, we consider: 1) What are Japanese parents' observations of their children's acculturation to local schools and their sense of belonging? 2) How do parents understand their children's Ibasho in their local schools and Japanese Supplementary School as they acculturate to the U.S.? 3) What are Japanese parents' perceptions of their own Ibasho?

As detailed in (Authors, 2020), our research site is a relatively small-sized Japanese Supplementary School in a southern city, serving children from 1 st through 9 th grades. These children attend local schools and receive instruction in English during the weekdays. The state in which our research site is located is among those that have the lowest percentage of foreign-born population (U.S. Census , and English language learners in public schools (Pew Research Center, 2018) . We expect that the relative lack of Japanese cultural resources allows parents to elaborate challenges they and their children have experienced in local schools and communities, and their experiences at the Supplementary School as their Ibasho.

Most of the families commute to the Supplementary School from cities approximately 1-2 hour's drive away on Saturdays. Despite the long distance, this Supplementary School serves as one of a few community resources that allow children and their parents to access Japanese language and culture.

Typically, parents take their children to the Supplementary School by 9am in the morning, and spend a day, until 3pm, at the school or in the community while their children receive instruction. Every week, about 10 parents and their younger children stay in a waiting room in the school. The waiting room serves as a place for parents to exchange information with other parents and share their experiences, and for younger children to learn Japanese with other children and adults outside of their families. Table 1 ). Nine families moved to the U.S. one to three and half years prior to the interview due to the fathers' work obligations. They were sent from Japanese companies to work in their U.S. branches, and expected to return to Japan in a few years. Parents from two other families have been in the U.S. for more than 10 years, and do not have a plan to return to Japan. They came to the U.S. as students, and obtained permanent resident status after their graduation. Their children were born and raised in the U.S. Parents described the experiences of a total of 23 children from preschool to 9 th grade.

Parents participated in semi-structured, audio-recorded individual interviews, which lasted approximately 40-60 minutes. All interviews were conducted in Japanese by [Author 1] in a private, empty classroom. In two families, both parents participated in interviews together. Two other parents from the same family participated in the interviews individually. During the interveiws, parents were prompted to discuss their, and their children's experiences at local schools, communities, and the Japanese Supplementary School; and their sense of belonging, including where they and their children found their Ibasho in the U.S.

All interviews were transcribed verbatim, and analyzed in Japanese by the authors whose native language is Japanese. Through repeated readings of transcribed interviews, [Author 1] induced emic codes capturing participants' experiences, particularly of Ibasho, using analytic induction techniques (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Schwandt, 2007) . The initial codes were critiqued by [Author 2], and the coding system was revised. We, then, independently coded all interviews. Any disagreements between coders were resolved through discussion. We continued to revise our coding system so that our definition of each code was consistent with participants' descriptions, including through negative case analysis (Lincoln & Guba, 1985) . Perceptions of [Author 2] were used to reflect on her day-to-day experiences with participant parents and their children for the purpose of triangulation.

Both Her insider perspectives enhanced the credibility of our analyses. Yet her administrative role at our research site may affect parents' voluntary participation and narratives. Her primary roles, thus, focused on analyzing data and writing.

Parents described the absence and presence of Ibasho, where they and their children felt a sense of belonging, and how their Ibasho affected their experience of acculturation. Parents, generally, described the absence of Ibasho for their children at school, in both the U.S. and Japan, where they were treated as "visitors". Most children considered the Japanese Supplementary School as Ibasho. Yet some children who had local friends also considered their local schools as Ibasho. Parents described their Ibasho primarily at the Supplementary School.

The majority of parents from temporary resident families described the absence of Ibasho in local communities, and noted that their children were not fully involved in activities at local schools.

Parents discussed that how others treat their children at local schools, as well as their limited English proficiency 7 , have affected their children's Ibasho and acculturation to their local schools. Some parents, for instance, perceived that their children were treated as visitors, and that educators had lower expectations for their children because of their status as "foreigners". Emi's (2 nd grade) mother, living in the U.S. for two and half years, described:

My child is talkative at home, but she doesn't talk to others outside much. [Her teacher] says, "She is always smiling. She is doing fine, although she doesn't speak much." I thought teachers didn't take [my child's challenges in communicating in English seriously]. How they treat her looks to me like, "She has done good enough as a foreigner, but not [as good as other children]."

The teacher's comment on Emi's school functioning may reflect a common practice in the U.S., at home and school that focuses on children's strengths (Miller & Cho, 2018; Shweder et al., 2006) , which the majority of participant parents report is not typical in Japan. Emi's mother, rather, interpreted the teacher's comment as reflecting her lower expectation for Emi. Several other parents also expressed anxiety regarding their children's school functioning in response to their teachers' positive comments.

7 All parents, regardless of their plans to return, or not to return to Japan prioritize their children's English proficiency. English proficiency gained in the U.S. can become their children's strength after they return to Japan.

Nozomi's (7 th grade) and Yuuki's (3 rd grade) mother elaborated her anxiety: Parents' anxiety also may reflect Japanese socialization practices at home and school that consider challenges children face as opportunities for them to learn from solving problems (Author et al., 2014; Lewis, 1995) . From the Japanese perspective, U.S. educators' responses may be interpreted as a sign of lost educational opportunities for their children.

Nozomi's and Yuuki's mother also described her children's strategies to "fit" in the classroom by remaining quiet, even if they do not understand:

[Many Japanese] children can't say easily to teachers that they don't understand, unless teachers ask them, "Do you understand this? Did you get it?" They may just let it go. My children can't speak to [teachers] in English well. Thus, they try to be quiet, so they don't have to [bother their teachers]. I tell them "Ask your teachers," but they say, "I'm good."

This strategy, however, may lead to educators' confusion, over whether their reluctance is due to language barriers or a lack of understanding. Their hesitation to speak up can also be interpreted through the lens of stereotypical labels of Asians as a model minority, such as smart, quiet, and studious (Kiang et al., 2016; Nozaki, 2000) . Educators' confusion and misunderstandings can delay the identification of children's struggles and further isolate the children at school.

Parents expressed concern that their children would also be treated as "outsiders" in Japan, and lose their Ibasho. After their relocation to the U.S., for instance, their children have already learned some behavioral patterns expected in the U.S., even if they may still struggle at their local schools. Their children's behaviors, thus, may be considered "different" in Japan. One father, for instance, described his third grade son, Ryota, after 3 years in the U.S.:

He's never been to schools in Japan, and started building personal relationships with others in the U.S., at school. So, how he expresses himself is almost like American. His self-expression has become very strong. Other parents also described their children as losing Japanese communication and interpersonal skills, such as sensitivity and thoughtfulness, that are important to maintain a Japanese cultural self. As Ryota's father described, ironically, skills children have acquired to fit in at U.S. local schools can stand out in Japan. Japan is a relatively homogenous country, and the concept of diversity is still new. Any differences from others can lead to teasing, bullying, and social exclusion (Sueda & Wiseman, 1991; see also Fry, 2007) .

In order for their children to maintain Japanese language and interpersonal skills, some parents sent them to schools in Japan during the summer 8 . The experiences at Japanese schools, however, reinforced their "visitor" status. Hiroto's (4 th grade) and Kenji's (2 nd grade) parents, who planned to permanently return to Japan in a year, temporarily sent them to the school Hiroto attended as a 1 st grader. Their mother expressed concern about Hiroto's Parents reported that educators in Japan also treated their children as visitors, knowing that they would leave in a few weeks. Taichi's (3 rd grade) and Emi's (2 nd grade) mother described their experiences at a 

While children's perception of being treated as visitors may limit their full participation at school, parents discussed that their visitor status, in both the U.S. and Japan, can lessen the pressure on children. Some parents even made use of this status to support their children. Rina's (4 th grade) and Runa's (2 nd grade) mother, after living in the U.S. for 3 years, described:

In the U.S., we feel "easy", at times, because we can be "foreigners. Hazuki's (9 th grade) and Aki's (7 th grade) mother, after 1 year in the U.S., described:

My younger child still is in middle school. Similarly, some parents reported that their children enjoyed their visitor status in Japan. According to parents, Michi (2 nd grade) and Sachi (Kindergarten), who were born in the U.S., enjoyed visiting Japan because they were treated as visitors. Although this family does not plan to move back to Japan, they consider that maintaining their relationships with relatives in Japan is important, and occasionally visit them. Parents from temporary resident families also described similar challenges. Takahiro's father observed his son at a Japanese elementary school, "Going to school and having to finish homework everyday, he seemed to find that it was hard, [not just fun]."

The majority of parents from temporary resident families reported the Japanese Supplementary

School as their children's Ibasho, a place where they feel comfortable, safe, and accepted. Until children acquire English fluency and begin to actively participate in activities at local schools, the Supplementary School is the only place, outside of their homes, they can freely express their thoughts and feelings.

Parents discussed that talking and playing with other Japanese children who share similar experiences help them recover from psychological exhaustion and relieve stress they have accumulated in their local schools. Nozomi's and Yuuki's mother described: The presence of, and their time in Ibasho appear to encourage, and motivate children to exert efforts in navigating challenges (see Author et al., 2014) , including at their local schools where they do not consider themselves as full members (see also Authors, 2020).

Even after their children have become fluent in English and adjusted to their local schools, typically in several years, most of the parents observed that the Supplementary School remains as their children's Ibasho. They feel comfortable and accepted when they are with Japanese, rather than local, children due, in part, to cultural differences in what children enjoy talking about, and playing, with their peers. Hiroto's (4 th grade) mother described his failure to understand jokes at his local school, which made him feel that he was an outsider:

For him, having Japanese friends means a lot. In contrast, at the Japanese Supplementary School, parents observed that their children enjoy talking about Japanese cartoons and TV characters familiar to Japanese children.

Parents also discussed that Ibasho at the Japanese Supplementary School provides a safe place where children do not have to be conscious about adjusting to U.S. expectations. Children, especially those who were upper elementary school-age or older when they came to the U.S., have already acquired a Japanese cultural-self, such as being attentive to what other people may say (jibun) and

carefully expressing their thoughts (kokoro; see Lebra, 1976) . These children appear to be pressured in U.S. local schools, where explicit self-expression is expected (see Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Shweder et al., 2006) . Haruka's (6 th grade) father, for example, described, "If they communicate like when they were In short, children's shared interests in play and communication styles, including jokes, made them feel comfortable (see Kwon, 2018) , and helped them find their Ibasho at the Japanese Supplementary School. Haruka's (6 th grade) and Takahiro's (3 rd grade) mother noted, "The same value they are sharing is making it easier to understand each other." Despite Japanese people's preference of implicit expression of self (e.g., Lebra, 1976) , parents' narratives illuminate that similar to children in Yet parents discussed that some children, especially those who came to the U.S. before the school age may find their Ibasho at their local schools, as well as at the Supplementary School. These children are not exposed to Japanese culture, including toys and TV characters as much as older children. Younger children also have relatively more common experiences with their local classmates than older children, and tend to have friends at both their local schools and the Supplementary School.

A mother described her son, Takahiro, who came to the U.S. when he was in Kindergarten, "He's completely [adjusted to] his local school. It doesn't matter for him if he plays with his local or Japanese friends. He's enjoying playing with any friends." These parents' narratives suggest that the presence of friends with whom they can play and enjoy together regardless of their languages is also important for their Ibasho in local communities and schools. As Akiyama (2016) described, friendship, particularly, with local children can facilitate their acculturation to U.S. local schools.

Likewise, parents reported that children who were born in the U.S., relative to those from Japan, recognized their local schools as their Ibasho. They were exposed to the English environment and U.S. culture earlier than children from temporary resident families. Although their parents spoke to them in Japanese at home, once they started preschool, children quickly learned English, and adjusted to U.S.

culture through their interactions with preschool teachers and peers. Parents of these children reported that local schools are where their children fully enjoy playing with other children and freely express their thoughts. For them, studying in Japanese at the Supplementary School has become a burden. Sara's (1 st grade) mother described:

When I asked her which school she likes, she says, her local school. At the Supplementary School, she has friends, but for her, it's more like a place to study, which has become stressful for her… She speaks English [better than Japanese].

Yet Sachi's and Michi's parents noted that the presence of Japanese friends motivated their children who were born in the U.S. to go to, and find their Ibasho at the Supplementary School.

Similar to children, many parents perceived themselves as "visitors" in both the U.S. and Japan, and described the absence of Ibasho. In the U.S., primarily because of the language barriers, they are reluctant to participate in community activities. Further, a few parents considered social isolation in their local communities as an opportunity to excuse themselves from responsibilities and obligations within the communities. One mother described:

In the U.S., we are foreigners and not involved in any local communities. I feel free. In the absence of Ibasho (see Bamba & Haight, 2011) , parents, as well as children, may become less motivated to fulfill their social responsibilities and participate in activities as full members. The use of their visitor, or "nonmember", status as an excuse, however, further excludes them from local communities and schools, particularly, in the U.S. where they are expected to express their interests and needs more explicitly (see Shweder et al., 2006) than in Japan.

Many parents also described an absence of Ibasho in Japan. Some parents noted that they were no longer full members of the community to which they belonged in Japan. They are reluctant to share their experiences in the U.S. with their friends in Japan, who may not fully understand them. Some parents also were concerned that telling them about the U.S., even challenges, may be considered "showing off." In Japan, relocation to Western countries is considered a privilege (see Fry, 2007; Koga, 2009 ). Any sign of differences, such as their children's Westernized attitudes and English fluency, may cause others' rejection and envious attitudes toward them (Fry, 2007; Kanno, 2003; Sueda & Wiseman, 1991) .

Rather, participant parents feel closer to parents they see at the Japanese Supplementary

School who have similar experiences and can understand each other. Parents described that weekly meetings with other Japanese parents not only allow them to relieve stress and enjoy talking freely in Japanese, but also help them adjust to U.S. systems and culture. They exchanged information about their children's local schools; and provided, and asked for, suggestions to solve any problems. Just like children, parents have to manage challenges in adjusting to the U.S. (Izumi & Gullón-Rivera, 2018; Seto & Woodford, 2007) . Participant parents observed that their common experiences of navigating challenges in the U.S. have strengthened their relationships (see Sakamoto, 2006; Toyokawa, 2006) , and created Ibasho for them. One mother, for instance, described, "Every week, as soon as we get to the Thus, the Supplementary School is an important place, their Ibasho, where they feel comfort and acceptance, free from critique regarding their differences in the local communities.

This report is one of the first empirical studies examining a sense of belonging among Japanese immigrant and temporary resident families (but see Akiyama, 2016; Koga, 2009; Takimoto, 2001) , in particular, their Ibasho (see Authors, 2020). Japanese parents, who value group belonging, articulated how their children's Japanese Supplementary School has become their, and their children's Ibasho, a place that provides them with a sense of belonging and eases acculturative stress. Parents, however, indicated an absence of Ibasho at local schools and communities, in both the U.S. and Japan, where they perceive that they are treated as "visitors", which is devastating to their psychosocial well-being. In the absence of Ibasho, Japanese families not only continue to struggle, but also may withdraw from fulfilling responsibility as "full members", which also is a loss of opportunity for local schools and communities to benefit from their participation. Japanese parents' narratives draw our attention to belonging and

Ibasho as a source of support for acculturation of new immigrant and temporary resident families, possible relevance to those from other cultural groups.

Although there is no English term that refers to Ibasho, Japanese parents' narratives on Ibasho and belonging have some theory, policy, and practice implications. The existing literature on immigrant and temporary resident families from various cultural groups suggests the importance of access to cultural resources of origin in their adjustment to the host culture (e.g., Dimitrova et al., 2015; Kanno, 2000; Koga, 2009; Zhang et al., 2018) , including at Supplementary Schools (see Endo, 2013 ), but has disregarded how a sense of belonging affects their social and psychological functioning, and cultural adjustment. The absence of Ibasho at local schools increases vulnerability of children, particularly those from temporary resident families. The presence of Ibasho at the Supplementary School, in contrast, can strengthen children's sense of belonging, and help them gain energy to overcome challenges.

According to Japanese folk theories, Ibasho cannot be created by others (Bamba & Haight, 2011 What is missing in Japanese parents' narratives is collaboration between cultural resources, including the Supplementary School, and local schools that also may become Ibasho for their children.

Indeed, the literature on Korean Culture Schools indicates a lack of collaboration with local public schools (Lee & Shin, 2008 Ultimately, the presence of Ibasho, either within cultural or local communities, supports children's acculturation, and facilitates their development into adults who can contribute to the increasingly diverse society. Existing research on children from various cultures suggests that the experiences of overcoming challenges arising from cross-cultural adjustment have some positive impacts on children's development (Haneda & Monobe, 2009; Kwon, 2018 ; see also Fry, 2007) , such as, acquisition of global perspectives, including languages, cultural knowledge, and skills to adjust to new cultures. These perspectives and skills have become even more important in this rapidly globalized society, and can expand children's future career path (Kwon, 2018) .

Limitations of this study include our focus on parents' perceptions to examine their children's experiences. In order to further discuss children's sense of belonging and Ibasho, it is necessary to examine children's voices. Further, we relied on parents' narratives to understand their children's experiences at their local schools and the Supplementary School. Observations at school, and perceptions of educators can deepen our understanding of children's sense of belonging at school. The second limitation arose from the relatively small size of the Japanese population, particularly immigrant families, in our research site. Due to the small size, immigrant parents' perceptions do not represent Japanese immigrant families in general. Rather, we used their perceptions to illustrate the continuum of experiences, from families who recently relocated to the U.S. to those who have already acculturated.

Finally, we purposively selected this Supplementary School located in a community that has limited cultural resources for Japanese families. The experiences of families who participated in this study may be considerably different from those living in metropolitan cities that have a larger Japanese population.

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Acculturation poses various psychosocial challenges to children and their parents. 2. The presence of Ibasho supports acculturation of Japanese children and parents

Japanese children found Ibasho in their relationships with friends from Japan. 5. The absence of Ibasho increases vulnerability of immigrant children

Author Statement Misa Kayama: Conceptualization, Methodology, Validation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Writing -Original draft preparation, Writing -Reviewing and Editing

Naomi Yamakawa: Validation, Formal analysis: Writing -Reviewing and Editing

Title of the manuscript: Acculturation and a sense of belonging of children in U.S. schools and communities: The Japanese case Conflicts of interest: none