key: cord-0058333-yvxw332x authors: Kury, Helmut; Redo, Sławomir title: Prologue date: 2021-01-30 journal: Crime Prevention and Justice in 2030 DOI: 10.1007/978-3-030-56227-4_1 sha: 80604da7a7247e177f97e0653a03f44cfadee7d3 doc_id: 58333 cord_uid: yvxw332x This introductory part of the book addresses the post-Second World War developments in democracy whose instrumental background emerged in 1945 with the United Nations Charter in 2020—the year of the 75th anniversary of the establishment of the United Nations—two United Nations declarations are particularly symbolic: the 1948 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the 2030 United Nations Sustainable Development Agenda. Within this frame, in the Prologue we first look into dynamics of democratic developments across the world and find that available data and the accounts of these developments are at best mixed, if not ambiguous or disconcerting. Against this background, we then introduce the contributions to this book. Its essence may rectify the ambiguities and help to chart the way to make in the United Nations academic terms the human rights, crime prevention and criminal justice a springboard for meeting the challenges prompted by a powerful populistic counter-democratic trend. However strong it may be, of universal significance is not it, but the global aging of humankind, climate change, environmental degradation and migration. It is this broader framework, confounded by the coronavirus pandemic, in which the texts in this book should be read, contemplated and inspire the readership for joint action to attain the goals of the 2030 Agenda. In 2020-the year of the 75th anniversary of the establishment of the United Nations-two United Nations declarations are particularly symbolic: the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR)-of which the travaux préparatoires (Schabas 2013) and academic accounts of the legislative background (Morsink 1999 (Morsink , 2009 (Morsink , 2017 offer an incisive and painstaking effort of its drafters to overcome essential hurdles in crafting and adopting it-and the 2030 United Nations Sustainable Development Agenda (A/RES/70/1). Within this frame, the book conspicuously follows Sir Winston Churchill's (1874 Churchill's ( -1965 maxim: "The farther backward you can look, the farther in the future you are likely to see." He also should be credited for the following statement: "Contemplate that if Hitler falls into our hands we shall certainly put him to death. . . This man is the mainspring of evil. Instrumentelectric chair, for gangsters" (CAB 1951) . In the above context, this book presents secular and non-secular aspects of crime prevention and justice until 2030 and beyond. This book was developed in full awareness of dramatic population shifts (migration/aging), climate change, impressive technology information developments, including artificial intelligence, but also mass digital surveillance. In one way or another, they call into question universal ethics and morality-"conscience of humankind" and "larger freedom"-both of which have emerged from the ashes of the Second World War. They still prompt identity crisis in societies undergoing change in their ethnic make-up, including xenophobia and hate crime. But they should also prompt pangs of conscience because such manifestations counter the spirit and letter with which the United Nations adopted the United Nations Charter, the UDHR, and the 2030 Agenda. The United Nations is uniquely predisposed to revive the essential messages originally communicated through its Charter and other foundational instruments, thus show why do we need the Organization nowadays to have a better world, rather than to hear from politicians that it will come only when and if someone will be re-elected. The book through its authors, topics, and arguments advanced through empirical findings, documents what the Organization did and still should do to change the world that has been in the twenty-first century so critically globalized that feels more insecure than two-three decades ago. Reverberated identity factors, such as ethnicity, linguistic community, cultural roots, communitarian aspirations, religion, and general desire among many for a community of solidarity show that globalism and regionalism have failed to produce and retain one greater commitment, except, perhaps, for however fragile remains the post-Second World War commitment to peace. A fig-leaf role of the United Nations nowadays with its perfunctory input into the genuine implementation of the 2030 Agenda and collateral to it human rights, crime prevention, and criminal justice standards and norms is a major problem for multilateral governance in the years to come. Whether this prognosis is right or not, victimization, crime, terrorism including, has played its role in it, for fear has a quick ear. Reported rampant corruption alone, at times of staggering proportions, gives rise to a grave concern about world's ability to successfully pursue the rule of law work, especially in the Global South countries. Their hopeless residents "vote by feet" migrating to Global North and invite there xenophobic resilience. Those who stay and are left behind, may give up their ethical standards and pursue sustainable living with crime. How secular and non-secular authorities should react to this evident discontent with the conditions of life in the South and North is in the focus of this book. In 2019, when the UDHR still remains a huge and unfinished agenda, anxiety emerged that the world backtracks on its provisions by populist claims and actions; civil conflicts are on the rise, genocide continues, UDHR's role subsides. With some success, though, in the years 2000-2015 UDHR had been supported by the Millennium Development Goals, and in the years 2016-2030 by the United Nations Sustainable Development Agenda whose present impact remains ambiguous. Moreover, much to be desired leaves the related implementation of the United Nations crime prevention and criminal justice standards and norms-a corpus of altogether more than 2000 substantive provisions contained in ca. 60 legal instruments (UNODC 2016) that should contribute to the achievement of the Agenda's crosscutting goal 16 "Promote peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development, provide access to justice for all and build effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all levels." The best evidence of this weakness is that since 2007, the United Nations Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice has effectively abandoned their monitoring (Redo and Platzer 2014; Redo 2012, pp. 197-198, 216) . In 2018, the United States has withdrawn its membership in the Human Rights Councilanother UN intergovernmental body monitoring these standards and norms. The United States and several other Member States have also withdrawn their support for the 2018 Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (A/RES/73/195). Only the UN expert treaty bodies now are unreservedly and incisively seized with the selective implementation of such human rights-relevant legal instruments-the remnant of the hopeful past human rights role of the entire United Nations. Outside it, there is an exceptionally large disparity of opinions concerning human rights, criminal justice, crime prevention, and about the erosion of the rule of law. With these disappointing facts do not coincide other available facts and figures from 1948 to 2014 on democratic developments-perhaps only because the undemocratic impact of the most recent developments could not have been more incisively assessed. Available statistical studies from that period of study, document that while in 1948 more than 763 million people lived in "democracy," in 2014 there were almost 4 billion, i.e., five times more. In 1948, there were 23 democratic countries, but 87 in 2009 (Roser 2019). 1 Moreover, since 1820 the share of people living in extreme poverty considerably dropped. More than 80% lived then in poverty, in 1948 about 70%, and 24% in 1992. Regarding the extent of extreme poverty in 1981-2010, as measured by the share of the world population living with less than 1.25 US $ per day, the respective figures were even more pronounced: 52% and 21%. Considering these figures, there is no reason for complacency. It is clear that 1 "A democracy is a political system with institutions that allows citizens to express their political preferences, has constraints on the power of the executive, and a guarantee of civil liberties" (Roser 2014 ). the trajectory of change is pointing in the right direction and the world is changing very fast right now (Roser 2014) . More recent findings seem to be more incisive. According to the authoritative World Values Surveys, from 1900 until 2016, high levels of democracy remain a distinctive feature of nations in which emancipative values have grown strong over the generations (Brunkert et al. 2019) . The last survey's analysts write that, by the same token, backsliding and autocratization are limited to cultures with underdeveloped emancipative values. In line with this finding, these authors conclude that public support for democracy neither favors democratization, nor does it prevent autocratization in disjunction from emancipative values. On the contrary, public support for democracy shows such pro-democratic effects if-and only if-it co-exists in close association with emancipative values. The reason is that-in disconnect from emancipative values-support for democracy frequently reverts its meaning, indicating the exact opposite of what intuition suggests: namely, support for autocracy. In conclusion, the prospects for democracy are bleak where emancipative values remain weak. To put it more pragmatically and less contemplatively: where civil society and global civic education is underdeveloped or discouraged. An even more incisive WVS' analysis of the implementation of SDG 16 allowed its authors to observe, that: [O] bstacles remain in efforts to reach many of the goal 16 targets. Crucially, when it comes to many aspects of governance, the world has experienced an overall deterioration in recent years, including: Declines in participatory engagement, related to citizen engagement in formal political processes and more informal processes. For instance, countries from every region apart from North America had declining scores on civil society participation in the last three to four years. Declines in checks on government and representative government have also occurred during the last 3-4 years. This is partly driven by recent developments in Americas and Euroasia, in countries such as Brazil, India, Hungary, Poland, Turkey, and the United States. There are particularly discouraging trends in the areas covered by target 16.10, related to public access to information and the protection of fundamental freedoms. Although many countries (125 out of 193 UN Member States) have now adopted laws guaranteeing access to information, the current data do not adequately monitor the extent to which these laws are implemented. At the same time, there is widespread evidence suggesting a growing hostility towards the media and journalists, including violence and abusive treatment. Fifty-four killings of journalists, directly attributable to their profession, were reported in 2018. Most of these remain unprosecuted. Developing countries make up 71% of intergovernmental organizations' membership, but have only 47% of the voting rights, reflecting a lack of representation and inclusive decision-making within the global community. For the second year in a row, more countries are declining than improving in overall rule of law performance. Despite some progress, most countries are failing to make serious inroads against corruption (WVS 2019). The two latter findings look disconcerting in the time of growing populism, with corruption as its Achilles' heel. Earlier empirical findings from this recurrent project suggest that building institutional trust in civil society is pivotal to counter corruption. More specifically, anti-corruption organizations which cultivate trust not only in fellow members but the wider society in general are the successful ones. They create broader identities, democratic values, and an interest in the common good. They are more effective than civil society organizations composed of mistrusting members whose narratives about common good are narrow (Griesshaber 2013, p. 12) . It follows that the liberal part of civil society should make the Rule of Law and anti-corruption an urgent priority at the domestic level in countries undergoing populism. But "it is a pious hope for liberals to think that all they have to do is expose corruption to discredit populists. They also have to show that for the vast majority, populist corruption yields no benefits, and that a lack of democratic accountability, a dysfunctional bureaucracy, and a decline in the rule of law will in the long run hurt the people -all of them" (Műller 2017, pp. 52-53) . Save the above finding, there are two others about the changing rule-of-law picture. First, investigations into the progress of democracy in 2006-2016 showed that some of the highly democratic countries including the USA gradually converted to moderate democratic countries. It was also observed that there exists a strong negative relation between democracy index and nonreligious population fractions for most of these countries. That is an increase of non-religious population fraction of a country may decrease the democracy index of that country (Rahman and Nahar 2017) . Second, despite that, growing economic inequality since 1992 is another troubling finding. According to the same study, the world returns to high levels of inequality of the early twentieth century (Rahman and Nahar 2017) . Many other findings suggest that while democracy continues to expand its global reach, there is a significant decline in its quality across the board, as far as checks and balances are concerned. Such ones like an independent judiciary, a free press, the ability of legislatures to apply oversight, and more are in a short supply. Their global review carried out under the umbrella of the World Justice Project (WJP) with its 2019 Rule of Law Index revealed rising authoritarianism in more countries than any other factor worldwide in comparison with 2018 (61 countries declined, 23 stayed the same, 29 improved). Over the past 4 years, Poland, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia have lost the most ground in this dimension of the rule of law (WJP 2019). This is separately confirmed by the most recent report of the Freedom House (2020). This non-governmental organization in consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council annually scores the implementation of the UDHR across the world. In these terms was assessed the group of 29 Central European and Central Asian countries stretching from Germany to China. Over the 2010-2020 period, Bosnia and Herzegovina has further lowered its standing as a "transitional hybrid regime" (the lowest tier) with Serbia and Hungary in the same tier, previously and respectively in higher tiers, i.e., "semi-consolidated democracy" and "consolidated democracy." At the same time, Poland (previously a "consolidated democracy") has just joined the group of "semi-democratic" countries. In sum, on this three-tier scale there are fewer democracies in Eurasia today than at any point since the annual report was launched in 1995. "The erosion has left citizens especially vulnerable to further rights abuses and power grabs associated with the coronavirus pandemic" (Freedom House 2020, p. 1). The Sustainable Development Goals Report (2019) adds an interregional observation regarding the enlargement of freedom: The pace of progress in establishing national human rights institutions [NHRIs] that are in compliance with the principles relating to the status of national institutions (the Paris Principles) must be accelerated. In 2018, only 39 per cent of all countries had successfully achieved compliance; an increase of 3 per cent (7 countries) from 2015. If growth continues at the same rate by 2030 only around half of all countries will have compliant NHRIs to ensure that States deliver on their human rights obligations (p. 55). How many in fact will resort to them for their effective protection and enhancement in the spirit of social justice, progress for larger freedom may be seen after 2030. Clearer than ever before in contemporary time becomes difference between "thick" (expansive) and "thin" (reductionist) understanding of the rule of law (Godson 2000) . The "thick" sense is less diplomatically and more opportunistically turned into a "thin" one under the guise of democratic legal reform. If one considers the important difference between "thick" and "thin" democracy, then-as of this writing-the number of "democratic" countries with its genuine observance shrinks. The so-called "illiberal democracy" with "thinner" freedom (of speech, assembly, media, the independence of judiciary, etc.) is nowadays the most prominent case in point with the rhetoric of "democracy," however contrary to "larger freedom" proclaimed in the United Nations Charter. As if these findings and outcomes were not enough action-compelling, discussions ensued concerning whether amid the bleak prospects for genuine democracy it will be overshadowed by "liberal fascism," "illiberal democracy," "soft despotism," or some other kind of essential detour from the idea of "larger freedom." In our opinion to a sobering interpretation of the current de-constitutionalization of democracy contributes the following quote: The truth is that today's threats to democracy don't parallel 20th-century experiences. Fascismas distinct from authoritarianism or racismis not being revived: the mass mobilisation and militarisation of entire societies is not taking place; and while the hatred of vulnerable minorities is being fanned, a systemic cult of violence which glorifies mortal combat as the apotheosis of human existence is not being instituted. Nor are states being thoroughly remade on the basis of racismwhich is not to deny that racial (and religious) animus, in Hungary, Brazil and the US, gets its legitimacy from the very top (Műller 2019, p. 36). He adds: "However, even if some analogies may be in place [. . .] we have become extremely skilful at teaching the lessons of history, but quite bad at teaching actual history" (Műller 2019, p. 36) . The UN 2030 Agenda's draws on the tragic history of humankind in the twentieth century. It is a case in point for "thick" democracy. It should be anyone's concerned guidance in the next 10 years of its implementation. Its crosscutting goal 16, together with the Global Compact's numerous objectives, both set out the parameters according to which poverty and crime in the age of migration may and can be countered, larger freedom in sending and host countries can be pursued to help the UDHR to continue its democratizing mission. Although goal 16 is so crosscutting, it does not address the non-secular aspects of countering crime and poverty. Neither does the entire Agenda, nor the Global Compact. Therefore, the UDHR with a number of less known than its UN followup legal instruments and arrangements has a particularly challenging role to settle the question of the freedom of religion within the rule of law, the latter already prioritized by the UDHR in its preamble. For in a democratic society there cannot be freedom of religion without the rule of law over it. It is this preambular arrangement that enables to pursue under the Organization's auspices social justice and equity work through the interfaith dialogue. It is this context in which the Editors note the statement of the UN Secretary-General "I firmly believe in the power of faith leaders to shape our world for good" (UNSG 2017). Their role is growing immensely in "God's Century," because in some "Nations under God" (Toft et al. 2011; Morsink 2017 ) churches use moral authority to influence policy. However, in other dimensions of human development powered by biotechnology a contrasting vision of "Homo deus" emerges-likewise powerful. As of this writing, the above developments are in the shadow of the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic which within 3 months spread to 180 countries. About 80 countries have declared some form of emergency, including at least 20 where the allegations of human rights violations were deemed most troubling (OHCHR 2020). The Secretary-General assessed the impact of pandemic on human rights in the following words: The COVID-19 pandemic is a public health emergencybut it is far more. It is an economic crisis. A social crisis. And a human crisis that is fast becoming a human rights crisis [. . .] [H]uman rights cannot be an afterthought in times of crisisand we now face the biggest international crisis in generations [. . .] The message is clear: Peopleand their rightsmust be front and centre. A human rights lens puts everyone in the picture and ensures that no one is left behind. Human rights responses can help beat the pandemic, putting a focus on the imperative of healthcare for everyone. But they also serve as an essential warning systemhighlighting who is suffering most, why, and what can be done about it. We have seen how the virus does not discriminate, but its impacts doexposing deep weaknesses in the delivery of public services and structural inequalities that impede access to them. We must make sure they are properly addressed in the response. We see the disproportionate effects on certain communities, the rise of hate speech, the targeting of vulnerable groups, and the risks of heavy-handed security responses undermining the health response. Against the background of rising ethno-nationalism, populism, authoritarianism and a pushback against human rights in some countries, the crisis can provide a pretext to adopt repressive measures for purposes unrelated to the pandemic (UNSG 2020). If this risk were not enough for upholding the Rule of Law globally, a growing number of the UN Member States (as of 30 April 2020 up to 69 2 ) limited exports of personal protective equipment, medicines, and other medical goods. This figure includes 24 Member States of the European Union-nowadays a bedrock of universal values, 3 but also a region with its own cultural circle. It would be therefore not enough here to admit the opinion of Charles Louis Baron de Secondat Montesquieu (1689 Montesquieu ( -1755 who said, that "[o]ne nation should never exclude another from trading with it, except for very great reasons. . .for it is competition which sets a just value on merchandise, and establishes the relation between them" (Montesquieu 2001/The Spirit of Laws/SL XX.9) or that "[t]he spirit of trade produces in the mind of a man a certain sense of exact justice, opposite. . . to robbery" (SL XX.2). Nowadays, one must also admit that the art of a just living by standards of the UDHR and the 2030 Agenda in this new world is more complex because of by far greater than three centuries ago global interdependence and the globalization of crime and justice issues. They are in the focus of this book in honor of the United Nations. Rightly credited for its forming, Churchill is also credited for the saying "Never let a good crisis go to waste" (Gruère 2019). Whether the latter credit is legitimate or not, many contributions to this book convey a similar message to its readership: turn the disadvantage into advantage. We realize that this is easier said than done. Neither the UDHR or the 2030 Agenda can revert the world in favor of fairer economy nor less invasive digital surveillance, or make people more spiritually committed to make their earthly living more sustainable and freer at the time of climate change. Whereas they complimentarily offer an entirely new paradigm to counter poverty and exclusion at the structural, interstate, state, community, and individual level, it is really up to the reader of this book in whatever capacity, to take an incisive look around themselves and see to applying these two important United Nations larger freedom tools in their native or host country, community, and family. In this book honored by the introductions of H.E. Lech Wałęsa, Nobel Prize laurate, and H. E. Brigitte Bierlein, former President of the Constitutional Court of Austria, we may comment on the vagaries of progress in the present world, i.e., social and justice progress for larger freedom. First, while it is true that social progress is even decreed by the United Nations Charter in its Preamble and Art. 55, neither this progress has been or can be linear, nor it should exclusively be credited to the Organization. Second, while such a hopeful linear vision had indeed successfully been pursued in terms of normative developments enabling judicial review across federalist states since its 1789 US constitutional founding, it has had its upshot in the Austrian constitution of 1920, wherefrom after the Second World War it encouraged judicial reviews in the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, Portugal, and Spain (Ginsburg 2008, pp. 84-85) . The tragedy of the Second World War had also motivated other formerly belligerent countries to pursue judicial reviews. In some of them, however, the ensuing from them subordination of judges to the will of parliament have later been contested. Originally it was believed, that "[d]esignated constitutional courts make a good deal of sense in new democracies where the ordinary judiciary has low status or capacity, as in post-fascist and later in post-Communist contexts" (Ginsburg 2008, p. 85) . Poland and Hungary were then in the vanguard of the constitutional democratization in Europe. Both had followed the Austrian model of judicial review (Lustig and Weiler 2018, p. 320) . Much later, when the autonomy of ordinary and supreme court judges has found itself under anti-liberal scrutiny and impact of newly elected parliaments of those two countries, it has become clear that judicial review and autonomy-whether in constitutional or other court matters-may as long exist as the justices meet the priorities of power holders. This is not the idea which in 1789 enlightened the drafters of the US Constitution and the French Declaration of the Rights of the Man and of the Citizen, both of which prompted developments toward a tri-partite division of powers-the bedrock of democracy and the instrument of larger freedom. It was the Frenchmen Alexis de Tocqueville (1805-1859). In his "Democracy in America" (1917, Book I, ch. XV), when confronted with the argument for populist justice he said, that if the judicial independence fails under its pressure, his own solution would be to refuse to obey an unjust law: "I do not contest the right of the majority to command, but I simply appeal from the sovereignty of the people to the sovereignty of mankind." Kermit Roosevelt's somewhat similar view suggests that "The constitution does not belong to judges, as a mystery intelligible only to a priestly caste, and it does not belong to political activists, as a set of incendiary talking points. It belongs to the people. It is our responsibility to judge the Court, and it is our judgment that must be decisive in the end" (Roosevelt 2008, p. 7) . However, whether indeed both views are akin depends on two answers: first, whether the invoked people's sovereignty is equal to that of mankind's or is only tribal/partisan; second, by what kind of sovereignty ("democratic" or "republican") is guided an individual decisive judgement vis à vis the Rule of Law. This book takes the reader under the narrative surface of such statements. It seeks to offer an intellectual adventure to those who may want to know more about their United Nations aspects. In Part I, "Rule of Law and Realities of Life in the Context of the 2030 Justice and Crime Prevention," including three chapters, this book opens with the text by Friedrich Forsthuber about "Democracy -Human Rights -Rule of Law: European Developments and the Importance of an Independent Judiciary." He emphasizes that the independence of the judiciary is a major pillar of any constitutional state based on the separation of powers. "Only in a state based on the rule of law can there be a guarantee of democracy as well as an effective protection of human rights," he writes. Effective guarantees for the preservation of democracy and the rule of law can only be achieved through a broad societal consensus on the value of rule-of-law principles. Political education is not just a task for politics and the school system, but for civil society as a whole. This means political participation with free elections, free press, and independent courts. The author discusses challenges in a contemporary democratic state. In history it happened that democracy and the rule of law are trampled on, so in Germany in 1933 and the following years during the Nazi regime. Forsthuber differentiates between professional and personal judicial independence. "People who tend to feel left out are susceptible to manipulation by ideologies and populists, who promise simple solutions, thus reinforcing fear and xenophobia." J. Maria Agnes Sashita presents the chapter: "Youth Perception on Hate Crimes, Hate Speeches and Nationalism in Contemporary India." Against the background of an increasing number of hate crimes in India, particularly against minority groups such as Dalits and Muslims, the author presents data about youth perceptions of hate crimes, hate speech, and ideas of nationalism. How can education impact their point of view? Sasitha argues that a new form of nationalism founded based on religious resentment among different religious groups is slowly emerging in present-day India. In this process, communalism has come to be conflated with nationalism. Results of the qualitative study show that "young people are lacking in a thorough understanding of these issues, although they do not appear to be altogether evasive of contemporary realities. This points towards the need for increased public awareness and education delivered through a critical lens, and alerts us to the dangers of overestimating the reach and influence of mass media to convey the magnitude of certain crucial issues." The UN points out clearly that hate speech signifies an attack on tolerance, inclusion, and diversity, it erodes values, and can lay the foundation for violence. Nationalism in India is now being built through arousing religious sentiments and instigating animosity against followers of various other beliefs, the author points out. In India, the concept of nationalism came about during the independence struggle. India as the second most populous country in the world after China, more than 50% of its population is below the age of 25, is characterized by more ethnic and religious groups than most other countries of the world. The author presents an overview about important literature about the topic, and the results of a survey carried out on the question of hate speech in India. Mehrdad Rayejian Asli has written the chapter "Incorporating the United Nations Norms into Iranian Post-Revolution Criminal Policy: A Criminological-Victimological Approach." The author emphasizes that Iran has had a "diverse attitude to international norms and standards inter alia the concrete norms within the United Nations system at the domestic Post-Revolution criminal justice policy." Also today, certain concrete norms of the United Nations "have not even half a chance to draw the attention of the Islamic Republic of Iran/IRI for incorporating into its domestic legal system." IRI welcomes primarily those international standards and norms that seem to be in a lesser degree of conflict with Shari'a-the law of the land. Like many other countries, Iran through the history has been organized by a social system of patriarchy. The standards and norms concerned with non-discrimination and non-violence against women have not been welcomed by IRI. IRI is willing to cooperate with UN to combat narcotic drugs. Iran has not joined the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. Internationally agreed norms against violence against women seem to be opposed by IRI because of their contradiction with the recognized Islamic rules and practices on women's issues. Part II "Leaving No One Behind: Intergenerational Vulnerability and Educating for Justice" includes seven chapters. It opens with the text from Peter C. Kratcoski and Maximilian Edelbacher on the "Perspectives on Elderly Crime and Victimization in the Future." Elderly people are an increasing part of the population worldwide. The authors discuss the current trends in criminality and victimization of the elderly. The increase in crime by the elderly "as well as the increases in the amount of criminal victimization of the elderly, are the result of both an aging population and social, economic, political, and communication changes in the world community that affect the lives of people." The authors discuss why the amount of crime committed by the elderly will continue to grow, the types of crimes committed by this part of population, and the criminal justice response to the perpetrators. Special programs help elderly victims of crime. Today, older people have more opportunities to commit crimes, they work longer before retirement. Most older people who engage in criminal activities are situational criminals. ". . . the profile of the older criminal in the year 2030 is likely to be an offender who has engaged in minor crimes, such as various forms of theft, who is poor, sometimes homeless, does not have a great number of social support groups, and may have some form of physical disability, substance abuse problem, or a psychological disability. The criminal justice response of arresting these law violators and sending them to jail for a short period has not been effective. A public health response is required." Inez Wijgaarde, Jebamalai Vinanchiarachi, and Jeff Readman discuss in their chapter the topic "Universal Basic Income (UBI) for Reducing Inequalities and Increasing Socio-Economic Inclusion: A Proposal for a New Sustained Policy Perspective." Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that "everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family." This provision alludes to a universal basic income. But it "has never been implemented globally through appropriate government interventions and redistributive measures." The authors point out that we are too often confronted with "fragmentary interventions that rely on market-oriented solutions to rekindle socio-economic transformation without empowering the poor in the development process." The authors provide an overview of UBI with evidence of an emerging policy practice. "UBI could be a foundation policy programme to which all other interventions can build upon." The authors point out that a universal basic income's simplicity would make it an attractive alternative to welfare programs. The authors discuss evidence from country experiences and present examples from different continents. The intention of UBI is to ensure that no one will be left behind. However, UBI transfers can allow improvements in health and education levels, lower crime, and other social objectives. Poverty cannot be alleviated by charity but wealth creation. To this effect is this UBI chapter. Helmut Kury discusses in his chapter the topic "Prisoners and their Families -The Effects of Imprisonment on the Family." The public and political debate on criminals and crime usually deals primarily and very often exclusively with the crime and the perpetrator at the time of the crime, but hardly with his development and, above all, little with his family and the impact of detention, especially imprisonment, on them. If the perpetrator still has young children, their psychological development can be significantly negatively affected by the detention of a parent, usually the father. In Germany during the last years, more and more institutions have been created to take care of the families of the detainees, but there is still a lot of work to be done. The author provides a brief overview of the national and international discussion of the topic. The empirical research clearly shows the negative effects of separating (young) children from their parents. In the case of the detention of a parent, the stigmatization of the related, especially the children, still plays an essential role. Much more should be done here, for example, through large-scale regulations on the visits of prisoners by relatives. Helmut Kury and Romy Heße add in their chapter information from empirical research about "Dealing with Mental Illness and Violence in the (Youth-)Prison." The authors cite Nelson Mandela who emphasized: "It is said that no one truly knows a nation until one has been inside its jails. A nation should not be judged by how it treats its highest citizens, but its lowest ones." While there are relatively many reports and research projects on violence in prisons, the issue of mental illness of prisoners has so far played only a relatively minor role in criminology, also in public reports. Overall, the public is uninformed about the prison system, especially through the media, which usually report very selectively, especially about problems but rarely about the every-day-living-situation. In recent years, in Western countries public punitiveness has increased. People with mental health problems are significantly over-represented in prisons compared to the normal population. In particular, the suicide rate among prisoners significantly increased in this context. Due to the unfavorable living conditions and the multiplicity of inmates' problems, violence among them is also relatively high. In this context, it is difficult for the institutions to implement their real resocialization task. In many cases, incarceration contributes to a deterioration rather than an improvement in the social behavior of prisoners. The chapter discusses the background of a development of violence in prison and possibilities of prevention. Sławomir Redo and Krzysztof Sawicki discuss in the text "On Nelson Mandela Rule 63, Prisoner's Moral Vulnerability and Development in the Context of the 2030 United Nations Sustainable World" the experience of prison administration across the world with the implementation of the Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners Rules' provision on offenders' "wireless" (i.e., mass media) communication with the outside world (Rule 63). First, they review the in situ experience of prison administration. Second, they recast that experience in the context of the 2030 United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (UN SDGs) relevant to increasing crime prevention returns through civic education. The text calls on the prison administration and non-governmental organizations authorized in assisting in the rehabilitation and reintegration of ex-prisoners to pursue through training, periodicals, and special institutional publications the related SDGs' actionoriented prophylactic content, with due regard to the group-oriented and individual respective resilience or vulnerability of inmates and ex-prisoners. Throughout the chapter, its authors seek to demonstrate the interconnectedness and universality of the SDGs which altogether aspire to transform the world so "no one will be left behind," even if they stay behind prison bars, or behind others as one of the other kind of minority in an open multicultural society. Ineke Haen Marshall, Candence Wills, and Chris E. Marshall present a chapter about "Parents Who Hit. Troubled Families and Children's Happiness: Do Gender and National Context Make a Difference?" They discuss the correlation of gender and national context with the happiness of children in troubled families. The 2030 UN Sustainable Development Goal 16, Target 16.2 aims at the elimination of corporal punishment of children. Violent forms of discipline against children are widespread. In 69 countries (mostly low and middle-income countries) with data from 2012 to 2019, nearly eight in ten children aged one to 14 were subjected to some form of psychological aggression and/or physical punishment at home in the previous month (E/2020, para. 24 ). An open question is whether girls are more or less affected by the violent family context than boys, and if the ban of corporal punishment reduced the violent family context. The authors analyzed data from Belgium, Denmark, Italy, and the USA collected among 10,000 12-16-year old adolescents, as part of the third sweep of the International Self-Report Delinquency survey (ISRD3). The survey aimed to answer the question, whether the association between troubled family life, use of violence by parents, attachment to parents, and subjective wellbeing (happiness) is different for girls than for boys, and whether it is contingent on national context. The findings suggest that gender and national context indeed do matter. The authors conclude with an expression of two concerns: about the universal implementation of Article 19 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child across different national contexts, and, likewise, about the challenge of promoting a culture of lawfulness so the children of the next generation will be happier than the present one. Manfred Nowak and Manu Krishan write about "The UN Global Study on Children Deprived of Liberty -The Role of Academia in "Making the Invisible and Forgotten Visible." The authors summarize the study's findings. Although the Global Study was prepared through a concerted effort of states, non-governmental organizations, professional bodies, UN agencies, treaty bodies, special procedures and children, each research group was led by a research institute and close collaboration with academia. The chapter exemplifies the significant leading role of academia in 'making the invisible and forgotten visible' throughout the world. The Study addressed the conditions of detention by considering the personal views and experiences of children and it assessed justifications for and limits of deprivation of liberty of children in light of all relevant provisions of international law, above all, the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). Finally, the study exemplified how the close cooperation between the United Nations, civil society, and academia is needed more than ever, and it confirmed the spirit of the famous opening words of the UN Charter, namely "the Peoples of the United Nations," which founded the world organization 75 years ago. Part III is entitled "Living in Harmony with Nature: Mother Earth's Criminology." It includes four texts, first a chapter by Rob White about the "United Nations Initiatives in Preventing Environmental Crime." This chapter reviews the nature and dynamics of environmental crime, broad approaches to preventing crimes such as illegal fishing, and the role of United Nations agencies in responding to environmental crime. These UN responses range from collaborative interventions involving government and non-government bodies, through knowledge provision and educational initiatives. The scale of present environmental catastrophes, particularly related to the effects of climate change and the extinction of species, presents considerable institutional challenges in addressing global environmental harms. These are compounded by the political obstacles stemming from the actions and/or inactions of nation-states that impede measures needed to prevent environmental harm. Wiesław Pływaczewski, Joanna Narodowska, and Maciej Duda wrote the second chapter about "Assessing the Viability of Environmental Projects for a Crime Prevention-Inspired Culture of Lawfulness." The 2030 United Nations Sustainable Development Agenda emphasizes the importance of green spaces for urban safety (SDG 11.7), sets the goal of living in harmony with nature (SDG 12.8), and pursuing sustainable lifestyles (4.7). While in the Global North countries urban planning and (pre)school education such goals are autonomously pursued by relevant local (non)secular actors, whether in city or in countryside, hardly there is any criminological analysis, let alone reflection, which could show how this is all relevant to the Agenda's crosscutting goal 16 about promoting peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development. With a view to connecting these two attitudes, this chapter reviews such green city, forest, and other environmental/land projects, in terms of their assumptions, objectives, and accomplishments. Consequently, it offers a comprehensive criminological advice to local actors that may enhance those projects' effectiveness in terms of their environmental-friendly, integrative crime prevention potential, especially between native and immigrant populations. The chapter written by Murugesan Srinivasan and Alagesan Shankar Prakash focuses on the "Actualising the Right to Adequate Standard of Living: A Critical Examination of Green Criminology from an Indian Perspective." During the last 70 years, several international instruments have been emphasizing the importance of the right to adequate standard of living. However, many of the provisions of such international instruments, particularly the right to adequate standard of living, is too far from becoming a reality. The authors of this chapter have substantiated their arguments by presenting a few case studies conducted in the city of Chennai (formerly Madras, India). The disjuncture between the provisions of the international instruments and the reality of the contemporary quality of the environment is also to some extent exposed in this contribution. It is also argued why the scope of green criminology should be widened to study the various forms of environmental crime, environmental harm, and connected issues. The authors strongly believe that understanding such issues from the perspective of green criminology would provide several benefits, including sensitizing the stakeholders. Pedro R. David's text is entitled "Notes on the Case of Orangutan Sandra, the Non-Human Subject of Rights." The author notes that depending on religion or legal philosophy, an animal may be considered a "non-human person" whose welfare rights should be acknowledged and protected by people. Law enforcement authorities and courts address cases of treatment of animals by people, including shared by them natural habitat-"Mother Earth," to use the term of the 2030 United Nations Sustainable Development Agenda. This chapter discusses the philosophical and legal underpinnings for welfare rights of animals, prompted by the case of the retired orangutan Sandra. She became the first non-human subject of such rights, granted by a ground-breaking Argentinian jurisprudence with the first-ever court-backed her transfer to an animal sanctuary in the United States, where her relative welfare and freedom has been secured. Part IV comprises four texts. It opens with a chapter written by Toine Spapens about the topic "Surveillance and the Impossible Search for Ideal Behaviour." He writes that information and communication technology and the Internet created unprecedented opportunities for collecting "big data" and apply it to surveillance and influence the behavior of citizens, for instance in their roles of voters, customers, partners, and workers. There is a growing risk that data on these different roles is exchanged and combined for purposes for which it was not collected. Surveillance may be defended from the perspective of law and order, protection of safety and health, and economic development, but it may also impact negatively on several United Nations (UN) sustainable development goals (SDGs) to be attained by 2030. Being one of the crucial issues in the world today, it comes as no surprise that the topic of surveillance is being studied by lawyers, urbanists, sociologists, computer scientists, political scientists, and others. However, criminologists have until now mainly looked at surveillance in the context of preventing and detecting crime and terrorism from a "what happens and what works" angle. Spapens' chapter applies a broad perspective by taking the social construction of deviance as a starting point and addressing the consequences of the definition for those who do not live up to the ideal, in terms of criminalization, social exclusion, and other potential effects, keeping in mind the context of the UN's development goals. Aneta Breczko, Wojciech Filipkowski, and Izabela Kraśnicka discuss "Ethics and the Development of Artificial Intelligence -Challenges and Dilemmas in the Context of the 2030 United Nations Agenda for Sustainable Development." The chapter aims to introduce both the threats and chances involved in the artificial intelligence (AI) in the context of crime prevention as one of the elements of the Goal 16 of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development: to promote peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development, provide access to justice for all and build effective, accountable, and inclusive institutions at all levels. Authors argue that the ethical approach toward artificial intelligence should be crucial and serve as point of departure for any further developments of AI. Analysis of the essence of the artificial intelligence, the scope of its influence on human lives and potential for the future use bring definite conclusion: technological codes and legal codes are not enough for the secured and controlled progress in the most advanced intelligence field. Ethical codes must be introduced to guarantee eliminations of threats and enjoyment of benefits provided by constantly developing artificial intelligence. Emil W. Pływaczewski, Ewa M. Guzik-Makaruk, Wojciech Filipkowski, and Emilia Jurgielewicz-Delegacz in the chapter "From Wonders as Crime to Forensics in Service of the 2030 United Nations Agenda" emphasize the role of Forensic Sciences in fighting crime, especially the use of genetic and polygraph tests. They point out, that "if one intends to combat . . . threats to sustainable development effectively, this cannot happen without supporting the development of Forensic Science." The authors present selected methods of detection, securing, and analysis of forensic traces, namely genetic tests and polygraph tests. They illustrate the development of forensic techniques and, at the same time, outline the legal problems associated with their use by the judiciary to make them more effective. The chapter points out the dilemmas we face that need to be resolved to achieve the UN 2030 Agenda goals. Alistair D. Edgar discusses the topic of "The Rule of Law, Peacebuilding, and Agenda 2030: Lessons from the Western Balkans." He points out that "in the countries of the Western Balkans, Rule of Law deficits remain a significant obstacle to achieving the Agenda and its sustainable development goal (SDG) 16 in particular, as well as standing in the way of countries' ambitions for the EU accession." The double nature-the legal and the political dimensions-can make rule of law initiatives problematic, "since as a political project it can challenge the deeply entrenched and often closely intertwined or interdependent interests of politicaleconomic elites and organized crime." The author points out that "rule by law can be little more than a framework used by totalitarian governments for enforcing social control, engaging in the active repression or denial of human rights, and even committing mass atrocities." As illustrated in the chapter, "in the countries of the Western Balkans, rule of law deficits remain a significant obstacle to achieving the 2030 Agenda, and SDG 16 in particular, as well as standing in the way of countries' ambitions for EU accession." This chapter briefly reviews the nature and content of rule of law in both understandings; frames rule of law within SDG16 and Agenda 2030; highlights the interconnected problems of weak rule of law, lack of political will, and organized crime in the Western Balkans; and identifies examples of good practices or paths of action to foster or strengthen rule of law as a contribution to achieving the 2030 Agenda. The situation and development in the different states are presented and discussed. A roadmap for policy and practice is finally discussed to show the way forward. Necessary actions to bring the countries forward are presented. Part V includes five chapters on "Research & the Promotion of Peaceful and Inclusive Societies." It starts with the text from Christopher S. Inkpen, Wayne J. Pitts, and Pamela Lattimore entitled "Crime, Victimization, and Intentions to Migrate in the Northern Triangle," that is Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras. In this migration context, the authors discuss important topics of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights relevant to violence. The authors present and discuss empirical evidence "to measure the relationship between expressing intentions to migrate and crime, violence, and perceptions of insecurity for residents of the Northern Triangle countries of Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras." They point out, that the decision to migrate is complex, "with motivating factors operating at the individual, familial, community, and country level." Their study aims to examine how measures of crime and victimization relate with expressing a desire to leave one's country in the Northern Triangle, by using data from cross-sectional national surveys collected biennially from 2006 to 2016. The study examines the relationship between personal and familial victimization, opinions of security, and other factors linked to expressing the motivation to migrate. The results show that victimization in the Northern Triangle is consistently associated with a desire to migrate. "The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the more recent, but related, 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development provide an important opportunity to reflect on global migration from a human rights point of view." Anastasia Chalkia writes about "Criminal Violence and its Prevention in Context. Specific Challenges for the Integration of Refugees and Migrants in the Twenty-First Century." The chapter stresses the role of refugee and migrant integration towards crime prevention. Issues such as migration and integration are central in public debate, internationally and in Europe. As for the EU, most Member States face significant integration challenges regarding the integration of refugees and migrants, including the new Member States which have just recently called upon to manage the phenomenon of migration as well as those which for decades, but not always satisfactorily, have addressed the challenges of migration and integration. In this context, the chapter explores the specific ways under which criminal violence, either from the part of victimization or from the part of criminal behavior, in conjunction with the characteristic of the above populations as well as the circumstances they live in, can be prevented. Riaz Tejani discuss the topic of "Legal Education for Profit and the United Nations Call for "Quality Education" and "Strong Institutions" in the 2030 Sustainable Development Agenda." The author emphasizes that this call by the UN "underscores the supreme importance of the rule of law in global perspective by construing law as both constitutive of social institutions and a fundamental institution in its own right." Especially law schools where new lawyers and especially judges are trained, "have been a particularly sensitive kind of institution." The rise of "for-profit" law schools in the 2000s in the West is presented critically, what will be the effect on democratic ideals, implications for criminal justice in the twenty-first century, like access to justice, business ethics, and market fundamentalism are discussed. "The consideration of for-profit law schools in the context of the UN call for "sustainable institutions" is especially instructive here. Many of our key institutions are established on the bedrock of law." Ling Zhou and Hanming Xu present a chapter about "Money Laundering: China and its Evolving Criminal Policy Response." The problem of money laundering is huge and has seriously affected the operation of world economy. Money laundering activities globally is estimated to be as high as approximately 1 trillion euros, allegedly taking up almost 5% of the global GDP. This chapter looks into the legal shortcomings and effectiveness issues for countering money laundering, in line with the United Nations Agenda's Sustainable Development Goals 16.4. "By 2030, significantly reduce illicit financial and arms flows, strengthen the recovery and return of stolen assets and combat all forms of organized crime," and 16.a "Strengthen relevant national institutions, including through international cooperation, for building capacity at all levels, in particular in developing countries, to prevent violence and combat terrorism and crime." While in the above context China has a strong understanding of the money laundering and terrorist financing risks it faces, its criminal policy is fundamentally short of counter measures for laundering of proceeds of crime and sources used for its national risk assessment. Moreover, financial institutions including the People's Bank of China and non-financial institutions have an insufficient understanding of the risks they face and how their services could be abused by criminals and terrorists. This deficiency also notably affects efforts to address corruption. The authors review the legal foundation, functioning, and operational effectiveness of China's Anti-Money Laundering and Counter-Terrorism Financing (AML/CFT) law enforcement, and make recommendations to improve the use of criminal policy to counter money laundering more effectively. The chapter written by Susanne Karstedt addresses "The Policy Relevance of Comparative Criminology: On Evidence-Based Policies, Policy Learning and the Scales of the Discipline." The author points out that Comparative Criminology is increasingly important for national as well international crime and justice policies. Karstedt discusses the question: "Can comparative and macro-level criminological research provide an evidence base for global crime and justice policies akin to and equivalent to the 'gold standard' of experimental methods on national and local levels?" Other disciplines, in particular comparative political science, or development studies have produced exemplary research demonstrating the usage and usefulness of comparative studies for policy making, evaluation, transfer and policy learning. This chapter discusses the potential of comparative criminological research for enhancing the pool of evidence-based crime and justice policies, and recommends strategies in harnessing them for policymaking and transfer on a global scale. Part VI has the title "Countering Art Crime & Violence." It includes two chapters. Kamil Zeidler and Julia Stepnowska write about the "United Nations Perspective on Preventing Transnational Organised Crime against Cultural Property in the Era of Sustainable Development and Restitution Arguments." The protection of the world's cultural heritage is one of the goals of the UN 2030 Agenda. Combating transnational organized crime against cultural property, including the illicit trade in art and antiquities, requires fostering international cooperation and drawing conclusions from past and future restitution cases. This chapter discusses the endeavors of the UN and other major stakeholders in protecting cultural property and presents a set of arguments that can serve as a toolkit in restitution disputes. Irwin Waller's chapter deals with the topic "Reducing Violent Crime by 50 % Before 2030: Decisive Action Now to Achieve These SDGs." Globally each year, half a million persons are victims of homicide, 25 million women are raped, and one billion children are victims of violence. "Governments are reluctant to go forward to reduce violent crime effectively." This chapter proposes ways to get actions to dramatically reduce violence by 2030. It explains solutions that violence prevention science shows are effective and cost effective and how to find out more. It shows how to implement these solutions by learning from city successes and government difficulties in following the essentials agreed in the UN legal instruments. It identifies how to foster sustainable and smarter investments by policymakers. It calls on faith-based organizations, civil society, and cities to spearhead decisive action, in partnership with UN agencies and pathfinder governments, by five initiatives: (1) get to know the science, the essentials for success, and how to get by; (2) raise awareness among politicians and the public of effective solutions and strategies, using modern communication tools; (3) foster the human talent to implement effective strategies successfully; (4) act locally to deliver effective solutions; and (5) work collaboratively to convince policymakers to invest now, including policy proposals based on effective solutions and strategies. Part VII has the title "Philosophies of Law & New Legal Realities in the Context of the 2030 Justice and Crime." It includes five texts, starting with the chapter by Yvon Dandurand and Jessica Jahn about "The Erosion of Justice Symbolism." The authors point out that "the symbolism that has long embodied our justice images has gradually eroded." Whereas our justice symbols may have once reminded us of the spiritual nature of our longing for justice, they have been replaced by those meant to evoke secrecy and detachment. Lady Justice has become the emblem for our resignation to settle for predictability in laws, even when we might have wished to stay true to our aspirations for justice and dared to dream of cooperation and harmony. In recent time, Lady Justice herself is increasingly replaced by a simple scale as the prevailing image of justice, signifying that human intervention in justice may no longer be required since the system for which we have settled has acquired a life of its own. Such an erosion is both a threat to the authority structures that such symbols depict and a promise for renewal. This chapter considers the symbolism of our justice images and the ways in which it may constrain our collective imagination. It suggests that our justice mythology, of which our human rights discourse is part, must be renewed and put at the service of another vision for our future together, particularly one that is less legalistic and less nationalistic. Sławomir Redo addresses "The Relevance of Philosophical and Religious Ideas to the United Nations Quest for Universalizing Criminal Justice." In this context, he ventures into the UN Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the 2030 Sustainable Development Agenda with their many calls for universal justice. The chapter selectively reviews the UN-relevant roots of "justice" and goals of criminal punishment from the perspective of universalistic philosophers with their own views on justice vis-à-vis natural and positive law. In conclusion, the author points out that the UN work has its own "Reason" whose ecumenism originated from the tragic Nazi Holocaust. With this "Reason" the Organization continues going its own way over the conceptual divides between the world of Member States and of religious and philosophical values. Ying-Jun Zhang's chapter is about "The Universal Declaration of Human Rights: Public International Law and the Confucian Legal Culture for 2030 and Beyond." Based on travaux préparatoires (official records) for the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the author analyses the Chinese contribution to it. This document engages the wisdom of Chinese culture, she writes. Chinese Confucian legal culture not only addresses human rights thoughts but also the political governance. "The core ideas of that culture may be put in concert with the United Nations, the new goals of sustainable development, whose progress and impact depend on Member States commitment to the Organization's objective." After more than 70 years since the adoption of the Declaration, the fundamental human rights and freedoms it stated have become the standard of human rights principles. The Chinese representation to the United Nations brought in the discussion of Human Rights Chinese ideas, breaking religious and cultural barriers that initially thwarted the drafting process. Sławomir Redo adds the chapter about "Is Socrates Mortal? On the Impact of Socratic Logic on Teaching and Learning the United Nations Crime Prevention Law." He describes and comments on canons of action-oriented formal logic credited to Socrates by his student Plato. Socratic Method is particularly popular in the Western world. Since 2007, that method enjoys a worldwide imprimatur of the United Nations Scientific, Educational and Cultural Organization. The author presents and discusses his own experience in logistical and substantive issues involved in altogether five Socratic workshops with regard to their preparation, implementation, and evaluation, in the comparative context of Socratic and Confucian logic. Redo concludes that progressive Socratic logic and United Nations law blend well with the Western and Confucian legal cultures. The application of this logic to any other material law is likewise possible and may be beneficial for legal education worldwide. Karol Rutkowski presents in his chapter "Reflections on the 'Right to Justice' -Now and in the Future." He discusses the topic that there is only one justice, "but it may be and should be analysed in various ways and, for classification purposes, divided and named in numerous ways." The author points out that the United Nations finds itself confronted with two concepts of justice: natural and that created in cyberspace, recently through artificial intelligence (AI). The right to justice is the basis for the entire system of human rights in the world. "These rights have been and are being developed by the United Nations, most recently via the implementation of the 2030 United Nations Sustainable Development Agenda." "The United Nations human rights and the 2030 Agenda form an ordered system that determines whether humanity will survive and will not rest on the way to knowing and understanding its existence and its condition." But the 2030 Agenda does not explicitly mention the threats associated with the development of AI and cyberspace. The author emphasizes that justice will increasingly play the role of a regulator of social development as the best fit for this function among the fundamental values of the human civilization. "Owing to the United Nations position on the crossroads, the Organization may be ecumenical in its own terms." Rutkowski comes to the conclusion that "the post 2030 UN Agenda for sustainable development, with the horizon reaching mid-twenty-first century, must face the threats associated with the development of artificial intelligence and cyberspace, considering the emerging opportunities for humanity. The role and importance of the UN in this context cannot be overestimated. After all, it is the only global organization capable of carrying out coordinated actions that can stop bad and support positive trends." He emphasizes that we need science related to justice. "Such science was, is, and will be needed. If it has not emerged until now, then it is necessary to create it and name it. I would name it 'justology'." Part VIII, as the last one, is about "Faith and Crime Prevention." It has four texts, including the Epilogue of the Editors. Michael Platzer presents the text "The Faith-Based Organizations and the United Nations." The author emphasizes that the United Nations has had an ambiguous relationship with faith-based organizations (FBOs) since its founding in 1945. Only with the arrival of Kofi Annan did the UN see the need to work with civil society, which included religious and local community institutions. The major conferences held in the 1990s provided sufficient space for non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to be taken seriously. The UN 2000 Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and the 2016 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) gave NGOs an importance equal to government and international agencies. An Inter-Agency Task Force for engaging with FBOs was established and various fora were created to develop concrete collaborative initiatives. It is estimated that there have been ten times more FBO projects in the last 5 years than at the millennium. Each of the UN Agencies is supposed to supply a report to the General Assembly describing its activities. While many professionals in the Agencies are still skeptical about the effectiveness of FBOs, the mutual respect and active cooperation in development and humanitarian assistance has steadily increased since 1945, particularly in this millennium. Tina L. Bertrand writes about "Turning the Tables on the War on Terror: The Alliance of Civilization as a United Nations Response to It." The author discusses the topic "how states limit or prevent the United Nations [. . .] from fulfilling its mission, especially when great powers have a vested interest in influencing outcomes themselves." A violation of the UN's mission was the 2003 invasion of Iraq by the United States and its allies. After the invasion, the UN Secretary-General created the Alliance of Civilizations (AoC). It concentrates on bridging the cultural and religious divides between Islam and the West to reduce prospects for violence. The AoC has five specific focus areas in this regard: education, youth, migration, the media, and women. The number of countries experiencing violent extremism and terrorism has steadily risen the last years. The author discusses the role played by the UN Secretary-General in reframing the international response to terrorism via the AoC. Bertrand takes up "two factors that seem to have significantly impacted the AoC's competency in carrying out its agenda: requisite support of key actors to adopt and promote norms. . ., and the ability to graft a new norm dimension onto a broader, pre-established one. . . ." The author comes to the conclusion that the AoC can "boast of successes, as well as bemoan failures. It has widespread membership, but its donor base, which is critical to its survival, remains small." Thomas Walsh writes about "Spirituality, Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice: The Ongoing Significance of Faith-Based Organizations to the Work of the United Nations." The author discusses the capacities of religion to bring value to the efforts of governments and international organizations, including the United Nations, in their effort to mitigate or solve social problems and secure peace and prosperity. Religion continues to be a social force that impacts our world, with capacities at times problematic and at other times socially redemptive. "This social fact stands out independently of one's personal views about religion: believer, non-believer, atheist, disinterested, or advocate." This does not mean that religion is incorruptible, on the contrary. The author discusses the significance and relevance of religion and faithbased organizations to the mission and goals of the United Nations, and particularly the UN Office of Drugs and Crime. Walsh points out that populism and nationalism are on the rise in the early twenty-first century. FBOs and interfaith activists are increasingly engaged with many UN agencies and this may help to counter these developments. The volume finishes with an "Epilogue" from Sławomir Redo and Helmut Kury which emphasizes main threads of this book. 2017 (A) III The Universal Declaration of Human Rights A/RES/70/1 Transforming our world: the 2030 Agenda for sustainable development A/RES/73/195 Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration A tale of culture-bound regime evolution: the centennial democratic trend and its recent reversal. Democratization COVID-19 and trade policy: Why turning inward won't work Democracy in America (H. Reeve, Trans.). The Library of the world's best literature. An anthology in thirty volumes Progress towards the Sustainable Development Goals Dropping the Democratic Façade The global spread of constitutional review Guide to developing a culture of lawfulness A memo to trade ministers on how trade policy can help fight COVID-19 Forms of civic engagement and corruption: Disentangling the roles of voluntary associations, elite challenging mass movements and the type of trust within social networks Never let a good water crisis go to waste Judicial review in the contemporary world -Retrospective and prospective The spirit of laws The Universal Declaration of Human Rights. origins, drafting of intent Inherent human rights: Philosophical roots of the Universal Declaration The Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the challenge of religion What is populism? London: Penguin Populism and the people Toxic lockdown culture' of repressive coronavirus measures hits most vulnerable Variance and time series analysis of democracy index Blue criminology. The power of United Nations ideas to counter crime globally. Helsinki: European Institute for Crime Prevention and Control, affiliated with the United Nations The United Nations role in crime control and prevention: from "what?" to "how? The myth of judicial Activism. Making sense of Supreme Court Decisions OurWorldInData.org -a new web publication by INET Oxford shows how the world is changing The Universal Declaration of Human Rights God's century: Resurgent religion and global politics Compendium of United Nations standards and norms in crime prevention and criminal justice. Vienna: United Nations António Guterres secretary-general's remarks on the launch of the Fez plan of action António Guterres. We are all in this together: Human rights and COVID-19 rsponse and recovery The SDG16 Data Initiative World Justice Project Rule of Law Index His research areas include offender rehabilitation, crime prevention, attitudes to punishment, fear of crime, punitiveness, alternatives to punishment, diversion, methodological problems of empirical social science research, international comparison of crime and punishment. He cooperated with many universities and research institutes internationally, especially with countries of the former Soviet Union. His most recent publications in English are Fear of Crime -Punitivity Women and Children as Victims and Offenders: Background, Prevention, Reintegration. Suggestions for Succeeding Generations. 2 Vols Mediation in Germany and Other Western Countries Harsh Punishment or Alternatives: Which Is the Better Crime Prevention. Juricia international Migration in Germany and Georgia (Comparative Analyses) Rehabilitation in Prison. German Experiences and what can be done better Integration of refugees in Germany -Has the criminal burden increased Refugees and Migrants in Law and Policy. Challenges and Opportunities for Global Civic Education Some Considerations of Restorative Justice Before and Outside of Contemporary Western States. Kriminologijos studijos -Criminological Studies Refugees: Post Traumatic Stress, and Crime -Experiences from Germany On the Preventative Effect of Sanctions for Drug Crime: The United States, Germany and Portugal. Archiwum Kryminologii United Nations Senior Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice Expert and staff of the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (ret.); He had been involved in numerous projects implementing the UN standards and norms in crime prevention and criminal justice The Editors would like to thank very much, foremost, all the contributors for bearing with us through the long editorial process and attending to our many queries on points of detail. Without their excellent cooperation, it would have been impossible to edit this collective work on a particularly important event, the 75th Anniversary of the United Nations. We have been honored by the introductions provided to this book by the eminent personalities: H. E. Brigitte Bierlein and H. E. Lech Wałęsa. We also thank very much the publisher, Springer, and especially Ms. Anke Seyfried for the excellent advice, cooperation, and other logistical support in bringing the manuscripts into fruition through this publication.