Six social documents of His Holiness Pope Pius XII : and a letter of His Excellency Monsignor Montin ^ <^£lec.Vov>'s . i<^S’3 SoOO<\ -DOtAAT^O^S' — \A5?> ! c 3, Six Social Documents OF HIS HOLINESS POPE PIUS XII and a Letter of His Excellency Monsignor Montini Digitized by th^nternet Archive in 2016 https://archive.org/detaiis/sixsociaidocumencath i . J 'i SIX SOCIAL DOCUMENTS OF His Holiness Pope Pius XII A Letter of His Excellency Msgr. Montini Published In the U. S. A. By OUR SUNDAY VISITOR PRESS Huntington, Indiana i Nihil Obstat: VERY REV. MSGR. T. E. DILLON Censor Librorum Imprimatur •J-JOHN F. O'HARA, C.S.C. Archbishop of Philadelphia Ash Wednesday, 1 953 I Discourse of His Holiness, Pope Pius XII, to the Representatives of the International Union of Catholic Employers Associations May 7, 1949 |T is with equal solicitude and equal interest that We see coming to Us, each in turn, the workers and the representatives of in- dustrial organizations, and both, one and the other, expressing to Us—with a confidence that deeply touches Us—their respective wor- ries and problems. Thus, while welcoming you with Our whole heart. We most willingly take, dear sons, the opportunity that you afford Us of expressing Our paternal pleasure and praising your zeal in spread- ing the Christian social doctrine in the economic world. We allude to the worries and problems of those engaged in industrial production. Both false and evil in its consequences and, unhappily, only too widespread, is the prejudice which sees in those problems irreconcilable opposition between the various interests. That opposition, however, is merely apparent. In the economic sphere there is a community of activities and interests shared by leaders of industry and the workers. To disregard this mutual bond, or to endeavor to break it, can only be the pretension of a blind and unreasonable despotism. Employers and workers are not unreconcilable enemies. They are collaborators in a common effort, they eat, so to speak, at the same table since they live, eventually, from the gross or net profits of the national economy. Each has his income, and in this respect their mutual relations are not subordinated, one to the service of the other. 6 SIX SOCIAL DOCUMENTS To receive a return for one's work is a prerogative deriving from the personal dignity of anyone who, in one way or another, be it as owner or worker, contributes effectively to the output of the na- tional economy. On the balance sheet of private industry, the sum expended on wages can be counted as expense incurred by the employer. But, in the national economy, there is only one kind of expense, and this consists of the natural goods utilized for national production; these must be constantly replenished. It follows that both parties have an interest in seeing that the cost of national production be in proportion to the retmm. Since, however, the interest is mutual, why can it not find mutual expres- sion in a common formula? Why should it not be lawful to give workers a fair share of responsibility in the establishment and de- velopment of the national economy—and that nowadays more than ever when the scarcity of capital and difficulties of international exchange paralyze the free flow of expenditure on national produc- tion? Recent attempts at socialization have only made this sad reality even more clear. It is a fact; and neither has bad will on one side created it, nor can good will on the other side eliminate it. While, then, there is still time, why not deal with the subject, in full appreciation of common responsibility, in such a way as to safeguard one side from unjust diffidence, and the other from illusions that would not be long in becoming a social danger? For this community of interest and responsibilities, in the sphere of national economy. Our ever-memorable predecessor. Pope Pius XI, had already suggested a suitable and concrete formula, when in his Encyclical “Quadragesimo Anno" he recommended professional organization in the various branches of production. In fact, nothing seemed to him to be more fitted to overcome economic liberalism than the establishment of a statute of public law for social economy, based precisely on the mutual responsibility of all those sharing the work of production. This passage of the Encyclical aroused a series of objections. Some saw in it a conces- sion to modem political opinions, while others regarded it as a return to the middle ages. SIX SOCIAL DOCUMENTS 7 It would have been incomparably wiser to put aside old and inconsistent prejudices and come together, wholeheartedly and with good will, for the realization of such a project with its many practical applications. Unfortunately, this part of the Encyclical seems now to present us with yet another example of the ripe opportunity being missed, because it was not grasped at the right time. Subsequently, there have been attempts to elaborate other forms of juridical and public organization of the social economy, and at the present time prefer- ence is given to state and national ownership of industry. There is no doubt that the Church, too, within certain just limits, approves nationalization and holds that one may legitimately reserve to public authority certain kinds of assets, namely those which are of such power and importance that they cannot be left in the hands of private individuals without endangering the com- mon good (Quadragesimo Anno). To make nationalization, however, the normal rule for public organization of economy would be to reverse the order of things. The object of public law is, in fact, to serve private rights, and not to absorb them. Social Economy is not, by its nature, a state institu- tion, any more than any other branch of human activity. On the contrary, it is the living product of the free enterprise of individu- als and of groups of individuals freely constituted. Neither would it be correct to say that all private enterprise is, by nature, a society in which the relations between the collaborators must be determined by the rules of distributive justice in such a way that all, without distinction—be they owners or not of the means of production—would have a right to share in the property, or at least in the profits of the enterprise. Such a concept starts with the assumption that all enterprise, by its nature, comes within the sphere of public law. This assumption is false, whether the enterprise be constituted in the form of a foundation or an association of all the workers as co-proprietors, or it be the private property of an individual who signs a work-contract 8 SIX SOCIAL DOCUMENTS with his workers: it is amenable to the private juridical order of economic life. All that We have just said refers to the juridical nature of enterprise as such, but the term "enterprise” can admit another entire category of other personal relations between collaborators, which must not be forgotten, and also relations of mutual responsi- bility. The proprietor of the means of production—whether he be an individual, or an association of workers, or a foundation (corpora- tion)—must always remain the master of his economic decisions, within the limits of public economic law. It is obvious that the share of the proprietor will be larger than that of his collaborators; but it follows that the material well-being of all the members of the nation—which is the aim of social economy—obliges him more than the others to contribute to the increase of national assets by savings. Just as one must not forget that it is of supreme benefit to a sound social economy that this increase in assets should come from as many sources as possible, it is also greatly to be desired that the workers, too, should be able, out of their savings, to share in the building up of national assets. Many men of industry such as you, non-Catholics and Catholics, have at various times expressly declared that the social doctrine of the Church—and it alone—is capable of providing the essential elements for a solution of the social question. Undoubtedly, the putting into practice of this doctrine cannot be accomplished in a day. Its realization requires of all wisdom, perspicacity and fore- sight, together with a generous measure of common sense and good will. It requires of them, above all, a radical resistance to the temp- tation of each working for his own advantage at the expense of the others—regardless of the nature and form of their participation—or at the expense of the common good. It requires that altruism which only true Christian virtue, strengthened by the help and grace of God, can inspire. To bring this help and grace on your association and on its internal growth and external diffusion—particularly in those coun- SIX SOCIAL DOCUMENTS 9 tries which even though Catholic need however to give wider con- sideration to the social teaching of the Church—We give, with all the effusion of Our heart, to yourselves and your association, and under the powerful patronage of the Mother of Divine love. Our Apostolic Blessing. II Discourse of His Holiness, Pope Pius XII, to the International Congress of Social Studies June 3, 1950 welcome you, members of the International Congress of Social Studies and of the International Christian Social Union, and We experience an altogether exceptional pleasure in extending this welcome to you, here, during this Holy Year. This meeting is more than a happy coincidence. It is, on your part, the manifestation of your personal sentiments. It is, on Our part, the basis for Our fond hope that your deliberations and reso- lutions will contribute, in large measure, towards bringing to full flower the beautiful fruits which We promise Ourselves from this year of the Great Return and of universal reconciliation, namely, the renewal and the expansion, in the great community of mankind, of the spirit of justice, of brotherhood, and of peace. It is, indeed, the absence or the decline of that spirit which must be regarded as one of the principal causes of the evils afflict- ing millions of men in modern society—that entire, immense multi- tude of unfortunates, starving or threatened with starvation be- cause of unemployment. Upon their misery and their discouragement feeds the spirit of evil with the aim of turning them away from Christ, the true and only Saviour, and of hurling them into the flood of atheism and of materialism, and of enlisting them into the structure of social or- ganizations which are in contradiction to the order established by God. Dazzled by the blinding light of beautiful promises, by the brazen assertion of inevitable success, they are sorely tempted to SIX SOCIAL DOCUMENTS 11 give themselves over to facile illusions, which cannot but lead them to new and frightful social upheavals. And yet what an awakening stark reality reserves for them when once these golden dreams shall have been dispelled! Only by combining all the people of good will in the entire world into a vast plan, a plan undertaken with loyalty and in per- fect accord, can a remedy be forthcoming. Let us have no more of those blinders which limit our field of vision, and which would re- duce the enormous problem of unemployment simply to an attempt to bring about a better distribution of the sum-total of the individ- ual physical forces of labor throughout the world. One must confront, in all its fulness, the obligation of giving to innumerable families, in their natural, moral, juridical and econ- omic unity, an equitable livelihood, corresponding, however modest- ly so long as it be sufficiently, to the exigencies of human nature. Let us put behind us the selfish preoccupations of nations and of classes which can, no matter in how small a degree, hinder a loyally- undertaken and a vigorously-pursued program involving the com- bined effort of all forces and of aU possibilities on the face of the earth, involving the concurrence of aU initiatives and of all efforts whether of particular individuals or of particular groups, and in- volving the imiversal collaboration of peoples and of States, where- in each will make his respective contribution of wealth: in raw materials, in capital, and in labor. Finally, all those participating in this common effort must appreciate the help afforded them by the Church. There you have the great social problem which, at the present time, stands at the crossroads. May it be set on its way towards a favorable solution, even at the expense of material interests, even at the price of sacrifices on the part of all members of the great hu- man family. In this way one of the most disturbing factors of the international situation will be eliminated, that factor, which, more than any other, supplies today the fuel for the ruinous cold war, and which threatens to set off an incomparably more devastating hot war, a burning war. 12 SIX SOCIAL DOCUMENTS In the old industrial countries, a man would indeed show him- self to be out of touch with the times were he to think that today— as was the case a century or even but a half century ago—there is question merely of guaranteeing to the wage earner, freed as he is from his feudal or ancient bonds, freedom in fact as well as freedom under law. Such a conception would manifest a complete misunder- standing of the heart of the situation as it exists today. During the past several decades in most of these countries—and often under the decisive influence of the Catholic social movement —there has already arisen a social policy marked by a progressive evolution of labor laws and, reciprocally, by the subjection of the private owner, in control of the means of production, to juridical obligations which favor the worker. Whoever wishes to extend social policy even further in this same direction encounters a limit—that is to say, that point at which the danger arises of the working class, in its turn, possibly follow- ing the mistakes of capital. These mistakes consisted in withdraw- ing, particularly in very large companies, the management of the means of production from the personal responsibility of the private owner, whether individual or company, in order to transfer this management to the responsibility of anonymous, corporate groups. A Socialist mentality would accommodate itself very well to such a situation. But it would disturb the person who realizes the fundamental importance of the right to private property as a means of stimulating initiative and of fixing responsibility in economic matters. An equal danger arises when one insists that the wage-earners in a company should have the right of economic co-management, especially when the exercise of this right is in fact, subject, directly or indirectly, to organizations outside the company itself. Now, neither the nature of the work contract, nor the nature of the business necessarily imply, in themselves, such a right. It is beyond all doubt that the wage earners and the employer are both subjects, not objects, of the economy of a nation. There can SIX SOCIAL DOCUMENTS 13 be no question of denying this parity; it is a principle which social policy has already proved valid and which a policy organized on the professional level would validate even more effectively. But, at the same time, there is nothing in private law relationships, as these are governed by the simple wage contract, which contradicts this fundamental parity. The wisdom of Our Predecessor, Pius XI, showed this clearly in the encyclical, “Quadragesimo Anno” and, accordingly, he denies therein the intrinsic need of modifying the wage contract by a contract of partnership. This is not to deny the usefulness of what has been achieved up to the present in this matter, in various ways, to the common ad- vantage of employers and employees (Acta Ap. Sedis, Vol. 23, page 199). But in the light of the principles and the facts, the right to economic co-management, which is being claimed, is outside the sphere of these possible achievements. The trouble with these problems is that they cause one to lose sight of the most important, the most urgent problem of all—a prob- lem which definitely oppresses, like a nightmare, these old indus- trial countries. We mean the imminent and the permanent threat of unemployment, the problem of reintegration and of the assurance of normal productivity, which productivity, by its origin as well as by its aim, is intimately bound up with the dignity and the well-being of the family considered as a moral, legal and economic unit. As for those countries whose industrialization is today being planned. We can only praise the efforts of those ecclesiastical au- thorities who are endeavoring to spare the peoples living up until the present time in a patriarchal or even a feudal regime, and es- pecially in communities of mixed economy, the repetition of the unfortunate omissions of Nineteenth Century economic liberalism. A social policy in conformity with the teaching of the Church, supported by organizations which guarantee both the material and the spiritual interests of the people, and which are adapted to present-day living conditions—such a policy ought to be supported by the vote of every true Catholic without exception. 14 SIX SOCIAL DOCUMENTS Even supposing as an admitted fact these new industrializa- tions, the problem remains unsolved and the question still arises in their regard: are they, or are they not, contributing to the reintegra- tion and to the assurance of healthy productivity in the national economy? Or are they merely increasing still further the number of industries which are always at the mercy of new crises? And then, too, what precaution will be taken to consolidate and • to develop the home market, which is made productive by reason of the size of the population and of the multiplicity of its needs, in those places where the allocation of the capital investment is guided solely by the enticement towards short-lived gains, and where vain illusions of national prestige determine economic decisions? Mass production, exploitation to the exhaustion point, of all the resources upon and beneath the earth’s smface have already been attempted to excess. Only too cruelly have the rural populations and rural economies been sacrificed in these attempts. Equally blind is the almost superstitious confidence in the mechanism of a world market to balance the economy, as well as that trust in a Welfare State charged with providing for each of its subjects, and in every circumstance of life, the right to advance unreasonable claims which, when all is said and done, cannot possibly be realized. In the face of the pressing duty in the field of social economy of balancing production with consumption, production wisely measured to fit the needs and the dignity of men, the problem of the regulation and of the establishment of this economy, insofar as production is concerned, is today of prime importance. We must look for the solution of this problem neither in the purely positivis- tic theory founded on the neo-Kantian critique of the ‘laws of the market” nor in the equally artificial formalism of “full employ- ment.” This is the problem upon which We should like to see theorists and practitioners of the Catholic social movement concentrate their attention, making it the focal point of their study. Wherefore, as a pledge of the paternal interest We take in SIX SOCIAL DOCUMENTS 15 your studies and your work, initiated under the protection of the Holy Ghost Whom We pray will shower you with His gifts, to you and to all Catholic sociologists, We, from the fullness of Our Heart, impart Our Apostolic Blessing. Ill Address of His Holiness, Pope Pius XII, to the Italian Catholic Association of Owner-Managers (Consiglic Nazionale Della Unione Cristianaa Imprenditori Dirigenti) UCID January 31, 1952 thank you, beloved sons, wholeheartedly, and We congratu- late you. With no less modesty than zeal, you dedicate your- selves to a task which We consider of great importance. A lofty ideal, and one truly worthy of you, has been its inspiration. This undertaking is still in its early stages. And yet, during the first five years of its life, it has already produced good results, and gives promise of even better and more abundant fruits. And its ultimate hope of success is assured rather by the goal at which it aims, and by the Divine assistance which it invokes, than by any human support, however powerful it may be. Zeal has inspired you to begin your task without waiting until you should be many in number, or until you should be equipped with all the means that might be desired. Modesty has allowed you to advance with caution, sure of foot, without a grandiose and minutely detailed program, but rather only with the clarity and X^recision of the thought which animates you. What, then, is this thought—this ideal of yours which daily becomes increasingly clearer and more defined? To Us it seems to be the clear, lofty and Christian concept which you have of industry. F or you, industry is more than a mere means of earning a livelihood and of maintaining the lawful dignity of one’s social position, one’s individual independence and that of one’s family. It is more than the technical and practical collaboration of ideas, of capital, and of the many types of labor—all of which favor production and pro- SIX SOCIAL DOCUMENTS 17 gress. It is more than an important factor of economic life, more than a simple contribution to the development of social justice, however praiseworthy that contribution might be. For, if the con- cept of business were but this, it would still be insufficient to establish and to promote complete order, since order is not truly such unless it dominates the whole of life and all of its activities: material, economic, social and, above all, Christian activities with- out which Man remains ever incomplete. Without doubt, you have not attempted—for such would have been a fanciful, even though noble, dream—to bring about this order immediately, or even to have crystallized its final program. But your purpose is clearly determined; and on this score you have no hesitation. That purpose is dear to your hearts. Indeed one might say that it has taken possession of your minds. You are determined to do your best to achieve that purpose, although fully aware that you can realize it only step by step in the light of experience. There is no doubt that you have already obtained results, albeit they are nothing more than your meeting, your project, your common action and your progress in understanding, appreciating and carrying out your duties. Your numbers are still few, but sig- nificant-each of you working in his own field, without, however, on that account working in isolation. On the contrary, moved by a most ardent spirit of solidarity and of conquest, you are aspiring to increase your ranks by gradual- ly winning over other leaders, animated by the same desire. Your program is that while each one labors in his own field of endeavor, each of you also cooperates with all the others, striving not so much to increase your numbers as to promote among yourselves the purity and grandeur of your aims as well as the effective convic- tion of your duty and of your ideal. This duty, this ideal is, as We have said, the full management, lofty and Christian, of your business, management penetrated with human sentiments in the widest and highest sense of the word. Like the drop of oil in the gears^ this human sentiment must pene- 18 SIX SOCIAL DOCUMENTS trate all the members, and all the branches of industry: the execu- tives, their assistants, the clerical employees and the workers of all ranks, from the artisan and the highly skilled workman down to the humblest manual laborer. If business firms, effectively penetrated with the truly human spirit, multiply and unite with you one after another, if they be- come like so many large families, and if, not content with their own separate existence, as in a closed vessel, they will unite among them- selves, then, all together, they will tend to form a strong and a liappy society. It would be certainly Utopian to suppose that this society could be formed all at once. And that is precisely why We have just lauded that confident zeal of yours which, without undue delay, has the courage to blaze the trail, and that prudence of yours which regulates its progress. Persevere in this spiritl Thus, you will certainly labor effectively in bringing about in an ever better fashion the consolidation and the expansion of a vigorous and a healthy Christian society. The great misery of the social order is that it is neither deeply Christian nor truly human, but only technical and economic. It is not at all built on what should be its basis and the solid foimdation of its unity—viz., the character common to men of being men by reason of their nature, and also sons of God by reason of the grace of divine adoption. As for you who are resolved to introduce everywhere this human factor into industry, into its various component grades and offices, and into economic and public life by means of legislation and popular education—you are attempting to transform the masses, who would remain amorphous, inert, lifeless, and at the mercy of agitators with an ulterior purpose, into a society whose members, while differing one from the other, constitute, nonetheless, each ac- cording to his own function, one united body. This is a comparison with which you are very familiar. (Cf. I Cor. 12, 12 ff.) May this always be your policy and, as it were, the SIX SOCIAL DOCUMENTS 19 charter of your organization. By remaining faithful to it, you will be sure that you are building on the solid Rock Which is Christ, on the rock which Christ has placed as the foundation for His Church. Beloved sons, there is much talk nowadays about a reform in the structure of industry. Those who are promoting it are think- ing primarily of juridical modifications among its members, be they businessmen or employees included in the business by virtue of their labor contract. We could not, however, but note the changes infiltrating into such movements. These tendencies do not, as they should, apply the incontestable norms of natural law to the changed conditions of our time, but simply exclude them. For this reason, in Our addresses of May 7, 1949, to the International Union of Catholic Employers* Associations and in that of June 3, 1950, to the International Con- gress of Social Studies, We opposed these tendencies, certainly not to favor the material interests of one group over another, but rather to assure sincerity and tranquility of conscience for all those to whom these problems apply. Nor could We disregard the changes which distorted the words of high wisdom of Our glorious predecessor, Pius XL These distor- tions have come about by overemphasizing an observation of wholly secondary importance (regarding the eventual juridical modifications in the relations between the employees subject to the labor contract, and the other contracting party), and by giving to this observation the value and the importance of a modem social program of the Church. Meanwhile, they pass over, more or less in silence, the principal part of the Encyclical, “Quadragesimo Anno,” which contains the Church’s real program: viz., the idea of a corporate, occupational order of the entire economy. Whoever sets about to treat problems relative to the reform of the structure of in- dustry, without taking into account that every single business is, by its very purpose, closely bound up with the whole of the national economy, runs the risk of positing erroneous and false premises, en- dangering the entire economic and social order. Therefore, in that same address of June 3, 1950, We tried to place in its proper light the thought and the doctrine of Our Predecessor, to whom nothing 20 SIX SOCIAL DOCUMENTS was more alien than to give any encouragement whatsoever to follow the road which leads toward the forms of an anonymous, collective responsibility. But you, on the contrary, are traveling the one, safe road, that road which tends to inspire personal relations with sentiments of Christian brotherhood, a road that can be traveled everywhere and one which is of ample circulation on that industrial level. Your aim will give you the inventiveness and the ability to ensure that the personal dignity of the workers, far from being lost in the overall management of the industry itself, will increase the efficiency of that industry not only in a material way, but also, and above all, by gaining for it the advantages of a true community. Go forward, therefore, and work with confident perseverance under the protection of Almighty God, in pledge of which We wholeheartedly impart Our Paternal Apostolic Blessing to you, to those who are united or who will be united with you, and to every- one and everything dear to your hearts. IV Text of A Letter of His Holiness, Pope Pius XII, Addressed to the Thirty-Ninth ‘Social Week’ at Dijon, France July 7, 1952 our beloved son, Charles Flory, President of *'The Social Weeks^ of France: In accord with the tradition of the lofty economic and social themes which have been studied in your annual sessions, the “Thirty-ninth Social Week,” which will soon convene at Dijon, has the intention of coming to grips with one of the problems on which, without any doubt, social and international peace depend today. That contrast between wealth and poverty, which is intolerable to the Christian conscience, has been brought home to you most forcibly by the picture of present conditions in the world. And, in the coming sessions, you will be searching for a remedy for the problem through the increase and the better distribution of national income. The question is not new. As early as 1931 Our immediate Predecessor, reiterating the doctrine of Leo XIII, wrote as follows: “Each one must be given his due share, and the distribution of created goods must be brought back into conformity with the norms of the common good or of social justice. For the flagrant con- trast between the handful of those who hold excessive wealth and the multitude of those who live in utter destitution gives witness, in the mind of every sincere observer, to the serious disorders which exist today in this matter” (Acta Apostolicae Sedis XXIII, 1931, page 197). This consideration led Pius XI to urge all responsible parties “to leave no stone unturned” in attempting to see to it that the rich- 22 SIX SOCIAL DOCUMENTS es created in such great abundance in our period of industrialism might be more equitably divided. To be sure. We gladly recognize the fact that, for the past several decades, thanks to persevering ef- forts and to progress in social legislation, this disparity in economic well-being has been rather considerably reduced—indeed, at times, to a very notable degree. And yet, since the last war this problem has become even more acute. It now presents itself on a worldwide scale with contrasts which are still startling; and the problem is fur- ther aggravated by the new yearnings which are being awakened in the minds of the masses by a more vivid realization of the economic inequalities existing between nations, between classes, and even between members of the same social class. We Ourselves have also, on several recent occasions, de- plored the intolerable increase in luxury spending and in super- fluous and unreasonable expenditures which contrast sharply with the misery of a great many people, whether in the ranks of the ur- ban or rural working-class, or among the throng of those little peo- ple who are usually categorized as the “economically weak.” “The goal toward which you can and must aim,” today just as much as yesterday, “is a more equitable distribution of wealth. This is and remains a basic point of the program of Catholic social doctrine” (Discourse of September 7, 1947, to the men of Italian Catholic Action). For this reason, one can only encourage the “Social Week of Dijon” to come to grips realistically with a problem of such gravity, and to study, both on the economic and social as well as on the national and international levels, its possible and prudent solutions in the light of the doctrine of the Church. This it will do in that university city of ancient renown, thanks to the convening there of experienced authorities; nor will this assembly lack prudent counsel from the Shepherd of that diocese which has welcomed this meet- ing. In approaching this question of wealth and poverty, could one possibly fail to recall to mind the unforgettable lessons of Sacred (1) Cf. Discourse of November 2, 1949; Discourse of March 8, 1962. SIX SOCIAL DOCUMENTS 23 Scripture regarding those who possess earthly riches and who are so easily tempted to take delight in them and to abuse them? The entire Gospel urges men to detachment from earthly possessions as a condition for eternal salvation. And the true follower of Jesus learns from the Gospel to consider worldly goods as being adapted for the life of the spirit and for a higher perfection. There can be no worse misery for man than to place his hopes in the possession of such perishable treasures: “With what difficulty will they that have riches enter the kingdom of God . . . Blessed are you poor, for yours is the kingdom of God . . . But woe to you that are rich! for you are now having your consolation” (Luke XVIII, 24 and Luke VI, 20, 24). What should we say, then, of those rich oppressors against whom Saint James thunders forth his solemn maledictions: “Behold, the wages of the laborers who have reaped your fields, which by fraud have been kept back by you, cry out; and their cry has en- tered into the ears of the Lord of Hosts” (Saint James V, 4). Such teachings of the Gospel raise the discussion to a distinctly higher level. Whatever be the subject under consideration, the Gatholic thinker is confirmed in a supreme spiritual independence with regard to the prestige given by riches—both those actually possessed, and those which are longed for. The Catholic thinker openly admits his esteem for Christian poverty; he professes that respect for and that service to the poor which honors Jesus Christ. He guards himself against the seduction of a false pretension that all men are economically equal; but at the same time, heeding the counsel of Saint James, he is careful never to show partiality toward persons simply because of their financial status (Saint James II, 1). Nor does he forget that, in the Christian view of a society wherein wealth would be better distributed, there would still al- ways be a place for renunciation and for suffering, (man s inevi- table but fruitful heritage in this life), which a materialistic con- ception of life, or the illusion of perfect justice during this earthly pilgrimage, tries in vain to erase from man s sight. Finally, at the sight of the vast number of poverty-stricken 24 SIX SOCIAL DOCUMENTS whose distress cries to Heaven, the urgent appeal of Saint John delineates for the Catholic thinker his duty: “He who has the goods of this world and sees his brother in need, and closes his heart to him, how does the love of God abide in him? . . . Let us not love in word, neither with the tongue, but in deed and in truth” (I St. John III, 17-18). How, then, in this modern world of ours, can we sculpture this effective and efficacious charity into the economic and the social order? How, in the first place, can we translate it into terms of justice, since, in order to be genuinely true, charity must always take into account the justice which must be established, and must never satisfy itself with disguising the disorders and the deficiencies of an unjust situation. The purpose of economic and social organization, to which we must here refer, is to obtain for its members and their families all the goods which the resources of nature and of industry, as well as a social organization of economic life, are capable of obtaining for them. As the Encyclical “Quadragesimo Anno” states in this matter: “These goods ought to be abundant enough both to satisfy the de- mands of a decent subsistence and to raise people to that degree of the comforts of life which, provided it be wisely employed, is no hindrance to virtue, but, on the contrary, greatly facilitates its ex- ercise” (Acta Apostolicae Sedis, Vol. XXII, 1931, page 202). Now then, if it is true that the best and the most natural means of satisfying this obligation is to increase the available goods by means of a healthy development of production, still it is also neces- sary, in pursuing this effort, to have care to distribute justly the fruits of the labor of all. “If such a just distribution of goods should not be realized or were only imperfectly assured, the true aim of the national economy would not be realized, since, however affluent the abundance of available goods might be, if the people were not al- lowed to share in them, they would still be not rich but poor” (Radio Message, June 1, 1941). This basic distribution is originally and normally brought about by virtue of the continuous dynamism of the social economic pro- SIX SOCIAL DOCUMENTS 25 cess which We have just recalled; and this process is, for a great many men, the source of their wages as recompense for their work. But we must not lose sight of the fact that, from the point of view of the national economy, these wages represent the income realized by the worker. Executives of industry and workers are here co- operators in a common task; both of them are called upon to derive their livelihood from the net and gross profits of the economy. And from this point of view, their mutual relations do not in any way render the one subservient to the other. In Our discourse of May 7, 1949, We said: “To receive a return for one’s work is a prerogative deriving from the personal dignity of anyone who, in one way or another . . . contributes effectively to the output of the national economy.” But since all are “eating at the same table,” so to speak, it would seem fair that—while respecting differences in functions and responsibilities—the shares given to each should conform to the common dignity which they have as men, and that, in particular, these shares should permit a greater number of persons both to attain that independence and security which comes from possession of private property, and to participate with their families in the spiritual and cultural goods to which earthly goods are ordained. Furthermore, if both the owners and the workers have a com- mon interest in the healthy prosperity of the national economy, why would it not be legitimate to give to the workers a just share of re- sponsibility in the organization and development of that economy. That observation which We made not long ago in Our address of May 7, 1949,^^^ is it not now all the more opportune when, under the difficulties, the insecurities and joint and separate liabilities which are part of the present time, decisions of an economic order are at times being imposed upon a country which involve the whole future of that national community, and often even the future of the whole family of nations? These few reflections suffice to show the difficulty involved in (1) Discourse of May 7, 1949 to “The International Union of the Catholic Employers Associations.” 26 SIX SOCIAL DOCUMENTS a sound distribution of earthly goods. To meet the demands of the social life, such a distribution cannot be left to the free play of blind economic forces, but must be viewed on the level of the na- tional economy, since it is on that level that one gets a clear pic- ture of the aim which should be pursued in the service of the com- mon temporal good. Whoever considers the problem in this fashion is led to question himself concerning the normal, even though re- stricted, functions which are vested in the State in these matters. First of all, the duty of increasing production and of adjusting it wisely to the needs and the dignity of the man places in the fore- ground the question as to how the economy should be regulated in- sofar as production is concerned. Now, although the public authori- ties should not substitute their tyrannical omnipotence for the legitimate self-government of private initiatives, these authorities have, nonetheless, in this matter, an undeniable role of coordination, which is made even more necessary in the confusion of present con- ditions, especially present social conditions. Specifically, without the cooperation of the public authorities it is not possible to formu- late a concerted economic policy which would promote active co- operation on the part of all, and the increase of industrial produc- tion, the direct source of the national income. Now if we think of the many riches which are lying dormant or being squandered in useless spending, but which if put back into circulation could contribute, through judicious and profitable use, to the welfare of so many families, could not these riches still serve the common good by opportunely helping to restore men's confi- dence, by stimulating credit, by checking egoism, and by promoting in this way a better balance in the economic life? But it also devolves upon the state to see to it that the very poor people are not unjustly wronged. On this point, the doctrine of Our predecessors is explicit wherein they teach that in the pro- tection of private rights, the authorities should have particular con- cern for the weak and the needy: "The wealthy class,” as Leo XIII observed, “constructs for itself, as it were, a bulwark out of its wealth, and has less need of governmental protection. But the needy SIX SOCIAL DOCUMENTS 27 masses, on the contrary, without the means to protect themselves, rely especially upon the protection of the State” (Encyclical, Quad- ragesimo Anno,” citing “Rermn Novarum,” Acta Apostolicae Sedis, XXXIII, 1931, page 185. It is for this reason that, in the face of the increased insecurity of many families whose precarious condition threatens to jeopar- dize their material, cultural and spiritual interests, some institutions have been endeavoring now for several years to correct the most flagrant evils which result from an over-mechanical distribution of the national income. While leaving due liberty to private factors of responsibihty operating in the economic life, these institutions, re- maining themselves adequately independent of the political power, can become for the low-income masses and for the poor of every category an indispensable remedy for the evils caused by the pres- ent economic or monetary disorder. However, the various forms and methods of such institutions should be studied with great care, and one could not possibly commit oneself unreservedly to a course wherein excessive taxes might threaten the rights of private prop- erty and wherein abuses of collective security might infringe upon personal or family rights. So the Church, taking a position midway between the errors of hberalism and statism, invites you to pursue your investigations along the course that she has many times set forth for you. “The great misery of the social order,” as We said recently, “is that it is neither deeply Christian nor truly human, but only technical and economic. It is not at all built on what should be its basis and the solid foundation of its unity—viz., the character common to men of being men by reason of their nature, and also sons of God by rea- son of the grace of divine adoption” (Discourse of January 31, 1952, to the Italian Catholic Association of Owner-Managers). May the studies of this Social Week cast a peaceful light on this group of grave problems. May God avert from the wealthy the spiritual perils which accompany riches, and from the laboring class the inhuman trials of want. May He draw both to the evan- gelical spirit of poverty and of service, and allow all to carry out. 28 SIX SOCIAL DOCUMENTS under better balanced conditions of the economic and social life, their one necessary work, namely, their salvation. It is with this prayer that, from a fatherly heart. We call down upon the forth- coming sessions of your social University a generous outpouring of Divine graces, and that We impart to you and to all the teachers and the auditors of this ‘‘Social Week” Our Apostolic Blessing. From the Vatican, July 7, 1952 PIUS PP. XII V Radio Address of His Holiness, Pope Pius XII, to the Austrian Katholikentag in Vienna September 14, 1952 J^eloved sons and daughters of Catholic Austria: Gladly We fulfill the wish of your Pastors, Our venerable bro- thers, to address your Katholikentag being held this year, the first since 1933, and to bestow upon it Our blessing. The years elapsed since that date have continued in unimagin- able upheavals and catastrophies, the course of the fateful events which began with the First World War, shook your existence as a nation and a state to its very foundations, and left your land a prey to the most dangerous political, economic and cultural tensions. A happy outcome of these events can as yet not be foreseen and must in all humility be committed to the merciful disposition of Divine Providence. Placed in this condition, you have assigned to your rally of Catholic forces one unmistakable goal: it was to be a signal for the reawakening and revival of religious life in the Austrian people. In doing this you have well planned. For though your freedom of action, in disregard of the dignity and rights of your nation, is still largely restrained and shackled in other fields, in the sphere of religious revival you can always exert your power and bring about a religious regeneration, thus creating for your country values which it will need under all circumstances however the future may be shaped. Your beautiful Austrian homeland, beloved sons and daughters, abounds in precious creations of art and folk customs, expressive of Catholic religion and culture, which are the fruit of many centuries of faith and occupy a place of honor in the temple of history and so SIX SOCIAL DOCUMENTS art. But what matters now above all and practically alone is this: See to it that these external forms retain their inner meaning, that they do not some day turn into a deathmask but always remain the ou^ard manifestation of a living organism warm with an inner glow and overflowing vitality. Therefore We appeal to you and especially to the young gen- eration; Seek to grasp your Catholic faith with new clarity and with deeper and fuller conviction. Endeavor in every way to make it more and more a reality in prayer and intimate union with Christ, the source of all grace, in your innermost thinking and willing, in your personal actions, in yom: family life, in your public relations and activities. Bear in mind that what we are saying at this occasion applies not only to the crowded industrial centers with their toiling masses but is likewise applicable to the rural population up to the most remote mountain hamlet. The solicitous concern for your Faith must inspire you to insist that your children be permanently assmed of Catholic schools. What profits Catholic education in the parental home if the school undoes all the home has carefully built up. Taught by sad experi- ences in the past and present, the Church in this matter insists to the very last on the rights of the faithful, and exhorts you, on your part, stoutly to claim your rights. As you love your faith uphold the sanctity of marriagel Let the nuptial ceremony be sacred to you. A Catholic can enter a true marriage only under religious auspices, and never by a purely civil ceremony. If the will of the people has any meaning in civic life, demand that the wishes of the overwhelming majority of your nation in this regard be duly respected. 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