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Our Rights and Duties as

Catholics and as
1

Citizens

A LECTURE BY

Hon. Wm. J. Onahan

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ARBUCKI,E BUILDING

BROOKLYN, NEW YORK CITY
Cable Address • “Veritas,” New York

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OUR RIGHTS AND DUTIES AS CATHOLICS
AND AS CITIZENS.

A LECTURE BY HON. WM. J. ONAHAN.

Delivered in Cretin Hall, St. Paul, Minn., at the First Annual Meeting
of the Catholic Truth Society, March 10th, 1891.

Ail men profess to love the truth and seem eagerly to
seek it. Truth is truth, whatsoever its title, hence Cath-

olic truth
,
even though bearing to some an unwelcome

prefix, should meet, if not ready acceptance, at least a

fair and respectful hearing. In undertaking the task of

making Catholic truth more widely known, and of de-
fending and vindicating Catholic teachings and princi-

ples, whenever and wherever these shall be unfairly

assailed or challenged, the Catholic Truth Society acquits

itself of a plain duty incumbent on Catholic laymen. I
am aware that the Catholic Truth Society has no mission
or authority to teach the gospel. There is an appointed

order in the church for that apostolate : the Hierarchy

and clergy; but Catholic laymen, assuredly may give
testimony of their faith—nay, are bound to do so, when
necessity requires or occasion justifies.

This must always be done in a temperate manner,

never in an offensive or aggressive spirit, but we certain-
ly have a right on proper occasions to defend it against

slander and calumny.

We are the children of the Church. Shall we not
stand forth to champion our mother when her honor and



good name are assailed? As Catholics, have we not the
plain duty to champion her cause ? But why should
there be any necessity or occasion in this land of relig-

ious liberty and equal rights to defend our religion from

assault ?

Why should it be assailed here in the United States

—

a country discovered by Catholic navigators, explored
by Catholic missionaries, defended on the sea and on the
land by Catholic valor, supported and sustained in part
by Catholic loyalty and devotion? I need not employ
names justly renowned in American annals, nor appeal

to the shining proofs from the pages of history, which at-

test the unqualified fidelity of the American Catholic to

the constitution and laws of the land. That task has

been happily performed by my predecessor in the course
of lectures given under your auspices in this hall. Is it

not anomalous that in this nineteenth century, in the

light of all our boasted knowledge, there should prevail

so much popular ignorance in regard to the Catholic
Church ?
The average American or Englishman, who pretends

to even a modest degree or standard of education, can

generally discuss with intelligence and fairness, the con-

ditions of Grecian civilization, the domestic and social

life and customs, the religious belief and the political

principles that prevailed in Athens in the days of Per-

icles and Demosthenes; or in the Rome of the Caesars;
and could give an intelligent epitome of the rites and

mysteries which obtained in Egypt in the period of the
Ptolemies. On any one or all of these subjects, the aver-
age student can talk cleverly, even learnedly. But when
it comes to dealing with the greatest fact and factor in

history, the most commanding as well as the most inter-
esting figure in the world to-day, the Catholic Church,

how lamentable his ignorance on the simplest and most
readily aquired facts as to her history and teaching?

It is strange and yet at the same time, it is a fact
easily accounted for. How many there are who view



3

the Catholic Church only through the red glare of pas-

sion and bigotry? How few who see her in her true
colors ! I sometimes do not wonder at this. The popular
judgment of the Church was early poisoned by teaching
and text books, which instilled into young minds, dis-
trust and fear of a religion “fit only for the uneducated

and the uncivilized.” They too often read its history in
pages distorted by prejudice—often inflamed by deliber-
ate hatred and malice. They heard it characterized
from pulpit and rostrum, in language of bitter invective

and furious vituperation; its doctrines and teachings

derided; its sacred rites and ceremonies scoffed at as a
mockery and imposture; its priests and nuns and re-
ligious orders held up to public scorn in terms of hateful
contumely; and this—not alone in past centuries and in
other lands, not alone in periods of religious or political

persecutions, or during the wrath of war, but here in the

present day and in this peaceful land dedicated to free-
dom—above all to religious freedom! That these un-
happy prejudices are founded in ignorance or malice, we
know too well. We feel now the force and effect of that
monopoly of falsehood, which during three centuries the

evil one has employed with diabolical art against the

Church.

Up to a comparatively recent period almost all Eng-
lish literature and especially English history, in what-

soever related to the Catholic Church was a Ck Conspiracy
against the Truth.” Facts were distorted, motives mis-

judged and misinterpreted, and language perverted from

its true meaning and purpose in order to tell against
the Church. When we know how all the various sources
of knowledge and avenues of information—the prlpit,
the press, parliament, history, poetry, fiction, philosophy,

were all enlisted as it were, in a general crusade against

the Catholic Church—what chance was there for a fair
and impartial hearing or judgment.

Some of these conditions, though happily in less de-
gree, prevail now. Let me not be misunderstood nor



4

misinterpreted. I am not here to-night for the purpose
of provoking or seeking to perpetuate religious dissen-

sions. I should be unworthy of your respect and would
forfeit my title to speak in your behalf and presence,
were I to part so widely from principles and convictions
dear to us all. No, speaking in your name as in my
own, I insist that I am here to plead for truth and good
will towards all, for all. I plead for fair play and equal
rights. I despise bigotry and condemn persecution for
opinion’s sake, whatever form it may assume—wherever
and whenever exercised and practiced; and I may con-
fidently pledge the assurance that I will be sustained in

this declaration by every Catholic citizen, lay or cleric,
in the United States.

I am confident none will stand forward in the critical
hour more eagerly or more loyally in defense of that
principle than will my co-religionists in every state in
the Union. Surely we may hope that this fact will be
recognized, and that the time is not distant when the
unworthy prejudices and suspicions to which I have al-

luded, will be dispelled and shall disappear altogether,

when with a fuller knowledge and a juster appreciation
of the truth—too long hidden from their view—the non-
Catholic public will attain to a more reasonable estimate
of the Church and of Catholics. If our non-Catholic

brethren cannot in that day accept as fully demonstrated,

the truth of the Church, the divinity of its origin and

the holiness of its doctrines, they will, they must ac-

knowledge, its wonderful unity and world-wide influence,

the majesty of its ritual and ceremonies, the beneficent

influence on human society of its religious teachings.
They cannot fail to be moved by the zeal and devotion

of its heroic missionaries, and the holiness and exalted

self-sacrifice of its innumerable communities of holy

nuns to be met with in every land, whether civilized or

barbarous, consecrated to the most heroic works of

mercy and charity—an example and an inspiration to
angels and to men. Ah! If only this people could be



5

brought to know and to judge without prejudice, the
Catholic Church, as that Church really is, and not ac-

cording to the distorted light in which they now see it!
If they could realize the harmony and benevolent influ-
ence of her teachings, the number of souls redeemed
through her efforts and graces from despair and sin;

the wounded hearts solaced by her balm—the extent of
human misery she has removed or mitigated. Let them
but think how that Church has consecrated the marriage
tie, sanctified the home, shielded the unfortunate, lifted

up the lowly and sorrow stricken, staying the arm of the
oppressor, pleading for the rights of the poor against the

power of the tyrant and the greed of capital. Witness

the asylums and the refuges the Catholic Church has

established all over the world for every condition of

human infirmity and suffering—for the orphans, the
foundlings, the sick, the aged, the wayward and the
fallen.

See the admirable sisterhoods—to which no parallel
can be found on earth—the Sisters of Charity and Mer-
cy, the Poor Handmaids of Jesus Christ, the Sisters of
St. Joseph, the Nuns of the Good Shepherd, the Little
Sisters of the Poor, and countless others, varying in the

admirable diversity of their charitable labors. Watch
these sisters at their appointed duties in the hospitals

and asylums, in the hovels of the poor, by the bedside
of the dying—aye, in pest houses and small pox hospitals,
as well as on the battlefield, ministering to the dying

soldier; all bent on doing God’s work for God’s sake.
Assuredly these facts, these daily examples here before

our eyes, within reach of our feet in daily walk, assur-

edly these ought to serve towards dispelling the false

glare of prejudice.

Recently one Rev. Mr. Murray, having assailed the

Irish people and the Catholic priesthood, concluded by
advising that “the Jesuits be given forty days to clear

out of the country,” and said that “if they do not clear
out, they should be kicked out.” In reply Judge Tuthill



6

said: “ I am not a Roman Catholic nor the son of a
Roman Catholic; neither am I an Irishman. My an-
cestors were Protestants, and I am an American, but as
an American and as a gentleman I must refuse to sit
still in any gathering wdiere any religious denomination,

be it Protestant, Methodist, or Catholic, is denounced as

the Catholics have been denounced to-night. I fought

through the w^ar by the side of Irishmen and Catholics.
I fought under the gallant Sherdian, who more than
any other of our generals, with perhaps one exception,

was instrumental in bringing that starry flag through
danger and peril to victory. You, I notice, have

Lincoln’s picture in your banners. What would Lincoln
say if he were here and heard the attack on the country-

men and co-religionists of Archbishop Hughes, who did
so much to aid him in his efforts to bring our land safely
to peace?”

And the student cannot be blind to the services of the
Church in past centuries and in other lands when, as a
writer in the North American Review, testifies “She
was the life of Europe, the refuge of the distressed, the

friend of the slave, the help of the injured, the only

hope of learning. To her chivalry owed its noble in-
spirations; to her art and agriculture looked for im-

provements; the ruler learned from her some rude

justice, the ruled learned faith and obedience. Through

the middle ages, she was the only friend and advocate of

the “Rights of Man.”

In the face of these facts we may well ask, is it fair,
is it reasonable, is it decent, to seek to hold up to public

scorn and distrust, the Church and the teachings that

produces these fruits ?

Who can have patience with the narrow minded bigots
who seem to be aiming to foment a religious war. They
insult the public intelligence by their ignorant and
blustering appeals to the spirit of religious hate.

And yet there are persons, claiming to be ministers of
the Gospel of Peace, who are constantly employed in



V

this unworthy warfare ! Surely the world is wide

enough for all of us; and in America especially there

should be liberty and fair play for all.

The members of the Catholic Church in the United
States, constitute a great and steadily increasing part

of the body-politic, now variously estimated at from ten
millions to fifteen millions of souls. In those qualities

and characteristics, that touch the interests and effect

the permanent welfare of the country, I venture to de-

clare, as my honest conviction, the Catholic population
stands on the right side. They will ever be found de-
fenders of the constitution and the laws. They stand
for order against anarchy, for the rights of property

against confiscation. They will support authority in
maintaining the public peace, against the schemes and
plotting of dreamers and conspirators.

They stand for the inviolability of the marriage tie, and
the sanctity of home, against the scandal and abomina-

tion of divorce and the disruption of the family, to which

divorce surely leads. They stand for liberty as against
license, and whenever the issue shall be fairly presented,

I am persuaded they will also be found on the side of
temperance and temperance reforms, as against the evil

and curse of the drink plague.
The Catholic citizen who loves God and faithfully fol-

lows the teaching of the Church, must love his country,

and cannot be otherwise than loyal to that country’s

best interests.

We know no allegiance that can affect our loyalty and
fidelity to the constitution and laws of the United States,

no matter what bigots and fanatics may assert to the
contrary.

And this brings me face to face with the second as-
pect of the subject I have briefly undertaken to discuss

this evening:

OUR RIGHTS AND DUTIES AS CITIZENS.

As a preliminary, let me say, I adopt without reserve



8

or qualification the language of the Baltimore Catholic
Congress: “We rejoice at the marvelous development
of our country, and regard with just pride the part taken
by Catholics in such development.”
In the words of the pastoral issued by the Archbishops

of the United States, assembled in the Third Plenary

Council of Baltimore: “We claim to be acquainted both
with the laws, institutions, and spirit of our country,
and we emphatically declare there is no antagonism be-
tween them.” “We repudiate with equal earnestness, the
assertion that we need lay aside any of our devoted-
ness to our Church, to be true Americans, and the in-
sinuations that we need abate any of our love for our
country’s principles, to be faithful Catholics.”

We believe that our country’s heroes were the instru-
ments of the God of N ations, in establishing this home
of freedom; to both the Almighty and to his instruments

in the work, we look with grateful reverence, and to
maintain the inheritance of freedom which they have

left us, should it ever, which God forbid, be imperilled,
our Catholic citizens will be bound to stand forward as
one man, ready to pledge anew “their lives, their for-
tunes and their sacred honor.”

Before turning to the question of our “Bights and

Duties,” let me first define what I understand by the
term “ Catholic Citizen.” By this term, I mean an
American citizen whether by birth or adoption, who,

having had the grace of Christian baptism, believes and

practices the teachings of the Catholic Church; in other

words a Practical Catholic.

Now we come to the question of “Bights and Duties.”
What are our rights as citizens? No more and no less,
precisely, than those possessed by any other American

citizen.

What are the rights we have in common with others?
In general terms we have the right “of enjoying and de-

fending life and liberty; of acquiring, possessing and



9

protecting property and reputation and of pursuing our

own happiness.”
We hold in the language of the Constitution of Illi-

nois, that all men have a natural and indefeasible right to
worship Almighty God according to the dictates of their
own consciences, that no man can of right be compelled
to attend, erect or support any place of worship, or to

maintain any ministry against his consent; that no

human authority can, in any case whatever, control or
interfere with the rights of conscience.

We have a right to be protected in our persons and
property: we cannot be deprived of either without due
process of law

;
the right of free elections, to trial by

jury, to equality before the law.” I need not enter into

a detail of the “Bill of Bights,” which specify the cat-

alogue of a freeman’s inheritance.

The highest and most precious right, however, is that
of religious freedom, liberty to worship God, without

let or hindrance and free from religious disabilities of

any kind.

Next to their own rights as freemen, is the right to
exercise the franchise according to law in the election or

choice of public officers and so to exercise it as shall best

promote the welfare of the city, state and nation.

Catholics, then, are entitled to absolute equality be-

fore the law—and this is according to the letter and
spirit of the constitution of the United States, as well

as of the several states now, I believe, without exception.

There is nevertheless an unwritten law, which oper-

ates as a practical discrimination against Catholics in

public life, as effectually as though it were so expressed
in the constitution.

It is the law of public opinion deriving its force and
effect from popular prejudice. It is a well known fact
that neither of the great political parties would dare to
nominate a Catholic for the Presidency; and the same
is true as to the office of Governor in the different states.
In the chief positions under the Government also, the



10

Cabinet for example; when lias a Catholic been nomi-
nated for any Cabinet position?

Surely it would not be claimed that no American

Catholic, could be found qualified by position and abili-
ties for any of these high offices.

Eternal vigilance, it has been said, is the price of

liberty. Probably if Catholics were alert in asserting

their rights—in just and lawful, as well as in a reason-
able manner, there would be less disposition shown to
infringe upon those rights, and to ignore their claim to
representation.

Again, the government whether National or State has

no just claim or authority to deny the rights of con-

science to Catholics, whether they be employed in the

service of the nation, in the army and naval forces; in
penal or reformatory institutions, in asylums or else-

where. The state may lawfully and justly deprive a
man of his liberty and place him behind prison bars; it
has no right to compel him while there to attend a
form of religious worship in which he does not believe;

it should not deny or hamper the attendance and minis-
trations of priest or elder whose services are sought by
the prisoner or states-ward. Justice and sound policy
alike demonstrate the wisdom of invoking the services
of the Catholic Missionary for Catholics—whether in
jail or asylum or on the frontier.

General Grant testified that Father De Smet’s pres-
ence amongst the Indians, was of greater value to the

government than a regiment of cavalry; and recent

events on our Northern borders, intensify the force of

this conclusion. The Catholic Missionary is always a
peace maker.

Catholics ask nothing in the way of “privileges.”
We have no claim to privileges. We ask only what

we are willing to concede to others, equality and fair
play.

If others are content to minimize their religious prin-

ciples or to abdicate them entirely, we must be excused



11

if we insist on holding fast to ours. We are on firm
ground in that respect, we do not care to follow others
into the “ slough of despond.”

We are persuaded that every vexed question occupy-
ing and disturbing the public attention—dividing and
distracting the people, can be amicably adjusted, pro-

vided the wise men of the nation and the states will take
these questions out of the hands of fanatics and bigots,

who are only too eager and anxious to inaugurate a
reign of discord and religious strife.

Catholics, be assured, will have no part in this war-

fare, beyond protecting and defending their rights

—

God given, and Constitutional rights. They would be
unworthy of American citizenship were they to be con-
tent with less.

We come now to the question of the

“duties of catholics as citizens.”

Let it be understood that in undertaking to answer

this, as well as the previous question under consider-

ation, I speak for myself only as a Catholic layman. I

express my own thought and convictions, unreservedly.
What are the “duties” referred to?

First, and primarily, I should say to be American—in
all that the term broadly implies. How do I define the
term American? It stands in my mind—for liberty,
order, education, and opportunities.

It is the duty of the Catholic citizen to love liberty

for its own sake, order for the general good, and to
illustrate the highest type and model of civic virtue.

It is a duty to foster and nourish the purity of home
life and the domestic virtues; eagerly to promote edu-
cation and to make every necessary sacrifice for it, and
see to it that Catholic children shall have the benefit of

a sound Christian education.

Catholics should avail themselves of the material

opportunities and advantages offered in this wonderful
age and country, and strive to be in the front ranks in



12

the march of progress. The field is wide and inviting;
the race is open to all.

The privileges of American citizenship should be
regarded as precious and priceless. Because so easily
acquired perhaps, it is not sufficiently estimated at its

true value and worth.

Think what American citizenship confers; see what
it assures! equal part and membership in this mighty
Empire—the equal advantages in its unsurpassed op-
portunities—the unqualified privileges of its unequalled
freedom. No standing armies here to be moved at a
monarch’s caprice, weighing down and oppressing the
nation’s energies, draining it of its life blood, sapping

its vitality, and worse evil of all, menacing the peace of

the world!

No armed “constabulary” to terrorize over a peasant
population and enforce the heartless edict of brutal

landlords!

No hereditary or favored classes! No obstacle to the
unfettered enjoyments of those rights, which we possess
from God in the natural law, and are guaranteed to us
in the constitution and laws of the land—the right to
life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness!

What a future opens before us—what possibilities for
ourselves and for our children

!

Justly are the American people jealous of this inher-

itance.

It must be guarded with vigilant care, lest unworthy

hands and evil guidance should put it in peril. Amer-
ican liberty, the opportunities of American life, are too

precious to the human family to permit the one and the
other to be wrecked or endangered.

I rejoice in every indication of patriotic public spirit

whether shown in devotion and respect for the country’s
flag, or in reverence and admiration for the nation’s

heroes.

We need all these demonstrations to keep alive in this
material age, the ardor and purity of true patriotism.



IB

True American patriotism is the inheritance and

monopoly of no one class or condition. Its title is not

derived from accident of birth or color: is not to be

determined by locality.

Montgomery, Pulaski, Steuben, DeKalb, Rocham-
beau, the Moylans, and Sullivans fought for American

liberty in the Revolutionary days with an ardor and a

fidelity at least equal to that displayed by those “native

and to the manner born.”

Jackson was none the less, a typical American, be-

cause of the accident of his father’s foreign birth, or, as

is sometimes intimated, of his own.

And who shall question the patriotic devotion of Gen-
eral Shields, honorably identified with the early history

of your own state—of Meagher, of Mulligan, of Sheri-
dan, of Meade and countless others I might name

—

whose religious belief is sometimes held up as a menace
and a cause of alarm to American institutions ?

We may well look with suspicion and distrust on the
societies and organizations that claim to possess a

monopoly of American patriotism. These suggest very

strongly and forcibly, in their methods and principles,

their kinship to the proscriptive “know-nothing” organ-

ization of former years, which ran a brief and an inglor-

ious career of violence and disorder.

I do not believe the American people will consent to
rehabilitate that offensive and mischievous party. Its
principles, so far as it had any, were based on bigotry
and hate. It was mean and narrow. It was un-Ameri-
can. To be truly American, as I have already said, is
to be broad minded, liberal, tolerant, unsectional, recog-

nizing equal rights for all, equal opportunities for all.

This country was not discovered for the benefit of the
Pilgrim fathers only and their descendants.
Apprehension is somtimes expressed at the growth of

foreign influence and the display of foreign customs,
but this fear is after all puerile. Under our system of
Government, the foreigner who comes to stay—is soon



14

assimilated; and while there may be here and there in-
stances and examples, the outgrowth of foreign habits

and customs, not welcome to American notions, yet
these can be only passing and temporary accidents.

The foreigner I insist is all right, provided he is loyal
to American laws and government. We have no use for
any others.

And why should not the foreigner be welcome in the
United States?

Consider for a moment what the influx of foreign im-
migration the past fifty years has done for the country

—

the wealth thereby added to its resources, the enormous

development given by it to the West especially. If this
country is to-day a mighty empire, of nigh seventy mil-

lions of people, majestic in power, rich in wealth, strong

in resources, you owe it largely to this foreign immigra-

tion. The immigrant gives to America, the most pre-
cious of hostages for his conduct and behavior it is

possible for man to give, to a country: His own future
and his children’s. His destiny and theirs is forever-

more linked with the fortunes and prosperity of his new
fatherland.

No matter how humble his place may be in the ranks
of labor, how grotesque his garments, or uncouth his
speech, be assured of his loyalty.

I speak for those who come in good faith and with
loyal purpose. Anarchists and conspirators are entitled

to no welcome among an order loving—law abiding
people.

The duty of Catholics in the public life of the coun-
try, lies in aquitting themselves faithfully of their

obligations as citizens—bearing always in mind what
that obligation implies and imposes. A faithful regard
for the constitution and laws of the land; a proper vigi-

lance for the just administration of government—Na-
tional, State and Municipal, a conscientious exercise of

the franchise without fear or favor, so as to promote

the welfare of the state and the best interests of the



15

community, and a steadfast adherence to the principles

of order, honor and civic virtue.

These qualities and characteristics ought to be shin-

ingly demonstrated in the conduct and career of the

Catholic citizen.

It would be invidious to name living examples

among our Catholic citizens—who honorably exemplify
in character and conduct the best qualities and most

valuable traits and requisities of the faithful American

citizen. I would not have to go outside the limits of St.

Paul for examples known to the whole country.
But I may recall the names of two typical Catholics,

both well known in life, who were recently called away
in the midst of a life of busy and useful activity.

John Boyle O’Reilly, poet, patriot, journalist—who
that knew him can speak of him now without emotion?
His brilliant qualities, his manly character, his lovable

traits and his ardent patriotism ?

Who would think of impeaching his loyalty to Amer-
ica and to American institutions ?

Only a few days ago in your neighboring city of

Prairie du Chien, was laid to rest a typical Western cit-
izen—manly, pure-minded, public spirited, John Lawler
—his name throughout the country was the synonym
for honor, integrity, high character—and he was a loyal
devoted Catholic. Let me add one other—the name of
an honored chivalrous Catholic soldier—Col. Richard
F. O’Beirne, 21st Infantry, U. S. A., who was lately
summoned from earth. Col. O’Beirne was not perhaps
widely known outside of army and official circles; he
was the very type and model of a soldier—manly, brave,
gentle and above all, modest. How faithful he was to
duty—how loyally he loved and served his country.

These were types of the true Catholic citizen.

But, I may be asked, do Catholics as a rule, act up to
the high standard I have set forth? Are they in
political life as to their public duties the ideal citizen

I have pictured?



16

I am afraid I should be obliged in frankness to an-
swer, no, not always and invariably.

But the fault cannot certainly in fairness be charged
to the Church. The evil has its root elsewhere and
grows out of other conditions. The standard of political
morals and of civic virtue in the United States is un-

fortunately not the most elevated.

Indeed it is the common remark of writers that the
conditions of political life in this country, as to regard

for public honor, and integrity, are far beneath that ex-

isting in any government of Europe. And this is said
to be especially true of American cities. Party machin-

ery, the primary caucus and the convention, are usually

under the control of the least worthy. It is the dem-

agogue and the trading politician who rules and runs
things.

We know that votes are often corruptly bought and
sold; nominations brought about by tricks and scarcely
concealed bribery in the caucusses and conventions; and

that public interests are bartered away “for boodle” or
other equivalent consideration, by aldermen, legislators
and congressmen—aye, and I need not exclude senators.
These are crying public scandals. I wish I could say

that the name of a Catholic is never to be found in the
lists of the known bribe takers and boodlers.

I cannot too strongly condemn the indifference and
contempt widely shown for the sacredness of the ballot.
This is something worse than a scandal—it is a crime.
The citizen •who abuses the privileges of suffrage by
fraudulent voting, deserves to be condignly punished

—

and I should say ought to be forever after disfranchised.

Too little heed is given by many so-called Catholics to
the conscientious exercise of this important privilege.

They seem to forget that upon the ballot rests the
entire superstructure of our laws and government. It

is impossible to have just laws or a wise administration

of the public affairs if the electors are unworthy or in-

different. This is not a question of party.



17

The welfare of the state and of the municipality, nses
above mere party interests. I wish my Catholic fellow-
citizens were more alive to the importance of this con-

sideration than frequently appears from their acts and

votes.

It is the conditions of political life that are respon-

sible for the low standard of public morals we see around
us. Catholics fall into the pit as well as others; but

they can never so fall if they adhere faithfully to the law

of God and the precepts of the Church. Happily there
are plenty shining examples in all our cities and com-

munities of Catholics trusted and honored for tlieir

integrity in public positions:—judges, spotless and un-
sullied in their personal and judicial character, who
command in the highest degree the public respect and
confidence, and other officials of high and low degree,

whose unswerving honesty no man would challange.
I make no excuse, there can be no defense for the dis-
honesty and baseness of the political practice with which

the country is unhappily too familiar. No one who truly
loves his country and who has a real concern for the
country’s future, can view these conditions with in-

difference. The evil is general. The examples are wide-
spread and yet there is no sign indicating a return to
better methods and purer practices. We need a revival
in manners and morals. As Edmund Burke said “ Noth-
ing is more certain than that our manners, our civiliza-
tion, and all the good things which are connected with
manners and with civilization have in this European
world of ours, depended for ages upon two principles,
and were indeed the result of both combined; I mean
the spirit of a gentleman and the spirit of religion.”
In a popular government like ours, the justice of the

laws and the wisdom of the administration depend on
the virtue and the intelligence of the people.
Good government demands not only strict obedience

to law, but just laws to obey, and wise administration.
We are disposed to make great boast of our superior



18

intelligence, of our general system of education. But
will tliese alone assure us better citizens and a higher
standard of public morality? Herbert Spencer says

“We have no assurance that education, as commonly
understood is a prevention of crime. * * * Did
much knowledge and piercing intelligence suffice to
make men good; then Bacon should have been honest
and Napoleon should have been good.”
And Huxley—“If I am a knave or a fool, teaching

me to read and write will not make me less of either one
or the other.”

A writer in the Nineteenth Century (January 1889),
remarks that “The growing number of youthful crimi-
nals and neglected children, and the audacious and
shameless forms which the criminal spirit sometimes

takes, is a serious problem to be grappled with—I em-
phasize these words because an increase of crime among
the youth of a nation where there is an elaborate and

costly system of education and great material prosperity,

is a sign and token of melancholy import.” In other

words you cannot “run” the country without God.
That experiment has been attempted again and again;

history abounds in examples and warnings as to the re-

sult. “God and our Country” should be the accepted
motto.

Under it all can unite. Who can refuse to accept it?
Catholic citizens have a special responsibility in the

welfare and perpetuity of this, the best government

—

with all its imperfections—the world has ever known.
There is given to us in this glorious land the noblest of

earthly inheritances—freedom and opportunity.
Prelate and priest and layman alike, prize it, and the

voice of each and all is heard adjuring us by all that is

sacred and binding to guard with vigilant solicitude

this precious inheritance—above all to prove ourselves
worthy of it. Every high and enobling motive and

principle appeals to us. As the accomplished Dr.
Maurice F. Egan truly said: “We are heirs of the ages.



19

and we owe a duty to our faith, to ourselves, to the
world around us, a duty of the highest civilization as

well as of a perfect Christianity.”

If we shall show ourselves faithful to the high and
exalted “ Duties” of citizenship, I am persuaded we
would have little cause to fear any serious invasion of our
“ Eights.”





(Htntrlg mtb Baluabte |lubliratinna.

&

CHRISTIAN CIVILIZATION, by Most Rev. P. J. Ryan.

THE WORKINGMAN’S APOSTOLATE, by Father

CUTHBERT. O. S. F. C.

LEO XIII. ON THE CONDITION OF LABOR, by
Cardinal Manning.

THE HELP OF THE LAITY, by Rev. JOHN NORRIS.

THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE AMERICAN

REPUBLIC, by WM. F. Markoe, Esq.

ENCYCLICAL LETTER OF POPE LEO XIII. ON
THE CONDITION OF LABOR.

&

international (Eatljnlir Gtruttj ^ortetg

cARBUCKLE BUILDING

Brooklyn, New York City'