PATRIOTISM BREEDS HEROES BY REV. JOHN F. CRONI IN, S. S. Director of the I n s t i t u t e of Catholic Social Studies a t t h e Catholic University of America, Washington, D. C. The f o u r t h in a series of five addresses on T H E P A T H OF DUTY, de- livered in the Catholic Hour, broadcast by the National Broadcasting Company, in cooperation with the National Council of Catholic Men, on A u g u s t 22, 1943. National Council of Catholic Men Washington, D. C. PATRIOTISM I A pagan poet once s a i d : It is sweet and fitting to die f o r one's country. None of us would chal- lenge t h i s statement. America has never lacked heroes who would die f o r the land of their birth. We were born in a bloody war of inde- pendence. The plains of Saratoga were consecrated by the death of brave men. The soil of Yorktown was hallowed by the triumph of our armies. We revere the name of Washington who led the forces of freedom through b i t t e r and lonely days'. We think of the m a r t y r president, Abraham Lin- coln, who died t h a t the nation might be one. Above all, we honor the common man, the unknown sol- dier who was not to know fame, but who did know greatness. Many of our sons lie in foreign soil— in the Philippines, in France, in Africa—our airmen shot down over Germany and Italy and China —but though their honored re- mains are f a r f r o m us, they are enshrined in our hearts. There are heroes a t home, too. Words of praise cannot express our debt to the wives and mothers who remain behind. Their courage is an inspiration to t h e i r loved ones in the field. Their burden of loneliness and anxiety is not light, but they do not complain. Strong of heart, like the valiant women of IEEDS HEROES all times, they have given every- t h i n g and have claimed nothing f o r themselves. As t h e Virgin Mary on the Mount of Calvary consoled her dying Son, so they have been a comfort to t h e afflicted and a source of s t r e n g t h to those who a r e f a i n t i n g by t h e way. We honor the old who have re- t o f t e d to work, though they know* it often means to them a literal sentence of death. There are doc- tors wearing themselves out in the service of the sick, to replace t h e younger men in the service. Nurses have returned to duty a f t e r years of home life. Other women have gone into our war plants and shipyards, living a life which is often hard and t r y i n g . Capital and labor, with f e w exceptions, have given without stint in t h e service of their country. Business men and workers have sacrificed the work of a lifetime, because their country asked this. Anyone close to t h e h e a r t of w a r t i m e America must t e s t i f y t h a t t h i s h e a r t is great. We do love our na- tive land. We will give, and give, and give again when our country asks of us. The spirit of our f a t h e r s is not dead within us. Honor and nobility dwell in our midst. It is good to be able to say t h a t Americans will r e f u s e nothing when the welfare of the nation is at stake. If ever we have failed, then it is because we did not see clearly; it was not t h a t we shirk- ed the burden. We may not have realized what our country demand- ed of us. Had we known it, ,we would have done it. Blindness, not malice, was our f a u l t . Yet, good will is not always enough. There are certain errors which are f a t a l . In good f a i t h we may take poison, when we thought it was medicine. A hidden defect in our car may one day cause a f a t a l wreck. So it is with our country. Through ignorance, a loyal citizen may do it g r e a t harm. At times the nation may survive, but a t other times, t h e damage cannot be undone. The cause is lost. Freedom has perished. Thus it was with France during the years between two great wars. In those days, the nation was divided. Quarrelling groups insisted t h a t t h e i r course was the only one. Some of these were selfish. A f e w p u t personal interest above na- tional honor. But we may be sure t h a t most have repented with t e a r s t h e mistakes which l e f t a nation weak and divided in the face of t h e conqueror. At the time they thought t h a t labor, or capital, or some political p a r t y was t h e enemy. Their s t r e n g t h was dissi- pated in t h e struggle against t h e i r brothers, and when t h e invader came, they could no longer act as one. Once they said t h a t these were honest differences among good men. Now they know t h a t a divided people cannot defend itself. Germany and Italy also traveled the same road. Their citizens were much concerned with the problems of the moment. Capital f e a r e d the growing might of labor. The un- employed cast desperately about f o r an avenue of hope. F a r m e r s and middlemen found themselves crushed between big business and organized labor. As a result, all vvelcomed the new p a r t y which promised everything. They put on black s h i r t s or brown shirts, prac- ticed t h e p a r t y salute, and waited f o r a perfect world to come about. Today they have learned a h a r d and bitter lesson. Over t h e graves of t h e i r fallen sons and brothers they shed t e a r s of sorrow and re- pentance. But t h e damage has been done. The lesson is clear. There a r e problems of peace which a r e j u s t as critical as t h e decisions made at war. A nation can perish f r o m within as well as f r o m without. Failure to meet great issues may be as disastrous as f a i l u r e to pre- p a r e f o r attack by an enemy. In- deed, it is often more dangerous to be unprepared f o r peace t h a n it is to be unarmed before the invader. Attack f r o m without may strengthen and u n i f y a nation. Dis- ruption f r o m within kills the soul. The first is dramatic and clear. I t b r i n g s f o r t h hidden strength and provokes supreme effort. The sec- ond is confusing and deadening. I t leads to apathy and despair. F r o m t h e one a people may arise puri- fied and strengthened. ' From the other, they may emerge debased and enslaved. This, then, we may learn f r o m Europe between w a r s : A nation at peace may face g r e a t e r dangers than a nation a t war. A higher pa- triotism is often needed to pre- vent disunity a t home t h a n in- vasion f r o m abroad. When a na- tion is attacked, the issue is clear. All differences disappear before the common peril. But with the prob- lems at home, the issues a r e often most confused. The more serious the question the g r e a t e r t h e dan- ger of division and dissension. Good men and patriotic men may feel it their duty to oppose t h e i r fellow citizens. Debate and com- promise may result, when dramatic and definite steps are vitally need- ed. Here is a supreme test of good-will. Our nation may f a c e it before many years a r e past. There a r e deep cleavages in America which could lead to dan- gerous divisions. Even in time of war, we a r e painfully aware of the struggle between capital and labor, f a r m and city, government and some of its citizens. Three times during t h i s war t h e r e have been m a j o r campaigns against or- ganized labor. F i r s t , it was t h e strike question; then the f o r t y - hour week; and finally, the prob- lem of absenteeism. While these campaigns were on, a s t r a n g e r might have found it • difficult to discover who was our enemy, Hit- ler and Tojo, or the American workman. While these minor w a r s were being waged, sensible per- sons advised caution. Each time they pointed to production figures to show t h a t these attacks were based on wild exaggerations. Eventually the attacks died down and we heard nothing more about them. But the damage they did was g r e a t . They produced b i t t e r - ness, and class cleavages will per- sist f o r many years to come. They turned our soldiers against orga- nized labor a t t h e very time t h a t production totals were unbelieve- ably high. F o r example, when our President set as a goal f o r air- plane production t h e figure of fifty thousand planes a year, his state- ment was dismissed as f a n t a s t i c . Many good people pardoned it as a war s t r a t a g e m designed to de- ceive the enemy. Yet today we a r e almost doubling t h i s impossible' goal, and t h a t in an industry which some consider one of our less ef- ficient w a r industries. How then can we say t h a t labor h a s not done its p a r t ? or t h a t capital is more interested in profits than produc- tion? Equally dangerous is the setting of the f a r m against city. The f a r m - er has had real problems during t h i s war. He has seen a g r e a t mi- gration of f a r m workers into the war plants, and this at a time when production goals were set higher t h a n ever. In spite of these dif- ficulties he has done his patriotic duty to the full. Incidentally, he has been making profits. But none will begrudge him this. Had things stopped here, t h e r e would have been no problem. But some busy- bodies f e l t t h a t they could spare the time and energy to stir up the f a r m e r against labor. They paint- ed wild pictures of war wages, con- veniently overlooking the costs of city living. Thus they would incite the f a r m e r to seek unreasonable profits. They claimed t h a t he should be exempt f r o m t h e common struggle against inflation. As a result, unregulated food costs f o r a time threatened the entire eco- nomic s t r u c t u r e of the nation. Here a r e the seeds of a dangerous class struggle. There a r e ' o t h e r serious cleavages in America today. Thus there have been attempts to set one group of taxpayers against another, or against the government. There are complaints of impossible demands made upon our citizens. I t is t r u e t h a t taxes a r e high. But war is always costly, and t h i s war is most expensive. Our pocketbooks have h u r t , but other nations have borne g r e a t e r sacrifices. Our taxes are much less t h a n those of England and Canada. We a r e paying but t h i r t y per cent of t h e cost of t h e w a r : They are paying over half. Are we less patriotic t h a n they? Of course n o t ! The average Amer- ican may grumble a bit, but he will do his p a r t . Cleavage and disunity do not spring naturally f r o m the h e a r t of the common man. He is not com- plaining or reviling his fellow cit- izens. Our differences a r e r a t h e r the work of a f e w troublemakers, unwilling to adjourn private w a r s in the hour of peril. They a r e seeking political gain or promoting class interests, sowing confusion and doubt and d i s t r u s t a t a time when unity is imperative. They are weakening us as we face the f e a r f u l problems of peace, when millions of workers must r e t u r n to private industry. If America is to survive the next ten years, it must be united as never before. The greatest crises of our history lie before us. Are we to meet them with capital in arms against labor? soldiers against civilians? f a r m in opposition to city? promoting dis- unity would be treason in time of war, f o r it m i g h t lead to the loss of a battle or a campaign. But w h a t of disunity which might lead to the loss of our country? We do not wish to be alarmists, but we cannot f o r g e t the formula which led to the rise of Hitler and Mus- solini in Europe. It was a simple mixture—a g r e a t crisis, plus a di- vided nation. Today, then, and tomorrow we need an even g r e a t e r patriotism t h a n we have shown in these days of war. We need unity in the face of the difficult social and economic problems which our nation must solve. Labor, capital, f a r m , and city must work together f o r the survival of a f r e e America. Name- calling and selfishness will not ac- complish t h i s t a s k ; they will only lead to ruin. We must work to- gether, submerging our differences in our devotion to the common cause. Unity must be real, not merely lip service to a name. It must mean a genuine effort to see the entire picture, to learn others' points of view first-hand, not by reading about them in our news- papers, or hearing them in our clubs. Furthermore, it means prac- ticing unity now, each in our own community. May we offer one practical suggestion as a means of s t a r t i n g the practice of u n i t y ? What of a program like t h i s : Businessmen in every city and town to have informal meetings at lunch with labor leaders. F a r m leaders might well sit in a t t h e same table. At the same time ser- vice clubs and other luncheon groups would invite, speakers to give a different point of view f r o m the usual class picture. In these face-to-face gatherings differences could be ironed out in a friendly, open fashion, not l e f t to bitter, heated controversy. When this is tried, and it h a s been tried in some p a r t s of the land, then t h e results could be amazing. We would find out t h a t t h e other man is a human being, a patriotic citizen, a reason- able type of person. Prejudices and misunderstanding would melt away like ice on a summer pavement. Some differences would remain, but nothing which could not be settled by reasonable compromise. And, above all, a g r e a t lesson in prac- tical democracy and patriotism would be t a u g h t . We would learn how to work together by the only way it can be learned—by prac- tice. This would be real patriot- ism. Let us r e p e a t : America faces its most critical hour, not in winning the war, but in saving the peace. I t is the hardest problem we have ever faced. Divided, we cannot solve it. United, we shall be invincible. Here is the challenge to our pa- triotism, our love of country, which is second only to love of God. Here is t h e real test of t h a t p r i m a r y virtue of charity. We a r e a strong nation. Never have we failed to meet a crisis. But now is the time f o r greatness. I t is the day f o r heroism. For the love of our g r e a t nation, let us keep the sacred t r u s t which has been given to us—let us walk united, one peo- ple, dedicated to the cause of f r e e - dom and justice. May God give us this grace, t h a t together we may honor His Holy Name. 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