M B o ü s c q r e r i - _ _ L i f t c o l f T W c S • . . A D 3 " S ^ feA The R>urt6atiort5 o f Peace XL « Bouscarcn S* J* TheCathoUc Hour THE POPE'S FIVE POINTS FOR PERMANENT PEACE BY REV. T. L. BOUSCAREN, S . J . Professor of Canon Law a t West Baden College West Baden, Indiana Four addresses delivered in the nationwide Catholic Hour (produced by the National Council of Catholic Men, in cooperation with the National Broadcasting Company), on November 7, 14, 21, and 28, 1943. Page Foundation of Peace—The Moral Law - - - - 3 Disarmament: Touchstone of The Will To Peace 8 1 ^ The F u t u r e of International Law - —- 1 0 The Realism of Pius XII : - ----- 1 8 Statement of the Catholic Hour's Purpose - 24 List of Stations Garrying The Catholic Hour , 25 List of Catholic Hour Pamphlets - - - - 2 7 National Council of Catholic Men 1312 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington 5, D. C. Printed and distributed by Our Sunday Visitor H u n t i n g t o n , Indiana Nihil Obstat: REV. T . E. DILLON Censor Librorum Imprimatur: «1« J O H N FRANCIS NOLL, D.D. Bishop of Fort Wayne FOUNDATION OF PEA Address delivered Now that the greatest war in history is more than four years old and our country has been in it for nearly two years, the road to victory seems hard and long. The goal is nearer; slowly but relent- lessly the hands of the allied nations are closing upon the prize—de- cisive victory. But there is some- thing beyond victory of arms. Every man whose mind has not been twisted by false dogmas—such as that which nourishes the night- mare of permanent world revolu- tion—every unspoiled human heart cherishes quite another dream and hope, the hope of permanent peace. As victory dawns, the world, weary of war, disillusioned with false promises of security, is asking one question: "What of the peace?" Is peace, this time, to be secured per- manently or just f o r another twen- ty years? The first World War was fought to "end war," "to make the world safe for democracy"; yet actually it started a period of anxiety, distrust, revenge, mount- ing hatreds, dictatorship, aggres- sion, and finally total war. This time, a f t e r victory has been won again, have we any assurance of better results? Will we have an- CE—THE MORAL LAW oh November 7, 1943 other Versailles? And a third World War? What is the basis of permanent peace? Among the many answers to this last question there is one which is unique in its appeal to common sense and reason rather than to mere national feeling or to passion and self-interest. It is unique also because of the position of its au- thor. I t is the answfer of Pope Pius XII—the Pope's Five Points f o r Permanent Peace. The Pope's program is not very different from others which have become familiar to us. It includes at least implicitly the "Four Free- doms" and the Eight Points of the Atlantic Charter. It includes sub- stantially all of the Seven Points of the Kecent "Declaration on World Peace", which was released on October 7th—an identical state- ment of principles by leading rep- resentatives of religious groups in the United States, Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish. The plan of the Pope is not alone in its appeal for human rights and human liber- t y ; but it is unique in its insis- tence that right and liberty have but one foundation, and that is the law of God. The Moral Order 4 THE POPE'S FIVE POINTS FOR PERMANENT PEACE —that is the foundation of peace! Here is a summary of the Five Points taken from the address of 1940. (I quote, not the exact words of the Pontiff, but an accurate sum- mary) : 1. For permanent peace, an in- dispensable condition is triumph over hate. The systems and prac- tices between nations which nour- ish hate must be abandoned; and in the new order which is to fol- low victory brotherly love must be the basis of international relations. 2. Distrust between the nations of the world must be conquered: and that can be done only by a return to justice and t r u t h and fair deeding between nations. In- ternational treaties must be just- ly and sincerely made, and hon- estly kept; in case of need they should be revised by mutual agree- ment, but never simply repudiated by one party or overridden by brute military force. 3. There are two false prin- ciples which must be abandoned. They are, first, that utility is a basis of right; second, that might makes right. Both these principles are false. Neither temporal advan- tage to be derived from an action, nor the physical power to impose the action in spite of the resistance of a weaker nation, can make un- unjust action right. Both these false principles must be banished from international •dealings. The basis of right conduct between na- tions is the same as the rule of right conduct between men; it is natural morality, the natural law of God, elevated and sweetened by the gentle law of the Gospel of Christ. That must be the rule which reg- ulates international conduct. 4. Economic rivalry, which has so often resulted in conflicts be- tween nations, must be tempered by a due regard for justice. God made the resources of the earth for all men: and it is f a i r that all should have reasonable access to them, so that each nation can pro- vide for its citizens decent means of earning a livelihood. 5. Cold egoism or selfishness cannot be the rule which governs national policy. The fact must be recognized that all peoples of the earth'constitute one family, intend- ed by the Creator to live together in peace. Solidarity and not isola- tion, cooperation and not exploita- tion, must be the rule governing intercourse between nations." These points are definite, clear, straightforward statements of just what the common man instinctively knows to be true. They are very easy for an American to accept. We know that hate between nations eventually leads to war. We know FOUNDATION OF PEACE—THE MORAL LAW 5 that the consistent violation of treaties—the habit of regarding them as "scraps of paper"—makes peace and concord among nations impossible. We know that economic rivalry can be carried to such a point that eventual war between the "have" and the "have not" na- tions becomes inevitable. We know that might does not make right; that no race or nation can claim supremacy over the rest of the world; that oppression and perse- cution of minorities causes unrest and eventually leads to war. We know that the mad rush of nations to arm themselves in time of peace is as sure a sign of war as the drawing of a gun was a sign of a fight between men on the old fron- tier. For four years the Holy Father has been telling the world what every honest thinking person knows to be true. And yet we are in danger of forgetting these t r u t h s just at the time when we need to apply them. That is why the Pope's Five Points deserve study now. During these November talks we will ex- plain them as well as we can. But malny listeners will undoubtedly want to know more about them. And so I am very glad to announce that a thorough explanation of the Pope's Five Points for Permanent Peace will very soon be available in English. A Christian World Peace Plan: A Study of the Peace State- ments of Pius XII—that is the title. The book is published under the auspices of the Pope's Peace Com- mittee. It explains the principles which underlie the Five Points: moral principles, principles of eco- nomics, principles of international law. And those are the principles by which you and I must judge the various proposals that are" being made f o r the regulation of the post-war world. The position of the Pope as re- vealed by the first few points of his program is just plain f a i r deal- ing. The key to the whole program is t h i s : a new international order, even though it be prepared with wisdom and prudence, according to the shrewdest political, economic, and juridical principles, will offer no guarantee of justice and stabili- ty unless it is based on the moral law. Deviations from the moral law are the cause of unrest and war. Hate, raised to a principle of nat- ional action instead of the brother- ly love which the law of God com- mands in accordance with man's nature; distrust, arising from in- fidelity to the pledged word; false principles, which make physical force or mere utility the basis of right—these are the evils which have caused turmoil in the world. 6 THE POPE'S FIVE POINTS FOR PERMANENT PEACE And there is but one road to peace —the road of the Ten Command- ments. I quote from the Pope's message of 1941: "Such a new order, which all the peoples desire to see brought into being a f t e r the trials and the ruins of this war, must be founded on the immovable and unshakable rock, the moral law, which the Creator Himself has manifested by means of the natural order, and which He has engraved with indel- ible characters on the hearts of men; that moral law whose observ- ance must be inculcated and fos- tered by the public opinion of all nations . . . with such unanimity of voice and with such energy that no one may dare to call into doubt or weaken its binding force." There is a temptation to accept the words of the Holy Father as applying only to our enemies. In- deed we know well enough the of- ficial propaganda which, in certain countries, uses lying as an avowed instrument of policy, and have as a motive of action. We know that historically certain governments have openly disavowed treaties as "scraps of paper," and even made treaties of non-aggression as a smoke-screen behind which to con- ceal preparations for war. We know which governments have taken the lead in adopting, from the philoso- phy of Nietzsche, the mythical cult of violence, the doctrine that re- generation comes f r o m steel, fire, and blood—the myth of "super- men," of a race destined to rule by force over other races and other men. The Holy Father unmistakably stigmatizes our enemies wherever they have departed from the moral law. But we must remember that the principles he has outlined apply also to ourselves. We too are sub- ject to the natural law; and its principles must guide and govern us as victors in the present war, if we are to build an international order which will guarantee peace and justice. According to Pius XII respon- sibility f o r the war is laid squarely at the door, not of departure from democracy, but of departure from Christ. He leaves no room for the illusion that the world can pin its f a i t h to the bare name or to the empty forms of "democracy." De- mocracy • and human freedom are blessings from God; but they will not stand without the foundation which supports them. The Pope is conspicuously in agreement with the founders of bur government, who justified their Declaration of Independence by appealing in the very first line of the Preamble to "the laws of Nature and of Nature's FOUNDATION OF PEACE—THE MORAL LAW 7 God," and who stated the t r u e foundation of human rights and just government: We hold these t r u t h s to be self-evident, that all men are created"—note the word—"created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with cer- tain unalienable rights . . . that to secure these rights governments are instituted among men." Human rights derive from the Creator, not from the government, nor from any particular form of government; and governments, of whatever form, have f o r their purpose and duty, not to create these rights, but to secure and protect them. Right is right and wrong is wrong, not merely in relation to "democracy" or "freedom," but in relation to God; and the law of God is the same f o r all nations. Apart from God and His infinitely wise law of order, neither democ- racy nor freedom has any mean- ing. To follow them apart f r o m God is to stalk the will-o-the-wisp. Both in war and in victory our slogan must be, not merely "democ- racy," nor merely "freedom," but democracy and freedom under God. We need to remember the words of that great American who, during another war, expressed the hope "that this nation under God shall have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth." The fundamental platform which underlies the Pope's plans f o r peace is in strict accord with the finest and soundest tradition of Ameri- can government. But to maintain that tradition at this critical time there is need of something more than mere vocal enthusiasm f o r democracy or freedom. There is need of a citizenship in which sound education and sound public morali- ty have kept alive the belief in God. For it is His law and none other that can preserve human liberty everywhere. God grant that there be no departure from these prin- ciples when we sit as victors at the peace table. God grant that the sin- cere purpose of the Allied Nations there may be, not to exact revenge, nor to destroy the nations and peo- ples that we have conquered, but to establish a new international order based on justice and the moral law. DISARMAMENT: TOUCHSTONE OF THE WILL TO PEACE Address delivered on November 14, 1943 Last Sunday we spoke of the In his Christmas Message of Moral Order, which, according to 1941 (Uth point) the Pope lays Pope Pius XII (and according to down as a basic necessity of a new common sense) is the essential international order the exclusion foundation of peace. But the Pope of total war and of the mad rush has not confined himself to the f o r armaments: " I t is essen- mere general statement of moral tial to proceed with sincerity principles. With unerring sagacity and honesty to a progressive and he has put his finger on the causes adequate limitation of armaments that have disturbed the peace, and • • . The disproportion between the he has pointed out the indispen- exaggerated armaments of the pow- sable remedies. Among the root erful nations and the limited arma- causes of war—particularly of this ments of the weaker ones is a men- second World War—have been the ace to harmony and peace . . . and myth of force, borrowed f r o m the demands that an ample and pro- false philosophy of Nietzsche and portionate limit be placed upon the others, and the cult of lying carried production. and possession of of- to the point of making it an in- fensive weapons." In his message strument of national policy. The of 1939, he said: "The nations remedies are the substitution of must be freed from the heavy ser- reason f o r force, and of good f a i t h vitude of the race f o r armaments for perfidy. Now the substitution and from the danger that material of reason f o r force means, even- force, instead of serving to pro- tually, disarmament. That is our t e c t rights, may become their ty- subject today. The new book, A rannical violator. Conclusions of Christian World Peace Plan, about peace which should fail to give to be published under the auspices fundamental importance to dis- of the Pope's Peace Committee, has armament, mutually accepted, or- some very interesting chapters on ganic, and progressive both in let- this subject—chapters that are both ter and in spirit, and which should realistic and helpful, because they fail to carry out this disarmament represent the views of Pius XII. faithfully, would sooner or later re- DISARMAMENT: TOUCHSTONE OF THE WILL TO PEACE 9 veal their inconsistency and lack of vitality." It is interesting to note that the recent Seven Point Decla- ration on World Peace, a statement of principles released on October 7, by leading representatives of the principal religious groups in the United States, Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish, contains the same pro- posal f o r the "drastic limitation and continuing control of arma- ments." The Pontiff's view of disarma- ment is certainly not that of a dreamy idealist aloof from the world. He does not suppose that it is an easy job—just a question of writing a nice formula, signing the papers, and then going home to live in blissful security forever after. No; the limitation of arma- ments, and then progressive dis- armament among the nations of the world—not merely among the vanquished, but among the victors themselves—the substitution of rea- son for force in international re- lations, this is the knottiest prob- lem connected with making the peace and keeping it. Disarma- ment is the touchstone of the will to peace. It is not easy, but it is essential. The work is slow and arduous, and will have to be grad- ual; but until it is done "sincerely and honestly" we shall not have peace in the world. That is the message of the Pope on armaments. Let us look at it a little more close- ly. The right of self-defense is a natural right, and is beyond all argument. The Pope begins by recognizing this. I quote from the message of 1940: "The Moral law does not exclude the opportune and legitimate use of force to protect peaceful rights when they are vio- lently attacked, or to obtain repara- tion for their violation." There- fore, when I speak of dis- armament, I do not mean that it can be applied immediately. If ever there was a perfect ex- ample of self-defense in the life of a nation it was when this country of ours rose as one man to gird itself for battle a f t e r the premedi- tated but unforeseen attack upon us at Pearl Harbor. At this moment, with our country still in the throes of self-defense against murderous aggression, there can be no thought of disarmament. We must go on making arms and using them until we have achieved that victory which is the first step toward peace. But a f t e r victory, the problem of dis- armament must be met. There is an easy pessimism which would sweep this whole serious problem into the discard with the cynical remark: "Oh, that has been 10 THE POPE'S FIVE POINTS tried before!" Yes, disarmament has been tried before. The Pope speaks sorrowfully of "the painful remembrance of similar efforts doomed to failure in the past" {19- UO, point k). Every Pope f r o m Leo XIII at the dawn of the twentieth century has urged disarmament, praised the meagre efforts made to promote it, warned the nations that the solution of this problem is the key to keeping the peace. The pub- lic opinion of the world -has rec- ognized this. The limitation of arm- aments was, in principle, provided f o r in the treaties of peace a f t e r the last war. And afterward—too long afterward—well meant but futile efforts were made at the Dis- armament Conference of 1932. There were tremendous difficulties in the way: political handicaps arising from the political differ- ences of that time (power politics); juridical difficulties, because in spite of a network of treaties, there was no sufficient guarantee of gen- uine international security (paper t r e a t i e s ) ; and finally there were technical difficulties in abundance. It is a fact of history that the effort to secure adequate limita- tion of armaments has failed; and it is true that the difficulties which f r u s t r a t e d the effort still exist. But are we therefore to abandon all ef- f o r t and fall back with the despair FOR PERMANENT PEACE characteristic of the suicide—"It's no use"? The road to any great human achievement is strewn with failures. How many had tried, and failed, to peer into the majestic distances before Galileo made his telescope? How many had tried, and failed, to discover the new world before Columbus sailed into the grey West and found it? How many had tried, and failed, to conquer the sky before Santos-Dumont and Curtis and the Wrights did it? When failure is accepted as an arg- ument against f u r t h e r effort, hu- man progress will come to a stop. Pius XII is not that kind of a leader. Listen to his ringing chal- lenge (Message of 19 41, 4th point): "We are well aware of the tremen- dous difficulties to be overcome and the almost superhuman strength and good will which are required on all sides if the task we have out- lined is to be brought to a success- f u l conclusion. But this work is so essential for a lasting peace that nothing should prevent responsible statesmen from undertaking it and cooperating in it with abundant good will; so that, by bearing in mind the advantages to be gained in the future, they will be able to triumph over the painful remem- brance of similar efforts doomed to failure in the past, and may not be daunted by the knowledge of the DISARMAMENT: TOUCHSTONE OP THE WILL TO PEACE 11 gigantic strength required for the accomplishment of their task." The argument of the Pope is sim- ple. He says in effect: This task must be done: therefore it can be done. The absolute necessity of disarmament is proved by very cogent reasons. First, the race for armaments imposes a heavy ser- vitude which destroys the prosper- ity of nations. For example,. the tremendous sacrifices we are mak- ing to keep our armaments at top production are accepted now, dur- ing war, because they are an ab- solute necessity. But does any one imagine that we will or can continue to make the same sacri- fices a f t e r victory is won? To de- mand this would be to inflict a deep wound on oiir internal peace-time economy. Secondly, exaggerated armaments, even though at first in- tended f o r defense, too easily lead to aggression and war. This is a matter of common experience, and every page of recent history proves it. The limitation of armaments is not a purely technical problem; it is above all a moral problem. The first step in its solution is to remove the causes that lead to war. There was a time when cities were sur- rounded with strongly manned bat- tlements, and even private resi- dences were surrounded by a moat and protected with towers and a drawbridge. Why? Because the en- tire countryside was teeming with armed brigands and outlaws, from whom violence might be expected at any moment. Now we no longer close the gates of our cities or l i f t a drawbridge to isolate ourselves from the world, because the prog- ress of civilized government has been sufficient to assure the urban population that there are no ene- mies or bands of robbers outside waiting to pounce upon them. The gates are disarmed because there is no f e a r of aggression. Carry this illustration into the international field. There, unfor- tunately, we have not yet provided the protection which can take the place of armored self-defense. There are two essential steps which must be taken before 'disarmament: First, we must reduce the causes of disagreement by justice and sin- cerity in international dealings; secondly, we must cooperate in building juridical institutions which, without destroying the sov- ereignty of the different nations, will unite them for the purpose of international security against ag- gression. The plans for disarma- ment in the Conference of 1932 failed precisely because the inter- national community of that time did not offer the nations any effec- 12 THE POPE'S FIVE POINTS tive guarantee against aggression. At least some procedure of arbitra- tion, some system of control against the ever-present danger of dis- armament among nations, is an absolute necessity. We call ourselves a peace-loving people, and I hope we are right. But the test of our genuine love of peace will be found, not in talking about it, nor wishing for it, but in taking the means which are neces- sary to secure it. We must be will- ing to labor long and patiently, not in isolation, nor in hegemony of power among the victorious nations, but in cooperation and accord with all nations of the human family, to eliminate the causes of war and to build an international order which gives sufficient guarantees of se- curity. Only .then, as a last step in a long and gradual process, can we go on to the "mutual and pro- gressive" reduction of armaments. It is a long-range plan; but it must be faced now. Hitler has openly avowed the philosophy of f o r c e — "rugged individualism" among the nations—and our other chief enemy, Japan, is not f a r be- hind in its practice. To avert t h a t moral leprosy from our own land was one of the motives which drove FOR PERMANENT PEACE us into this war. But when we hear seriously advanced the pro- posals that the United States and Great Britain must prepare to "police the world f o r the next hun- dred years," which I suppose means to rule the world by force—when one hears such proposals one won- ders whether we may not be in danger ourselves of becoming in- fected with the false philosophy which worships physical force. I t is possible that we might crush Hit- ler by military power and then suc- cumb to the immoral plague of pride and violence which has set the world ablaze. This parable may be to the point. A maniac infected with virulent leprosy ran amuck in a peaceful village, threatening, to enter the homes by force and infect the in- habitants. A strong man went out to meet him, conquered him a f t e r a heroic struggle, but in doing so contacted his disease. And they wrote f o r the conqueror this epi- t a p h : "He grappled with leprosy —and came home a leper." It is important to win this war by mil- itary might; but it is not enough! Still more important is our duty to preserve in victory the prin- ciples which we went out t? do- fend. THE FUTURE OF INTERNATIONAL LAW Address delivered on November 21, 1943 Last Sunday we spoke of the lacking in the qualities of sincer- problem of disarmament. We show- ity and good will. The peoples for ed that disarmament can come only whom they were made, the states- as the result of a long progress; it men who negotiated them, and the is the last necessary step on the governments who- executed them, road to peace. The first steps are surely had some sincere will to greater fidelity to moral principles preserve and promote peace. And and, upon that basis, the building yet their efforts failed. In spite of up of international cooperation to the mass of treaties, only a short the point where it will provide bet- period of unstable equilibrium sep- ter means of security than reliance arated the First World War from on exaggerated armaments. But the Second. this raises. another question. Has What was the matter? The study not the entire system of interna- of these treaties to-day—treaties tional law proved a failure? And if which were intended to keep peace so, what can be expected of it in the alive—is very much the study of f u t u r e ? These are the questions something from which life has de- which we must try to answer to- parted. It is not pleasant. But, day. like an autopsy, it may be instruc- Practically, international law tive by revealing the causes of means certain obligations between death. We may study the past to nations which are usually embodied get otir bearings for the future, in treaties. No other equal period Experts in international law of the world's history ever pro- point out some technical reasons f o r duced so many treaties as did the the failure of these treaties. . First, twenty-year period from 1919 to there were too many of them. The 1939. There were treaties, pacts, more they were multiplied, the less and ententes of all kinds, and be- seemed to be the importance at- tween nearly every combination of tached to them. Treaties are a f t e r nations: treaties for economic co- all. intended to be seeds of cooper- operation, treaties of friendship, ation between peoples. But when treaties of non-aggression, treaties ' the soil is so barren and the cii- of mutual assistance. These var- mate so arid that not a single seed ious agreements were not entirely can sprout, it is to no purpose to 14 THE POPE'S FIVE POINTS FOR PERMANENT PEACE scatter quantities of seed upon the ground. When the international climate is so unfavorable that there is little chance for any treaty to bear the f r u i t of peace, nothing is gained by having a great number. Multiplicity of treaties is not a sign of progress in international dealings. Moreover, some of the treaties were too sweeping in their expressions, as for instance when they purported to fix the relations between two countries "forever." It is f a r wiser to make agreements f o r a definite period so as to test the workability of the proposed rela- tionship, and then to revise and re- new them by mutual consent. A nation can scarcely bind itself for- ever. The scope of some of the treaties was excessive, as when they purported to establish "perpetual friendship" between the parties, or undertook to change radically the channels of international trade which had long ago been fixed by natural circumstances. One of the gravest mistakes was the effort to combine treaties of peace with pacts for f u t u r e cooperation, as was done a f t e r the last war when the Covenant of the League of Nations was inserted into the Treaty of Versailles. A treaty of peace a f t e r victory is usually not an expression of mutual f r e e consent on both sides. Substantially, it is imposed by the victors on the vanquished; whereas mutual cooperation is a function of established peace, and demands genuine and free accord. It is better to impose just peace terms first, and then, by showing a true spirit of justice, f a i r dealing, and charity toward the new govern- ments of the conquered countries, to pave the way for voluntary co- operation. Well, these are some of the tech- nical difficulties which have im- paired the efficiency of treaties. But the root cause of their failure was f a r deeper. It was the whole poli- tical atmosphere of the time, and particularly the moral atmosphere, the lack of virile, controlling moral principles behind the formulas of international agreements. Power politics remained in the saddle; treaties were used chiefly as tools of political interests, and so the will to peace which they, expressed remained a dead letter. One of the clearest signs of this lack of moral sense in international dealings was the frequent recourse to so called treaties of non-aggres- sion, particularly in the years just before the outbreak of World War II. That one people should be free from unprovoked aggression by an- other is a natural right. It is not a matter for positive agreement, but is dictated by common decency THE FUTURE OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 15 and the natural law. In a different climate of international morality it would not have been thought nec- essary or appropriate to make ex- plicit agreements on such a matter. In private life two gentlemen do not sign formal contracts not to assault each other. That guarantee is already implicit in the nature of their position. Between peace-lov- ing citizens the bare suggestion of such an agreement would be an offense to the person to whom it was made. To regard such an agree- ment as adding anything to natural morality is to admit that one does not understand • the obligations which are implied in living in a civilized society. Our country was not guilty, as certain others were, of signing non- aggression pacts whose very sincer- ity was seriously doubtful. But we did have a part in a famous treaty which in another way illustrates a defect in international moral ma- turity. I refer to the Kellogg- Briand Pact, which was signed in 1928 in Paris, and by which the signing powers, which included all the principal nations, agreed to "outlaw war" morally, just as so- ciety outlaws crime. Well, the first difficulty is that, however deplorable the recourse to war may be, it may become neces- sary, as it did in our own case af- ter Pearl Harbof, to fight a just war in self-defense. But even if the scope of the Kellogg-Briand Pact be limited, as it must be, to wars of aggression, there was something decidedly lacking in its provisions, and that was that it adopted no adequate-means to carry out its purpose. I t is all very well to talk of "outlawing war"; but that noble purpose is not accom- plished by the mere adoption of a formula. It is an achievement which represents moral advance, and mor- al advances are not made without sacrifice and long preparation. There is one obvious first step to- ward eliminating war, and that is to agree upon a more civilized way of settling international disputes. That means compulsory arbitration. But compulsory arbitration was ex- cluded from the pact. No proce- dure, no machinery for implement- ing it, was even foreseen, and much less was any provided; and conse- quently the lofty purposes which the treaty professed have not been realized. Something similar must be said of the Covenant of the League of Nations. It expressed lofty pur- poses without making adequate provisions for attaining them. The signers, in the preamble, proposed to "establish international relations on a foundation of justice and hon- 16 THE POPE'S FIVE POINTS FOR PERMANENT PEACE or", to "observe rigorously the pre- scriptions of international law", to "respect scrupulously all the pro- visions of treaties." These are high and worthy ideals; God forbid that we should ever abandon them. But it is not enough to propose these high ideals; it is necessary to pro- vide sincerely and concretely pro- cedures which make their realiza- tion possible, which make the en- gagements obligatory and not mere- ly optional. A nation which pledges itself to attain a specified end must be prepared to accept whatever is an indispensable condition for its attainment. Pope Pius XII in his Christmas Messages f r o m 1939 to 1941 insists upon three fundamental steps which are necessary if international law is to become an effective means of establishing peace and order in the world. The first is that all nations must recognize the moral basis which underlies the norm pacta sunt servanda, treaties must be kept. A treaty is morally binding and must be observed, not merely because it has been signed and seal- ed, not merely because it is cus- tomary to observe treaties, not merely because it is advantageous, but because it is j u s t ; and the natural law of God imperatively commands that justice be done, by injuring no one and giving to every one his due. Once more we have a clear designation of the foundation of all order, the moral law. The disease which has sapped the vital- ity of international treaties is juri- dical Positivism, which seeks to di- vorce the positive provisons of law from natural morality. The second and third of the re- commendations of Pius XII are con- tained in his Message of 1941 (bth point) where he said: "To procure the rebirth of mutual trust certain institutions must be established which will merit the respect of all and which will dedicate themselves to the noble task of guaranteeing the sincere observance of treaties, and of promoting, in accordance with the principles of law and equity, their necessary correction and revision." The Pope recom- mends the opportune revision of treaties when necessary; and that this revision be undertaken by juridical institutions which shall be set up to administer international law. And so we are brought once more face to face with the central prob- lem of peace—international coop- eration instead of international domination. Yes, this is the cen- tral problem; this is the point up- on which the pressure of public opinion must be concentrated. In our talk last Sunday, we saw it in connection with disarmament. THE FUTURE OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 17 Every one admits, because it is so evident from reason and experience, that honest mutual disarmament is necessary for permanent peace. But disarmament is impossible until protection against aggression has been provided by international co- operation. To-day we have met the same point again from another angle. The failure of international law has been the failure of treaties. The first remedy, of course, is to recognize the moral foundation up- on which the obligation of treaties must rest; we must abandon the folly of juridical Positivism which can find no other basis for inter- national obligations than the will of the State which makes the treaty. If the national will can create an obligation alone, the national will can dissolve it alone, and there is an end to stability in international dealings. The moral law, univer- sally recognized, is the one secure foundation of international law and of peace. But the moral sense must operate through juridical instru- ments, and therefore we see once more the necessity for what the Holy Father calls juridical institu- tions, which shall have the sincere support and confidence of the na- tions of the world, and shall have the power to forestall and settle controversies and so to avert the disaster of a third World War. The necessity of juridical institutions is recognized also in the Seven Point Declaration on World Peace which was recently issued by lead- ers of the principal religious groups in the United States, Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish. The F i f t h Point of that Declaration is: "In- ternational institutions to maintain peace with justice must be organ- ized." Some opponents of this world co- operation call themselves "realists", because they see difficulties in the way of its accomplishment. Pope Pius XII also sees the difficulties. The difficulties are realities; they form part of the picture, but only part of it. Difficulties in the way of a great achievement are reali- ties which one must look at in or- der to overcome and destroy them. But the goal and purpose of a great achievement are also realities, of another kind, upon which one must keep one's attention if one would make any moral progress. The Pope and many others of all faiths who, with him, recommend sincere world cooperation, are truer realists than those who oppose these plans; be- cause they see the whole of reality, not only the difficulties, but also the glorious and possible achievement which is permanent peace. Next Sunday we will speak of this same subject from a broader point of view. THE REALISM OF PIUS XII Address delivered o At the close of our talk last Sunday we reached the conclusion that in order to secure permanent peace it is absolutely necessary that the nations of the world co- operate with each other on the basis of friendship and helpful- ness in some sort of world organi- zation. The mere legal formalism of treaties has failed for two rea- sons: first, because the moral basis of obligation has not been suffici- ently recognized, and secondly be- cause of the lack of juridical in- stitutions capable of implementing the common will to peace. Such juridical institutions, operating not only according to law but also ac- cording to equity and natural jus- tice, represent the cardinal point of the Pope's Peace Program. Up- on this cardinal point we must have a greater preponderance of opinion. There must be no hes- itancy this time about the coop- eration of the United States in a world order based on the moral law. Surely it is the will of every nation and of every right-thinking person that out of the chaos of bloodshed and crime and suffering of this war—out of the disorder which is convulsing the world— i November 28, 1943 there shall come at last peace and happiness and the restoration of order. Now order in a living thing means organic functioning; and that depends on the nature of the f organism. Hence those who plan or build a world order must be ^ realistic in the sense that they must take account of the realities of human nature as it is in the living stream of history, and must build accordingly. Is the Pope's view of a world order sufficiently realistic, sufficiently in touch with facts ? It is highly significant that on this very point of world coop- eration, the leaders of the principal religious groups in the United States on October 7th released a statement—the Seven Point Dec- laration on World Peace—which is exactly in accord with the view so ^ often expressed by Pius XII. A view so universally accepted is cer- tainly not visionary. I propose to 7 show that, especially on this point of international cooperation, the views of Pius XII spring from the most thorough and true knowledge of what human nature is and what are its attainable destinies in the world. His plans are based on the most complete realism. THE REALISM OF PIUS XII 19 In the fifth point of his mes- sage of 1940, the Pontiff said: "The spirit of cold egoism among the nations must be sup- planted by a sincere juridical and economic solidarity and a fraternal collaboration according to the pre- cepts of the divine law, among peo- ples assured of their autonomy and independence." Solidarity—there is the central thought; solidarity in the economic field, in the juridical field, solidarity expressing itself in "fraternal collaboration according to the preqepts of the divine law." Is this realism? It is, because it takes into account all of reality; not only the failures of the past, but the opportunities of the pres- ent,- the nature of man, the pur- pose f o r which he exists, and the resources with which the Creator has endowed him f o r its attain- ment. The experience of yester- day, the resources of today, contain the germs of the triumphs of to- ll morrow. In the economic field, the reali- ties which the Pope has condensed in a few succinct general princi- ples are explained and developed clearly in the up-to-date commen- tary on the Five Peacp Points, which I have mentioned before, A Christian World Peace Plan, about to be published under the auspices of the Pope's Peace Committee. Is there solidarity among the nations in the economic field? Not yet, completely. But there are very encouraging signs, not only of a recognition of the need of solidar- ity, but of initial steps toward it. This was definitely pledged by the United Nations in the Atlantic Charter, which declared: "They will endeavor with due respect for exist- ing obligations to f u r t h e r the en- joyment by all States, great and small, victor and vanquished, of ac- cess on equal terms to the trade and to the raw materials of the world which are needed f o r their econom- ic prosperity;" That is exactly the proposal which Pius XII had already made in 1939 (point U) and in 1940 (point U); and he im- mediately, and very gracefully, rec- ognized its acceptance by the two great wealthy powers, the United States and Great Britain. He said in his Message of 1941. "It is for us a source of great consolation to see admitted the necessity of a par- ticipation by all in the natural riches of the earth, even on the part of those nations which in the fulfillment of this principle belong to the category of 'givers' and not of 'receivers'". The solidarity of which there are some signs in the economic field must extend also to the juridical field. And here again the principle has already been widely recognized, and a beginning has been made. Is 20 THE POPE'S FIVE POINTS FOR PERMANENT PEACE it "realism" to close this entire horizon of progress by seeing only the fact that the League of Nations was a partial failure? Is it "real- ism" to present the issue for and against juridical institutions as one powerful newspaper consistently represents it, namely as a choice between the American flag on the one hand and on the other a patch- work flag made up of every part- nationality from Ceylon to Kam- chatka ? That is an absurd travesty of the real issue. It is not realism, because it is not the truth-. A blatant propaganda constantly rep- resents international cooperation as if it meant the complete surrender of national sovereignty. It does not. It means merely the juridical recognition of a fact which should be beyond doubt in the mind of any thinking person, namely, that man is by nature a social being: social not only in the sense that individ- uals naturally tend to form fam- ilies (domestic societies), that fam- ilies and individuals naturally tend to form States (civil societies), but also that States naturally tend to form real societies of States for mutual cooperation and helpfulness. Individuals, when they become cit- izens of a State, do not surrender their natural rights. It is t r u e they accept certain limitations up- on individual freedom of action, limitations dictated by the common good. There are those who object even to these reasonable limita- tions. They object to all social legislation and contend f o r the "rugged individualism" which does as it pleases regardless of others, fare. Isolation based on selfishness and regardless of the common wel- is nothing other than "rugged indi- vidualism" in the international field; and thank God, nearly all thinking men are now convinced that it will not work. In principle, the juridical insti- tutions which the Pope pleads, f o r as the practical expression of soli- darity among nations, have been approved by many high authorities of all faiths. All of them realize that the plans will have to be work- ed out gradually, sincerely, and with the aid of experience, profiting by the successes as well as the fail- ures of past efforts in the same di- rection. But Pius XII lays down the surest guide for such efforts in the f u t u r e when he says that they must consist in "fraternal co- operation according to the precepts of the divine law." This brings us to the moral basis of solidarity. Christian ethics finds the moral basis of solidarity in the nature of man as a social being, because that nature having been made by God is an indication of the will of God. The full realization of this THE REALISM OF PIUS XII 21 natural tendency toward internat- ional association has been delayed by the natural barriers which until now have impeded communications between one country and another. But now that oceans can be physic- ally traversed in a few hours and communications can encircle the world with the speed of light, iso- lation has become an absurdity. The time is ripe for the human race to take a long' step forward toward a fuller realization of its social na- t u r e ; for in the mind and intention of its Creator it is not a series of discordant units in perpetual con- flict with each other, but an or- ganism whose parts are coordinated f o r harmonious functioning f o r the good of humanity as a whole. That is the Christian ethic. Other ideologies have their so called norms of morality. "For us," de- clared Lenin in 1920, speaking for Communism, "morality is subor- dinated to the interests of the pro- letarian class struggle." And a mod- ern English prophet of Socialism recently declared with all the pomp- ous solemnity of an Oracle of Del- phi that "unless this war is fol- lowed by a universal Socialist rev- olution, nothing will be gained by victory." On the other hand Nazi- ism, with its insane obsession with race, declares that "the vigor of the race and purity of blood must be preserved by every possible means; whatever conduces to this end is ipso facto honorable and licit"; and consequently, f o r the Nazis, "the primary source and su- preme rule of all juridical order is the racial 1 instinct." Communism and -Naziism! On the one hand the nightmare of perpetual class struggle, on the other the delusion of racial domination. Too long has it been assumed that _we have to choose between these two monstros- ities. We will not chooSe between them. Nor will we compromise with either of them; for that would be to imperil and impair the soli- darity which we seek to establish. There is such a thing as t r u t h ; there is a moral law written by the Creator in the hearts of men, in- dicated in man's rational and so- cial nature: and there is no other basis adequate to support a world order. The realism of Pius XII there- fore includes in its sweeping vision economic, juridical, and moral re- alities. But it is inspired also by another fact of a still higher order. To get his point of view on this supreme and controlling fact, we may go back to the date of his election as Supreme Pontiff. Cer- tain details impressed me because I happened to be in Rome at that time. His name, Pacelli, includes the Italian word pace, peace. For his coat of arms he chose a dove 22 THE POPE'S FIVE POINTS FOR PERMANENT PEACE bearing an olive branch. Before he could finish the writing of his first message, the Encyclical Summi Pontificatus, total war had burst upon the world through Danzig and Poland. Yet, in that first mes- sage, Pius XII dedicated himself, his Pontificate, his teaching, his sufferings, to the spread of the Kingdom of Christ the Prince of Peace. The vision which Pius XII saw then and which he sees today may be described in a few words. The entire human race lost its divine inheritance in the long ago—the "liberty of the children of God." Then came a day, which we call Christmas, when a Prince sent from heaven came to deliver them and to lead them out of the valley of death—a Prince divinely beautiful, whose wisdom, charm, and heroic courage make Him invincible. He alone can reconquer the lost herit- age and put men in possession of it. Under Him all humanity will recapture its God-given dignity. The brotherhood of man, the f a t h - erhood of God, will be realized, be- cause that Leader is Jesus Christ, true God, yet perfect man. Human- ity finds in Him the ideal of per- fection. All that men have ever dreamed of greatness, virtue, holi- ness is in Him; all that heaven has ever radiated upon earth of light and grace and beauty. Victory and redemption with Him are certain. But without Him, humanity is dis- rupted. Born of a common father, Adam, living in the same world, for a common destiny, humanity can- not but feel that it should be one immense family, united in spirit and in action. And in spite of its scattered forces, the antagonisms of conflicting interests, jealousies, hatreds, wars, it carries in its heart regret for its lost unity. Unity is a lost heritage. Is it lost forever? Is there a human heart Whose love can gather together the scattered fragments of the human race, weld them as members into an organic body and send his own life-blood pulsing through it to make it live? Yes, there is such a human heart, but there is only one—it is the heart of the new Adam, the Heart of Christ the King. That is the vision t h a t has glowed in the heart of Pius XII from the day of his election as Pope, through the anxiety of his virtual imprisonment by the Nazis, until now. And it is a vision of reality because the incarnation of the Son of God is a fact. Friends, our brief talks on the Catholic Hour are finished. But let me make a last request. When you think of world order, and of the solidarity and cooperation THE REALISM OF PIUS XII 23 among men which it requires, do not leave out of your consideration this last great important f a c t ; be- cause it is in Christ and through His charity and love, and in no other way, that solidarity among nations and peace on earth can come to men. THE PURPOSE OF THE CATHOLIC HOUR (Extract from the address of the late Patrick Cardinal Hayes at the inaugural program of the Catholic Hour in the studio of the National Broadcasting Company, New York City, March 2, 1930.) Our congratulations and our gratitude are extended to the National Council of Catholic Men and its officials, and to all Who, by their financial support, have made it possible to use this offer of the National Broadcasting Company. The heavy expense of managing and financing a weekly program, its musical numbers, its speakers, the subsequent answering of inquiries, must be met. . . . This radio hour is f o r all the people of the United States. To our fellow-citizens, in this word of dedication, we wish to express a cordial greeting and, indeed, congratulations. For this radio hour is one of service to America, which certainly will listen in interestedly, and even sympathetically, I am sure, to the voice of the ancient Church with its historic background of all the centuries of the Christian era, and with its own notable contribution to the discovery, explora- tion, foundation and growth of our glorious country. . . . Thus to voice before a vast public the Catholic Church is no light task. Our prayers "will be with those who have t h a t task in hand. We feel certain t h a t it will have both the good will and the good wishes of the g r e a t majority of our countrymen. Surely, there is no true lover of our Country who does not eagerly hope for a less worldly, a less material, and a more spiritual standard among our people. With good will, with kindness and with Christ-like sympa- thy f o r all, this work is inaugurated. So may it continue. So may it be fulfilled. This word of dedication voices, there- fore, the hope t h a t this radio hour may serve to make known, to explain with the charity of Christ,* our faith, which we love even as we love Christ Himself. May it serve to make better understood t h a t f a i t h as it really is—a light revealing the pathway to heaven: a strength, and a power divine through Christ; pardoning our sins, elevating, consecrating our common every-day duties and joys, bringing not only justice but gladness and peace to our searching and ques- tioning hearts. 86 CATHOLIC HOUR STATIONS In 38 States, the District of Columbia, and Hawaii A l a b a m a Mobile . . . . . . . . . . . W A L A 1410 k c A r i z o n a Phoenix . . . . . . M l 9 K T A R 620 kc Tucson • • B . . . K V O A 1290 kc Y u m a K Y U M 1240 kc A r k a n s a s t i t t l e Rock . . . . . . . . . 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