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Encyclopaedia Britannic a.
R H I
fthizo- -pj HIZOPHORA, the MANGROVE, or Mangle, a ge-
‘)il0ra , XV nus of plants belonging to the dodecandria clafs j
and in the natural method ranking under the I 2th order,
Ho/oracetr. Thefe plants are natives of the Eaft and
Well Indies, and often grow 40 or 50 feet high. They
grow only in water and on the banks of rivers, where
the tide flows up twice a-day. They preferve the ver¬
dure of their leaves throughout the year. From the
lowell branches iflfue long roots, which hang down to
the water, and penetrate into the earth. In this poli-
tion they refemble fo many arcades, from five to ten
feet high, which ferve to fupport the body of the tree,
and even to advance it daily into the bed of the water.
Thefe arcades are fo clofely intertwifted one with ano¬
ther, that they form a kind of natural and tranfparent
terrace, railed with fuch lolidity over the water, that
one might walk upon them, were it not that the bran¬
ches are too much encumbered with leaves. The moll
natural way of propagating thefe trees, is to fuffer the
feveral (lender imall filaments which iffue from the main
branches to take root in the earth. The mod common
method, however, is that of laying the fmall lower
branches in balkets of mould or earth till they have ta¬
ken root.
The defcription juft given pertains chiefly to a par¬
ticular fpecies of mangrove, termed by the Weft In¬
dians black mangles, on account of the brown dulky co¬
lour of the wood. The bark is very brown, imooth,
pliant when green, and generally ufed in the Weft In¬
dia illands for tanning of leather. Below this bark lies
a cuticle, or {kin, which is lighter, thinner, and more
tender. The wood is nearly of the fame colour with the
bark ; hard, pliant, and very heavy. It is frequently
ufed for fuel, for which purpofe it is faid to be remark¬
ably proper ; the fires which are made of this wood
being both clearer, more ardent and durable than thofe
made of any other materials whatever.—The wood is
compaft ; almoft incorruptible; never fplinters; is eafily
worked; and were it not for its enormous weight,
would be commodioufly employed in almoft all kinds
of work, as it pofleffes every property of good timber.
To the roots and branches of mangroves that are im-
merfed in the water, oyfters frequently attach them-
felves ; fo that wherever this curious plant is found
growing on the fea-fhore, oyfter-filhing is very eafy ;
and in fuch cafes thefe fliell-filh may be literally faid to
grow upon trees.
The red mangle or mangrove grows on the fea-
Vol. XVIII. Part I.
R H O
fhore, and at the mouth of large rivers; but does not Rhode-
advance, like the former, into the water. It generally Ifland>
rifes to the height of 20 or 30 feet, with crooked,
knotty branches, which proceed from all parts of the
trunk. The bark is {lender, of a brown colour, and,
when young, is fmooth, and adheres very clofely to the
wood ; but when old, appears quite cracked, and is
eafily detached from it. Under this bark is a {kin as
thick as parchment, red, and adhering clofely to the
wood, from which it cannot be detached till the tree
is felled and dry. The wood is hard, compadt, heavy,
of a deep red, with a very fine grain. The pith or
heart of the wood being cut into fmall pieces, and
boiled in water, imparts a very beautiful red to the li¬
quid, which communicates the fame colour to wool
and linen. The great weight and hardnefs of the wood
prevent it from being generally ufed. From the fruit
of this tree, which, -when ripe, is of a violet colour, and
refembles fome grapes in tafte, is prepared an agreeable
liquor, much efteemed by the inhabitants of the Caribbee
iflands.
White mangle, fo termed from the colour of its wood,
grows, like the two former, upon the banks of rivers,
but is feldom found near the fea. The bark is gray ;
the wood, as we have faid, white, and when green
fupple ; but dries as foon as cut down, and becomes ve¬
ry light and brittle. This fpecies is generally called
rope-mangrove, from the ufe to which the bark is applied
by the inhabitants of the Weft Indies. This bark, which,
on account of the great abundance of fap, is eafily de¬
tached when green from the wood, is beaten or bruifed
betwixt two ftones, until the hard and woody part is to¬
tally feparated from that which is foft and tender. This
laft, which is the true cortical fubftance, is twilled into
ropes of all fizes, which are exceedingly Hr ong, and not
apt to rot in the water.
RHODE Island, one of the fmalleft of the United
States of America, not exceeding 47 miles in length
and 37 in breadth, is bounded on the N. and E. by
the province of Maflachufetts ; on the S. by the Atlan¬
tic, and on the W. by Connedlicut. It is divided into
five counties, viz. Newport, Providence, Walhingtoy,
Briftol, and Kent, which are fubdivided into 30 town¬
ships, containing 68,825 inhabitants, and including 948
flaves. This Hate is interfered by rivers in all direc¬
tions ; and the winters in the maritime parts of it are
milder thaji in the interior of the country. The fum-
mers are delightful, and the rivers and bays teem wilh.-
A filh
2
R II O
[ ^ ]
R II O
Rhotle-
IHand.
fifn of different kinds. It is generally allowed by tr.i-
vellers, that Newport is the bell fiih market in the
world. This hate alfo produces rye, barley, oats, and
in fome places wheat fufficient tor home confumption.
Cyder is made here for exportation ; and it abounds witn
gralfes, fruits, and culinary roots and plants, all of an
excellent quality. The north-weftern parts are but
thinly inhabited, and more rocky and barren than the
reft of the ftate. There are ex ten five dairies in fbme
parts of it, which produce butter and cheefe ot the beft
quality1, and in large quantities for exportation. Iron ere
is found in great abundance in many parts of the ftate }
and the iron-works on Patuxet river, 12 miles from Pro¬
vidence, are fupphed with ore from a bed about four
miles and a half diftant, where a variety of ores, curious
Hones, and ochres, are alfo met with ; and there is a cop¬
per mine mixed with iron in the townfhip of Cumber¬
land. This ore is ftrongly impregnated with loadftone,
large pieces of which have been found in the vicinity j
but no method has yet been difeovered of working
it to advantage. Here alfo lime ftone abounds, of
which large quantities of lime are made and exported.
This ftone is of various colours, and is the genuine mar¬
ble of the white, plain, and variegated kinds, receiving
as fine a polilh as any ftone in America. In this fiaie
there are alfo feveral mineral Springs, to one of which,
not far from Providence, numbers relort to bathe, and
drink the waters. The chief towns of tiae ftate are
Providence and Newport. The flave-trade, which was
a fource of wealth tojnany, has been happily abolifhed.
Briftol carries on a considerable trade to Africa, the
Weft: Indies, and different parts of the United States:
but the inhabitants of the profperous town of Provi¬
dence have in their hands the greateft part ol the com¬
merce ^ they had I 29 veffels in the year 1791. The
common exports are tlax-feed, timber, horfes, cattle,
beef, pork, fifh, poultry, onions, butter, cheefe, bar-
ley, grain, fpirits, cotton and linen goods. I he im¬
ports confift of Weft India and European goods, and
logwood is brought from the hay of Honduras. At the
different ports of this ftate move than 600 veffels enter
and clear out annually. The amount of exports in I794>
was valued at 9^4,573 dollars. At Providence there is
a cotton manufactory, the produce of which is fent to
the fouthern ftates j but the manufactures of bar and
ftieet iron, fteel, nail-iods, and nails, implements of
hutbandry, ftoves, pots, &c. are the molt extenfive.
The conftitution of the ftate is founded on the charter
granted in 1663 by Charles II.; and the revolution
made no effential change on the form of government.
The legiflature confifts of two branches} a fenate com-
pofed of ten members, befides a governor and deputy-
governor, and a houfe of reprefentatives. The members
of the legiftature are chofen twice a year, and there are
two fefiions of this body annually. It was firfl: fettled
from Mafl'achufetts. So little has the civil authority to
do with religion here, that no contract between a mini-
fter and a fociety is of any force, for which reafon a
great number of feCts have always been found here 5 yet
it Is faid that the fabbath, and all religious inftitutions
are more neglefted in this, than many other of the New
England ftates.
Rhode-island, an ifland of N. America, in a flate
of the fame name, fituated between 41° 28' and 410
42' N. Lat. and between 71° 17' and 710 27' W. long.
PJvcdes
Ancient
name? and
etymology.
Its orisin.
* Pliny,
lib. ii. cap.
87.
from Greenwich, or about 15 miles long, and its me¬
dium breadth about 3 and a half. It is a famous refort
for invalids from the foulhern climates, as it is exceed¬
ingly pleafant and healthful, being at one period regar¬
ded as the Eden of America ; but the change is great
which has been effected by the ravages of war, and a
decreafe of bufinefs. Between 30,000 and 40,000 Iheep
are fed upon this ifland, befides cattle and horfes. i he
foil, climate, and lituation of this ifland, are perhaps not
exceeded by any other in the wmrld.
RHODES, a celebrated ifland in the Archipelago,
the largeft and moft eafterly of the Cyclades, was
known in ancient times by the names ot Ajleria, 0-
phiufa, JEtfircea, Trinacria, Corymbia, Poejfa, Atabyria,
Marcia, OloejTa, Stadia, Telchims, Pelagia, and Rhodus.
In later ages, the name of Rhodus, or Rhodes, prevail¬
ed, from the Greek word rhodon, as Is commonly fup-
pofed, fignifying a “ rofe the ifland abounding very
much with thele flowers. Others, however, give differ¬
ent etymologies, among which it is difficult to find one
preferable to another. It is about 20 miles diftant horn
the coafts ol Eycia and Caria, and about 120 miles in
compafs.
Several ancient authors affert, that Rhodes was for¬
merly covered by the lea, but gradually raifed its head
above the waves, and became an ifland. Delos and
Rhodes (fays Pliny), iflands which have long been *
celebrated, fprung at firfl from the fea. I he lame fact
is fupported by fuch a variety of other evidence as ren¬
der it indubitable. Philo k aferibes the event to the | p}gi0 ,{e
decreafe of the waters or the ocean. If his conjedlure Munuo.
be not without foundation, raoft of the ihes of the Ai-
chipelago, being lower than Rhodes, rauft have had a
fimilar origin. But it is much more probable that the
volcanic fires, which in the fourth year of the I35^1
lympiad, raifed Therafia and d hera, known at preient
by the name of Santonn, from the depths of the iea, and
have in our days thrown out feveral fmall iflands adja¬
cent, alfo produced in feme ancient era Knoues and
Delos.
The firft inhabitants of Rhodes, according to Dio-
doru* Siculus, were called the 2 elchtmc, who carne ori¬
ginally from the ifland of Crete. Thefe, by their Ikftl
in aftrologv, perceiving that the ifland was toon to oe
drowned writh w’ater, left their habitations, and rmA.
room for the Heliades, or grandfons of Phoebus, w ho
took poffeffion of the ifland after that god had cleared
it from the water and mud with which it was over-
w’helmed. Thefe Heliades, it feems, excelled all otner
men in learning, and efpecially in aflrology *, invented
navigation, &c. In after ages, however, oeing infeft-
ed wdth great ferpents wdiich bred in the ifland, tncy
had recourfe to an oracle in Delos, which advfled them
to admit Phorbas, a Theffalian, with his followers, into
Rhodes. This was accordingly done: and Phorbas
having deftroyed the ferpents, was, after his death, ho¬
noured as a demigod. Afterwards a colony ol Cretans
fettled in fome part of the ifland, and a little before
the Trojan w^ar, Tlepolemus the fon of Hercules, who
was made king of the wThole ifland, and governed with
great juftice and moderation.
After the Trojan war, all the ancient inhabitants
wrere driven cut by the Dorians, who continued to be
mafters of the ifland for many ages. The government
w’as at firft monarchical 5 but a little beiore the expedi¬
tion
Firft inha¬
bitants.
R H O
[
]
R II O
■RiiOiles.
5
Submit to
Alexander,
but revolt
after his
death.
Violent in¬
undation at
Rhudas.
Difference
with Anti-
goii*;:.
tion of Xerxes into Greece, a republican form of go¬
vernment was introduced ; during which the Khodians
applied themfelves to navigation, and became very
powerful by fea, planting feveral colonies in diftant
countries. In the time of the Peloponnefian war, the
republic of Rhodes was rent into two fa&ions, one of
which favoured the Athenians, and another the Spar¬
tans ; but at length the latter prevailing, democracy
was abolifhed, and an ariftocracy introduced. About
Xji B. C. we find the Rhodians opprefled by Mauio-
lus king of Caria, and at laid reduced by Artemifia his
widow. In this emergency, they applied to the Athe-
hians, by whofe affiftance, probably, they regained
their liberty.
From this time to that of Alexander the Great, the
Rhodians enjoyed an uninterrupted tranquillity. To
him they voluntarily fubmitted; and were on that ac¬
count highly favoured by him : but no fooner did they
hear of his death, than they drove out the Macedonian
garriGns, and once more became a free people. About
this time happened a dreadful inundation at Rhodes j
which, being accompanied with violent ftorms of rain,
and hailltones of an extraordinary bignefs, beat down
many houfes, and killed great numbers of the inhabi¬
tants. As the city was built in the form of an amphi¬
theatre, and no care had been taken to clear the pipes
and conduits which conveyed the water into the fea,
the lower parts of the city were in an inftant laid un¬
der water, feveral .houfes quite covered, and the inha¬
bitants drowned before they could get to the higher
places. As the deluge increafed, and the violent (bowers
continued, feme of the inhabitants made to their
flops, and abandoned the place, while others miferably
perhhed in the waters. But while the city was thus
threatened with utter deftrudlion, the wall on a hidden
burft afunder, and the wrater difeharging itfelf by a vio¬
lent current into the fea, unexpectedly delivered the in¬
habitants from all danger.
The Rhodians fuffered greatly by this unexpected
accident, but foon retrieved their Ioffes by a clofe ap¬
plication to trade. During the wars which took place
among the fucceffors of Alexander, the Rhodians ob-
f’erved a ftriCl neutrality ; by which means they enrich¬
ed themfelves fo much, that Rhodes became one of the
mod opulent dates of that age ; infomuch that, for the
common good of Greece, they undertook the piratic
war, and, at their own charge, cleared the feas of the
pirates who had for many years infeded the coads of
Europe and Afia. However, notwithdanding the neu¬
trality they profeffed, as the mod advantageous branch¬
es of their commerce were derived from Egypt, they
were more attached to Ptolemy, king of that country,
than to any of the neighbouring princes. When there¬
fore Antigonus, having engaged in a war with Ptolemy
about the idand of Cyprus, demanded fuccours of them,
they earnedly intreated him not to compel them to de¬
clare war againd their ancient friend and ally. But
this anfwer, prudent as it wras, drew upon them the
difplealure of Antigonus, who immediately ordered one
of his admirals to fail with his fleet to Rhodes, and
felze all the fhips that came out of the harbour for
Egypt. The Rhodians, finding their harbour blocked
up by the fleet of Antigonus, equipped a good number
of galleys, fell upon the enemy, and obliged him, with
the lofs of many (hips,, to quit his flatiop. Hereupon
Antigonus, charging them as aggreffbrs, and beginners PJiOcfr-
of an unjufl war, threatened to befiege their city with —v—
the flrength of his whole army. The Rhodians endea¬
voured by frequent embaflies to appeafe his wrath ) but
all their remonflrances ferved rather to provoke than
allay his refentment: and the only terms upon which he
would hearken to any accommodation were, that the
Rhodians thould declare war againd Ptolemy, that they
Ihould admit his fleet into their harbour, and that an
hundred of the chief citizens thould be delivered up to
him as hodages for the performance of thele articles.
The Rhodians fent ambaffadors to ail their allies, and
to Ptolemy in particular, imploring their aflidance,
and reprefenting to the latter, that their attachment to
his intered had drawn upon them the danger to which
they were expofed. The preparations on both fides were
immenfe. As Antigonus was near fourfeore years of j7 i 0 f .,
age at that time, he committed the whole management fle, ecj by"
of the war to his fon Demetrius, who appeared before Demetrius,
the city of Rhodes with 200 Ihips of war, 170 ttanfi
ports having on board 40,000 men, and 1000 other vei-
lels laden wbth provifions and all forts of warlike engines.
As Rhodes had enjoyed for many years a profound tran¬
quillity, and been free from all devadations, the expec¬
tation of booty, in the plunder of fo wealthy a city, al¬
lured multitudes of pirates and mercenaries to join De¬
metrius in this expedition •, infomuch that the whole fea
between the continent and the iliand was covered with
(hips : which druck the Rhodians, who had a profpect
of this mighty armament from the walls, with great ter¬
ror and condernation.
Demetrius, having landed his troops without the
reach of the enemy’s machines, detached feveral (mail
bodies to lay wade the country round the city, and cut
down the trees and groves, employing the timber, and
materials of the houfes without the walls, to fortify his
camp with drong ramparts and a triple palifade •, which
work, as many hands were employed, was finilhed in a
few days. The Rhodians, on their part, prepared for a 9
vigorous defence. Many great commanders, who had [ ^e >nha-
lignalized themfelves on other occafions, threw them-b^n^*r^re"
felves into the city, being defirous to try their fkill in vi^orQu^
military affairs againd Demetrius, who was reputed one defence,
of the mod experienced captains in the conduft of lieges
that antiquity had produced. The befieged began with
difmifling from the city all fuch perfons as were ufelefs ;
and then taking an account of thofe who were capable
of bearing arms, they found that the citizens amounted
to 6000, and the foreigners to 1000. Liberty was
promifed to all the (laves who (hould didinguiih them¬
felves by any glorious abtion, and the public engaged to
pay the maders their full ranfom. A proclamation
was like wife made, declaring, that whoever died in de¬
fence of their country (hould be buried at the expence
of the public } that his parents and children (uould be
maintained out of the treafury ; that fortunes (hould be
given to his daughters} and his fons, when they were
grown up, diould be crowned and prefented with a com¬
plete fait of armour at the great folemnity of Bacchus ;
which decree kindled an incredible ardour in all ranks
of men.
Demetrius, having planted all his engines, began to Engines of
batter with incredible fury the walls on the fide of the Demetrius
harbour ; but was for eight days fucceflively repulfed burnt,
by the befieged, who fet fire to mod of his warlike en-
A 2
gmes,
Rhodes.
K H O [
gines, and tnereby obliged him to allow them fome
v — refpite, which they made good ufe of in repairing the
breaches, and building new walls where the old ones
were either weak or low. When Demetrius had re¬
paired his engines, he ordered a general affault to be
made, and caufed his troops to advance with loud (bouts,
thinking by this means to llrike terror into the enemy.
But the befieged wrere fo far from being intimidated,
that they repulfed the aggreflbrs with great (laughter,
and performed the moft aftonifhing feats of bravery.
Demetrius returned to the affault next day ; but was
in the fame manner forced to retire, after having loft a
great number of men, and fome officers of diftinftion.
He had feized, at his firft landing, an eminence at a
fmall diftance from the city j and, having fortified this
advantageous poft, he caufed feveral batteries to be
eredfed there, with engines, which inceffantly difcharged
againft the walls (tones of 150 pounds weight. The
towers, being thus furioufty battered night and day,
began to totter, and feveral breaches were opened in
the wTalls: but the Rhodians, unexpedtedly fallying
out, drove the enemy from their poft, overturned their
machines, and made a moft dreadful havock ; infomuch
that fome of them retired on board their veffels, and
were with difficulty prevailed upon to come aftrore
n again.
Several def- Demetrius now' ordered a fcalade by fea and land at
perate af- the fame time , and fo employed the befieged, that
pvnfucc'f' ^ey were at a lofs what place they (liould chiefly de-
e‘s’ fend. The attack was carried on with the utmoft fury
on all fides, and the befieged defended themfelves with
the greateft intrepidity. Such of the enemy as advan¬
ced firft w’ere thrown down from the ladders, and mi-
ferably bruifed. Several of the chief officers, having
mounted the walls to encourage the foldiers by their
example, were there either killed or taken prilon¬
ers. After the combat had lafted many hours, with
great (laughter on both fides, Demetrius, notwith-
ftanding all his valour, thought it neceffary to retire,
in order to repair his engines, and give his men fome
days reft. '
Demetrius being fenfible that he could not reduce
the city till he was mafter of the port, after having
refreflied his men, he returned with new vigour againft
the fortifications which defended the entry into the
harbour. When he came within the caft of a dart, he
caufed a vaft quantity of burning torches and firebrands
to be thrown into the Rhodian (hips, which wTere riding
there 5 and at the fame time galled, with dreadful
(bowers of darts, arrows, and (tones, fuch as offered
to extinguifh the flames. However, in fpite of their
utmoft efforts, the Rhodians put a (top to the fire ;
and, having with great expedition manned three of
their ftrongeft drips, drove with fuch violence againft:
the veffels on which the enemy’s machines were planted,
that they were (battered in pieces, and the engines
difmounted and thrown into the fea. Exceftus the
Rhodian admiral, being encouraged by this fuccefs,
attacked the enemy’s fleet with his three (hips, and
funk a great many veffels; but was himfelf at laft taken
prifoner : the other two veffels made their efcape, and
regained the port.
As unfortunate as this laft: attack had proved to De¬
metrius, he determined to undertake another and,
in order to fucceed in his attempt, he ordered a machine
4 J
R H O
of a new invention to be conftrufted, which was thrice Rhodes,
the height and breadth of thofe he had lately loft.
When the work was finilhed, he caufed the engine to
be placed near the port, wrhich he was refolved, at all
adventures, to force. But as it was upon the point
of entering the harbour, a dreadful (form arifing, drove
it againft: the (bore, with the veffels on which it had
been reared. The befieged, who were attentive to im¬
prove all favourable conjunftures, while the tempeit
wTas (fill raging, made a fally againfl: thofe who de¬
fended the eminence mentioned above j and, though
repulfed feveral times, carried it at laft, obliging the
Demetrians, to the number of 400, to throw down
their arms and fubmit. After this vidfory gained by
the Rhodians, there arrived to their aid 150 Gnof-
fians, and 500 men fent by Ptolemy from Egypt, moft
of them being natives of Rhodes, who had ferved among
the king’s troops. t2
Demetrius being extremely mortified to fee all his Demetrius
batteries againft: the harbour rendered ineffeftual, refol-frames a
ved to employ them by land, in hopes of carrying "^e^ailed
city by aflault, or at leaft reducing it to the neceffity o^helepolis.
capitulating. With this view, having got together a
vaft: quantity of timber and other materials, he framed
the famous engine called ke/ef>o/is, which was by many
degrees larger than any that had ever been invented be¬
fore. Its bafis was fquare, each fide being in length
near 50 cubits, and made up of fquare pieces of timber,
bound together with plates of iron. In the middle part
he placed thick planks, about a cubit diftance from
each other •, and on thefe the men were to (land who
forced the engine forward. The whole was moved upon
eight (frong and large wheels, whofe felloes were
ftrengthened with ftrong iron plates. In order to facili¬
tate and vary the movements of the helepolis, callers
were placed under it, whereby it was turned in an in-
ftant to what fide the workmen and engineers pleafed.
From each of the four angles a large pillar of wood was
carried to about the height of 100 cubits, and inclining
to each other •, the whole machine confiding of nine
(lories, whofe dimenfions gradually leffened in the at-
cent. The firfl: (lory was fupported by 43 beams, and
the lad by no more than nine. 'Ihree (ides of the ma¬
chine were plated over with iron, to prevent its being
damaged by the fire that might be thrown from the ci¬
ty. In the front of each (lory were windows of the fame
fize and (hape as the engines that were to be discharged
from thence. To each window were (butters, to draw
up for the defence of thofe who managed the machines,
and to deaden the force of the (tones thrown by the
enemy, the (butters being covered with (kins (luffed
with wool. Every (lory was furniihed with two large
ilaircafes, that whatever was neceffary might be brought
up by one, while others were going down by the otner,
and fo every thing may be dilpatched without tumult
or confufion. This huge machine was moved forwards
by 3000 of the ftrongeft: men of-the whole army j but
the art with which it was built greatly facilitated the
motion. Demetrius caufed likewiie to be made feveral
teftudoes or pent-houfes, to cover his men while they
advanced to fill up the trenches and ditches *, and in¬
vented a new' fort of galleries, through which thole w'ho
were employed at the fiege might pafs and repafs at
their pleafure, without the lead danger. He employed
all his feamen in levelling the ground over which th<s
machines
R H O [
Rhodes, machines were lo be brought up, to the fpace of four
v furlongs. The number of workmen who were employed
j, on this occafion amounted to 30,000.
The Rho- In the mean time, the Rhodians, obferving thefe for-
dians raife midable preparations, were bufy in railing a new wall
anew wa|!.'tvi(_]1in t}iat which the enemy intended to batter with the
helepolis. In order to accompliih this -work, they pull¬
ed down the wall which furrounded the theatre, fome
neighbouring houfes, and even fome temples, after hav¬
ing folemnly promifed to build more magnificent ftruc-
tures in honour of the gods, if the city were preferved.
At the fame time, they fent out nine of their bed Ihips
to feize fuch of the enemy’s veflels as they could meet
with, and thereby dilfrefs them for want of provifions.
As thefe ihips were commanded by their braved fea-odi-
cers, they foon returned with an immenfe booty, and a
great many prifoners. Among other veflels, they took
a galley richly laden, on board of which they found a
great variet^ of valuable furniture, and a royal robe,
which Phila herfelf had wrought and fent as a prefent
to her huiband Demetrius, accompanied with a letter
written with her own hand. The Rhodians fent the
furniture, the royal robe, and even the letter, to Pto¬
lemy j which exafperated Demetrius to a great de¬
gree.
While Demetrius was preparing to attack the city,
the Rhodians having aflembled the people and magi-
drates to confult about the meafures they diould take,
fome propofed in the aflfembly the pulling down of the
datues of Antigonus and his fon Demetrius, which
till then had been held in the utmod veneration. But
this propofal was generally rejected with indignation,
and their prudent conduct greatly allayed the wrath
both of Antigonus and Demetrius. Plowever, the
latter continued to carry on the fiege with the utmod
vigour, thinking it would refleft no fmall dilhonour
on him were he obliged to quit the plaee without
The walls ma^*ng himfelf mader of it. He caufed the walls to
undermined be fecretly undermined : but, when they were ready
without to fall, a deferter very opportunely gave notice of the
whole to the townfrnen •, who having, with all expe¬
dition, drawn a deep trench all along the wall, began to
countermine, and, meeting the enemy under ground,
obliged them to abandon the work. While both par¬
ties guarded the mines, one Athenagoras a Milefian,
who had been fent to the adidance of the Rhodians by
Ptolemy with a body of mercenaries, promifed to be¬
tray the city to the Demetrians, and let them in through
the mines in the night-time. But this was only in
order to enfare them •, for Alexander, a noble Ma¬
cedonian, whom Demetrius, had fent with a choice
body of troops to take pofl’edion of a pod agreed on,
no fooner appeared, but he was taken prifoner by the
Rhodians, who were waiting for him under arms.—
Athenagoras was crowned by the fenate with a crown
of gold, and pretented with five talents of filver.
Demetrius now gave over all thoughts of under¬
mining the walls, and placed all his hopes of reducing
no purpofe. ^ cjty jn battering engines which he had con¬
trived. Having therefore levelled the ground under
the walls he brought up his helepolis, with four te-
dudoes on each fide of it. Two other tedudoes of an
extraordinary fize, bearing battering-rams, were like-
wife moved forwards by 1000 men. Each dory of
the helepolis was filled with all forts of engines for
Rhodes.
fuccefs.
15
A general
affault to
16
let
5 ] RHO
difeharging of doncs, arrows, and darts. When all
things were ready, Demetrius ordered the fignal to
be given} when his men, fetting up a drout, aflaulted
the city on all fides both by fea and land. But, in
the heat of the attack, when the walls were ready to
fall by the repeated drokes of the battering-rams, am-
bafladors arrived from Cnidus, earnedly foliciting De¬
metrius to fufpend all further hodilities, and at the
fame time giving him hopes that they fhould prevail
upon the Rhodians to lubmit to an honourable capi¬
tulation. A fufpenfion of arms was accordingly agreed
on, and ambaffadors fent from both tides. But the
Rhodians refufing to capitulate on the conditions of¬
fered them, the attack was renewed with fo much fury,
and the machines played off in fo brifk a manner,
that a large tower built with fquare dones, and the
wall that flanked it, were battered down. The befie-
ged, neverthelefs, fought in the breach with fo much
courage and refolution, that the enemy, after various'
unfuccefsful attempts, were forced to abandon the en-
terprife, and retire.
In this conjunflure, a fleet which Ptolemy had fbe be-
freighted with 300,000 meafures of coni, and diffe-re¬
rent kinds of pulfe for the ufe of ihe Rhodians, ar- ^eivealarge -
rived very feafonably in the port, notwilhdanding th.
vigilance of the enemy’s (hips, which cruized on the
coads of the idand to furprile them. A few days
after came in fafe two other fleets, one fent by C;r
fander, with 100,000 budrels of barley j the other
by Lyfimachus, with 400,000 buflrels of corn and as
many of barley. This feafonable and plentiful fupply
arriving when the city began to differ for want of
provifions, infpired the befieged with new courage,-
and raifed their drooping fpirils. Being thus animated,
they formed a defign of fetting the enemy’s engines on
fire ; and with this view ordered a body of men to fally
out the night enfuing, about the fecond watch, with
torches and firebrands, having fird. placed on the walls
an incredible number of engines, to difeharge dones,
arrows, darts, and fire-balls, againd thofe who fhould
attempt to oppofe their detachment. The Rhodian
troops, purfuant to their orders, all on a fudden fallied
out, and advancing, in fpite of all oppofition, to the bat¬
teries, fet them on fire, while the engines from the walls
ployed inceffantly on thofe who endeavoured to extin-
guifh the flames. The Demetrians on this occafion fell
in great numbers, being incapable, in the darknefs of
the night, either to fee the engines that continually dif-
charged flrowers of dones arid arrows upon them, or to
join in one body and repulfe the enemy. The confla¬
gration was fo great, that feveral plates of iron falling
from the helepolis, that vad engine would have been
entirely confirmed, had not the troops that were da-
tioned in it with all podible fpeed quenched the fire.,
with water, before prepared, and ready in the apart¬
ments of the engine againd fuch accidents. Deme*
trius, fearing led all his machines diould be confirmed,
called together, by found of trumpet, thofe whofe pro¬
vince it was to move them ; and, by their help, brought
them off before they were entirely dedroyech When it
was day, he commanded all the darts and arrows that
had been diot by the Rhodians to be carefully gathers
ed, that he might from their number form fome judge¬
ment of the number of machines in the city. Above
800 firebrands were found on the foot, and no fewer
than -
Sr-
R H O [ 6 ] R H O
Rh-ocles.
J7
They build
a third
wall.
'iS
Demetrius
makes a
breach in
the walls,
-but is ftill
repaired.
than 1500 darts, all difcharged in a very fmall portion
of the night. This flruck tire prince himfeif with no
fmall terror } for he never imagined that they would
have been able to bear the charges of fuch formidable
preparations. However, after having caufed the tlain
to be buried, and given directions for the curing of
the wounded, he applied himfeif to the repairing of
his machines, which had been difmounted and rendered
quite unferviceable.
In the mean time, the beiieged, improving the refpite
allowed them by the removal of the machines, built a
third wall in the form of a crefcent, which took in all
that part that was molt expofed to the enemy’s bat¬
teries ; and, befides, drew a deep trench behind the
breach, to prevent the enemy from entering the city
that way. At the fame time, they detached a fquadron
of their beft (hips, under the command of Amyntas,
who made over to the continent of Alia ; and there
meeting with fome privateers who were commiflioned
by Demetrius, took both the Ihips and the men, among
whom w7ere Timocles the chief of the pirates, and fe-
veral other officers of diftinftion belonging to the fleet
of Demetrius. On their return, they fell in with feve-
ral veffels laden with corn for the enemy’s camp, wffiich
they likewife took, and brought into the port. Thefe
•were foon followed by a numerous fleet of fmall veffcls
loaded with corn and provilions fent them by Ptolemy,
together with 1500 men, commanded by Antigonus a
Macedonian of great experience in military affairs.-—
Demetrius, in the mean time, having repaired his ma¬
chines, brought them up anew to the walls : which he
inceffantly battered till he opened a great breach and
threw down feveral towers. But wdien he came to the
affault, the Rhodians, under the command of Aminias,
defended themfelves with fuch refolution and intrepi¬
dity, that he wras in three fucceffive attacks repulfed
with great (laughter, and at laft forced to retire. The
Rhodians likewile, on this cccafion, loff feveral offi¬
cers ; and amongft others, the brave Aminias their com¬
mander.
While the Rhodians were thus fignalizing them¬
felves in the defence of their country, a fecond embafly
arrived at the camp of Demetrius from Athens and
-the other cities of Greece, foliciting Demetrius to com-
pofe matters, and ftrike up a peace with the Rhodians.
At the requeft of the ambaff’adors, who were in all
above 50, a ceflation of arms was agreed upon 5 but
the terms offered by Demetrius being again rejected by
the Rhodians, the ambafiadors returned home without
being able to bring the contending parties to an agree¬
ment. Hoftilities were therefore renewed *, and Deme¬
trius, whofe imagination was fertile in expedients for
fucceeding in his projcfts, formed a detachment of
1500 of lus beft troop®, under the condufl of Alcimus
and Mancius, two officers of great refolution and ex-
19 perience, ordering them to enter the breach at mid-
His troops night, and, forcing the entrenchment behind it, to pof-
breach*6 t^lern^e^ves polls about the theatre, where it
’ would be no difficult matter to maintain themfelves
againft any efforts of the townfmen. In order to fa¬
cilitate the execution of fo important and dangerous
an undertaking, and amufe the enemy with falfe at¬
tacks, he at the fame time, upci: a fignal given, order¬
ed the reft of the army to fet up a Ihout, and attack the
.city on all Tides both by fea and land. By this means
2
he hoped that, the beiieged being alarmed in all parts, Rhodes,
his detachment might hnd an opportunity of forcing
the entrenchments which covered the breach, and af¬
terwards of feizing the advantageous poll about the
theatre. This feint had all the fuccels the prince could
expect 3 for the troops having fet up a Ihout from
all quarters, as if they were advancing fo a general
affault, the detachment commanded by Alcimus and
Mancius entered the breach, and fell upon thole w ild
defended the ditch, and the wall that covered it, with
fuch vigour, that, having flam the moft part of them
and put the reft in confulion, they advanced to the
theatre, and feized on the poll adjoining to it. This
occalioned a general uproar in the city, as if it had been
already taken : but the commanding officers difpatched
orders to the foldiers on the ramparts not to quit their
polls, nor ftir from their refpeftive ftations. Having
thus fecured the walls, they put themfelves at the head
of a chofen body of their own troops, and of thofe who
w'ere lately come from Egypt, and wuth thefe charged
the enemy’s detachment. But the darknefs of the night
prevented them from dillodging the enemy and re¬
gaining the advantageous polls they had feized. Day,
however, no fooner appeared, than they renewed their
attack with wonderful bravery. The Demetrians with¬
out the walls, with loud ftiouts endeavoured to animate
thofe who had entered the place, and infpire them with
refolution to maintain their ground till they w'ere re¬
lieved w'ith freffi troops. The Rhodians being fen-
ftble that their fortunes, liberties, and all that was dear
to them in the world, lay at (lake, fought like men in
the utmoft defpair, the enemy defending their ports for
feveral hours without giving ground in the leaft. At
length the Rhodians, encouraging each other to exert
themfelves in defence of their country, and animated
by the example of their leaders, made a laft effort, and,
breaking into the very heart of the enemy’s battalion, 30
there killed both their commanders. After their death but are all
the reft were eafily put in diforder, and all to a man^j^ or
either killed or taken prifoners. The Rhodians likewife
on this occafion loft many of their beft commanders •,
and among the reft Damotetis, their chief magiilrate, a
man of extraordinary valour, who had fignalized himfeif
during the whole time of the fiege.
Demetrius, not at all difeouraged by this check, was
making the neceffary preparations for a new aflault,
when he received letters from his father Antigonus, en¬
joining him to conclude a peace with the Rhodians
upon the bell terms he could get, left lie fhould Jofe
his whole army in the fiege of a lingle town. From
this time Demetrius wanted only fome plauhble pre¬
tence for breaking up the fiege. The Rhodians like¬
wife were now more inclined to come to an agreement
than formerly 3 Ptolemy having acquainted them that
he intended to fend a great quantity of corn, and qooo
men to their affiftance, but that he would firft have
them try whether they could make up matters with De¬
metrius upon reasonable terms. At the fame time am-
baffadors arrived from the iEtolian republic, foliciting
the contending parties to put an end to a war which
might involve all the eaft in endleis calamities. 21
An accident which happened to Demetrius in this The hele-
conjuncture, did not a little contribute towards the ;'^ll;s;!eJ^
wiflied-for pacification. This prince was preparing tojel^c ut-
advance his hclepolis againlt the city, when a Rhodian
engineer
R H O
[ 7 ]
Rhodes.
The fiege
raifed.
23
War with
the Byzan¬
tines.
a4
A dreadful
earthquake
at Rhodes.
engineer' found meaas to render it quite ufelefs. He
undermined file tracl of ground over which the helepolis
was lo pafs the next day in order to approach the walls.
Demetrius, not fufpedliag any ftratagem of this nature,
caufed the engine to be moved forward, which coming
to tHe place that was undermined, funk fo deep into
the ground that it was impofiible to draw it out again.
This misfortune, if we believe Vegetius and Vitruvius,
determined Demetrius to hearken to the iEtolian am-
baffadors, and at laft to ftrke up a peace upon the fol¬
lowing conditions: That the republic of Rhodes fhould
be maintained in the full enjoyment of their ancient
rights, privileges, and liberties, without any foreign
garrifon j that thev fhould renew their ancient alliance
with Antigonus, and aflife him in his wars againft all
Rates and princes except Ptolemy king of Egypt and
that, for the effectual performance of the articles flipu-
lated between them, they fhould deliver 100 hoflages,
fuch as Demetrius fhould make choice of, except thole
who bore any public employment.
Thus was the liege raifed, after it had continued a
whole year ; and the Rhodians amply rewarded all
thofe who had diftinguifhed themfelves in the lervice
of their country. They alfo fet up llatues to Ptolemy,
Cafiander, and LylimacHus ; to all of whom they paid
the higheft honours, efpecially to the firft, whom they
worihipped as a god. Demetrius at his departure pre-
fented them with the helepolis, and all the other ma¬
chines which he had employed in battering the city j
from the fale of which, w'ith feme additional fums of
their own, they erefled the famous coloifus. After this
they applied themfelves entirely to trade and naviga¬
tion ; by which means they became quite mailers of the
fea, and much more opulent than any of the neigh¬
bouring nations. As far as lay in their power, they
endeavoured to preferve a neutrality with regard to the
jarring nations of the call. However, they could not
avoid a war with the Byzantines, the occafion of which
was as follows : The Byzantines being obliged to pay
a yearly tribute of 80 talents to the Gauls, in order to
raife this fura, they came to a refolution of laying a toil
on all fuips that traded to the Pontic fea. This refolu¬
tion provoked the Rhodians, who were a trading na¬
tion, above all the red. For this reafon they immedi¬
ately difpatched ambafladors to the Byzantines, com¬
plaining of the new tax *, but as the Byzantines had no
other method of fatisfying the Gauls, they perfifted in
their refolution. The Rhodians now declared war,
and prevailed upon Prulias king of Bithynia, and At¬
tains king of Pergamus, to aflut them ; by which
confederacy the Byzantines were fo intimidated, that
they agreed to exa£f no toll from fhips trading to the
Pontic fea, the demand which had been the occafion of
the war.
About this time happened a dreadful earthquake,
which threw down the coloffus, the arfenal, and great
part of the city walls of Rhodes j which calamity the
Rhodians improved to their advantage, fending ambaf-
fadors to all the Grecian princes and Rates, to whom
their lofies were fo much exaggerated, that their coun¬
trymen obtained immenfe fums of money under pretence
of repairing them. Hiero king of Syracufc prefented
them with 100 talents; and, befides, exempted from all
tolls and duties fuch as traded to Rhodes. Ptolemy
king of Egypt gave them ico talents, a million of mea-
n 11 o — —
fores of wheat, materials for building 20 quinquetemes Rhodes,
and the like number of triremes ; and, belides, fent
them 100 architefts, 300 workmen, and materials for
repairing their public buildings, to a great value, pay¬
ing them moreover 14 talents a year for the mainte¬
nance of the workmen whom he fent them. A.nt)go-
nus gave them 100 talents of River, with 10,000 pieces
of timber, each piece being 16 cubits long ; yoco
planks; 3000 pounds of iron, as many of pitch and ro-
Rn, and 1000 meafores of tar. Chryfeis, a woman of
diRimRion, fent them 100,000 mealures of wheat, and
3000 pounds of lead. Antiochus exempted from ail
taxes and duties the Rhodian ihips trading to his do¬
minions ; prefented them with 1 o galleys, and 200,000
meafores of corn, with many other things of great va¬
lue. PruRas, Mithridates, and all the princes then
reigning in ARa, made them proportionable prefents :
in Riort, all the Greek towns and nations, all the princes
of Europe and ARa, contributed, according to their
ability, to the relief of the Rhodians on that occa¬
fion ; infomuch that their city not only foon arofe from
its ruins, but attained to an higher pitch of fplendour
than ever.
2 s -
In the year 203 B. C. the Rhodians engaged in a War with
war with Philip of Macedon. This monarch had inva- Philip of
ded the territories of Attains king of Pergamus ; and Maceil0i:u
becaufe the Rhodians feemed to favour their ancient
friend, fent one Heraclides, by birth a Tarentine, to
fet fire to their fleet; at the fame time that he difpatch¬
ed ambafladors into Crete, in order to flir up the Cre¬
tans againfl the Rhodians, and prevent them from fend¬
ing any afliftance to Attains. Upon this war was im¬
mediately proclaimed. Philip at firfl gained an incon-
fiderable advantage in a naval engagement ; but the
next year was defeated with the lofs of 11,000 men,
while the Rhodians loR but 60 men and Attains yc.
After this he carefully avoided coming to an engage¬
ment at fea either with Attains or the Rhodians. The
combined fleet, in the mean time, failed towards the
ifland of Atgina in hopes of intercepting him : but ha¬
ving foiled in their purpofe, they failed to Athens,
where they concluded a treaty with that people ; and,
on their return, drew all the Cyclades into a confede¬
racy againfl Philip. But while the allies were thus
wafling their time in negociations, Philip, having divi¬
ded his forces into two bodies, fent one, under the com¬
mand of Philocles, to ravage the Athenian territories ;
and put the other aboard his fleet, with orders to fail
to Meronea, a city on the north fide of Thrace. He
then marched towards that city hitnfelf with a body of
forces, took it by affault, and reduced a great many
others ; fo that the confederates would, in all pro- 2<
babilily, have had little reafon to boaft of their fuc-The Rhe-
cefs, had not the Romans come to their affiftance, by d ans afiift-
whofe help the war was foon terminated to their ad- ^
vantage. In the war which, took place between the
Romans and Anticchus the Great king of Syria, the
Rhodians were very ufeful allies to the former. The
beft part of their fleet was indeed defiroyed by a trea¬
cherous contrivance of Polyxeniades the Syrian admi¬
ral ; but they foon fitted out another, and defeated a
Syrian fquadron commanded by the celebrated Hanni¬
bal, the Carthaginian commander ; after which, in con¬
junction with the Romans, they utterly defeated the
whole Syrian fleet ccmmanded by Polyxeniades ; which,
together
Romans.
Rhodes.
27
Rhodes be-
fieged by
Mithri-
dates with¬
out i'uccefs,
28
The Rho¬
dians de¬
feated in
two naval
engage¬
ments by
Cafiius.
R H O [
together with the lofs of the battle of Magnefia, fo di-
fpirited Antiochus, that he fubmitted to whatever con¬
ditions the Romans pleafed.
For thefe fervices the Rhodians were rewarded with
the provinces of Lycia and Caria j but tyrannizing
over the people in a terrible manner, the Lycians ap¬
plied to the Romans for protection. This was readily
granted j but the Rhodians were fo much difpleafed
wdth their interfering in this matter, that they fecretly
favoured Perfes in the wTar which broke out between
him and the Roman republic. For this offence the
two provinces above-mentioned wrere taken from them *,
but the Rhodians, having banifhed or put to death thofe
who had favoured Perfes, wrere again admitted into fa¬
vour, and greatly honoured by the fenate. In the Mi-
thridatic war, their alliance wdth Rome brought upon
them the king of Pontus with all his force ; but having
loft the greateft part of his fleet before the city, he was
obliged to raife the liege without performing any re¬
markable exploit. In the wTar which Pompey made on
the Cilician pirates, the Rhodians affifted him with all
their naval force, and had a great (hare in the victories
which he gained. In the civil war between Csefar and
Pompey, they aflifted the latter with a very numerous
fleet. After his death they lided wuth Csefar ; which
drerv upon them the refentment of C. Caflius, who ad¬
vanced to the ifland of Rhodes with a powerful fleet,
after having reduced the greateft part of the continent.
The Rhodians, terrified at his approach, fent ambaf-
fadors intreating him to make up matters in an amicable
manner, and promifing to ftand neuter, and recal the
fhips which they had fent to the afliftance of the trium¬
viri. Caflius infilled upon their delivering up their
fleet to him, and putting him in poffeflion both of their
harbour and city. This demand the Rhodians would
by no means comply with, and therefore began to put
themfelves in a condition to ftand a liege ; but firft fent
Archelaus, wrho had taught Caflius the Greek tongue
while he lludied at Rhodes, to intercede with his dif-
ciple in their behalf. Archelaus could not, with all his
authority, prevail upon him to moderate his demands 5
wherefore the Rhodians, having created one Alexander,
a bold and enterprifing man, their praetor or prytanis,
equipped a fleet of 33 fail, and fent it out under the
command of Mnafeus, an experienced fea-officer, to of¬
fer Caflius battle. Both fleets fought w-ith incredible
bravery, and the victory w'as long doubtful: but the
Rhodians, being at length overpowrered by numbers,
were forced to return with their fleet to Rhodes •, two
of their (hips being funk, and the reft very much da¬
maged by the heavy Ihips of the Romans. This was the
firft time, as our author obferves, that the Rhodians wTere
fairlv overcome in a fea-fight.
Caflius, wrho had beheld this fight from a neighbour¬
ing hill, having refitted his fleet, which had been no
lefs damaged than that of the Rhodians, repaired to
Loryma, a ftronghold on the continent belonging to
the Rhodians. I his caftle he took by affault j and from
hence conveyed his land-forces, under the conduCf of
Fannins and Lentulus, over into the ifland. His fleet
confifted of 80 flops of wrar and above 200 tranlports.
1 he Rhodians no fooner faw this mighty fleet appear,
but they went out again to meet the enemy. The fe-
cond engagement w’as far more bloody than the firft ;
many Ihips were lunk, and great numbers of men kill-
l
] R H O
ed on both Tides. But vidory anew declared for the Rhodes.
Romans; who immediately blocked up the city of "V—
Rhodes both by fea and land. As the Rhodians had
not had time to furnilh the city with fufficient ftore of
proviftons, fome of the inhabitants, fearing that if it
were taken either by affault or by famine, Caflius would
put all the inhabitants to the fwrord, as Brutus had
lately done at Xanthus, privately opened the gate to ^y]102^aj.e,
him, and put him in poffeflion of the town, which he crue]jy
neverthelefs treated as if it had been taken by affault. pillages
He commanded 50 of the chief citizens, who were fuf- the city,
pefted to favour the adverfe party, to be brought be¬
fore him, and fentenced them all to die \ others, to the
number of 25, who had commanded the fleet or army,
becaufe they did not appear when fummoned, he pro-
feribed. Having thus puniftied fuch as had either aft-
ed or fpoken againft him or his party, he commanded
the Rhodians to deliver up to him all their (hips, and
whatever money they had in the public treafury. He
then plundered the temples; ftripping them of all their
rain able furniture, veffels, and ftatues. He is faid not
to have left one ftatue in the whole city, except that
of the fun 5 bragging, at his departure, that he had
ftripped the Rhodians of all they had, leaving them no¬
thing but the fun. As to private perfons, he command¬
ed them, under fevere penalties, to bring to him all the
gold and filver they had, promifing, by a public crier,
a tenth part to fuch as fhould difeover any hidden trea-
fures. The Rhodians at firft concealed fome part of
their wrealth, imagining that Caflius intended by this
proclamation only to terrify them j but when they
found he was in earneft, and faw feveral wealthy citi¬
zens put to death for concealing only a fmall portion
of their riches, they delired that the time prefixed for
the bringing in their gold and filver might be prolong¬
ed. Caflius willingly granted them their requeft j and
then through fear they dug up what they had hid under
ground, and laid at his feet all they were worth in the
wwld. By this means he extorted from private perfons
above 8000 talents. He then fined the city in 500 morej
and leaving L. Varus there wflth a ftrong garrifon to
exafl the fine without any abatement, he returned to the
continent.
After the death of Caflius, Marc Antony reftored
the Rhodians to their ancient rights and privileges j
beftowing upon them the illands of Andros, Naxos,
Tenos, and the city of Myndus. But thefe the Rho¬
dians fo oppreffed and loaded with taxes, that the fame
Antony, though a great friend to the Rhodian repub¬
lic, w^as obliged to diveft her of the fovereignty over
thofe places, which he had a little before fo liberally
beftow’ed upon her. From this time to the reign of the
emperor Claudius wTe find no mention made of the
Rhodians. That prince, as Dion informs us, deprived
them of their liberty for having crucified lome Roman
citizens. How’ever, he foon reftored them to their for¬
mer condition, as we read in Suetonius and Tacitus.
The latter adds, that they had been as often deprived
of, as veftored to, their liberty, by wTay of punifliment
or reward for their different behaviour, as they had ob¬
liged the Romans with their afliftance in foreign wars, 3°
or provoked them with their feditions at home. Pliny,
w7ho wrrote in the beginning of Vefpafian’s reign, ftyles ^ornan
Rhodes a beautiful and free town. But this liberty they piovince by
did not long enjoy, the ifland became foon after reduced Vefpafian.
by
Rhodes
3*
Expedi¬
tions of
Villaret
grand-ma¬
iler of the
knights of
Jerufalem
againft
Rhodes.
32
He con¬
quers the
Saracens,
and redu¬
ces the
ifland.
33
The city
befieged by
Solyman.
R H O [
by tnc fame Vefpafian to a Roman province, and obli¬
ged to pay a yearly tribute to their new matters. This
province was called the province of the ifiands. The Ro¬
man praetor who governed it refided at Rhodes, as the
chief city under his jurifdiftion j and Rome, notwith-
ftanding the eminent fervices rendered her by this re¬
public, thenceforth treated the Rhodians not as allies,
but vaflals.
The ittand of Rhodes continued fubjedl to the Ro¬
mans till the reign of the emperor Andronicus $ when
Villaret, grand-matter of the knights of Jerufalem, then
rettding in Cyprus, finding himfelf much expofed to
the attacks of the Saracens in that ittand, refolved to
exchange it for that of Rhodes. This ifland too was
almoft entirely occupied by the Saracens; Andronicus
the eaftern emperor poiTefling little more in it than a
cattle. Neverthelefs he refufed to grant the inveftiture
of the ittand to Villaret. The latter, without fpend-
ing time in fruitlefs negociations, failed direftly for
Rhodes, wfbere he landed his troops, provifions, and
warlike llores, in fpite of the oppofition made by the
Saracens, who then united againft the common enemy.
As Villaret forefaw’ that the capital mutt be taken be¬
fore he could reduce the iiland, he inftantly laid fiege
to it. The inhabitants defended themfelves obllinately,
upon which the grandmatter thought proper to turn the
fiege into a blockade but he foon found himlelf fo
clofely furrounded by the Greeks and Saracens, that he
could get no lupply either of forage or provifions for his
army. But having at length obtained a fupply of pro¬
vifions by means of large fums borrowed of the Floren¬
tines, he came out of his trenches and attacked the Sa¬
racens, with a full refolution either to conquer or die.
A bloody fight enfued, in which a great number of the
braveft knights were killed : but at length the Saracens
gave way, and fled to their (hips j upon wfiiich the city
was immediately aflaulted and taken. The Greeks and
other Chriftians had their lives and liberties given them,
but the Saracens were all cut to pieces. The reduflion
of the capital was followed by that of all the other pla¬
ces of inferier ftrength throughout the ittand ; and in
four y£ars after their landing, the whole wTas fubjugated,
and the conquerors took the title of the Knights of
Rhodes. For many years thofe knights continued the
terror of the Saracens and Turks, and futtained a fevere
fiege from Mohammed II. who was compelled to aban¬
don the enterprife j but at length the Turkilh fultan So-
lyman refolved at all events to drive them from it. Be¬
fore he undertook the expedition, he fent a meffage com¬
manding them to depart from the ittand without delay ;
In which cafe he promifed that neither they nor the in¬
habitants Ihould fuller any injury, but threatened them
with his utmoft vengeance if they refufed his offer. The
knights, however, proving obftinate, Solyman attacked
the city with a fleet of 400 fail and an army of j 40,000
men.
The trenches were foon brought clofe to the counter-
fcarp, and a ftrong battery raifed againft the town ;
which, however, did but little damage, till the fultan
being informed by a fpy of this particular, and that
he wras in danger of receiving fome fatal fhot from the
tower of St John wdiich overlooked his camp, lie plant¬
ed a battery againft that tower, and quickly brought it
down. Solyman, however, finding the whole place in
fbme meafure covered w’ith ftrong fortifications of fuch
Von, XVIII. Part L
9 ] R H O
height as to command all his batteries, ordered an itn- Rhodes,
menfe quantity of ftones and earth to be brought j in
which fo great a number of hands were employed night
and day by turns, that they quickly raifed a couple of
hillocks high enough to overtop the city-walls. They
plied them accordingly with fuch a continual fire, that
the grandmafter w'as obliged to caufe them to be ftrong-
ly propped within with earth and timber. All this
while the befieged, who, from the top of the grand-
matter’s palace, could difeover how their batteries were
planted, demolilhed them with their cannon almoft: as
faft: as they raifed them.
Here the enemy thought proper to alter their meafures, Terrible
and to plant a ftrong battery againft the tower of Stbattere^*
Nicholas, which, in the former fiege by Mohammed,
had refitted all the efforts of the then grand-vizier. This
the bafliaw of Romania caufed to be battered with 12 large
pieces of brafs cannon, but had the mortification to fee
them all difmounted by thofe of the tower : to prevent
which in future, he ordered them to be fired only in the
night, and in the day had them covered with gabions
and earth. This had fuch fuccefs, that, after 5000 can-
non-lhot, the wall began to (hake and tumble into the
ditch j but he was furprifed to find another wall behind
it, well terraced, and bordered with artillery, and him¬
felf obliged either to begin afrelh or give up the enter-
priie : and yet this laft was what Solyman preferred,
when he was' told of its being built on a hard rock, in¬
capable of being Tapped, and how firmly it had held out
againft all the efforts of Mohammed’s vizier. The next
attack was therefore ordered by him to be made againtt
the baftions of the town, and that with a vaft number of
the largett artillery, which continued firing during a
whole month j fo that the new wall of the baftion of
England was quite demoiilhed, though the old one flood
proof againll all their (hot. That of Italy, which wa
battered by 17 large pieces of cannon, was ftill work
damaged 5 upon which Martinengo the engineer advifed
the grand-matter to caufe a fally to be made on the tren ¬
ches of the enemy out of the breach, whilft he was making
iretti entrenchments behind it. His advice fuccecded :
and the 200 men who fallied out Iword in hand having
furprifed the Turks in the trench, cut moft of them in
pieces. At the fame time a new detachment, which was
lent to repulfe them, being obliged, as that engineer
rightly judged, to pafs by a fpot which lay open to their
artillery, were likewife moftly deftroyed by the conti¬
nual fire that came from it, whilft the affailants were
employed in filling up feveral fathoms of the trench
before they retired. By that time the breach had
been repaired with fuch new works, that all the eftorts
to mount it by affault proved equally ineffeftuai and de-
ftrudftive. ^ „
Unfortunately for the befieged, the continual fire they The belie,
bad made caufed fuch a confumption of their powder, 8ed
that they began to feel the want of it ; the perfidious
d’Amarald, whofe province it had been to vifit the ir"ai i;'t1
magazines of it, having amufed the council with a falfeiupp!y the
report, that there was more than fufficient to maintain defedi
the fiege, though it Ihould laft a whole twelvemonth.
But here the grand matter found means to fupply in fome
meaihre that unexpected defect, by the cautious provifion
he had made of a large quantity of faltpetre, which was
immediately ground and made into gunpowder, though
he was at the fame time obliged to order the engineers
B t©
R H G [i
Rhode , to be more fpaving of il for the future, and to make ufe
*J" of it only in tiie defence of fuch breaches as the enemy
Ihould make.
All this while the Turks had not gained an inch of
ground ; and the breaches they had made were fo fud-
denly either repaired or defended by new entrenchments,
Defperate ^ie veiy ruhbilh of them mutt be mounted by affault.
encounters Solyman, therefore, thought it now advifable to fet his
in mines, numerous pioneers at work, in five ddferent parts, in
^cc‘ digging of mines, each ox which led to the baftion oppo-
fite to it. Some of thefe were countermined by a new
invented method of Martinengo *, who, by the help of
braced fkins, or drums, could difeover where the miners
were at work. Some of thefe he perceived, which he
caufcd to be opened, and the miners to be driven out by
hand grenadoes} others to be fmothered, or burned, by
fetting fire to gunpowder. Yet did not this hinder two
confiderable ones to be fprung, which did a vaft deal of
damage to the baftion of England, by throwing down
about fix fathoms of the wall, and filling up the ditch
with its rubbith : whereupon the Turks immediately
climbed up fword in hand to the top of it, and planted
feven of their ftandards upon the parapet *, but being
flopped by a traverfe, the knights, recovering from their
furprife fell upon them with fuch fury, that they were
obliged to abandon it with great lofs. The grand mafter,
who ;vas then at church, quickly came to the place with
his fhort pike in his hand, attended by his knights, en¬
couraging all he met with, burghers, foldiers, and others,
to fight bravely in defence of their religion and country,
and arrived time enough to affiit in taking down their
* ftandards, and driving down the enemy by the way they
came up. In vain did the vizier Muftapha endeavour to
prevent their flight by killing fome of the foremolt with
his fword, and driving the reft back •, they were obliged
to abandon the baftion, and, which was {fill worfe, met
with that death in their flight, which they had ftrove to
(bun from the fire arms which were difeharged upon them
from the ramparts. Three fangiacs loft their lives in this
attack, befides fome thoufands of the Turks; the grand-
mafter, on his fide, loft fome of his braveft knights, par¬
ticularly his ftandard-bearer.
The attacks were almoft daily renewed with the fame
ill fuccefs and lofs of men, every general driving to fig-
nalize himfelf in the fight of their emperor. At length
the old general Peri, or Pyrrus, having haraffed the
troops which guarded the baftion of Italy for feveral days
fucceffively without intermiflion, caufed a ftrong detach¬
ment, which he had kept concealed behind a cavalier, to
mount the place by break of day, on the 13th of Septem¬
ber ; where, finding them overcome with fleep and fa¬
tigue, they cut the throats of the fentinels, and, Aiding
through the breach, were juft going to fall upon them.
The Italians, however, quickly recovered themfelves
and their arms, and gave them an obftinate repulfe. The
conteft was fierce and bloody on both fides; and the ba-
fliaw, ftill fupplying his own with new reinforcements,
would hardly have failed of overpowering the other, had
had not the grand-mafter, whom the alarm had quickly
reached, timely intervened, and, by his prefence, as
well as example, revived his Rhodians, and thrown a
fudden panic among the enemy. Pyrrus, defirous to do
fomething to wipe off the difgrace of this repulfe, tried
his fortune next on an adjoining work, lately railed by
the grand-mafter Carettii: bpt here his foldiers met with
o ] R H O
a ftill worfe treatment, being almoft overwhelmed with
the hand-grenadoes, melted pitch, and boiling oil, which
came pouring upon them, whilft the forces which were on
the adjacent flanks made as great a flaughter of thole that
fled ; infomuch that the janilfaries began to refume their
old murmuring tone, and cry out that they were brought
thither only to be flaughtered.
The grand vizier Muftapha, afraid left their complaints
Ihould reach his mafter, agreed at length, as the laft re¬
fort, to make a frelh attempt on the baftion of England,
whilft, to caufe a diverfion, the bafhaw Achmed fprung
fome frelh mines at an oppofite part of the city. 'I his
was accordingly executed on the i^th of September;
when the former, at the head of five battalions, refolute-
]y mounted or rather crept up the breach, and, in Ipite
of the fire of the Engliih, advanced fo far as to pitch
fome ftandards on the top; when, on a fudden, a crowd
of Engiilh knights, commanded by one Bouk, or Burk,
fallied out of their entrenchments, and, affifted by fome
other officers of diftindtion, obliged them to retire, though
in good order. Muftapha, provoked at it, led them back,
and killed feveval knights with his own hand ; and had
his men fupported him as they ought, the place rnuffi
have been yielded to him : but the fire which was made
from the adjacent batteries and mulkctry difconcerted
them to fuch a degree, that neither threats nor entreaties
could prevent their abandoning the enterprife, and drag¬
ging him away with them by main force. The Rhodians
loft in that afliovi feveral brave knights, both Engliih
and German ; and, in particular, John Burk, their va¬
liant commander : but the Turks loft above 3000 men,
befides many officers of diftindlion. Much the lame ill
fuccefs having attended Achmed with his mines, one of
which had been opened, and the other only bringing feme
fathoms of the wall down, he was alfo obliged to retreat;
Rhodes,
his troops, though fome of the very beft, being forced to
difperfe themfelves, after having borne the fire and fury
of the Spanifti and Auvergnian knights as long as they
were able.
By this time Solyman, affiamed and exafperated at
his ill fuccefs,. called a general council ; in which he
made fome Hinging reflexions on his vizier, for having
reprefented the reduction of Rhodes as a very eaiy en-
terprife. To avoid the efi'effis of the fultan’s refent-
ment, the fubtle Muftapha declared, that hitherto they
had fought the enemy as it were upon equal terms, as
if they had been afraid of taking an ungenerous advan¬
tage of their fuperiority, by which, faid he, we have
given them an opportunity of oppofing us with their
united force wherever we attacked them. But let us
now refolve upon a general affault on feveral fides of
the town ; and fee what a poor defence their ftrength,
thus divided, will be able to make againft our united
force. The advice was immediately approved by all,
and the time appointed for the execution of it was on
the 24th of that month, and every thing was ordered 37
to be got ready againft that day. Accordingly the An aflault
town was a&ually affaulted at four different parts, after in four dif-
having fuffered a continual fire for fome time from their at
artillery in order to widen the breaches ; by which the once^
grand-mafter eafily underftood their defign, and that the
baftions of England and Spain, the poft of Provence,
and terrace of Italy, were pitched upon for the affault,
and took his precautions accordingly.
The morning was no fooner come, than each party
mounted
R H O [ i
Rhodes, mounted their refpeflive breach with an undaunted bra-
_l“ ' very, the young fultan, to animate them the more, ha¬
ving ordered his throne to be reared on an eminence,
whence he could fee all that was done. 'The Rhodians,
on the other hand, were no lefs diligent in repulfing
them with their cannon and other fire-arms, with their
melted lead, boiling oil, llink pots, and other ufual ex¬
pedients. The one fide afcend the leafing ladders, fear-
lefs of all that oppofed them ; the other overturn their
ladders and fend them tumbling down headlong into
the ditches, where they were overwhelmed with fiones,
or difpatched with darts and other milfile weapons.
The baition of England proves the feene of the greateit
{laughter and bloodlhed ; and the grand-mailer makes
that, his poll of honour, and, by his prefence and ex¬
ample, infpires his men with frelh vigour and bravery,
whilft the continual thunder of his artillery makes fuch
horrid work among the affailants as chills all their cou¬
rage, and forces them to give way : the lieutenant-ge¬
neral, who commands the attack, leads them back ivith
frelh vigour, and mounts the breach at the head of all •,
immediately after comes a cannon-ball from the Spanilh
baftion, which overturns him dead into the ditch. This
difafier, inftead of fear and dread, fills them with a fu¬
rious defire of revenging his death : but all their obfti-
nacy cannot make the Rhodians go one ftep back, whilft:
the priefts, monks, young men and old, and even women
of every rank and age, aflift them with an uncommon
ardour and firmnefs j fome in overwhelming the enemy
with Hones *, others in deftroying them with melted lead,
fulphur, and other combuftibles; and a third fort in fup-
plying the combatants with bread, wine, and other re-
frefhments.
The aflault was no lefs defperate and bloody on the
baftion of Spain, svhere the knights, who guarded it,
not expecting to be fo foon attacked, and afhamed to
ftand idle, were alfifting the baftion of Italy 5 which
gave the Turks an opportunity to mount the breach,
and penetrate as far as their intrenchments, where they
planted no lefs than 30 of their ftandards on them.
The grand-mafter was quickly apprifed of it, and or¬
dered the baftion of Auvergne to play againft them ;
which was done with fuch diligence, and luch continual
fire, whilft the Rhodians enter the baftion by the help
of their cafemates, a id, fword in hand, fall upon them
with equal fury, that the Turks, alike befet by the fire
of the artillery and the arms of the Rhodian knights,
were forced to abandon the place with a confiderable
lofs. The aga with great bravery rallies them afrelh,
and brings them back, by which time the grand-maf¬
ter likewife appeared. The fight w3s renewed ivith
greater fiercenefs •, and fuch (laughter was made on both
fides, that the grand-mafter was obliged to draw 200
men out of St Nicholas tower to his aftirtance : thefe
wrere commanded by fome Roman knights, who led
them on with fuch fpeed and bravery, that their very
aonearance on the baftion made the janiffaries draw
back ; which Solyman obferving from his eminence,
caufed a retreat to be founded, to conceal the dilgrace
of their flight. In thefe attacks there fell about 15,000
of his bell troops, belides feveral officers of diftinftion.
The lofs of the befieged was no lefs confiderable, if we
judge from the fmall number of their forces; but the
greateft of all to them was that of fome of their braveft
and mod diftinguiflied knights and commanders, many
of whom were killed, and fcarce any efcaped unwound-
r ] R H O
ed. But the moft dreadful fate of all had like to have Rhodes,
fallen on the favourite vizier Muftapha, who had pro-
pofed this general alTault : the ill fuccefs of which had
fo enraged ihe proud fultan, that he condemned him to
be (hot with arrows at the head of his army ; which
dreadful fentence was juft ready to be executed, when
the old balhaw, by his intreaties, obtained a fufpenfion
of it, in hopes that, when his fury was abated, he Ihould
alfo obtain his pardon.
Solyman, however, was fo difeouraged by his ill fuc-
Ceffes, that he was on the point of raifmg the fiege, and
would have aftually done fo, had he not been diverted
from it by the advice which he received from an Alba¬
nian deferter, fome fay by a letter from the traitor d’
Amarald, that the far greater part of the knights were
either killed or wounded, and thofe that remained alto¬
gether incapable of fuftaining a freth affault. This ha¬
ving determined him to try his fortune once more, the
command of his forces was turned over to the bafhaw
Achmed ; and, to fliow that he defigned not to ftir till
he was mafter of the place, he ordered a houfe to be
built on the adjacent mount Philermo for his winter-
quarters. Achmed marched direclly againft the baftion
of Spain, which had fuffered the molt ; where, before
he could open the trenches, his men fell thick and three¬
fold by the conftant fire both of fmall and great guns
from the baftion of Auvergne, file loft ilill a much
greater number in rearing a rampart of earth to cover
the attack, and give him an opportunity of fapping the
wall : and, as foon as he faw a large piece fall, ordered his
men to mount the breach. They were noTooner come to
the top, than they found a new work and entrenchments
which Martinengo had reared ; and there they were wel¬
comed with fuch a brilk fire from the artillery, that they
were glad to recover their trenches with the utmoft preci¬
pitation, after having loft the much greater part of their
men. The attack was renewed, and a reciprocal fire conti¬
nued with great obftinacy, till a mulket-lhot deprived that
indefatigable engineer of one of his eyes, and the order of
his afliduous fervices for fome time. The grand-mafter,
having ordered him to be carried to his palace, took his
place, and kept it till he was quite cured, which was not
till 34 days after ; and continued all the time in the
intrenchments with his handful of knights, fcarcely al¬
lowing himfelf reft night or day, and ever ready to ex-
pofe himfelf to the greateft dangers, with an ardour more
becoming a junior officer than an old worn out fove-
reign ; which made his knights more laviih of their own
lives than their paucity and prefent circumftances could
well admit of.
Soon after this, the treafon of d’Amarald was dif-
covered, and he was condemned to death and executed ;
but by this time the city was reduced to the laft ex¬
tremity. The pope, emperor, and other crowned heads,
had been long and often importuned by the grand maf¬
ter for fpeedy affiftance, without fuccefs; and, as an ad¬
dition to all the other difafters, thofe fuccours which
were fent to him from France and England periffied at
fea. The new fupply which he had fent for of provi-
fions from Candia had the fame ill fate ; fo that the
winds, feas, and every thing, feemed combined to bring
on the deftrudlion of that city and order. The only re-
fource which could be thought of, under fo difmal a fi-
tuation, was, to fend for the few remaining knights and
forces which were left to guard the other, iflands, to
come to the defence of their capital, in hopes that, if
B 2 . ' they
R H O [ i
Rhodes, they could fave this, the others might in time be reco-
vered, in cafe the Turks fhould feize upon them. On
the other hand, Solyman, grown impatient at the fmall
ground his general had gained, gave him exprefs orders
to renew the attack with all imaginable fpeed and vi¬
gour, before the fuccours which he apprehended were
coming from Europe, obliged him to raife the fiege.
Achmed inftantly obeyed, raifed a battery of 17 large
cannon againft the baftion of Italy, and quickly after
made himfelf matter of it, obliging the garrifon to re¬
tire farther into the city. Here the grand-maftcr was
forced to demolilh two of the churches, to prevent the
enemy’s feizing on them ; and, with their materials,
caufed fome new works and entrenchments to be made
to hinder their proceeding farther.
The Turks, however, gained ground every day,
though they ftill loft vaft numbers of their men *, at
length the 30th of November came, when the grand-
matter, and both the befiegers and befieged, thought
the laft affault was to be given. The bafhaw Pyrrus,
who commanded it, led his men direftly to the en¬
trenchments j upon which the bells of all the churches
founded the alarm. The grand-matter, and his few
knights, troops, and citizens, ran in crowds, and in a
confufed diforderly manner, to the entrenchments, each
fighting in his own way, or rather as his fear direfled
him. This attack would have proved one of the moft
defperate that had yet been felt, had not a moft vehe¬
ment rain intervened, which carried away all the earth
which the enemy had reared to ferve them as a rampart
againft the artillery of the baftion of Auvergne j fo that
being now quite expofed to their continual fire, they
fell in fuch great numbers, that the bafliaw could no
longer make them ftand their ground, but all precipi¬
tately fled towards their camp. This laft repulfe threw
the proud fultan into fuch a fury, that none of his offi¬
cers dared to come near him j and the ffiame of his ha¬
ving now fpent near fix whole months with fuch a nu¬
merous army before the place, and having loft fuch my¬
riads of his brave troops with fo little advantage, had
made him quite defperate, and they all dreaded the con-
fequences of his refenlment.
Pyrrus at length, having given it time to cool, ven¬
tured to approach him, and propofe a new project to
him, which, if approved, could hardly fail of fuccefs j
which was, to offer the town a generous capitulation j
and he obferved, that in cafe the ftubborn knights fliould
reje& it, yet being now reduced to fo fmall a number,
as well as their forces and fortifications almoft deftroyed,
the citizens, who were moft of them Greeks, and lefs
ambitious of glory than folicitous for their own preferva-
tion, would undoubtedly accept of any compofition that
ftiould fecure to them their lives and effefts.
This propofal being reliffied by the fultan, letters
were immediately difperfed about the city in his name,
exhorting them to fubmit to his government, and threat¬
ening them at the fame time with the moft dreadful ef¬
fects of his refentment if they perfifted in their obfti-
nacy. Pyrrus likewife difpatched a Genoefe to ap¬
proach as near as he could to the baftion of Auvergne,
and to intreat the knights to take pity of fo many of
their Chriftian brethren, and not expofe them to the
dreadful effedls wffiich muft follow their refufal of a ca¬
pitulation, fo generoufly offered them at their laft ex¬
tremity. Other agents were likewife employ ed in other
places; to all of whom the grand-matter ordered fonie
: ] R H O
of his men to return this anfwer, That his order never Rhodes,
treated with infidels but with fword in hand. An Al-^-
banian was fent next with a letter from the fultan to
him, who met with the fame repulfe: after which, he
ordered his men to fire upon any that ftiould prefent
themfelves upon the fame pretences ; which was aftually
done. But this did not prevent the Rhodians from lif-
tening to the terms offered by the Turks, and holding
frequent cabals upon that fubjeft j in which the general
maffacre of a town taken by affault, the dreadful flavery
of thofe that efcaped, the rape of their wives and daugh¬
ters, the deftruftion of their churches, the profanation
of their holy relics and facred utenfils, and other dire
confequences of an obftinate refufal, being duly weighed
againft the fultan’s offers, quickly determined their
choice. The grand-mafter, however, proving inexorable
to all their in treaties, they applied to their Greek metro¬
politan, who readily went and reprefented all thefe things
to him in the moft pathetic terms : Yet he met with no
better reception j but was told that he and his knights
were determined to be buried under the ruins of the
city if their fwords could no longer defend it, and he
hoped their example would not permit them to fliow
lefs courage on that occafion. This anfwer produced a
quite contrary effect; and, as the citizens thought de¬
lays dangerous at fuch a jundfture, they came in a body
to him by the very next morning, ajid plainly told him,
that if he paid no greater regard to their prefervation,
they would not fail of taking the moft proper meafures to
preferve the lives and chaftity of their wives and children.
This refolution could not but greatly alarm the
grand-mafter} who thereupon called a council of all
the knights, and informed them himfelf of the condition
of the place. Thefe all agreed, particularly the engi¬
neer Martinengo, that it was no longer defenfible, and
no other refource left but to accept the fultan’s offers ;
adding, at the fame time, that though they were all rea¬
dy, according to the obligations of their order, to fight
to the laft drop of their blood, yet it was no lefs their
duty to provide for the fafety of the inhabitants, who,
not being bound by the fame obligations, ought not to
be made a facrifice to their glory. It was therefore
agreed, with the grand-mafter’s confent, to accept of
the next offers the fultan Ihould make. He did not let
them wait long : for the fear he was in of a frelh fue-
cour from Europe, the intrepidity of the knights, and the
ffiame of being forced to raife the fiege, prevailed upon
him to hang out his pacific flag, which was quickly an-
fwered by another on the Rhodian fide } upon which the
Turks, coming out of their trenches, delivered up the
fultan’s letter for the grand-mafter, to the grand-prior
of St Giles, and the engineer Martinengo. The terms
offered in it by Solyman appeared fo advantageous, that
they immediately exchanged hoftages j and the knights
that were fent to him had the honour to be introduced
to him, and to hear them confirmed by his own mouth,
though not without threats of putting all to fire and
fvvord in cafe of refufal, or even delay. Two ambaffa-
dors were forthwith fent to him, to demand a truce of
three days to fettle the capitulation and interefts of the
inhabitants, who were part Greeks and part Latins ^
but this was abfolutely refufed by the impatient monarch,
out of a fufpicion of the rumoured fuccour being near,
and that the truce was only to gain time till it was come.
He therefore ordered the hoftilities to be renewed
with frelh fury-j in which the Rhodians made a moll
coble
R H O [ 13 5 R H U
Rhodes, noble defence, confidering their fxnall number, and that
they had now only the barbican or falfe bray of the
baftion of Spain left to defend themfelves, and once more
repulfed the enemy : at which the fultan was fo enra¬
ged, that he refolved to overpower them by numbers on
the next day j which was, after a flout defence, fo ef*
feftually done, that they were forced to abandon that
outwork, and retire into the city. In the meanwhile,
the burghers, who had but a day or two before raifed
a frefh uproar againft the grand-mafter, under pretence
that he wras going to give them up a prey to an infidel
who regarded neither oaths nor folemn treaties, per¬
ceiving their own danger, came now to defire him to
renew the negociations, and only begged the liberty of
fending one of their deputies along with his, to fecure
their interefts in the capitulation. He readily confented
to it 5 but gave them a charge to (how the bafliaw Ach-
med the treaty formerly concluded between Bajazet and
his predeceffor d’Aubuiflbn, in which the former had
entailed a dreadful curfe on any of his fucceffors that
fliould infringe it. This was done, in hopes that the
Ihowing it to his mafter, who valued himfelf fo much upon
his Ariel obfervance of his law, might produce fome
qualm in him which might lengthen the agreement, for
they were ftill as much in hopes of a fuccour from Eu¬
rope as he was in fear of it j but to their great furprife,
Achmed had no fooner perufed than he tore it all in
pieces, trampled it under his feet, and in a rage ordered
them to be gone. The grand-mafler found no other
refource than ‘to fend them back to him the next day j
when that minifter, who knew his mafter’s impatience
to have the affair concluded, quickly agreed with them
upon the terms, which were in fubffance as follow :
I. That the churches fliould not be profaned. 2. That
the inhabitants fliould not be forced to part with their
children to be made janiffaries. 3. That they fliould
enjoy the free exercife of their religion. 4. That they
fliould be free from taxes during five years. 5. That
thofe who had a mind to leave the ifland fliould have
free leave to do fo. 6. That if the grand-mafler and
his knights had not a fufficient number of veffels to
tranfport themfelves and their effedls into Candia, the
fultan fliould fupply that defefr. 7. That they ftiould
have twelve days allowed them, from the figning of the
articles, to fend all their effe&s on board. 8. That they
fhould have/the liberty of carrying away their relics,
chalices, and other facred utenfils belonging to the great
church of St John, together with all their ornaments
and other effefts. 9. That they fliould likewife carry
with them all the artillery with which they were wont
to arm the galleys of the order. 10. That the iflands
belonging to it, together with the caftle of St Peter,
fliould be delivered up to the Turks. 11. That, for the
more eafy execution of thefe articles, the Turkifli army
ftiould be removed at fome miles diftance from the ca¬
pital. 12. That the aga of the janiffaries, at the head
of 4000 of his men, fliould be allowed to go and take
poffeflion of the place.
From this time the ifland of Rhodes has been fubjedl
to the Turks ; and, like other countries fubjeft to that
tyrannical yoke, has loft its former importance. The
air is good, and the foil fertile, but ill cultivated. The
capital is furrounded with triple walls and double ditches,
and is looked upon to be impregnable. It is inhabited
by Turks and Jews j the Chriftians being obliged to oc-
Rhunke-
cupy the fuburbs, as not being allowed to flay in the Rhqdiola
towui during the night. The town is fituated in E.
Long. 28. 25. N. Lat. 36. 54.
RHODIOLA, Rose-wort ; a genus of plants be- v.
longing to the dioecia clafs ; and in the natural method
ranking under the 13th order, Succulentcc. See Bo¬
tany Index.
RHODIUM, a metal which is obtained from the ores
of platina. See Chemistry } and under Platina, Ores,
Reduflion of, See.
Oil of RHODIUM^ an effential oil obtained from a
fpecies of afpalathus.
RHODODENDRON, Dwarf Rose-bay ; a genus
of plants belonging to the decandria clafs j and in the
natural method ranking under the 18th order, Bicornes.
See Botany Index.
RHODORA, a genus of plants belonging to the de¬
candria clafs} and of which there is only one fpecies.
See Botany Index.
RHOEA. See Rhea, Ornithology Index.
RHOEADEvfL (rheeas, Linnaeus’s name, after Di-
ofcorides, for the red poppy), the name of the 27th or¬
der in Linnaeus’s fragments of a natural method, confifl-
ing of poppy and a few genera which refemble it in ha¬
bit and ftrufture. See Botany Index.
RHOMBOIDES, in Geometry, a quadrilateral figure
whofe oppofite fides and angles are equal, but is neither
equilateral nor equiangular.
Rhomboides, in Anatomy, a thin, broad, and ob¬
liquely fquare fleftiy mufcle, fituated between the bafis
of the fcapula and the fpina dorfi j fo called from its
figure. Its general ufe is to draw backward and up¬
ward the fubfpinal portion of the bafis fcapulae.
RHOMBUS, in Geometry, an oblique-angled paral¬
lelogram, or quadrilateral figure, whofe fides are equal
and parallel, but the angles unequal, two of the oppofite
ones being obtufe and tw7o acute.
RHOMB Solid,, confifts of two equal and right cones
joined together at their bafes.
RHONE, one of the largeft rivers in France, which,
rifing among the Alps of Switzerland, paffes through
the lake of Geneva, vifits that city, and then runs fouth-
weft to Lyons j where, joining the river Soane, it con¬
tinues its courfe due foutb, pafling by Orange, Avig¬
non, and Arles, and falls into the Mediterranean a little
above Marfeilles.
RHOPIUM, a genus of plants, belonging to the gy-
nandria clafs ; and in the natural method ranking with
thofe that are doubtful. See Botany Index.
RHUBARB. See Rheum, Botany and Materia
Medica Index.
RHUMB, in Navigation, a vertical circle of any gi-
ven place, or interfeftion of fuch a circle with the ho¬
rizon ) in which laft fenfe rhumb is the fame with a
point of the compafs.
RHUMB-Line is alfo ufed for the line which a ftiipde-
feribes when failing in the fame collateral point of the
compafs, or oblique to the meridians.
RHUNKENIUS, David, an eminent claflical fcho-
lar, w'as born at Stolpen in Fruflian Pomerania, in the
yeat 1723. Of the early part of his ftudies little is
known, but it appears that he was fome time at Schlaff,
from which he removed to Konigfburg, where he met
with the celebrated Kant, whofe fyftem has fo much en¬
gaged the attention of Europe. He afterwards w’ent to
Gottingen
Tlhunke-
R H U [ !'
Gottingen to attend the learned Gefner, and to enlarge
his knowledge of the Greek language. Some time after
this period he formed an acquaintance with Ritter and
Berger while he refided at Witteburg, where he conti¬
nued about two years; and his firft public attempt, being
a thefis Ds Gdlla Flacidia Augujla, daughter of Theo-
dofius, and the filler of Arcadius and Honorius, was in
this place. Rhunkenius w'as engaged to go to Leyden
by Ernefti, to complete his knowledge of ancient litera¬
ture. He gave up the iludy of divinity, for which he
was at firil defigned, and prevailed with his parents to
allow him to go to Leyden, where he arrived with recom¬
mendations to many of the learned, and purfued his
ftudies with avidity and zeal, accompanying Alberti in
his vifit to the Spa in the year 1750. Hemilerhuis
wilhed to attach him to Holland, urging him to perfe-
vere in the Iludy of the law, as affording an additional
chance of employment. This advice he thought proper
to follow, and publiihed a tranllation of fome wmrks of
Theodorus, Stephanus, and fome other celebrated lawyers
in the time of Jullinian, which he found in manufeript in
the univerfity of Leyden.
He went to Paris in the year 1755, w-here Capero-
mer, who was at that time keeper of the king’s li¬
brary, kindly received him •, and he formed an acquaint¬
ance with Dr S. Mufgrave and Mr T. Tyiwhit, who
were there for the purpofe of examining the manuferipts
of Euripides. He had alfo formed the refotution of go¬
ing to Spain, but Hemflerhuis recalled him, as he need¬
ed his aflillance as ledurer in the Greek tongue. In
i7555 Rhunkenius took poffeflion of his office, and read
an excellent difeourfe Dc Greecia Artium et DoElrinarum
Inventrice.
About this time he was ufeful to Ernefti, in his edi¬
tion of Callimachus: and in 1761, he fucceeded Ouden-
dorp as profeffor of hiftory and of eloquence, delivering
an oration De Dottore UmbraticG. About a year after
this event, Rhunkenius was offered the chair of Gefner
by the univerffty of Gottingen, which he declined ac¬
cepting, but he recommended Heyne, who was the fuc-
cefsful candidate.
In 1764 he married an Italian lady, who, about fix
years afterwards, loft both her fpeech and fight by a ftroke
of apoplexy. She had two daughters, one of whom was
afterwards blind, and the wife of our author furvived
her hufband. The defire of Rhunkenius to do Ernefti a
favour, made him turn his attention to the PTemorabilia of
Xenophon ; and he was led to examine with particular
attention, the treatife of Longinus on the fublime.
Having rifen fuperior to his domeftic misfortunes about
the year 1772, he purfued his new edition ot Velleius
Paterculus, apd he prepared a fecond edition of Epiftoke
Criticre, and a colleftion of Scholia on Plato. In the
year 1766, he publiffied a valuable little trad De Vita
et Scriptis Longini, in the form of a thefis, to wdiich he
prefixed the name of one of his pupils. His Velleius Pa¬
terculus appeared in 1779, and in 1780 Homer’s re¬
puted hymn to Ceres. In 1786, he publiffied the firft part
of Apuleius, which had been prepared by Oudendorp,
and a new edition of his own Timaeus in 1789, and at
the fame time he colledled and publiffied the works ot
Marc-Anthony Murat, in 5 vols. oftavo.
Both the body and mind of Rhunkenius were much
weakened in confequence of the lofs of friends, an attack
of the gout, and the misfortunes of the Batavian repub-
3
] Pi H U
lie ; but he was in fome meafure relieved by the fatis- Rhunke-
faftion he felt at the dedication of Homer by Wolf, al- nms>
though he was not of that writer’s opinion that the works K t‘u5’
of Homer were written by different authors. He funk
into a kind of liupor on the 14th of May, 179^* which
in two days put a period to his exiftence.
His knowledge and learning were unquefiionably
great, and he w-as allowed to be lively, cheerful, and gay,
even to an extreme. Many pofthumous honours were
conferred upon him, and a penlion fettled on his unfor¬
tunate w-idow. When Whyttenbach took pofteilion of
Rhunkenius’s chair, he delivered a difcourle on the early
age of Rhunkenius, which he propofed as an example to
the Batavian youth who made the belles lettres their
ftudy.
RHUS, Sumach, a genus of plants, belonging to
the pentandria clafs; and in the natural method rank¬
ing under the 43d order, Dumnfce. See Botany In¬
dex.
1. The coriaria, or elm-leaved fumach, grows natu¬
rally in Italy, Spain, Turkey, Syria, and Paleitine.
The branches of this tree are ufed inftead of oak-bark
for tanning of leather 5 and it is faid that the Turkey
leather is all tanned with this flirub. It has a ligneous
ftalk, which divides at bottom into many irregular
branches, rifing to the height of eight or ten feet; the
bark is hairy, of an herbaceous brown colour; the leaves
are winged, compofed of feven or eight pair of lobes,
terminated by an odd one, bluntly fawed on their edges,
hairy on their under fide, of a yellowiffi-green colour,
and placed alternately on the branches; the flowers
grow in loofe panicles on the end of the branches,
which are of a whitiffi herbaceous colour, each panicle
being compofed of feveral fpikes of flowers fitting clofe
to the footftalks. The leaves and feeds of this fort are
ufed in medicine, and are efteemed very reftringent and
ftyptic.
2. The typhinum, Virginian fumach, or vinegar plant,
grows naturally in almoft every part of North America.
This hath a woody ftem, with many irregular branches,
which are generally crooked and deformed. The young
branches are covered with a foft velvet-like down, re-
fembling greatly that of a young flag’s horn, both in
colour and texture, from whence the common people
have given it the appellation of Jlug's horn ; the leaves
are winged, compofed of fix or feven pair of oblong
heart-ffiaped lobes, terminated by an odd one, ending
in acute points, hairy on their underfide, as is alfo the
midrib. The flowers are produced in clofe tufts at the
end of the branches, and are fucceeded by feeds, inclo-
fed in purple woolly fucculent covers; fo that the
bunches are of a beautiful purple colour in autumn ;
and the leaves, before they fall in autumn, change to a
purpliftr colour at firft, and before they fall to a feuille-
mort. This plant, originally a native of North Ame¬
rica, has been long cultivated in the north of Germany,
and is lately introduced into Ruffia. It has got the
name of the vinegar plant from the double reafon of the
young germen of its fruit, when fermented, producing
either new or adding to the ftrength of old weak vine¬
gar, whilft its ripe berries afford an agreeable acid, which
might fupply the place when neceffary of the citric acid.
The powerful aftringency of this plant in all its parts
recommends it as ufeful in feveral of the arts. As for
example, the ripe berries boiled with alum make a good
dye
R H U [
Rhus, dye for hats. The plant in all its parts may be ufed
—v   as a fuccedancum for oak-bark in tanning, efpecially the
white glove leather. It will likewife anfwer to prepare
a dye for black, green, and yellow colours j and with
martial vitriol it makes a good ink. The milky juice
that flows from incifions made in the trunk or branches,
makes when dried the balls of a varnifh little inferior
to the Chinefe. Bees are remarkably fond of its flowers;
and it affords more honey than any of the flowering
fhrubs, fo that it may prove a ufetul branch of econo¬
my, where rearing thele infects is an object. The na¬
tives of America ule the dried leaves as tobacco.
3. The glabrum, with winged leaves, grows naturally
in many parts of North America ; this is commonly
titled by the gardeners New England fumach. The
Item of this is Itronger and riles higher than that of the
former ; the branches fpread more horizontally ; they
are not quite fo downy as thole of the lalt, and the
down is of a brownilh colour; the leaves are compofed
of many more pairs of lobes, which are fmooth on both
fides ; the flowers are difpofed in loofe panicles, which
are of an herbaceous colour.
4. The Caroiinianum, with farved winged leaves, grows
naturally in Carolina ; the feeds of this were brought
from thence by the late Mr Catelby, who has given a
figure of the plant in his Natural Hiltory of Carolina.
This is by the gardeners called the fcarlet Carolina fu¬
mach ; it riles commonly to the height of feven or eight
feet, dividing into many irregular branches, wdiich are
fmooth, of a purple colour, and pounced over with a
greyilh powder, as are all’c the footllalks of the leaves.
The leaves are compofed of feven or eight pair of lobes,
terminated by an odd one ; thefe are not always placed
exactly oppofite on the midrib, but are fometimes al¬
ternate. The upper fide of the lobes is of a dark
green, and their under hoary, but Imooth. The
flowers are produced at the end of the branches in very
clofe panicles, which are large, and of a bright red
colour.
5. The Canadenfe, with winged fpear-fhaped leaves,
grows naturally in Canada, Maryland, and feveral other
parts of North America. This hath fmooth branches
of a purple colour, covered with a grey pounce. The
leaves are compofed of feven or eight pairs of lobes, ter¬
minated by an odd one •, the lobes are fpear-ffiaped,
fawed on their edges, of a lucid green on their upper
Ihrface, but hoary on their under, and are fmooth.
The flow'ers are produced at the end of the branches
in large panicles, wdiich are compofed of feveral fmaller,
each Handing upon feparate footftalks; they are of a
deep red colour, and the whole panicle is covered
with a grey pounce, as if it had been fcattered over
them.
6. The copallinum, or narrow-leaved fumach, grows
naturally in moll: parts of North America, where it is
known by the title of beach fumach, probably from the
place where it grow’s. This is of humbler growth than
either of the former, feldom rifing more than four or
five feet high in Britain, dividing into many fpreading
branches, which are fmooth, of a light brown colour,
clofely garnifhed with winged leaves, compofed of four
or five pair of narrow lobes, terminated by an odd one ;
they are of a light green on both fides, and in autumn
change purplifh. The midrib, which fuftains the lobes,
lias on each fide a. winged or leafy border, which runs
15 ] it h a
from one pair oi lobes to another, ending in joints at Rhus,
each pair, by which it is eafily diltinguilhed from the Y"“
other forts. The flowers are produced in loofe panicles
at the end of the branches, of a yellowifft herbaceous
colour.
Thefe fix forts are hardy plants, and will thrive in
the open air here. The firlt and fourth forts are not
quite lo hardy as the others, fo muff have a better fi-
tuation, otherwife their branches will be injured by fe-
vere fioft in the winter. They are eaiily propagated by
feeds, which if fown in autumn the plants will come up
the following fpring ; but if they are fown in fpring,
they will not come up till the next fpring ; they may
be either Town in pots, or the full ground. If they
are fown in pots in autumn, the pots fhould be placed
under a common frame in winter, where the feeds mav
be protected from hard froft ; and in the fpring, if the
pots are plunged into a very moderate hot-bed, the
plants will foon rife, and have thereby more time to get
llrength before winter. When the plants come up, they
mult be gradually hardened to bear the open air, into
which they fhould be removed as foon as the weather is
favourable, placing them where they may have the
morning fun ; in the fummer, they mull be kept clean
from weeds, and in dry weather watered. Toward au¬
tumn it will be proper to flint their growth by keeping
them dry, that the extremity of their (boots may har¬
den ; for if they are replete with moilture, the early
frofls in autumn will pinch them, which will caufe their
(hoots to decay almoft to the bottom if the plants are
not fereened from them. If the pots are put under a
common frame in autumn, it will fecure the plants from
injury : for while they are young and the (hoots foft,
they will be in danger of fuffering, if the winter proves
very fevere; but in mild weather they muft always en¬
joy the open air, therefore fhould never be covered but
in froft. The fpring following, juft before the plants
begin to (hoot, they fhould be fhaken out of the pots,
and carefully feparated, fo as not to tear the roots; and
tranfplunted into a nurfery, in rows three feet afunder,
and one foot diftance in the rows. In this nurfery they
may (land two years to get ftrength, and then may be
tranfplmted where they are to remain.
7. Belides thefe, Linnaeus has included in this genus
the toxicodendrcn or poifon tree, under the name of
rhus vernix or poifon-afh. This grows naturally in Vir¬
ginia, Penfylvania, New England, Carolina, and Japan,
rifing with a ftrong woody ftalk to the height of 20
feet and upwards; though in this country it is feldom
feen above 12, by reafon of the plants being extremely
tender. The bark is brown, inclining to gray; the
branches are garnifhed rvith winged leaves compofed of
three or four pair of lobes terminated by an odd one.
The lobes vary greatly in their drape, but for the mod
part they are oval and fpear-fhaped. The foot-ftalks
become of a bright purple towards the latter part of fum¬
mer, and in autumn all the leaves are of a beautiful pur¬
ple before they fall off.
All the fpecies of fumach abound with an acrid milky
juice, which is reckoned poifonous; but this property is
moft remarkable in the vernix. The moft diflinft ac¬
count of it is to be found in Profeffor Kalin’s Travels
in North America. “ An incifion (fays he) being
made into the tree, a whitifli yellow juice, which has a
naufeous fmell, comes but between the bark and the
wood*.
R H U ft
Rhus. wood. This tree is not known for its good qualities,
> but greatly fo for the efFeft of its poifon j which though
it is noxious to fome people, yet does not in the leatt
afteft others. And therefore one perfon can handle
the tree as he pleafes, cut it, peel off its bark, rub it or
the wood upon his hands, fmell at it, fpread the juice
upon the fkin, and make more experiments, with no in¬
convenience to himfelf: another perfon, on the contra¬
ry, dares not meddle with the tree while its wood is
freth j nor can he venture to touch a hand which has
handled it, nor even to expofe himfelf to the fmoke of
a fire which is made with this wood, without foon feel¬
ing its bad effects $ for the face, the hands, and fre¬
quently the whole body, fwells exceflively, and is af-
fe<ffed with a very acute pain. Sometimes bladders or
blifters arife in great plenty, and make the fick perfon
look as if he were infedted by a leprofy. In fome peo¬
ple the external thin {kin, or cuticle, peels off in a few
days, as is the cafe when a perfon has fcalded or burnt
any part of his body. Nay, the nature of fome perfons
wTill not even allow them to approach the place where
the tree grows, or to expofe themfelves to the wand
when it carries the effluvia or exhalations of this tree
with it, without letting them feel the inconvenience of
the fwelling which I have juft now defcribed. Their
eyes are fometimes flmt up'for one, or two, or more
days together, by the fwelling. I know two brothers,
one of whom could without danger handle this tree in
what manner he pleafed, whereas the other could not
come near it without fwelling. A perfon fometimes
does not know that he has touched this poifonous plant,
or that he has been near it, before his face and hands
ihow it by their fwelling. I have known old people
who were more afraid of this tree than of a viper ; and
I was acquainted with a perfon who, merely by the
noxious exhalations of it, was fwelled to fuch a degree,
that he wras as ftiff as a log of wood, and could only be
turned about in ffieets.
“ I have tried experiments «f every kind with the
pcifon-tree on myfelf. I have fpread its juice upon my
hands, cut and broke its branches, peeled off its bark,
and rubbed my hands with it, fmelt at it, carried pieces
of it in my bare hands, and repeated all this frequently,
without feeling the baneful effecls fo commonly annex¬
ed to it; but I, however, once experienced, that the
poifon of the fumach wTas not entirely without effe£l
upon me. On a hot day in fummer, as I was in fome
degree of perfpiration, I cut a branch of the tree, and
carried it in my hand for about half an hour together,
and finelt it now and then. I felt no effefts from it
in the evening. But next morning I awjoke with a
violent itching of my eyelids and the parts thereabouts $
and this was io painful, that I could hardly keep my
hands from it. It ceafed after I had wTafhed my cyt6
for -a while with very cold water. But my eyelids
were very ftiff all that day. At night the itching re¬
turned } and ill the morning wrhen I awoke, I felt it as
ill as the morning before, and I ufed the fame remedy
againfl: it* | However, it continued almoft for a whole
week together*, and my eyes wrere very red, and my
-eyelids were with difficulty moved during all that time.
My pain ceafed entirely afterwards. About the fame
time I had fpread the juice of the tree very thick upon
xny hand. Three days after, it occafianed blifters,
6 ] R H Y
which foon went off without affefting me much. I have
not experienced any thing more of the effedts of the
plant, nor had I any defire fo to do. However, I found
that it could not exert its power upon me when I was
not perfpiring.
“ I have never heard that the poifon of this fumach
has been mortal, but the pain ceafes after a few days
duration. The natives formerly made their flutes of
this tree, becaufe is has a great deal of pith. Some
people allured me, that a perlbn fuffering from its noi-
fome exhalations, would eafily recover by fpreading a
mixture of the wood burnt to charcoal, and hog’s lard,
upon the fwelled parts. Some afferted, that they had
really tried this remedy. In fome places this tree is
rooted out, on purpofe that its poifon may not affedl the
workmen.”
The natives are faid to diftinguifh this tree in the dark
by its extreme coldnefs to the touch. The juice of fome
kinds of iumach, when expofed to the heat of the fun,
becomes fo thick and clammy, that it is ufed for bird¬
lime, and the infpiffated juice of the poifon-affi is faid to
be the fine varnifh of Japan. A cataplafm made with
the frelh juice of the poifon-afti, applied to the feet, is
faid by Hughes, in his Natural Hiftory of Barbadoes,
to kill the vermin called by the Weft Indians ckigers.
Very good vinegar is made from an infufion of the fruit
of an American fumach, which from that reafon is called
the vinegar-tree. The refin called copal is from the
rhus copallinum.
RHYME, Rhime, Ryme or Rime, in Poetry, the
fimilar found or cadence and termination of two words
which end two verfes, &c. Or rhyme is a fimilitude of
found between the laft fyllable or fyllables of a verfe,
fucceeding either immediately or at a diftance of two or
three lines. See Poetry, N° 177, &c.
RHYMER, Thomas the, a poet of Scotland, who
lived in the 13th century, and whofe real name was
Sir Thomas Lermont. The life and writings of this
poet are involved in much obfeurity; but his fame,
both as a prophet and poet, has always flood high a-
mong his countrymen. Efslement was the chief fami¬
ly of his name, from which, it is faid, he derived his ori¬
gin ; but his family title appears to have been taken
from Ercildon, or, as it has been corrupted in modem
times, from Earlftoun, in the county of Berwick, where
the remains of his houfe are ftill pointed out, and knoun
by the name of Rhymer's Tower. The period of the
union with England was the crifis of his fame as an in-
fpired poet; for Robert Birrel informs us, that “ at this
tyme all the hail commons of Scotland that had red or
underftanding, wer daylie fpeiking and exponeing oi
Thomas Rymer hes prophefie, and of other prophefies
quhilk wer prophefied in auld tymes.” It is obvious
that he diftinguilhed hknfelf by his poetical works, as we
learn from the teftimony of early writers. He is com¬
memorated by Robert of Brunne, who lived in the be;
ginning of the 14th century, as the author of Sir Tri-*
ftrem,” a romance lately publiflied by Mr Walter
Boot. On a ftone ftill preferved in the front wall of
the church of Earlftoun we meet with this infeription :
“ Auld Rhymer’s race lies in this place.”
RHYTHM, in Mujic, the variety in the movement,
as to the quicknefs or flownefs, length or fhortnefs, of
the
Rhus
II
Rhythm
4
*
H I C [ ]
Rial the notes. Or it may be defined more generally, the
. H proportion which the parts of the motion have to each
R,caut- other.
RIAL, or Ryal, a Spanilh coin. See MONEY-
Table.
Rial, or Royal, is alfo the name of a piece of gold an¬
ciently current among us for ios.
RIB AN, or Ribban, in Heraldry, the eighth part of
a bend. See Heraldry.
RIBAND, or Ribbon, a narrow fort of filk, chief¬
ly ufed for head-ornaments, badges of chivalry, &c.
See Weaving.
Ribbons of all forts are prohibited from being im¬
ported.
RIBANDS (from rib and bend), in naval architec¬
ture, long narrow flexible pieces of timber, nailed up¬
on the outfide of the ribs, from the ftem to the ftern-
poft, fo as to envelope the fhip lengthwife, and appear
on her fide and bottom like the meridians on the fur-
face of the globe. The ribands being judicioufly ar¬
ranged with regard to their height and diftance from
each other, and forming regular fweeps about the (hip’s
body, will compofe a kind of frame, whofe interior fur-
face will determine the curve of all the intermediate
or filling-timbers which are ftationed between the prin¬
cipal ones. As the figure of the (hip’s bottom ap¬
proaches to that of a conoid, and the ribands have a
limited breadth, it is apparent that they cannot be ap¬
plied to this convex furface without forming a double
curve, which wrill be partly vertical and partly hori¬
zontal j fo that the vertical curve will increafe by ap¬
proaching the ftem, and ftill more by drawing near the
ftern-poft. It is alfo evident, that by deviating from the
middle line of the (hip’s length, as they approach the ex¬
treme breadth at the midlhip-frame, the ribands will alfo
form an horizontal curve. The lowed of thefe, which is
termined upon the ftem and ftern-poft, at the height of
the riling line of the floor, and anfwers to the upper part
of the floor-timber upon the midlhip-frame, is called the
jloor-riband. That which coincides with the wing-tran-
fom, at the height of the lower deck upon the midlhip-
frame, is termed the breadth-riband; all the reft, w'hich
are placed between thefe two, are called intermediate-
ribands. See Ship-building.
RIBES, the Currant and Gooseberry-bush, a
genus of plants belonging to the pentandria clafs, and in
the natural method ranking under the 36th order, Po-
macece. See Botany Index ; and for the method of cul¬
tivating thefe fruits, fee Gardening.
RICAUT, or Rycaut, Sir Paul, an eminent Eng-
lifli traveller, of the time of whofe birth wTe find no ac¬
count ; but in 1661, he was appointed fecretary to the
earl of Winchclfea, who was fent ambaflador extraordi¬
nary td the Ottoman Porte. During his continuance
in that ftation, he wTrote, “ The prefent State of the
Ottoman empire, in three-books, containing the maxims
of the Turkifti policy, their religion, and military dif-
cipline,” London, folio, 1670. He afterwards refided
11 years as conful at Smyrna, where, at the command
of Charles II. he compofed “ The prelent (fate of the
Greek and Armenian Churches, anno ChrijH 1678.”
On his return, Lord Clarendon being appointed lord-
lieutenant of Ireland, made him his principal fecretary
for Leinfter and Connaught •, King James II. knighted
him ; and made him one of the privy council in Ire-
VOL. XVIII. Part I.
7 ] RIG
land, and judge of the court of admiralty ; all which Riciut
he held to the Revolution. He was employed by King
William as refident at the Hanfe-towns in Lower Saxo- ■
ny, where he continued for ten years; but being worn
out with age and infirmities, he obtained leave to return
in 1700, and died the fame year. Ricaut continued
“ Knolles’s Hiftory of the Turks,” and “ Platina’s Lives
of the Popes j” befides which, there are fome other pro-
dudlions under his name.
RICCIA, a genus of plants of the natural order of
algae, and belonging to the cryptogamia clafs. See Bo¬
tany Index.
RICE. See Oryza. “ Rice (fays Mr Marf-0/*
den) whilft in the hulk, is m Indian called paddee, and Sumatra,
affumes a different name in each of its other various P- 6o»
dates. We obferve no diftinction of this kind in Eu¬
rope, where our grain retains through all its itages, till
it becomes flour, its original name of barley, wheat, or
oats. The following, befide many others, are names
applied to rice, in its different ftages of growth and pre¬
paration j paddee, original name of the feed: oojjay,
grain of laft feafon : bunnee, the plants before removed
to the fawoors : bras, or bray, rice, the hulk of the pad¬
dee, being taken off: charroop, rice cleaned for boil-
ing : naj/ee, boiled rice : peerang, yellow rice : jambar,
a fervice of rice, &.c.
Among people whofe general objefts of contempla¬
tion are few, thofe which do of neceflity engage their
attention, are often more nicely diferiminated than the
fame objects among more enlightened people, whofe
ideas ranging over the extenfive field of art and fcience,
difdain to fix long on obvious and common matters.
Paddee, in Sumatra and the Malay iflands, is diftin-
guiflied into two forts 5 Laddang or upland paddee,
and Sawoor or loiv-land, which are ahvays kept fepa-
rate, and will not grow reciprocally. Of thefe the
former bears the higher price, being a whiter, heartier,
and better flavoured grain, and having the advantage in
point of keeping. The latter is much more prolific
from the feed, and liable to lefs rifk in the culture, but
is of a watery fubftance, produces lefs increafe in boil¬
ing, and is fubjeft to a fwifter decay. It is, however,
in more common ufe than the former. Befide this ge¬
neral diftinftion, the paddee of each fort, particularly
the Laddang, prefents a variety of (pecies, which, as
far as my information extends, I (hall enumerate, and .
endeavour to deferibe. The common kind of dry ground
paddee : colour, light brown : the fize rather large, and
very little crooked at the extremity. Paddee undal/ong :
dry ground : (hort round grain : grows in whorles or
bunches round the flock. Paddee ebbafs : dry ground :
large grain : common. Paddee galloo : dry ground :
light coloured : fcarce. Paddee fennee : dry ground :
deep coloured : fmall grain: fcarce. Paddee ejoo : dry
ground : light coloured. Paddee kooning : dry ground s
deep yellowr: fine rice : crooked and pointed. Paddee
coocoor ballum : dry ground : much efteemed : light co¬
loured : fmall, and very much crooked, refembling a
dove’s nail, from whence its name. Paddee pefang ;
dry ground : outer coat light brown 5 inner red : long¬
er, fmaller, and lefs crooked than the coocoor ballum.
P-bA&zt fantong: the fineft fort that is planted in wet
ground : fmall, ftraight, and light coloured. In general
it may be obferved that the larger grained rice is the
leaft efteemed, aud > the fmaller and whiter the moft
C prized.
Rice.
R X C [i
prized. la the Lampoon country they make a chuinc-
tion or paddee crawang and paddee jerroo ; the iormer
of which is a month earlier in growth than the latter.”
The following is the Chinele method of cultivating
rice, as it is given by Sir George Staunton :
“ Much of the low grounds in the middle and fouth-
ern provinces of the empire are appropriated to the
culture of that grain. It contlitutes, in fa£t, the prin¬
cipal part of the food of all thofe inhabitants, who are
not fo indigent as to be forced to iubhlt on other and
cheaper kinds of grain. A great proportion of the fur-
face of the country is well adapted for the produftion
of rice, which, from the time the feed is committed to
the foil till the plant approaches to maturity, requires
to be immerfed in a fheet of water. Many and great
rivers run through the principal provinces of China, the
low grounds bordering on thofe rivers are annually in¬
undated, by which means is brought upon their furface
a rich mud or mucilage that fertilizes the foil, in the
fame manner as Lgypt receives its fecundalive quality
from the overflowing of the Nile. 1 he periodical rains
which fall near the iources of the Yellow and the Kiang
rivers, not very far diftant from thofe of the Ganges and
the Burumpooter, among the mountains bounding^ In¬
dia to the north, and China to the weft, often iwell thofe
rivers to a prodigious height, though not a drop ol ram
Ihould have fallen on the plains through which tney af¬
terwards flow.
“ After the mud has lain fome days upon the plains
in China, preparations are made for planting them whh
rice. For this purpefe, a fmall piece of ground is m-
clofed by a bank of clay •, the earth is ploughed Up *,
and an upright harrow, with a row of wooden pins in
the lower end, is drawn lightly over it by a buffalo.
The grain, which had previoufly Wen fteeped in clung
diluted with animal water, is then Town very thickly
upon it. A thin fheet of water is immediately brought
over it, either by channels leading to the fpot from a
fource above it, or when below it by means of a chain
pump, of which the ufe is as familiar as that of a hoe
to every Chinefe hufbandman. In a few days the
remainder of the ground intended for cultivation, if
lliff, is ploughed, the lumps broken by hoes, and tne
furface levelled by the harrow. As foon as the fhoots
have attained the height of fix or feven inches, they are
plucked up by the roots, the tops of the blades cut off,
and each root is planted feparately, fometimes in fmall
furrows turned with the plough, and fometimes in holes
made in rows by a drilling flick for that purpofe. I he
roots are about half a foot afunder. Water is brought
over them a fecond time. For the convenience of irri¬
gation, and to regulate its proportion, the rice fields
are fubdivided by narrow’ ridges of clay, into fmall in-
clofures. Through a channel, in each ridge, the water
is conveyed at will to every fubdivifion of the field. As
the rice approaches to maturity, the water, by evapo¬
ration and abforption, difappears entirely and the
crop, when ripe, covers dry ground. The firft crop or
harveft, in the fouthern provinces particularly, happens
towards the end of May or beginning of June. I he
inftrument for reaping is a fmall fickle, dentated like a
faw, and crooked. Neither carts nor cattle are ufed to
carry the fheaves off from the fpot where they were
reaped ; but they are placed regularly in frames, two
of which, fufpended at the extremities of a bamboo
Rife
8 ] R I C
pole, are carried acrofs the (boulders of a man, to the
place intended for difengaging the grain from the ftems v
which had fupported it. This operation is performed, 'uh"rd‘cnj
not only by a flail, as is cuftomary in Europe, or by '
cattle treading the corn in the manner of other Orien-
talifts, but fometimes alfo by itriking it againft a plank
fet upon its edge, or beating it againft the fide of a
large tub fcolloped for that purpofe; the back and fides
being much higher than the front, to prevent the grain
from being dilperfed. After being winnowed, it is car¬
ried to the granary.
“ To remove the (kin or hufk of rice, a large ftrong
earthen Veffel, or hollow fione, in lorm fomewhat like
that which is ufed ellewhere for filtering water, is fixed
firmly in the ground j and the grain, placed in it, is
(truck with a conical (tone fixed to the extremity of a:
lever, and cleared, fometimes indeed imperfectly, from
the hulk. The (tone is woiked frequently by a perfon
treading upon the end of the lever. The fame objedl
is attained alfo by pafling the grain between two flat
(tones of a circular form, the upper of which turns
round upon the other, but at (uch a diftance horn it as
not to break the intermediate grain. T he operation is
performed on a large icale in mills turned by water j the
axis of the wheel carrying feveral aims, which, by,(tri- •
king upon the ends of levers, raife them in the iame
manner as is done by treading on them. Sometimes-
twenty of thefe levers are worked at once. The (travv
from which the grain has been difengaged is cut chiefly
into chaff, to ferve as provender ter the very (ew cattle
employed in the Chinele hufirandry.
“ The labour of the fil’d crop being finlftied, the
ground is immediately prepared for the reception of
freflr feeds. The firfl. operation undertaken is that of
pulling up the ftubble, collecting it into fmall heaps,
which are burnt, and the allies fcatteved upon the field.
The former proceffes are afterwards renewed. The
fecond crop is generally ripe lare in Gftcber or ear,ry. in
November. T he gram is treated as berore j but the
Hubble is no longer burnt. It is turned under with the
plough, and left to putrity in the eaitn. J ms, v<th
the (lime brought upon the ground by inundation, are
the only manures ufually employed in the culture of
rice.”
Rice is recommended as the bed corre&rve or #77;
flour, of which there is a great quantity in Jeotia: u
every year, and of courfe a great deal oi unpleafant anti
unwholefome bread. The writer of the paper alluded
to dire&s ten pounds of flour and one pound of ground
rice, with the ulual quantity of yeft, to be placed .or
about tw’o hours before a fire, and then formed into
bread in the common way. This addition of rice, Le-
fides corre&ing the bad qualities of the damaged flour,
adds, he fays, much to its nutriment: and he is undoubt¬
edly’right •, for the flour of rice, though very nutritious,
is fo dry, that it is difticult to make bread of it by it-
lelf.
RlCE-Bird. See OryzivoRA, \ ORNITHOLOGY
RlCE-Buntmg. See Emberiza, j Index.
RICHARD I. II. and III. kings of England. See
England.
RICHARDIA, a genus of plants belonging to the
hexandria clafs, and in the natural method ranking un¬
der the 47th order, Stellate. See Botany Inane.
RICHARDSON, Samuel, a celebrated Englifh
(entimer.ul
r i c r i
-KLi haiclfun. fenUmental novel-writer, born in 1688, was bred to
the bnfinefs of a printer, which he exercifed all his life
with eminence. Though he is faid to have underftood
no language but his own, yet he acquired great repu¬
tation by his three epiftolary novels, entitled Pamela,
Clariffa, and Sir Charles Grandifon j which {how an
uncommon knowledge of human nature. His purpofe
being to promote virtue, his pidfures of moral excel¬
lence are by much too highly coloured ; and he has de-
feribed his favourite chara&ers fuch rather as we might
with them to be, than as they are to be found in rea¬
lity. It is alfo objefted by fome, that his writings
have not always the good effeft intended : for that, in-
ftead of improving natural characters, they have fa-
thioned many artificial ones •, and have taught delicate
and refined ladies and gentlemen to defpife every one
but their own fclf-exalted perfons. But after all that
can be urged of the ill effeCts of Mr Richardfcn’s no¬
vels on wTeak minds, eager to adopt characters they can
only burlefque ; a feufible reader will improve more
by fludying fuch models of perfection, than of thofe
nearer to the natural ftandard of human frailty, and
where thofe frailties are artfully exaggerated fo as to fix
and mifemploy the attention on them. A ftroke of the
palfy carried off Mr Richardfon, after a few days ill-
nefs, upon the 4th of July 1761. He was a ma.M of
fine parts, and a lover of virtue ; which, for aught we
have ever heard to the contrary, he (bowed in his life
and converfation as well as in his writings. Befides
the works above mentioned, he is the author of an 7E-
fop’s Fables, a Tour through Britain, 4 vols, and a
volume of Familiar Letters upon bufinefs and other
fubjeCts. He is Taid from his childhood to have de¬
lighted in letter writing; and therefore was the more
eafily led to throw his romances into that form ; which,
if it enlivens the hiftory in fome refpeCts, yet lengthens
it with uninterefling prate, and formalities that mean
nothing, and on that account is fometimes found a little
tedious and fatiguing.
The molt eminent writers of our own country, and
even of foreign parts, have paid their tribute to the
tranfeendant talents of Mr Richardfon, wdiofe works
have been publifhed in almoft every language and coun¬
try of Europe. They have been greatly admired, not-
withffanding every difiimilitude of manners, or every
difadvantage of tranflation. The celebrated M. Di¬
derot, fpeaking of the means employed to move the
■paffions, in his Effay on Dramatic Poetry, mentions
Richardfon as a perfeCt mailer of that art: “ How
linking (fays he), how pathetic, are his deferiptions !
His perfonages, though filent, are alive before me j and
"of thofe who P eak, the aClions are {fill more affeCling
than the words,”—The famous John-James Rouffeau,
fpeaking, in his letter to M. d’Alembert, of the novels
of Richardfon, afferts, “ that nothing was ever written
equal to, or even approaching them, in any language.”
—Mr Aaron Hill calls his Pamela a “ delightful
nurfery of virtue.”—Dr Warton fpeaks thus of Clemen¬
tina : “ Of all reprefentations of madnefs, that of Cle¬
mentina, in the Hiftory of Sir Charles Grandifon, is the
moll deeply interefting. I know not whether even the
madnefs of Lear is wrought up, and expreffed, by fo
many little ftrokes of nature and paftion. It is abfo-
lute pedantry to prefer and compare the madnefs of
Oreftes in Euripides to this of Clementina.”—Dr John-
9 ] R l C
fon, in his IntroduClion to the 97th number of the^-Miardfon.
Rambler, which was written by Mr Rtchardfon, oh- 'v n
ferve*, that the reader was indebted for that day’s en¬
tertainment to an author, “ from whom the age has re¬
ceived greater favours, who has enlarged the knowledge
of human nature, and taught the -paffions to move at
the command of virtue y: and, in his Life of Rowe,
he fays, “ The charadter of Lothario feems to have
been expanded by Richardfon into that of Lovelace;
but he has excelled his original in the moral effedt of
the fidlion. Lothario, with gaiety which cannot be "
hated, and bravery which cannot be delpiled, retains
too much of the fpedfator’s kindnefs. It was in the
power of Richardlon alone to teach us at once efteem ]
and deteftation ; to make virtuous refentment overpower
all the benevolence which wit, and elegance, and cou¬
rage, naturally excite ; and to lofe at laft the hero in
the villain.”—Dr Young very pertinently obferved,
that Mr Richardfon, with the mere advantages of na¬
ture, improved by a very moderate progrefs in educa¬
tion, flruck out at once, and of his own accord, into a
new province of writing, in which he fucceeded to ad¬
miration. And what is more remarkable, that he not
only began, but finiftied, the plan on which he fet out,
leaving no room for any one alter him to render it more
complete : and that not one of the various writers that
have ever fince attempted to imitate him, have in any
refpedt equalled, or at all approached near him. This
kind of romance is peculiarly his own •, and “ I confider
him (continues the dodlor) as a truly great natural
genius; as great and fupereminent in his way as Shake-
ipeare and Milton were in theirs.”
Richardson, Jonathan, a celebrated painter of heads, Walpole's
was born about the year 1665, and againft his inclination Anecdotes
was placed by his father-in-law apprentice to a ferivener, of Pamting
with whom he lived fix years \ when obtaining his free-in
dom by the death of his mailer, he followed the bent
of his difpofition, and at 20 years old became the dif-
ciple of Riley; with whom he lived four years, whofe
niece he married, and of whofe manner he acquired
enough to maintain a folid and lading reputation, even
during the lives of Kneller and Dahl $ and to remain'
at the head of the profeflion when they went off the
ftage.
There is ftrength, roundnefs, and boldnefs in his co¬
louring ; but his men want dignity, and his women
grace. The good fenfe of the nation is chara£lerifed
in his portraits. You fee he lived in an age when nei¬
ther enthufiafm nor fervility were predominant. Yet
with a pencil fo firm, poffeffed of a numerous and ex¬
cellent colleflion of drawings, full of the theory, and
profound in refleflions on his art, he drew nothing well
below the head, and was void of imagination. His at¬
titudes, draperies, and back-grounds, are totally infipid
and unmeaning ; fo ill did he apply to his own pratlice
the fagacious rules and hints he bellowed on others.
Though he wrote with fire and judgement, his paintings
owed little to either. No man dived deeper into the
inexhauftible {lores of Raphael, or was more {rnitteii
with the native lullre ofVandyck. Yet though capa¬
ble of tailing the elevation of the one and the elegance
of the other, he could never contrive to fee with their
eyes, when he was to copy nature himfelf. One won¬
ders that he could comment their works fo well, and
imitate them fo little.
C 2
He
R I C [ 20 ] RIG
Rich arc! fon. He quitted bufinefs hirafelf fome years before his
' v n death j but his temperance and virtue contributed to
protraft his life to a great length in the full enjoyment
of his underftandmg, and in the felicity of domeitic
friendlhip. He had had a paralytic ftroke that afFe£t-
ed his arm, yet never difabled him from his cuftomary
■jvalks and exercife. He had been in St James’s Park,
and died fuddenly at his houfe in (^Jueen’s-lquare on his
return home, May 28. 1745, when he had palled the
80th year of his age. He left a fon and four daugh¬
ters, one of whom was married to his difciple Mr Hud-
fon, and another to Mr Grigfon an attorney. The
tafte and learning of the fon, and the harmony in which
he lived with his father, are vifible in the joint works
they compofed. The father in 1719 pubiilhed two
difcourfes : 1. An Effay on the whole Art of Criticifm
ps it relates to Painting 5 2. An Argument in behalf of
the Science of a Connoifleur ; bound in one volume oc¬
tavo. In 1722 came forth An Account of fome of
the ftatues, bas-reliefs, drawings, and pictures, in Italy,
&c. with Remarks by Mr Richardfon, fenior and juni¬
or. The fon made the journey ; and from his notes,
letters, and obfervations, they both at his return compi¬
led this valuable work. As the father was a formal
man, with a flow, but loud and fonorous voice, and, in
truth, with fome afledtation in his manner ; and as there
is much Angularity in his ftyle and expreflion, thefe pe¬
culiarities (for they were fcarcely foibles) ftruck fuper-
ficial readers, and between the laughers and the envious
the book was much ridiculed. Yet both this and the
former are full of matter, good fenfe, and inftruftion :
and the very quaintnefs of fome expreffions, and their
laboured novelty, (how the difficulty the author had to
convey mere vifible ideas through the medium of lan¬
guage. Thofe works remind one of Cibber’s inimi¬
table treatife on the flage : when an author writes on
his own profeffion, feels it profoundly, and is fenfible
his readers do not, he is not only excufable, but meri¬
torious, for illuminating the fubjeft by new metaphors
or bolder figures than ordinary. He is the coxcomb
that fneers, not he that inltrufts, in appropriated dic¬
tion.
If thefe authors were cenfured when converfant
within their own circle, it was not to be expefted that
they would be treated with milder indulgence when
they ventured into a filler region. In 1734, they pub-
liflied a very thick odlavo, containing explanatory notes
and remarks on Milton’s Paradife Loft, with the life
of the author, and a difcourfe on the poem. Again
w’ere the good fenfe, the judicious criticifms, and the
fentiments that broke forth in this work, forgotten in
the Angularities that diftinguilh it. The father having
laid in apology for being little converfant in claffic lite¬
rature, that he had looked into them through his fon,
Hogarth, whom a quibble could furniffi with wit, drew
the father peeping through the nether end of a tele-
fcope, with which his fon was perforated, at a Virgil
aloft on a ffielf. Yet how forcibly Richardfon enter¬
ed into the fpirit of his author, appears from his com-
prehenfive expreffion, that Milton was an ancient, born
two thoufand years after his time. Richardfon, however,
was as incapable of reaching the fublime or harmonious
in poetry, as he was in painting, though fo capable of
illuftrating both. Some fpecimens of verfe that he has
given us here and there in his works, excite no curiofi-
ty for mere, though he informs us in his Milton, that R-ichardfon
if painting was his wife, poetry had been his fecret con- II
cubine. It is remarkable, that another commentator Rickes*
of Milton has made the fame confeffion, "n v
 Sunt ct tnihi carmina, me quoque dicunt
Vatem pafores  
fays Dr Bentley. Neither the dodlor nor the painter
add fed non ego credulus illis, though all their readers are
ready to fupply it for both. Befides his pidhires and
commentaries, we have a few etchings by his hand, par¬
ticularly two or three of Milton, and his own head.
The fale of his collection of drawings, in February
1747, iafted 18 days, and produced about 2060I. his
pictures about 700I. Kudfon his fon-in-law bought
many of the drawings.
RICHELET, CiESAR Peter, a French writer, born
in 1631 at Chemin in Champagne. He was the friend
of Patru and Ablancourt; and like them applied him-
felf to the ftudy of the French language with fuccefs.
He compiled a didtionary of that language, full of new
and ufeful remarks •, but exceptionable, as containing
many fatirical reflexions and obfeenities. The belt
edition is that of Lyons, 3 vols folio, 1728. He alfo
colleXed a fmall diXionary of rhymes, and compofed
fome other pieces in the grammatical and critical way.
He died in 1698.
RICHES, a word ufed always in the plural number,
means wealth, money, poffeffion, or a fplendid fump-
tuous appearance. When ufed to exprefs the fortune
of private perfons, whether patrimonial or acquired, it
fignifies opulence ; a term which exprefles not the enjoy¬
ment, but the poffeffion, of numerous fuperfluities.—
The riches of a ftate or kingdom expreffes the produce
of induftry, of commerce, of different incorporated bo¬
dies, of the internal and external adminiftration of the
principal members of which the fociety is compofed,&e.
Our Saviour fays, that it is more eafy for a camel to
go through the eye of a needle, than for a rich man to
enter the kingdom of heaven j and we find, in faX, that
riches frequently bring along with them a degree of in¬
attention, lukewarmnefs, and irreligion, fuch as fuffici-
ently confirms the divine affertion j which is merely a
general truth, and which by no means afferts the abfo-
lute impoffibility of being virtuous and rich at the fame
time. For as the ancient philofophers wifely taught,
riches, confidered in tbemfelves, and abftraXedly from
the bad purpofes to which they may be applied, are not
neceffarily incompatible with virtue and wifdom. They
are indeed abfolutely indifferent j in good hands they
will be ufeful, and promote the caufe of truth, virtue,
and humanity ; and in bad hands they are the fource of
much mifehiefon the one hand they confer the power
of doing much good, and on the other they are equally
powerful in doing ill.
To men, however, whofe principles of virtue are not
fufliciently founded, riches are unqueftionably a danger¬
ous and feducing bait j and as the ancients rightly
taught, they are to the greateft number of men, in an
infinite variety of circumftances, a powerful obftacle to
the praXice of moral virtues, to the progrefs of truth,
and a weight which prevents them from rifing to that
degree of knowledge and perfeXion of which human na¬
ture is capable. They multiply without ceafing the
occafions of vice, by the facility which they give to fa-
R I C [2
Riches, tisfy a multitude of irregular paffions, and to turn at
Richlieu. length thofe who are attached to them from the road of
' * virtue, and from the defire of inquiring-after truth.
It is this which Seneca means to exprefs, when he
fays, “ that riches in a vaft number of cafes have been
a great obflacle to philofophy j and that, to enjoy free¬
dom of mind neceifary for ftudy, a man muft live in
poverty, or as if he were poor. Every man (adds he)
who wifhes to lead a pleafant, tranquil, and fecure life,
muft avoid, as much as poflible, the deceitfulnefs of
riches, which are a bait with wrhich we allow ourfelves
to be taken as in a fnare, without afterwards having
the power to extricate ourfelves, being fo much the
more unhappy, that we believe we polfefs them, while,
on the contrary, they tyrannize over us.” Senec. EpiJL
17. and £/>?/?. 8.
“ The wife man (fays the fame author in another
place) does not love riches to excefs, but he would not
choofe wholly to diveft himfelf of them ; he does not
receive them into his foul, but into his houfe j he is
careful of them, and employs them for the purpofe of
opening a wide field for virtue, and of making it ap¬
pear in all its fplendor. Who can doubt that a wife
man has not more occafions of difplaying the elevation
and greatnefs of his mind when he is polTefled of riches
than wThen he labours under indigence, ftnce, in the laft
condition, he can exercife only one virtue, namely, re-
fignation ; w'hereas, riches give him an opportunity of
difplaying, in their greateft luftre, the virtues of tem¬
perance, liberality, diligence, regularity, and magnifi¬
cence. There is no occafion, then, to prohibit philo-
fophers from the ufe of wealth, or to condemn wifdom
to poverty. The philofopher may poffefs the greateft
riches, provided he has not employed force or fhed
blood in acquiring them; provided he has not gained
them by unjuft or illegal means $ in a word, provided
the ufe which he makes of them be as pure as the
fource from which they were derived, and no perfon
(the envious excepted) regretting his pofleffion ; he will
not refufe the kindnefs of fortune, and will enjoy, with¬
out fhame or pride, the wealth acquired by honeft
means 5 he will have more reafon to glory, if, after ex-
pofing his 'riches to the view of the whole world,
he can defire any perfon to carry away the rew’ard
of treachery or the fruits of oppreftion. If, after
thefe words, his riches continue undiminifhed, this man
is truly great, and worthy to be rich. If he has not
allowed to enter into his poffeflion the fmalleft piece of
money gained by unwarrantable means, neither will he
refufe the greateft riches, w7hich are the bleflings of for¬
tune, and the fruit of virtue : if he can be rich, he will
choofe to be fo, and he (hall have riches 5 but he wall
regard them as bleftings of uncertain pofleflion, and of
which he may be every moment deprived ; he will not
permit them to be a load to himfelf or to others j he
will give them to the good, or to thofe whom he would
make good *, but he will give them with the niceft wif¬
dom, taking care alw’ays to diftribute them to the moft
worthy, and to thofe who remember that they muft
give an account, as w'ell of the wealth which they re¬
ceive from heaven, as of the purpofes to which it is ap¬
plied.” Senec. cle Vita Beata, cap. 21, 22, & 23.
RICHLIEU, John Armand du Plessis de, car¬
dinal of Richlieu and Fronfac, bilhop of Lucon, &c.
was born at Paris in 1585. He was of excellent parts j
r ] RIG
and at the age of 22 had the addrefs to obtain a difpen- Richiieu,
fation to enjoy the bilhopric of Lucon in 1607. Re- R‘c^nus*
turning into France, he applied himfelf in a particular ~v '""''
mamrer to the funftion of preaching •, and his reputa¬
tion this way procured him the office of almoner to the
queen Mary de Medicis. His abilities in the manage¬
ment of affairs advanced him to be fecretary of ftate in
1616} and th« king foon gave him the preference to all
his other fecretaries. The death of the marquis d’Ancre
having produced a revolution in ftate affairs, Richlieu
retired to Avignon j where he employed himfelf in
compofing books of controverfy and piety. The king
having recalled him to court, he was made a cardinal
in 16223 and? tw0 years after, firft minifter of ftate,
and grand mailer of the navigation. In 1626, the ifie
of Rhee wTas preferved by his care, and Rochelle taken,
having Hopped up the haven by that famous dyke wffiich
he ordered to be made there. He accompanied the king
to the fiege of Cazal, and contributed not a little to
the raifing of it in 1629. He alfo obliged the Hugue¬
nots to the peace at Alets, which proved the ruin of
that party 3 he took Pamerol, and fuccoured Cazal be-
fieged by Spinola. In the mean time the nobles found
fault with his condudl, and perfuaded the king to dif-
card him. The cardinal, for his part, was unmoved
with it 3 and by his reafonings overthrew what was-
thought to be determined againft him 3 fo that, inftead
of being difgraced, he from that moment became more
powerful than ever. He punilhed all his enemies in the
fame manner as they would have had him fuffer; and
the day which produced this event, fo glorious to Car¬
dinal Richlieu, was called the day of dupes. This able
minifter had from thenceforwards an afcendancy over the
king’s mind 3 and he now refolved to humble the excef-
five pride of the houfe of Auftria. For that purpofe
he concluded a treaty with Guftavus Adolphus king
of Sweden, for carrying the war into the heart of Ger¬
many. He alfo entered into a league with the duke of
Bavaria 3 fecured Lorrain 3 railed a part of the princes
of the empire againft the emperor 3 treated with the
Dutch to continue the war againft Spain 3 favoured the
Catalans and Portuguefe till they Ihook off the Spanilh
yoke; and, in ffiort, took fo many different meafures,
that he accompliffied his defign 3 and after having car¬
ried on the war withfuccefs, was thinking of concluding
it by a peace, when he died at Paris on the 4th of De¬
cember 1642, aged 58. He wras interred in the Sor-
bonne, where a magnificent maufoleum is erefted to his
memory. This great politician made the arts and tciences
flourifli 3 formed the botanical garden at Paris, called the
king’s garden; founded the French academy 3 ellabliih-
ed the royal printing-houfe3 erefted the palace afterwards
called Le Palais Royal, which he prefented to the king 3.
and rebuilt the Sorbonne with a magnificence that ap¬
peal's truly royal. Befides his books of controverfy and
piety, there go under the name of this minifter, A
Journal, in 2 vols 1 2mo 3 and a Political Teftament, in
12mo 3 all treating of politics and ftate affairs. Cardi¬
nal Mazarine purfued Richlieu’s plan, and completed
many of the fchemes which he had begun, but left unfi-
niihed.
RICINUS, or palma Christi, a genus of plants
belonging to the monoecia clafs, and in the natural me¬
thod ranking under the 38th order, Tricoccce. See Bc-
tany and Materia Mepica Index,
RICKETS,.,
Rickets
Rid'cu't.
HID [2
RICKETS, in Medicine. See there, N° 347.
^ . il , RICOCHET, in Gunnery, is when guns, howit-
', zers. or mortars, are loaded with finall charges, and
elevated from <; to 12 degrees, lb as to fire over the
parapet, and the Ihot or thell rolls along the oppofite
rampart : it is called ricochet-firing, and the batteries
are likewife called ricochet-batteries. This method of
firing was firft invented by M. Belidor, and firft uled at
the liege of Ath in 1697. This mode of firing out of
mortars was firft tried in 1723 at the military fchool at
Stralbourg, and with fuccefs. At the battle of Rof-
bach, in 1757, the king of Pruffia had feveral 6-inch
mortars made with trunnions, and mounted on travel¬
ling-carriages, which fired obliquely on the enemy’s
lines, and amongft their horfe, loaded with 8 ounces of
powder, and at an elevation of one degree 15 minutes,
w’hich did great execution •, for the {hells rolling along
the lines, with burning fufes, made the ftouteit of the
enemy not wrait for their burfting.
RICOTIA, a genus of plants, belonging to the te-
tradynamia clafs ; and in the natural method ranking
under the 39th order Siliquofce. See Botany Index.
RIDEAU, in Fortification, a fmall elevation of earth,
extending itfelf lengthwife on a plain 5 ferving to cover
a camp or give an advantage in a poll.
Rideau is fometimes alfo ufed for a trench, the
earth of which is thrown up on its fide, to ferve as a pa¬
rapet for covering the men.
RIDGE, in Agriculture, a long piece of rifing land
between two furrows. See AGRICULTURE.
R1DGLING, or Ridgel, among farriers, &c. the
.the male of any beaft that has been but half gelt.
RIDICULE, in matters of literature, is that fpecics
■of writing which excites contempt with laughter.
The ridiculous, however, differs from the rifible, (fee
Risible). A rifible objeft produceth an emotion of
laughter merely : a ridiculous objeft is improper as wTell
as rifible j and produceth a mixed emotion, which is
-vented by a laugh of derifion or fcorn.
Burlefque, though a great engine of ridicule, is not
confined to that lubjeft j for it is clearly diftinguilh-
able into burlefque that excites laughter merely, and
burlefque that provokes derifion or ridicule. A grave
fubjeft in which there is no impropriety, may be
brought down by a certain colouring fo as to be rifi-
ble ; which is the cafe of Virgil Travefiie, and alfo the
cafe of the Secchia R a pit a ; the authors laugh firft, in
order to make their readers laugh. The Lutrin is a
T.lem. of bulefque poem of the other fort, laying hold of a low
'Cnticijm, an(-j trifling incident, to expofe the luxury, indolence,
and contentious fpirit of a fet of monks. Boileau, the
author, gives a ridiculous air to the fubjeft, by drefling
it in the heroic ftyle,. and affedling to confider it as of
the utmsft dignity and importance. In a compofition
of this kind, no image profeffedly ludicrous ought to
find quarter, becaufe fuch images deftroy the contraft ;
and accordingly the author (hows always the grave face,
and never once betrays a fmile.
Though the burlefque that aims at ridicule produces
•its effe&s by elevating the ftyle far above the fubjeft,
yet it has limits beyond -which the elevation ought not
to be carried : the poet, confulting the imagination of
his readers, ougpt to confine himfelf to fuch images as
are lively and readily apprehended : a ftrained eleva¬
tion, foaring above an ordinary reach of fancy, makes
2 ] R I D
not a pleafant imprefiion : the reader, fatigued with
being always upon the ftretch, is foon difgulted \ and,
if he perfevere, becomes thoughtlefs and indifferent.—
Further, a fidlion gives no pleafure unlefs it be painted
in colours fo lively as to produce fome perception of
reality $ which never can be done effectually where the
images are formed with labour or difficulty. For thefe
reafons, we cannot avoid condemning the Batrachomyo-
machia, faid to be the compofition of Homer : it is be¬
yond the power of imagination to form a clear and
lively image of frogs and mice afting with the dignity
of the higheft of our fpecies *, nor can we form a con¬
ception of the reality of fuch an adfion, in any manner ’
fo diftindf as to intereft our affedlions even in the flight-
eft degree.
The Rape of the Lock is of a chara&er clearly diftin-
guiftiable from thofe now mentioned ; it is not properly
a burlefque performance, but what may rather be term¬
ed an heroi-comical poem : it treats a gay and familiar
fubjeft with pleafantry, and with a moderate degree of
dignity : the author puts not on a mafk like Boileau,
nor profeffes to make us laugh like Taffoni. The Rape
of the Lock is a genteel fpecies of writing, lefs ftrained
than thofe mentioned j and is pleafant or ludicrous
without having ridicule for its chief aim } giving way,
however, to ridicule, where it naturally arifes from a
particular charafter, fuch as that of Sir Plume. Addi-
fon’s Spedlator *, upon the exercife of the fan, is ex¬
tremely gay and ludicrous, refembling in its fubjedl the *N° 10a.
Rape of the Lock.
There remains to ftiow, by examples, the manner of
treating fubjedls fo as to give them a ridiculous appear¬
ance.
II ne dit jamais, je vous donne, mais, je vous prete le
bon jour. Mohere.
Orleans. I knoiv him to be valiant.
Confiohle. I was told that by one that knows him bet¬
ter than you.
Orleans. What’s he ?
Confiable. Marry, he told me fo himfelf; and he faid,
he car’d not who knew' it. Henry V. Shakefpeare.
He never broke any man’s head but his own, and
that was againft a poll; when he was drunk. Ibid.
Millamont. Sententious Mirabel ! prithee don’t look
with that violent and inflexible wife face, like Solomon
at the dividing of the child in an old tapeftry-hanging.
Way of the World.
A true critic, in the perufal of a book, is like a dog
at a feaft, whole thoughts and ftomach are wholly fet
upon what the guefts fling awTay, and confequently is
apt to fnarl moft when there are the fev’eft bones.
Tale of a Tub.
In the following inftances, the ridicule avifes from ab-
furd conceptions in the perfons introduced.
Mafcarille. Te fouvient-il, vicomte, de cette demi¬
lune, que nous emportames iur les enemis au fiege d’A-
fras ?
Jodelet. Que veux-tu dire avec ta demi-lune ? e’etoit
bien une lune toute entiere.
Mo Here, les Precicufes Ridicules, fc. 11.
Slander. I came yonder at Eaton to marry Mrs Anne
Page.; and {lie’s a great lubberly boy.
Page.
■Ridicule.
R
RID [ 23 3
Page. Upon my life then you took the wrong—
Slander. What need you tell me that ? I think fo
when I took a boy for a girl : if I had been married to
him, for all he was in woman’s apparel, I would not
have had him. Merry Wives of Wind for,
Valentine-: Your bleffing, Sir.
Sir Sampfon. You’ve had it already, Sir ; I think I
fent it you to-day in a hill for four thoufand pounds j a
great deal of money, brother Forefight.
Forejight. Ay, indeed, Sir Sampfon, a great deal of
money for a young man } I wonder what he can do with
it. Lcve for Love, adl; ii. fc. 7.
MiUament. I naufeate walking; ’iis a country diver-
fion j I lothe the countryj and every thing that relates
to it.
Sir Wilful!. Indeed, hah I look ye, look ye, you
do? nay, ’tis like you may here are choice of paf-
times here in town, as plays and the like 5 that mull be
Confefs’d, indeed.
Mill ament. Ah Petourdie ! I hate the towm too.
Sir Wilful!. Dear heart, that’s much hah ! that
you fhould hate ’em both ! hah ! *tis like you may ;
there are fortre cannot reliih the town, and others can’t
away with the country ’tis like you may be one of
thefe, Coufin. Way cf the World, aft iv. fc. 4.
Lord Froth. I allure you, Sir Paul, I laugh at no¬
body’s jells but my own, or a lady’s : I affure you, Sir
Paul.
Brifk. How' ? how, my Lord ? what, affront my wit ?
Let me perilli, do I never fay any thing worthy to be
laugh’d at ?
Lord Froth. O foy, do’nt mifapprehend me, I don’t
fey fo, for I often fmile at your conceptions. But there
is nothing more unbecoming a man of quality than to
laugh j ’tis fuch a vulgar expreflion of the palTions !
every body can laugh. Then efpecially to laugh at the
jell of an inferior perfon, or when any body elfe of the
fame quality does not laugh w-ilh one ; ridiculous ! To
be pleas’d with what pleafes the crowd ! Now, when I
laugh I always laugh alone.
Double Dealer, aft i. fc. 4.
So {harp-fighted is pride in blemilhes, and fo willing
to be gratified, that it takes up with the very flightefl
improprieties : fuch as a blunder by a foreigner in /peak¬
ing our language, efpecially if the blunder can bear a
fenfe that refiefts on the fpeaker :
Quickly. The young man is an honed man.
Caius. What fhall de honed; man do in my clofet ?
dere is no honed man dat lhall come in my clofet.
Merry Wives of Windfor.
Love fpeeches are finely ridiculed in the following
paffage :
Quoth he, My faith as adamantine,
As chains of dediny, I’ll maintain j
True as Apollo ever fpoke,
Or oracle from heart of oak ;
And ii you’ll give my flame but vent;
Now in clofs hugger-mugger pent,
And fhine upon me but benignly,
With that one and that other pigfney,
The fun and day (hall fooner part
Than love, or you, (hake off my heart $
R I D
The fun, that lhall no more difpenfe
His own, but your bright influence :
I’ll carve your name on barks of trees,
With true love knots and llouriflies ;
That fhalldnfufe eternal fpring,
And everlading llourifhing :
Drink every letter on’t in dum,
And make it brilk champaigne become.
Where’er you tread, your foot (hall fet
The primrofe and the violet ;
All fpices, perfumes, and fvveet powders
Shall borrow from your breath their odours }
Nature her charter diall renew
And take all lives of things from you j
The world depend upon your eye,
And, when you frown upon it, die.
Only our loves fhall dill furvive,
New worlds and natures to outlive j
And, like to herald moons, remain
All crexcents, without change or wane.
Hudibras, part 2. canto r.
Thofe who have a talent for ridicule, which is fel-
dom united with a tade for delicate and refined beau¬
ties, are quick-fighted in improprieties; and thefe they
eagerly grafp, in order to gratify their favourite propen-
fity. Perfons galled are provoked to maintain that ri¬
dicule is improper for grave fubjefts. Subjefts really
grave are by no means fit for ridicule ; but then it is
urged againd them, that, when called in quedion whe¬
ther a certain fubjeft be really grave, ridicule is the
only means of determining the controverfy. Hence a
celebrated quellion, Whether ridicule be or be not a
ted of truth ?
On one fide, it is obferved, that the objefts of ridi¬
cule are falfehood, incongruity, impropriety, or turpi-
tude of certain kinds : but as the objeft of every exci¬
ted palTion mud be examined by realbn, before we can
determine whether it be proper or improper ; fo ridi¬
cule mud, apparently at lead, edablifh the truth of the
improprieties defigned to excite the paffion of contempt.
Hence it comes in to the aid of argument and reafen,
when its impredions on the imagination are confident
with the nature of things ; but when it (trikes the fancy
and affeftions with fiftitious images, it becomes the in-
ilrument of deceit. But however ridicule may imprefs
the idea of apparent turpitude or fallehood in the ima¬
gination, yet dill reafon remains the fupremc judge j-
and thus ridicule can never be the final ted or touch •
done of truth and falfehood.
On the other fide, it is contended that ridicule is not
a fubjeft of reafoning, but of fenfe or tade ; (fee and
compare the articles Risible and Congruity. Stating
the quedion, then, in more accurate terms, Whether
the fenfe of ridicule be the proper ted for didinguilhing
ridiculous objefts from what are not fo ? they proceed
thus : No perfon doubts that our fenfe of beauty is the
true ted of what is beautiful and our fenfe of gran¬
deur, of what is great or fublime. Is it more doubtful
whether our fenfe of ridicule be the true ted of what
is ridiculous ? It is not only the true ted, but indeed
the only ted •, for this (ubjeft comes not, more than
beauty or grandeur, under the province of reafon. If
any fubjeft, by the influence of falhion or cudom,.
have acquired a degree of veneration to which naturally
RID [ 24 ] RID
R’clicule, Jt is not entitled, what are the proper means for wiping
RitJin&' , off the artificial colouring, and difplaying the fubjeft in
its true light ? A man of true tafte fees the fubjeft
without difguife j but if he hefitate, let him apply the
teft of ridicule, wThich feparates it from its artificial
connections, and expofes it naked with all its native im¬
proprieties.—But it is urged, that the graveft and molt
ferious matters may be fet in a ridiculous light. Hard¬
ly fo} for where an objeCt is neither rifible nor impro¬
per, it lies not open in any quarter to an attack from
ridicule.
RIDING, in general, fignifies the being carried along
on any vehicle.
Riding on horfeback. See Horsemanship.
Riding, in Medicine. During this exercife all the
vifeera are fliaken, and preffed againft each other j at the
fame time the pure air aCts with a greater force on the
lungs. Weakly perfons, or thofe w7hofe ftomachs are
infirm, fhould, howrever, be cautious of riding before
their meals are fomewhat digefted.
Riding, in naval affairs, is the ilate of a fhip’s being
retained in a particular Ration, by means of one or more
cables with their anchors, which are for this purpofe
funk into the bottom of the fea, &c. in order to prevent
the veffel from being driven at the mercy of the wind
or current.—A rope is faid to rfi/e, when one of the
turns by which it is wound about the capflern or windlafs
lies over another, fo as to interrupt the operation of
heaving.
RIDING Athwart, the pofition of a fliip which lies
acrofs the direftion of the wind and tide, when the for¬
mer is fo flrong as to prevent her from falling into the
current of the latter.
RIDING between the Wind and Tide, the fituation of a
veffel at anchor, when the wind and tide ad upon her in
direft oppofition, in fuch a manner as to deftroy the ef¬
fort of each other upon her hull 5 fo that fhe is in a man¬
ner balanced between their reciprocal force, and rides
without the leaf! drain on her cables. When a fhip does
not labour heavily, or feel a great drain when anchored
in an open road or bay, die is faid to ride eafy. On the
contrary, when die pitches violently into the fea, fo as to
drain her cables, mads, or hull, it is called riding hard,
and the veffel is termed a bad reader. A Ihip is rarely
faid to ride when die is fadened at both the ends, as in a
harbour or river j that fituation being comprehended in
the article Mooring.
Riding, a didrift vifited by an ofiicer.—Yorkdiire
is divided into three ridings, viz. the ead, wed, and north
ridings. In all indiftments in that county, both the
towm and riding mud be expreffed.
Obferva. Riding, as connefted with gardening, and fufceptible
fzoTw on 0p embellidiment. See GARDENING.
Gardening, A though in extent differing fo widely from
p. 227, See.’a garden, yet agrees with it in many particulars: for,
1 exclufive of that community of charafter which refults
Decoratione fr0m their being both improvements, and both dedined
0 a nding. ^ p}eafurej a defer relation arifes from the property
of a riding, to extend the idea of a feat, and appropriate
a whole country to the manfion $ for which purpofe it
mud be didinguifhed from common roads, and the marks
of didinftion mud be borrowred from a garden. Thofe
which a farm or a park can fupply are faint and few;
but whenever circumdances belonging to a garden oc¬
cur, they are immediately received as evidence of the
1
domain. The fpecies of the trees will often be deci- Ridinc.
five : plantations of firs, whether placed on the fides of y—"
the w7ay, or in clumps or woods in the view, denote the
neighbourhood of a feat : even limes and horfe-chefnuts
are not indifferent j for they have alw7ays been frequent
in improvements, and rare in the ordinary feenes of cul¬
tivated nature. If the riding be carried through a wood,
the dirubs, which for their beauty or their fragrance have
been tranfplanted from the country into gardens, iuch
as the fweet-briar, the viburnum, the euonymus, and
the wroodbine, fliould be encouraged in the underwood j
and to thefe may be added feveral which are ftill pecu¬
liar to fhrubberies, but which might eafily be transfer¬
red to the wildeft coverts, and w7ould require no further
care.
Where the fpecies are not, the difpofition may be
particular, and any appearance of defign is a mark of
improvement. A few trees Handing out from a hedge¬
row7, raife it to an elegance above common rufticity:
and ftill more may be done by clumps in a field •, they
give it the air of a park. A clofe lane may be deco¬
rated with plantations in all the little vacant fpaces :
and even the groups originally on the fpot (whether it
be a wood, a field, or a lane), if properly felefted, and
thofe only left which are elegant, will have an effeft :
though every beauty of this kind may be found in na¬
ture, yet many of them are feldom feen together, and
never unmixed. The number and the choice are fymp-
toms of defign.
Another fymptom is variety. If the appendages of
the riding be different in different fields, if in a lane, or
a wood, fome diftinguifhing circumftance be provided
for every bend j or when, carried over an open expo-
fure, it winds to feveral points of view ; if this be the
conduft throughout, the intention is evident, to amufe
the length of the w ay : variety of ground is alfo a cha-
rafteriftic of a riding, when it feems to-have proceeded
from choice ; and pleafure being the purfuit, the chan¬
ges of the feene both compenfate and account for the
circuity.
But a part undiftinguiftred from a common road, fuc-
ceeding to others more adorned, will by the contrail
alone be fometimes agreeable •, and there are beauties
frequent in the high-way, and almoft peculiar to it,
which may be very acceptable in a riding : a green lane
is always delightful; a paffage winding between thickets
of brambles and briars, fometimes with, and foinetimes
without a little fpring-wood riling amongft them, or a cut
in a continued fweep through the furze of a dow7n or the
fern of a heath, is generally pleafant. Nor will the cha¬
rafter be abfolutely loft in the interruption, it will foon
be refumed, and never forgotten •, wdien it has been once
ftrongly impreffed, very flight means will preferve the
idea.
Simplicity may prevail the whole length of the way
when the way is all naturally pleafant, but efpecially
if it be a communication between feveral fpots, which
in charafter are raifed above the reft of the country :
A fine open grove is unufual, except in a park or a
garden j it has an elegance in the difpofition which
cannot be attributed to accident, and it feems to re¬
quire a degree of prefervation beyond the care of mere
hufbandry. A neat railing on the edge of a fteep
which commands a profpeft, alone difiinguifhes that
from other points of view7. A building is ftill more
ftrongly
Rid [ 25 ] rid
2
Of a vil-
la-ge.
ftrongly chara^eriftic : it may be only ornamental, or
it may be accommodated to the reception of company ;
for though a place to alight at interrupts the range
of a riding, yet, as the objeft of an airing, it may
often be acceptable. A fmall fpot which may be kept
by the labour of one man, incloled from the fields,
and converted into a Ihrubbery or any other fcene of a
garden, will fometimes be a pleafing end to a fiiort
excufion from home : nothing fo efiTe&ually extends the
idea of a feat to a diftance ; and not being conftantly
vifited, it will always retain the charms of novelty and
variety.
When a riding is carried along a high road, a kind
of property may in appearance be claimed even there,
by planting on both fides trees equidiftant from each
other, to give it the air of an approach : regularity
intimates the neighbourhood of a manfion. A tillage
therefore feems to be within the domain, if any of the
inlets to it are avenues : other formal plantations about
it, and (till more trivial circumftances, when they are
evidently ornamental, fometimes produce and always
corroborate fuch an effect; but even without railing
this idea, if the village be remarkable for its beauty, or
only for its Angularity, a paffage through it may be an
agreeable incident in a riding.
The fame ground which in the fields is no more than
rough, often feems to be romantic when it is the fite of
a village ; the buildings and other circumftances mark
and aggravate the irregularity. To ftrengthen this ap¬
pearance, one cottage may be placed on the edge of a
fteep, and fome winding fteps of unhewn ftone lead up
to the door ; another in a hollow, with all its little .ap¬
purtenances hanging above it. The pofition of a few
trees will fometimes anfwer the fame pnrpofe ; a foot¬
bridge here and there for a communication between the
fides of a narrow dip, will add to the character; and if
there be any rills, they may be conduced fo as greatly
to improve it.
A village which has not thefe advantages of ground,
may, however, be beautiful; it is diftinguilhed by its
elegance, when the larger intervals between the houfes
are filled with open groves, and little dumps are in¬
troduced upon other occafions. The church often is,
it generally may be, made a pi&urefque objeft. Even
the cottages may be neat and fometimes grouped
with thickets. It the place be watered by a ftream,
the erodings may be in a variety of pleafing defigns ;
and if a fpring rite, or only a well for common ufe be
iunk by the fide ot the way, a little covering over it
may be contrived which fhall at the fame time be fimple
and pretty.
There are few villages which may not eafily be ren¬
dered ^ agreeable. A fmall alteration in a lioufe will
fometimes occafion a great difference in the appearance.
By. the help of a few tritling plantations, the objedls
which have a good effeeft may be fhown to advantage,
thofe which have not may be concealed, and fuch as are
fimilar be difguifed. And any form which offends the
eye, whether of ground, of trees, or of buildings, may
fometimes be broken by the fiighteft circumftances, by
an advanced paling, or only by a bench. Variety and
beauty, in fuch a iubjeft, are rather the effecls of atten¬
tion than expence.
^ But if the paffage through the village cannot be
pleafant; if the buildings are all alike, or ftand in un-
Vol. XVI11. Part I.
meaning rows and fimilar fituations 5 if the place fur- Rklinr.
nilhes no opportunities to contraft the forms of dwell- ‘
ings with thofe of out-hotifes; to introduce trees and 0f t,^
thickets ; to interpofe fields and meadows} to mix farms buildings
with cottages j and to place the feveral objects in dif-defigned
ferent pofitions : yet on the oulfide even of fuch a vil- 'or objects
lage there certainly is room for wood; and by that111 a
alone the whole may be grouped into a mafs, which
fhall be agreeable when, fkirted by a riding; and ftill
more fo when feen from a diftance. The feparate farms
in the fields, alfo, by planting fome trees about them,
or perhaps only by managing thofe already on the fpot,
may be made very intereiting objetls ; or if a new one
is to be built, beauty may be conlulted in the form or"
the houfe, and the difpofition of its appurtenances.
Sometimes a character not their own, as the femblance
of a caftle or an abbey, may be given to them ; 'they
will thereby acquire a degree of confideratiori, which
they cannot otherwife be entitled to : and objeifts to
improve the views are fo important to a riding, that
buildings muft fometimes be erefted for that purpofe
only : but they ftiould be fuch as by an aciual effeft
adorn or dignify the fcene ; not thofe little flight de¬
ceptions which are too well known to fucceed, and
have no merit if they fail : for though a fallacy fome¬
times contributes to fupport a character, or fuggefts _
ideas to the imagination, yet in itfelf it may be no im¬
provement of a icene ; and a bit of turret, the tip of a
fpire, and the other ordinary fubjefts of thefe frivo¬
lous attempts, are fo infignificant as objects, that whe¬
ther they are real or fifliuous is almolt a matter of in¬
difference.
The fame means by which the profpedls 'from a of a garden
riding are improved, may be applied to thofe from fimilar in
a garden ; though they are not elfential to its charac-c'harafter
ter, they are important to its beauty; and wherevert0 a
they abound, the extent only of the range which com¬
mands them, determines whether they thall be feen
from a riding Or a garden. If they belong to the lat¬
ter, that affumes in' fome degree the predominant pro¬
perties of the former, and the two chara&ers approach
very near to each other : but ftill each has its peculiari¬
ties. Progrefs is a prevailing idea in a riding ; and the
pleafantnefs of the way is, therefore, a principal confide-
ration ; but particular fpots are more attended to in a
garden ; and to them the communications ought to be
lubordinate ; their direction muft be generally accom¬
modated, their beauties fometimes facrificed, to the fitua-
tion and the character of the feenes they lead to ; an
advantageous approach to thefe muft be preferred to an
agreeable line for the walk ; and the circumftances
w hich might otherwife become it are mifplaced, if they
anticipate the openings : it ftiould fometirnes be con-
trafted to them ; be retired and dark if they are fplendid
or gay, and fimple if they are richly adorned. At other
times it may burlt unexpectedly out upon them ; not on
account of the furprife, which can have its effeef only
once ; but the impreflions are ftronger by being fudden ;
and the contraft is enforced by the quicknefs of the tranf-
ition.
In a riding, the fccnes are only the amufements of
the way, through which it proceeds without flopping :
m a garden they are principal; and the fubordination
of the walk raifes their importance. Every art, there¬
fore, fhould be exerted to make them feem parts of the
place.
II I D [2
Riding, place. Did ant profpecls cannot be fo and the alie-
^ nation does not oifend us 5 we are familiarized to it •,
the extent forbids every thought of a clofer connexion j
and if a continuation be preierved between them and
the points which command them, we are fatisfied. But
home-views fugged; other ideas j they appear to be with¬
in our reach : they are not only beautiful in profpefi:,
and we can perceive that the fpots are delightful; but
vve with to examine, to inhabit, and to enjoy them.
Every apparent impediment to that gratification is a
difappointment } and when the feenes begin beyond the
Opening, the confequence of the place is lowered ; no¬
thing within it engages our notice: it is an exhibi¬
tion only of beauties, the property of which ‘does not
belong to it; and that idea, though indifferent in a ri¬
ding, which is but a paffage, is very difadvantageous
to lueh a refidence as a garden. To obviate fuch an
idea, the points of .view Ihould be made important ;
the objebls within be appendages to thofe without j the
reparations be removed or concealed; and large por¬
tions of the garden be annexed to the fpots which are
contiguous to it. The ideal boundary of the place
is then carried beyond the feenes which are thus ap¬
propriated to it, and the wide circuit in which they lie,
and the different pofitions in which they may be ihown,
afford a greater variety than can generally be found in
any garden, the fceneiy of which is confined to the in-
- clofure.
Befcription Persfield (a) is not a large place j the park con-
of Persfidd. taitis about 300 acres j and the houfe Hands in the midft
of it. On the fide of the approach, the inequalities of
the ground are gentle, and the plantations pretty ; but
nothing there is great. On the other fide, a beautiful
lawn falls precipitately every way into a deep vale which
fhelves down the middle j the declivities are diverfified
with clumps and with groves ^ and a number of large
trees ifraggle along the bottom. This lawn is encom-
paffed with wood ; and through the wood are walks,
which open beyond it upon thofe romantic feenes which
furround the park, and which are the glory of Pers¬
field. The Wye runs immediately below the wood :
the river is of a dirty colour 5 but the lhape of its
courfe is very various, winding firft in the form of a
horfe-fhoe, then proceeding in a large fweep to the town
of Chepftowe, and afterwards to the Severn. The banks
are high hills; in different places lleep, bulging out, or
hollow on the fides *, rounded, flattened, or irregular at
top $ and covered with wood, or broken by rocks.
They are fometimes feen in front j fometimes in per-
fpeftive ; falling back for the paffage, or clofing behind
the bend of the river j appearing to meet, rifing above,
or (hooting out beyond one another. The wood which
inclofes the lawn crowns an extenfive range of thefe
hills, which overlook all thofe on the oppofite fhore,
■with the country which appears above or between them •,
and winding themfelves as the river winds, their fides,
all rich and beautiful, are alternately exhibited ; and the
point of view in one fpot becomes anobjeft to the next.
In many places the principal feature is a continued
rock, in length a quarter of a mile, perpendicular, high,
and placed upon a height. To refemble ruins is com-
) ] KID
mon to rocks: but no ruin of any Angle ftru&ure was R
ever equal to this enormous pile ; it i'eems to be the v-”“
remains of a city 3 and other imaller heaps fcattered
about it appear to be fainter traces of the former ex¬
tent, and itrengthen the fimilitude. It llretches along
the brow which terminates the foreit of Dean ; the
face of it is compofed of immenfe blocks of Hone, but
not rugged j the top is bare and uneven, but not craggy j
and from the foot of it, a declivity, covered with thick¬
et, Hopes gently towards the Wye, but in one part is
abruptly broken off by a ledge of rocks, of a different
hue, and in a different dire&ion. Trom the grotto it
feems to rife immediately over a thick wood, which ex¬
tends down a hill below the point of view, acrofs the
valley through which the Wye flows, and up the op¬
pofite banks, hides the river, and continues without in-
terrupdon to the bottom of the rock : from another feat
it is feen by ilfelf without even its bale ; it faces another,
with all its appendages about it j and fometimes the
fight of it is partially intercepted by trees, beyond which,
at a (jillance, its long line continues on through all the
openings between them.
Another capital objeft is the cafile of Chepflowe,
a noble ruin of great extent; advanced to the very edge
of a perpendicular rock, and fo immediately rivetted in¬
to it, that from the top of the battlements down to
the river feems but one precipice : the fame ivy which
overfpreads the face of the one, twines and cluflers
among the fragments of the other j many towers, much
of the walls, and large remains of the chapel, are Hand¬
ing. Clofe to it is a moH romantic wooden bridge,
very ancient, very grotefque, at an extraordinary height
abtfVe the river, and feeming to abut againH the ruins
at one end, and fome rocky hills at the other. The
caflle is fo near to the alcove at Persfield, that little
circumHances in it may be ditcerned 5 from other fpots
more diflant, even from the lawn, and from a ihrubbery
on the fide of the lawn, it is diltindlly vifible, and al¬
ways beautiful, whether it is feen alone, or with the
bridge, with the town, with more or with lefs of the
rich meadows which lie along the banks of the Wye,
to its j unilion three miles off with the Severn. A long
fweep of that river alfo, its red cliffs, and the fine rifing
country in the counties of Somerfet and GlouceHer, ge¬
nerally terminate the prolpeil.
MoH of the hills about Persfield are full of rocks ;
fome are intermixed with hanging woods, and either
advance a little before them, or retire within them, and
are backed, or overhung, or feparated by trees. In
the walk to the cave, a long fucceflion of them is fre¬
quently feen in perfpeitive, all of a dark colour, and
with wood in the intervals between them. In other
parts the rocks are more wild and uncouth •, and fome¬
times they Hand on the tops of the higheH hills ; at
other times down as low as the river j they are home-
obje6ls in one fpot, and appear only in the back-ground
of another.
The woods concur with the rocks to render the
feenes of Persfield romantic; the place everywhere
abounds with them *, they cover the tops of the hills j
they hang on the fleeps j or they fill the depths of the
valleys.
(a) The feat of Mr Morris, near Chepflowe, in Monmouthfhire.
RID [ 27 ] HID
^ding valleys. In one place they front, In another they rife
w jj above, in another they fink oelovv the point of view ;
they are feen fometimes retiring beyond each other, and
darkening as they recede ; and ibmetimes an opening
between two is doled by a third at a diltance beyond
them. A point, called the Lover's Leap, commands a
continued i'urface of the thicksft foliage, which over-
fpreads a vail hollow immediately underneath. Below
the Chinefe feat the courfe of the Wye is in the fiiape of
a horfe-lhoe : it is on <jne fide inclofed by a femicircular
hanging wood 5 the diredt iteeps of a table-hill fnut it
in on the other ; and the great rock fills the interval
between them : in the midli of this rude fcene lies the
peninfula formed by the river, a mile at the leatf in
length, and in the highefi: ifate of cultivation : near the
itlhmus the ground riles confidevably, and thence de-
fcends in a broken furface, till it flattens to the water’s
/edge at the other extremity. The whole is divided in¬
to corn fields and paftures ; they are feparated by hedge¬
rows, coppices, and thickets j open clumps and fingle
trees itand out in the meadows and houies and other
buildings, which belong to the farms, are fcattered
amonglt them : nature fo cultivated, furrounded by
nature fo wild, compofe a molt lovely landicape toge¬
ther.
The communications between thefe feveral points are
generally by clofe walks j but the covert ends near the
Chinefe feat; and a path is afterwards condufted through
the upper park to a rultic temple, which overlooks on
one fide fome of the romantic views which have been
defcribed, and on the other the cultivated hills and val¬
leys of Monmouththire. To the rude and magnificent
fcenes of nature now7 fucceeds a pleafant, fertile, and
and beautiful country, divided into inclofures, not co¬
vered with woods, nor broken by rocks and precipices,
but only varied by eafy fwells and gentle declivities.
Yet the profpeft is not tame \ the hills in it are high ;
and it is bounded by a vaft fweep of the Severn, which
is here vifible for many miles together, and receives in
its courfe the Wye and the Avon.
From the temple a road leads to the Windcliff, an
eminence much above the reft, and commanding the
whole in one view. The Wye runs at the foot of the
hill j the peninfula lies juft below7 ; the deep bofom of
the femicircular hanging wood is full in fight; over
part of it the great rock appears j all its bafe, all its
accompaniments, are feen ; the country immediately
beyond it is full of lovely hillocks •, and the higher
grounds in the counties of Someriet and Gloucerter rife
in the horizon. The Severn feems to be, as it really is,
above Chepftowe, three or four miles wide j below the
town it fpreads almoft to a fea j the county of Mon¬
mouth is there the hither ftiore, and between its beau¬
tiful hills appear at a great diftance the mountains of
Brecknock and Glamorganftnre. In extent, in varie¬
ty, and grandeur, few profpe&s are equal to ^his. It
comprehends all the noble fcenes of Persfield, encom-
pafled by fome of the fineft country in Britain. See
Gardening.
RIDLEY, Nicholas, bifhop of London, and a
martyr to the Reformation, w as defcended of an ancient
family, and born in the beginning of the 1 6th century,
at Wilmontfwick in Northumberland. From the gram-
mar-fchool at Newcaftle upon Tyne, he was fent to
Pembroke-hall in Cambridge, in the year 1518, w7here
he w7as fupported by his uncle Dr Robert Ridley, fcl- Richey,
low of Queen’s college. In 1522 he took his firll de- —V”"
gree in arts ; two years after, was elected fellow ; and,
in 1525, he commenced matter of arts. In 1527, ha¬
ving taken orders, he was fent by his uncle, for further
improvement, to the Sorbonne at Pans; from thence
he went to Louvain, and continued abroad till the year
152On his return to Cambridge, he was chofen un-
der-trealurer of the u uyerfity 5 and, in 1533, w7as elect¬
ed fenior proctor. He afterwards proceeded bachelor
of divinity, and was chofen chaplain of the univerfity,
orator, and magijler glomerice. At this time he was
much admired as a preacher and difputant. He loft his
kind uncle in 1536 ; but was foon after patronifed by
Dr Cranmer, archoilhop of Canterbury, who made him
his domeflic chaplain, and prefented him to the vicarage
of Herne in Ealt Kent ; where, we are told, he preach¬
ed the doftrine of the Reformation. In 1540, having
commenced dodtor of divinity, he. was made king’s chap¬
lain j and in the fame year, was eletted mailer of his
college in Cambridge. Soon after, Ridley was collated
to a prebend in the church of Canterbury ; and it was
not long before he was accuied in the biihop’s court, at the
mitigation of Biihop Gardiner, of preaching againft tire
doctrine of the Six Articles. The matter being referred
to Cranmer, Ridley was acquitted. In 1545, he was
made a prebendary of W'eitminfter abbey ; in 1347 was
prefented, by the felloivs of Pembroke-hall, to the living
of Soham, to the diocefe of Norwich ; and the fame
year w7as confecrated bifhop of Rochefter. In 15^0 he
was tranllated to the fee of London ; in which year he
was one of the commiftioners for examining Biihop Gar¬
diner, and concurred in his deprivation. In the year
1 1^52, our prelate returning from Cambridge, unfortu¬
nately for himfelf, paid a vifit to the Princefs, afterwards
Queen Mary ; to whom, prompted by his zeal for re¬
formation, he expreiTed himlelf with too much freedom :
for Ihe was fcarcely feated on the throne w'hen Ridley
was doomed a vidtim to her revenge. With Cranmer
and Latimer he was burnt alive at Oxford, on the 16th
of Odtober 1553- He w7rote, 1. A trealiie concerning
images in churches. 2. Brief declaration of the Lord’s
Supper. 3. Certain godly and comfortable conferences
between Biihop Ridley and Mr Hugh Latimer, during
their imprifonment. 4. A comparifon between the com¬
fortable dodtrine of the Gofpel and the traditions of the
Popilh religion and other works.
Ridley, Dr G/oJIer, was of the lame family with
the preceding. He was born at fea, in the year 1 702,
on board the Gloueefter Eaft Indiaman, from which
circumftancc he obtained his Chriftian name. He was
educated at Winchefter fchool, and afterwards obtain¬
ed a fellowlhip at New College, Oxford. He paid his
court to the mufes at an early period, and laid the
foundation of thofe folid and elegant acquifitions which
afterwards diftinguilhed him fo eminently as a divine,
hiftorian, and poet. During a vacation in 1728, he
joined with four friends in compofing a tragedy called
“ The Fruitlefs Redrefs,” each undertaking an aft
agreeably to a plan which they had previoully concert¬
ed. It was offered to Mr Wilkes, but never afted, and
is ftill in manufcript. Dr Ridley in his youth was ex¬
tremely attached to theatrical performances. The Re¬
drefs, and another called Jugurtha, were exhibited at
Midhurft in Suffex, and the actors were chiefly the gen-
D a tlemen
P, I E [ 28 ] R I E
Ridley tlemeii who affifted him in iheir compofition. We are
t1 . infarmed that he played Mark Anthony, JafFier, Ho-
" ; "'L . ratio, and Monefes, with very great applatife, which may
be readily inferred from his graceful manner of fpeaking
in the pulpit.
During a great part of his life he had only the fmall
college living of Weftow in Norfolk, and that of Poplar
in Middlefex, which was the place of his refidence.
His college added to thefe fome years after, the dona¬
tive of Romford in Effex, which left him little or no
time for what he confidered as the neceflary ftudies of
his profeflion. Yet in this fitualion he remained in the
pofleflion of, and fatisfied with domeflic felicity, and en¬
joyed the intimate friendship of fome who were equally
dillinguiflied for worth and learning.
The eight fermons which he preached at Lady Moyer’s
Lefture in 1740 and 1741, were given to the public in
1742. In the year 1756 he was invited to go to Ire¬
land as firft chaplain to the duke of Bedford, but de¬
clined to accept of it. In the year 1763 he publifhed
the life of Bithop Ridley, in 4to, by fubfcription, from
the profits of which he was enabled to purchafe 8001.
in the public funds. In the concluding part of his life
he loll both his fons, who were young men of confi-
derable abilities. The elder, called James, was author
of Tales of the Genii, and fome other literary perform¬
ances 5 and his brother Thomas was fent as a writer to
Madras by the Eaft India Company, where he fuddenly
died of the fmall pox. In the year 1765 Dr Ridley
publifhed his review of Philips’s Life of Cardinal Pole 5
and as a reward for his labours in this controverfy, he
-was prefented, in 1768, by Archbifhop Seeker with a
a rich prebend in the cathedral church of Salifbury ;
the only reward he received from the great during a
long and ufeful life. He was at laft worn out with in¬
firmities, and died in 1774, leaving behind him a wife
and four daughters. By his elegant epitaph, written by
Bifhop Lowth, we are informed that the univerfity of
Oxford, for his merits, conferred upon him the degree of
D. D. the highefl literary honour which that learned
body has to betfow.
RIENZI, Nicholas Gabrini de, one of the moil;
lingular charaffers of the 14th century, was born at
Rome, but it is not certainly known in what year. His
father, as fome affirm, was a vintner, but a miller accord¬
ing to others, and his mother was a laundrefs, yet they
found means to give their fon a liberal education ; and
to a fine natural underftanding he added uncommon ap¬
plication. He was well acquainted with the laws and
cuftoms of nations 5 and had a vafi memory, which en¬
abled him to retain much of Cicero, Valerius Maximus,
Livy, the two Senecas, and in particular Caefar’s Com¬
mentaries, which he conftantly perufed. This extenfive
erudition proved the foundation of his future rife. He
acquired the reputation of a great antiquarian, from the
time lie fpent among the inferiptions which are to be
iound at Rome, and thefe infpired him with exalted
ideas of the liberty, the grandeur, and juftice of the old
Romans. He even perfuaded himfelf, and found means
to perfuade others, that he fhould one day be the reftorer
of the Roman republic. The credulity of the people
was powerfully encouraged and llrengthened by his ad¬
vantageous ftature, by the attra&ions of his countenance,
i,nd by that air of confequence which he could affume
at pleafure. The joint energy of all thefe prepolfeffing
qualities iwade a deep and almoft indelible impreffion Rienzi.
on the minds of his hearers. U—-y—.
Nor was his fame merely confined to the vulgar, for
he even ingratiated himfelf into the good opinion of
many diftinguilhed perfonages belonging to the admi-
niftration. The Romans chofe him one of their deputies
to Pope Clement VI. then at Avignon, the purport of
whofe million was to perfuade his holinefs, that his ab-
fence from the capital was inimical to its interelf. His
commanding eloquence and gay converfation charmed
the court ot Avignon, from which Rienzi was encou¬
raged to tell the Pope, that the great men of Rome were
public thieves, robbers, adulterers, and profligates, by
whofe example the molt horrid crimes were fandtioned.
J his ill-timed freedom of fpeech made Cardinal Colon-
na his enemy, though the friend of genuine merit, be-
caufe he thought that fome of his family rvere abufed
by fuch a thundering philippic, in confequence of which
Rienzi was difgraced, and fell into extreme mifery, vexa¬
tion, and ficknefs, which, by being united with indigence,
brought him to an hofpital. But as the cardinal was
compaffionate, the offender was again brought before
the Pope, who being informed that Rienzi was a good
man, and the ttrenuous advocate of equity and juttice,
gave him higher proofs of his etfeem and confidence
than before, He was appointed apoflolic notary, and
fent back to Rome loaded with the effedfs of papal mu¬
nificence.
The fundtions of this office he executed in fuch a
manner as to become the idol of the people, whofe af-
fedtions he laboured to fecure by exclaiming againtl the
vices of the great, rendering them as odious as poffible,
for which imprudent liberties he was difmiffed from of¬
fice. In tins fituation of his affairs he endeavoured to
kindle and keep alive in the minds of the people a zeal
for their ancient liberties, difplaying emblems of the an¬
cient grandeur and prefent decline of the city, accom¬
panied with harangues and many expreffive pvedidfiens.
Such an intrepid, and at the fame time extraordinary
condudl, made fome regard him as a lunatic, while
others hailed him as their guardian and deliverer. When
he fuppofed that the numbers attached to his intereft
were fufficiently firong, he called them together, and
gave them a difrnal pitture of the Rate of the city, over¬
run with debaucheries, which their governors had no
capacity either to correct or amend. Pie declared that
the Pope could, even at the rate of fourpence, raife
100,000 florins by firing, an equal fum by fait, and as
much more by the cuftoms and other duties, infinuating
that he did not feize on the revenues without the con-
fent of his Holinefs.
This artful lie fo powerfully animated his hearers,
that they fignified their determination to fecure thefe
treafures for whatever purpofes might be moft conveni¬
ent, and that to his will they would chearfully devote
themfelves. This refolution he caufed them confirm by
an oath, and it is faid that he had the addrefs to procure
from the Pope’s vicar the fanclion of his authority. On
the 20th of May he pretended that he did nothing but
in confequence of the particular infpiration of the Holy
Ghoft, and about nine o’clock he came out of tire church
with his head bare, attended by the Pope’s vicar, and
about 100 men in armour. Haying proceeded diredtly
to the capital, and declared from the roftrum, with even
more than hk wonted boldnefs and energy, that the hour
II 1 E [ 29 ] R I G
Rienzl. of their emancipation was at length arrived ; that he
—v—' himfelf was to be their glorious deliverer, and that he
poured contempt on the clangers to which he might be
expofed in the fervice of his Holinefs, and for the hap¬
py deliverance of the people. The laws of the “ good
eflablithment” were next ordered to be read ; and he
reded affured that the Romans would refolve to obferve
thefe laws, in confequence of which he pledged himfelf
to re-tftablilh them in a fliort time in their ancient
grandeur and magnificence.
Plenty and fecurity were the bleflings pr'omifed by
the good eftablifhmeTtt, and the humbling of the nobles,
who were regarded as common oppreiTors. Such ideas
filled the people with tranfport, and they became zea-
loufly attached to the fanaticifm of Rienzi. The mul¬
titude declared him to be fovereign of Rome, to whom
they granted the power of life and death, of rewards and
punifhments, of making and repealing laws, of treating
with foreign powers, and a full and abfolute authority
over all the Roman territories.
Having thus arrived at the zenith of his ambition, he
concealed his artifice as much as poflible, and pretended
to be extremely averfe to accept of their proffered ho¬
nours, unlefs they would make choice of the Pope’s
vicar to be his copartner, and find means to procure the
fandlion of the Pope himfelf. His wifli to have the vi¬
car (bhhop of Orvieto) as his copartner was readily
complied with, while all the honours were paid to
Rienzi, the duped bifliop enjoying but a mere nominal
authority. Rienzi was feated in his triumphal chariot,
and the people were difmiffed, overwhelmed with joy
and expeftation. This ftrange eiedtion was ratified by
the Pope, although it was impofiible that he could in¬
wardly approve of it 5 and to procure a title exclufive
of the prerogative of his Holinefs, was the next objedl
of Rienzi’s ambition. Pie fought, therefore, and readily
obtained the title of magiflrate, which was conferred on
him and h'.s coadjutor, with the additional epithet of deli¬
verers of their country. The conduct of Rienzi immedi¬
ately fubfequent to this elevation juftly procured him efteem
and relpe£t, as well from the Romans as from neighbouring
Rates •, but as his beginning was mean and obfeure, he
foon became intoxicated with his hidden, his extraordi¬
nary elevation, and the incenfed nobles having confbired
againll him, and fuccefsfully drove him from an authori¬
ty which he had the prudence or addrefs to retain not
more than fix months. At this critical period his life
was only preferved by flight, and difguifes to which he
had afterwards recourfe.
Having made an ineffectual effort at Rome to regain
his authority, he went afterwards to Prague, to Charles
king of the Romans, in confequence of which rath ftep
he was thrown into prifon at Avignon, where he conti¬
nued for three years. When he procured his enlarge¬
ment, Pope Innocent IV. who fucceeded Clement, well
knew that many of the Romans were Hill attached to
Rienzi, and therefore he made choice of him as a fit ob-
je£l for affiding him in his defign of humbling the other
petty tyrants of Italy. In fliort, he was fet at liberty,
and appointed governor and fenator of Rome. It was
hoped that his chaftifement would teach him more mo¬
deration in future, and that gratitude would induce him
to preferve an inviolable attachment to the holy fee du¬
ring the remainder of his life. He met with confider-
able oppofition in affuming his Hew authority, but cun¬
ning and refolution enabled him to overcome it. But Rienzi
gratifying his pafhons, which were violent in the ex- . II.
treme, and difgracing his office and charadfer by adls of, T-i111^
cruelty ; he was murdered on the 8th of Oftober 1354.
Thus died Nicolas Rienzi, one of the moft extraordi¬
nary charadlers of the age in which he lived j who,
having formed a conlpiracy big with extravagance, and
carried it into execution nearly in the face of the whole
world, with fuch remarkable luccefs as to become fo¬
vereign of Rome ; having bleffed the Romans with plen¬
ty, liberty, and juflice ; having afforded prote£lion to
fome princes, and proved a terror to others j having be¬
come the arbiter of crowned heads, eftablifhed the an¬
cient majefty and power of the Roman republic, and fill¬
ed all Pmrope with his fame ; finally, having procured
their fanflion whofe authority he had ufurped in oppo¬
fition to their interefts •, he fell at laft a facrifice to the
nobles whofe ruin he had vowed, and to thole vaft projects,
the execution of which was only prevented by his death.
RIFLE, in Gunnery. See Gunnery, n° 36, ct feq.
RIGA, a large, ftrong, populous, and rich town of
the Ruffian empire, and capital of Livonia. It is a large
trading place, and has a very confiderable fortrefs ; the
trade is chiefly in corn, fkins, leather, and naval ftores.
It was taken by the Ruffians in 1710, after they had
blocked it up a long while, during which the inhabitants
were afflidted with the plague. The caftle is fquare, and
defended by four towers and fix baftions j befides which,
it has a fine arfenal. The proteflants have ftill a hand-
fome college here. The population is computed at-
27,000. It is fcated on a large plain on the river Dwi-
na. E. Long. 24. 25. N. Lat. 57. o.
RIGADOON, a gay and brilk dance, borrowed ori¬
ginally from Piovence in France, and performed in fi¬
gure by a man and woman.
RIGGING of a Ship, a general name given to all
the ropes employed to fupport the malls, and to extend
or reduce the fails, or arrange them to the difpolition of
the wind. The former, which are ufed to lultain the
malls, remain ufually in a fixed pofition, and are called
Jlanding rigging ; fuch are the fhrouds, flays, and back-
Rays. The latter, whofe office is to manage the fails,
by communicating with various blocks or pulleys, fi-
tuated in different parts of the malls, yards, Ihrouds,
&c. are comprehended in the general term of running
rigging ; fuch are the braces, fheets, haliards, clue-lines,
brails, &c.
In rigging a malt, the full: thing ufually fixed upon
its head is a circular wreath or rope, called the gromet,
or collar, which is firmly beat down upon the top of the
hounds. The intent of this is to prevent the Ihrouds
from being fretted or worn by the treflle-trees, or
Iboulders of the mall \ after this are laid on the two
pendants, from whofe lower ends the main or fore tackles
are fufpended ; and next, the fhrouds of the Hat board
and larboard fide, in pairs, alternately. The whole is
covered by the Hays, which are the largelt ropes of the
rigging.—When a yard is to be rigged, a gromet is alfo
driven firlt on each of its extremities; next to this are
fitted on the horfes, the braces, and laftly. the lifts or
top-fail Iheet-blocks,
The principal objefls to be confidered in rigging a
ILip, appear to be ftrength, convenience, and limplicity :
or, the properties of affording fufficient lecurity to the
mails, yards, and fails; of arranging the whole machi.
nery
■RIG [ 30 1 RIG
K'-ght- nery in the mod advantageous manner, to fuftain the
~ malts, and facilitate the management of the fails j and
of avoiding perplexity, and rejedting whatever is fuper-
fluous or unneceffary. The pet fedion of this art, then,
conlilts in retaining all thofe qualiaes, and in preferving
a iudicious medium between them. See Ship building.
RIGHT, in Geometry, iignilies the fame with llraight;
thus, a ftraight line is called a right one.
Right is a title conferred, 1. Together with Re¬
verend, upon all bilhops. 2. Together with Honour¬
able, upon earls, vifcounts, and barons. 3. By courtely,
together with Honourable, upon the fons ot dukes, mar-
quifes, and the eldell fons of earls. 4. Together with
Honourable, to the fpeaker of the houfe of commons }
but to no other commoner excepting thofe who are
members of his majefty’s moft honourable privy-council}
and the three lord mayors of London, York, and Dub¬
lin, and the lord provoit of Edinburgh, during their of¬
fice. See Honourable and Provost.
1 Hereditary RIGHT. See HEREDITARY.
The term Right is a word which, in the propriety of the
ri^-t aX* Englith language, is ufed fometimes as an adjedive and
piaine . fometimes as a fubftantive. As an adjedive it is nearly
of the fame import with Jit, fuitable, becoming, proper ;
* See Rec- and whiltl it expreffes a quality, it indicates a relation *.
tnude. Thus, tvhen -we fay that an adion is right, we mull; not
only know the nature of the adion, but if wTe fpeak in¬
telligibly, mull alfo perceive its relation to the end for
which it was performed •, for an adion may be right
with one end in view which would be wrong with ano¬
ther. The condud of that general w-ould be righf, who,
to fave an army that could not be otherwife faved, thould
place a fmall detachment in a Ration where he knew
they would all be inevitably cut off; but his condud
would be very wrong wrere he to throw away the life of
a tingle individual for any purpofe, however important,
which he knew how to accomplith without fuch a facri-
fice.
Many philofophers have talked of adions being right
and wrong in the abtlrad without regard to their na¬
tural confequences •, and converting the word into a tub-
ftantive, they have fancied an eternal rule of right, by
which the morality of human condud is in every parti¬
cular cafe to be tried. But in thefe phrafes we can dif-
cover no meaning. Whatever is right muft be to or\ fame
account or other; and whatever is Jit, muft be fit for lome
purpofe. When he who refts the foundation of virtue on
the moral fenfe, fpeaks of an adion being right, he muft
mean that it is fuch as, through the medium of that
fenfe, will excite complacency in the mind of the agent,
and gain to him the general approbation of mankind.
When he wdro refts moral obligation on thervillof God,
fpeaks of fome adions as right and of others as wrong,
he muft mean that the former are agreeable to the di¬
vine will, however made known to men, and the latter
difagreeable to it ; and the man Who deduces the law s
of virtue from what he calls the fitnefs oj things, muft
have fome end in view, for which things are fit, and de¬
nominate adions right or wrong as they tend to promote
or counterad that end.
But the wmrd right, ufed as a fubftantive, has in com¬
mon as well as in philofophical language a fignification
which at firft view7 appears to be very different from this.
It denotes a jujl claim or an honedpojpjjion. Thus w7e fay,
3 father has a right to reverence from his children, a
3
hufband to the love and fidelity of his wife, and a king Right,
to the allegiance of his lubjeds. But if we trace theie v~“-
rights to their fource, we lhall find that they are all lau;s
of moral obligation, and that they are called rights only
becaufe it is agreeable to the will of God, to the in-
ftindive didates of the moral fenfe, or to the fitnefs of
things, if fuch a phrafe has any meaning, that children
reverence their parents, that wives love their hufbands,
and that fubjeds pay allegiance to their lovereign. This
will be apparent to any man who lhall put to himfelf
fuch queftions as thefe : “ Why have parents a right to
reverence from their children, hulbands to the love of
their wives, and fovereigns to the allegiance of their
fubjeds ?” As theie queftions contain in them nothing
abfurd, it is obvious that they are each capable of a
precile anfwer j but it is impoffible to give to any of
them an anfwer which lhall have any meaning, and not
imply that right and obligation are reciprocal, or, in
other words, that wdrerever there is a right \\\oneperfon,
there is a correfponding obligation upon others. Thus
to the queftion, ‘7 Why have parents a right to reve¬
rence from their children ?” it may be anfwered, “ be¬
caufe, under God, they were the authors of their chil¬
dren’s being, and proteded them from danger, and fur-
Nnilhed them with neceffaries, when they were in a ftate
fo heiplefs that they could do nothing for themfelves.7’
This anfwer conveys no ottrer meaning than that there
is an obligation upon children, in return for benefits
received, to reverence their parents. But what is the
fource of this obligation ? It can only be the will of
God, the moral fenfe, or the fitnefs of things.
This view7 of the nature of right will enable us to
form a proper judgement of the affertion of a late writer,
“ that man has no rights.” The arguments by which Goodwin's
this apparent paradox is maintained, are not merely m-Political
genious and plaufible ; they are ablblutely conclufive. J‘lftice‘
But then our philofopher, who never choofes to travel
in the beaten track, takes the wmrd right in a fenfe ve¬
ry different from that in which it has been ufed by all
other men, and confiders it as equivalent to diferetionary
power. “ By the w7ord right (fays he) is underftood a Rights of
full and complete power of either doing a thing or man,
omitting it, without the perfon’s becoming liable to ani-
madverfion or cenfure from another •, that is, in other
words, without his incurring any degree of turpitude
or guilt.” In this fenfe of the word he affirms, and
affirms truly, that a man has no rights, no diferetionary
pow-er wffiatever, except in things of fuch total indiffe¬
rence as, whether “ he fhall fit on the right or on the
left fide of his fire, or dine on beef to-day or to-mor-
rown”
A propofition fo evidently true as this flood not in
need of argument to fupport it *, but as his arguments
are clearly expreffed, and afford a complete confutation
of fome popular errors fandlioned by the refpe&able
phrafe rights of mm, w7e (hall give our readers an oppor¬
tunity of ftudying them in his owm words.
“ Political fociety is founded on the principles of
morality and juftice. It is impoffible for intelledlual
beings to be brought into coalition and intercourfe
without a certain mode of condudl, adapted to their
nature and connexion, immediately becoming a duty
incumbent on the parties concerned. Men wmuld ne¬
ver have affociated if they had not imagined that, in
confequence of that afibciation, they would mutually
conduce
Real and
4
Various.
RIG, [5
conduce to tlie advantage and happiuefs of eacli other.
This is the real j urpofe, the genuine bafis, of their in-
tercourfe j and, as far as this purpcfe is anfwered, fo
far does iociety anfwer tire end of its inlfitution. There
is only one poilulate more that is neceffary to bring us
to a conclufive mode of reafoning upon this fubjedt.
Whatever is meant by the term right, there can neither
be oppofite rights, nor rights and duties hoitile to each
other. The rights of one man cannot claih with or be
dedru&ive of the rights of another : for this, inflead of
rendering the fubjcef an important branch of truth and
morality, as the advocates of the rights of man certain¬
ly underitand it to be, weuld be to reduce it to a heap
of unintelligible jargon and inconfiftency. If one man
have a right to be free, another man cannot have a right
to make him a Have ; if one man have a right to inflidl
chaftifement upon me, I cannot have a right to with¬
draw myfelf from chaftifement 5 if my neighbour have
a right to a fum of money in my poffeflion, I cannot
have a right to retain it in my pocket. It cannot be
lefs incontrovertible, that I have no right to omit what
my duty prefcribes. From hence it inevitably follows
that men have no rights.
“ It is commonly fakl, 1 that a man has a right to
the difpofal of his fortune, a right to the employment
of his time, a right to the uncontrolled choice of his
profeffion or purfuits.’ But this, can never be confift-
ently affirmed till it can be fhown that he has no duties,
prefcribing and limiting his mode of proceeding in all
thefe refpecfs.
“ In reality, nothing can appear more wonderful to a
careful inquirer, than that two ideas fo incompatible as
man and rights fliould ever have been affociated toge¬
ther. Certain it is, that one of them muit be utterly ex-
clufive and annihilatory of the other. Before we afcribe
rights to man, we muit conceive of him as a being en¬
dowed with intelleff, and capable of difcerning the dif¬
ferences and tendencies of things. But a being endowed
with intelleft, and capable of difcerning the differences
and tendencies of things, inflantly becomes a moral be¬
ing, and has duties incumbent on him to difcharge : and
duties and rights, as has already been ihown, are abfo-
lutely excluflve of each other.
“It has been affirmed by the zealous advocates of
liberty, ‘ that princes and magiftrates have no rights
and no pofition can be more incontrovertible. There
is no fituation of their lives that has not its correfpon-
dent duties. There is no power intrufted to them that
they are not bound to exercife exclulively for the public
good. It is ftrange, that perfons adopting this prin¬
ciple did not go a ilep farther, and perceive that the
fame reftridfions were applicable to fubjedls and citi¬
zens.”
This reafoning is unanfwerable •, but it militates not
againft the rights of man in the ufual acceptation of the
words, which are never employed to denote difcret ion¬
ary pow’er, but a juft claim on the one hand, implying
a correfponding obligation on the other. Whether the
phrafe be abfolutely proper is not worth the debating :
it is authorised by cuftom—the jus et norma loqvendi—
and is univerfally underftood except by fuch as the dae¬
mons of fadlion, in the form of paradoxical writers on
political juftice, have been able to miflead by fophiftical
xeafonings.
Rights, in the common acceptation of the word,
i ] RIG
are of various kinds : they are natural or adventitious,
alienable or unalienable, ptrfcB or imperfeB, particular
or general. See th(5 article Liberty.
Natural rights are thofe which a man has to his
life, limbs, and liberty j to the produce of his perfonal
labour ; to the ufe, in common with others, of air, light,
and water, &c. That every man has a natural right
or juft claim to thefe things, is evident from their being
abiolutely neceffary to enable him to anfwer that pur-
pofe, whatever it may be, for which he was made a li¬
ving and a rational being. This {hows undeniably, that
the Author of his nature defigned that he (hould have
the ute of them, and that the man who {hould wanton¬
ly deprive him of any one of them, would be guilty of
a breach of the divine law, as well as a£l inconfiftently
with the fitnefs of things in every fcnfe in which that
phrafe can poflibly be undertlood.
Adventitious rights are thofe which a king has over
his fubje&s, a general over bis foldiers, a hulband to the
perfon and affections ot his wile, and which every man
has to the greater part of his property. That the rights
of the king and the general are adventitious, is univer¬
fally admitted. The rights of property have been con-
fidered elfeuhere (fee Property) •, and though the hu¬
man conftitution {hows fufficiently that men and women
have a natural right to the ufe of each other, yet it is
evident that the exclujive right of any one man to any
one woman, and vice verfa, muft be an adventitious
right : But the important queftion is, How are adven¬
titious rights acquired ?
In anfwer to this queftion, the moralift who deduces
the laws of virtue from the will of God, obferves, that
as God appears from his works to be a benevolent Be-
ing, who walls the happinefs of all his creatures (fee
Metaphysics, N° 312.), he muft of courfe will every
thing which naturally tends to promote that happinefs.
But the exiftence of civil fociety evidently contributes
in a great degree to promote the fum of human happi¬
nefs (fee Society) \ and therefore whatever is necef-
fary for the fupport of civil fociety in general, or for
the conduCt of particular focieties already eftablilhed,
muft be agreeable to the will of God : But the alle¬
giance of TubjeCts to their fovereign, the obedience of
foldiers to their leader, the protection of private pro¬
perty, and the fulfilling of contrads, are all abfolutely
neceffary to the fupport of fociety : and hence the
rights of kings, generals, hufbands, and wives, &c.
though adventitious, and immediately derived from hu¬
man appointments, are not lefs facred than natural rights,
fince they may all be ultimately traced to the fame
fource. The fame conclufion may eafily be drawn by
the philofopher, who refts moral obligation on the fit¬
nefs of things or on a moral fenfe •, only it muft in each
ot thefe cafes partake of the inftability of its founda¬
tion.
To the facrednefs of- the rights of marriage* an au¬
thor already quoted has lately urged fome declamatory
objections. “ It is abfurd (fays he) to expeCt, that
the inclinations and wifties of two human beings {hould
coincide through any long period of time. To oblige
them to aCt and to live together, is to fubjeCt them to
fome inevitable portion of thwarting, bickering, and
unhappinefs. This cannot be otherwife, fo long as
man has failed to reach the ftandard of abfolute perfec¬
tion. The fuppofition that I muft have a companion
foJE
S
Natural
rights.
6
AdventL
tious
rights.
How acqui.
red.
3
ObjecftioRs
to 1‘ome of
thefe
tights.
9
Obviated.
RIG [ 32 ] RIG
for life, is the refult of a complication of vices. It is
the diftate of cowardice, and not of fortitude. It flows
from the defire of being loved and efteemed for fome-
thing that is not defet t.
“ But the evil of marriage, as it is practifed in Eu¬
ropean countries, lies deeper than this, ihe habit is,
for a thoughtlefs and romantic youth of each fex to
come together, to fee each other for a few times, and
under circumftances full of delufioc, and then to vow to
each other eternal attachment. What is the conie-
quence of this ? In almoft every inftance they find them-
felves deceived. They are reduced to make the bed
of an irretrievable miftake. Ihey are prefented with
the ftrongefl imaginable temptation to become the dupes
offaHehood. They are led to conceive it their wiled
policy to (hut their eyes upon realities 5 happy if by any
perverfion of iutelleid they can perfuade themfelves that
they were right in their firit crude opinion of their com¬
panion.
“ So long as two human beings are forbidden by
pofitive inftitution to follow the diaates of their own
mind, prejudice is alive and vigorous. So long as I
leek to engrofs one woman to myfelf, and to prohibit
my neighbour from proving his fuperior delert and leap¬
ing the fruits of it, I am guilty of the moll odious of
all monopolies. Over this imaginary prize men watch
with perpetual jealoufyand one man will find his de¬
fires and his capacity to circumvent as much excited, as
the other is excited to traverfe his projects and fruftrate
his hopes. As long as this Hate of fociety continues,
philanthropy will be croffed and cnecked in a thouland
ways, and the Hill augmenting dream ot abufe will con¬
tinue to flow. _ 4
“ The abolition of marriage wdll be attended with
no evils, f he intercourfe ot tire lexes will fall under
the fame fyflem as any other fpecies of friendlhip. Ex-
clufively of all groundlefs and obflinate attachments, it
will be impoflibie for me to live in the woild without
finding one man of a worth fuperior to that of any
other whom I have an opportunity of obferving._ To
this man I {hall feel a kindnefs in exaft proportion to
my apprehenfion of his worth. 1 he cafe will be pre-
cifely the fame with refpeft to the female fex ^ I fliall
afliduoufly cultivate the intercourfe of that woman whofe
accomplifhments fhall ftrike me in the moil powerful
manner. ‘ But it may happen that other men will feel
for her the fame preference that I do.’ I his will
create no difficulty. We may all enjoy her converfa-
tion •, and we {hall all be wife enough to confider the
fenfual intercourfe as a very trivial objefl. 1 his, like
every other affair m which two peifons aie concerned,
muff be regulated in each lucceffive inflance by the un¬
forced confent of either party. It is a mark of the ex¬
treme depravity of our prefent habits, that we are in¬
clined to fuppofe the fenfual inteicourle anywife ma¬
terial to the advantages arifing from the pureft affec¬
tion. Reafonable men now eat and drink, not from
the love of pleafure, but becaufe eating and drinking
are effential to our healthful exidence. Reafonable
men then will propagate their fpccies, not becaufe a
certain fenfible pleafure is annexed to this a£lion, but
becaufe it is right the fpecies diould be propagated ; and
the manner in which they exercife this funflion will be
regulated by the dilates of reafon and duty.”
It is right then, according to this political innovator,
that the fpecies diould be propagated, and reafonable Rigid-
men in his Utopian commonwealth would be incited by
reafon and duty to propagate them : but the way to
fulfil this duly, experience, which is feldom at one with
fpeculative reformation, has already demondrated, not
to confid in the promiicuous intercourfe of feveral men
with one woman, but in the fidelity of individuals of
the two fexes to each other. Common proilitutes among
us feldom prove with child ; and the ibciety ot Arreoys
in Otaheite, who have completely diveded themfelves ot
what our author calls prejudice, and are by no means
guilty of his moj} odious of all monopolies, are for the moil
part chiidlels (tee Otaheite). He feems to think that
a date of equal property would neceffarily dedroy our
reliffi for luxury, decreafe our inordinate appetites of every
kind, and lead us univerfally to prefer the pleafures of in-
telledl to the pleafures of fenfe. But here again experi¬
ence is againd him. The Arreoys, who have a property
in their women perfedlly equal, are the moll luxurious and
fenfual wretches on the face ot the earth; fenlual indeed
, to a degree of which the mod libidinous European can
hardly form a conception.
By admitting it to be a duty to propagate the fpecies,
our author mud neceffarily grant that every thing is right
which is requifite to the fulfilling of that duty, and the
contrary wrong. If fo, promifeuous concubinage is wrong,
fince we have feen, that by a law of nature it is incom¬
patible with the duty ; whence it follows on his own
principles, that the fexual union by pairs mud be right.
The only quedion therefore to be decided between him
and his opponents is, “ Whether Ihould that union be
temporary or permanent ?” And we think the following
obfervations by Mr Paley fufficient to decide it to the
conviction of every perfon not blinded by the rage of in¬
novation.
“ A lawgiver, whofe counfels were dire£led by views
of general utility, and obftrudled by no local impediments,
would make the marriage-contraft indiiloluble during the
joint lives of the parties, for the fake ot the following ad¬
vantages : Such an union tends to preferve peace and con¬
cord between married perfons, by perpetuating their com¬
mon intered, and by inducing a neceflity of mutual com¬
pliance. An eaiflier termination of it would produce a
feparate intered. The wife would naturally look forward
to the diffolution of the partnerfhip, and endeavour to
draw to herfelf a fund againd the time when die was no
longer to have accefs to the fame refources. I his would
beget peculation on one fide, and miltrud on the otoer;
evils which at prelent very little ditlurb the confidence
of married life. The fecond effedl of making the union
determinable only by death, is not lefs beneficial. It
neceffarily happens, that adverfe tempers, habits, and
tades, oftentimes meet in marriage. In which cafe, each
party mud take pains to give up what oftends, and prac¬
tice what may gratify, the other. A man and woman
in love with each other do this infenfibly : but love is
neither general nor durable; and where that is wanting,
no leffons of duty, no delicacy of fentiment, will go halt
fo far with the generality of mankind and womankind
as this one intelligible refledlion, that they mull each
make the bed of their bargain; and that feeing they mud
either both be miferable or both fhare in the lame hap-
pinefs, neither can find their own comfort but in promo¬
ting the pleafure of the other. Thefe compliances, though
at fird extorted by neceffity, become in time ealy and
mutual ;
Right.
io
Rights a-
lienab'e
and unali¬
enable ;
ft I G [
mutual; and thouglt lefs endearing than aiTiduities which
take their rife from affeftion, generally procure to the
married pair a repofe and fatisfaftion fufficient for their
happinefs.”
So differently from our author does this judicious writer
reafon concerning the effects of a permanent union on the
tempers of the married pair. Inftead of fubjefting them
to fome inevitable portion of thwarting, bickering, and
unhappinefs, it lays them, in his opinion, under the ne-
ceffity of curbing their unruly paffions, and acquiring
habits of gentlenefs, forbearance, and peace. To this
we may add, that both believing the children propaga¬
ted during their marriage to be their own (a belief unat¬
tainable by the father in a ftate of promifcuous concubi¬
nage), they come by a natural procefs of the human paf¬
fions (fee PaSsion) to love each other through the medi¬
um of their offspring. But if it be the duty of man to
acquire a fpirit firft pure, then peaceable, gentle, and
eafy to be intreated, it muft be agreeable to the will of
God, and a branch of the fitnefs of things, that the fex-
ual union laft during the joint lives of the parties} and
therefore the exclufive right of marriage, though ad¬
ventitious, muft be equally facred with thofe which are
natural.
But to return from this digreflion, into which the im¬
portance of the fubjeft led us, rights, befides being na¬
tural or adventitious, are likewife alienable or unaliena¬
ble. Every man, when he becomes the member of a
civil community, alienates a part of his natural rights.
In a ftate of nature, no man has a fuperior on earth, and
each has a right to defend his life, liberty, and property
by all the means which nature has put in his power. In
civil fociety, however, thefe rights are all transferred to
the laws and the magiftrate, except in cafes of fuch ex¬
treme urgency as leave not time for legal interpofition.
This fingle confideration is fufficient to fhow, that the
right to civil liberty is alienable ■, though, in the vehe¬
mence of men’s zeal for it, and in the language of fome
political remonftrances, it has often been pronounced to
be an unalienable right. “ The true reafon (fays Mr
Paley) why mankind hold in deteftation the memory of
thofe who have fold their liberty to a tyrant is, that,
together with their own, they fold commonly or endan¬
gered the liberty of others 5 of which they had certainly
no right to difpofe.” The rights of a prince over his people,
and of a hufband over his wife, are generally and natu-
x t rally unalienable.
perfedt and Another divifion of rights is into thofe which are per-
isnperfedt. fe<ft and thofe which are imperfetft. Perfeft rights are
fuch as may be precifely afcertained and afferted by
force or in civil fociety by the courfe of law. To imper-
feift: rights neither force nor law is applicable. A man’s
rights to his life, perfon, and property, are all perfedt ;
for if any of thefe be attacked, he may repel the attack
by inftant violence, punifh the aggreffor by the courfe
of law, or compel the author of the injury to make refti-
tution or fatisfadtion. A woman’s right to her honour
is likewife perfedt; for if (lie cannot otherwife efcape,
flie may kill the ravifher. Every poor man has undoubted
right to relief from the rich : but his right is imperfedt,
for if the relief be not voluntarily given, he cannot com¬
pel it either by law or by violence. There is no duty
upon which the Chriftian religion puts a greater value
than alms-giving ; and every preachef of the gofpel has
an undoubted right to inculcate the pradlice of it upon
Yol. XVIIL Part I.
j3 1 . RIG
, his audience : but even this right is imperfedl, for he Right,
cannot refufe the communion to a man merely on account—v——^
of his illiberality to the poor, as he can to another for
the negledt of any duty comprehended under the term
juftice. In eledtions or appointments to offices, where
the qualifications are prefcribed, the beft qualified can¬
didate has unqueftionably a right to fuccefs ; yet if
he be rejedted, he can neither leize the office by force,
nor obtain redrefs at law. His right, therefore, is im-
perfedt.
Here a queftion naturally offers itfelf to our confidera
tion : “ How comes a perfon to have a right to a thing,
and yet have no right to ufe the means neceffary to ob¬
tain it ?” The anfwer is, That in fuch cafes the objedl
or the circumftances of the right are fo indeterminate,
that the permiffion of force, even where the right is real
and certain, would lead to force in other cafes where
there exifts no right at all. Thus, though the poor man
has a right to relief, who ffiall afcertain the mode,-feafon,
and quantum of it, or the perfon by whom it ftiall be
adminiftered ? Thefe things muft be afcertained be¬
fore the right to relief can be enforced by law; but to
allow them to be afcertained by the poor themfelves,
would be to expofe property to endlefs claims. In like
manner, the comparative qualifications of the candidate
muft be afcertained, before he can enforce his right to the
office but to allow him to afcertain his qualifications him-
felf, would be to make him judge in his own caufe between
himfelf and his neighbour.
Wherever the right is imperfedl on one fide, the cor- Imperfe<ft
refponding obligation on the other muft be impeifedt like- bghts e-
wife. The violation of it, however, is often not with
criminal in a moral and religious view than of a perfedt th0fe which
obligation. It is well obferved by Mr Paley,.that greater are perfedt.
guilt is incurred by difappointing a worthy candidate of
a place upon which perhaps his livelihood depends, and
in which he could eminently ferve the public, than by
filching a book out of a library, or picking a pocket of a
handkerchief The fame fentiment has been expreffed
by Mr Godwin, but in terms by much too ftrong, and
fuch as Ihow that he was not at the time complete maf-
ter of his fubjedt. “ My neighbour (fays he) has juft as
much right to put an end to my exiftence with dagger
or poifon, as to deny me that pecuniary affiftance without
which I muft ftarve, or as to deny me that affiftance
without which my intellectual attainments, or my moral
exertions, will be materially injured. He has juft as
much right to amufe himfelf with burning my houfe, or
torturing my children upon the rack, as to ffiut himfelf
up in a cell, carelefs about his fellow men, and to hide
‘ his talent in a napkin.’
It is certainly true, that the man who fhould fuffer
another to ftarve for want of that relief which he knew
that he alone could afford him, would be guilty of mur¬
der, and murder of the cruelleft kind 5 but there is an
immenfe difference between depriving fociety of one of
its members, and with-holding from that member what
might be neceffary to enable him to make the greateft
poffible intelledlual attainments. Newton might have
been ufeful and happy though he had never been acquaint¬
ed with the elements of mathematics j and the late ce¬
lebrated Mr Ferguflbn might have been a valuable mem¬
ber of fociety, though he had never emerged from his
original condition of a Ihepherd. The remainder of the
paragraph is too abfurd to require a formal confutation.
E ^ Had
RIG f 34 ] RIG
Had our author, burying his talent in a napkin, fhut him-
Rl^^ouf'felf up feven years ago in a cell, cartlefs about his fellow
rT- ^ men and political jujlice, he would have deprived the
public of what he doubtlefs believes to be much ufeful
inftruftion ; but had he at that period amufed himfelf
with burning his neighbour’s houfe, and torturing on
the rack two or three children, he would have cut off,
for any thing he could know, tw'O or three future New¬
tons, and have himfelf been cut off" by the infulted laws
of his country. Now, without fuppoling the value of
ten Newtons to be equal to that of one Godwin, we
are warranted to fay, that however great his merits may
be, they are not infinite, and that the addition ot thofe
of one Newton to them would undoubtedly increafe
^ their fum.
Rights par- Rights are particular or general. Particular rights
titular and are fuch as belong to certain individuals or orders of
general. men, and not to others. The rights of kings, of ma¬
ilers, of hufbands, of wives, and, in Ihort, all the rights
which originate in fociety, are particular. General
rights are thofe which belong to the fpecies colledtively.
Such are our rights to the vegetable produce of the
earth, and to the ffeih of animals tor tood, though about
the origin of this latter right there has been much diver-
fity of opinion, which we have noticed in another place.
(See Theology, Part I. fedl. 2d). If the vegetable
produce of the earth be included under the general rights
of mankind, it is plain that he is guilty ol wrong who
leaves any confiderable portion of land wafte merely for
his own amufement : he is leffening the common flock
of provifion which Providence intended to diftribute
among the fpecies. On this principle it would not be
eafy to vindicate certain regulations refpefting game, as
well as fome other monopolies which are protebled by
the municipal laws of moft countries. Mr Paley, by
juft reafoning, has eftablifhed this conclufion, “ that
nothing ought to be made exclufive property which can
be conveniently enjoyed in common.” An equal divi-
fion of land, however, the dream of fome vifionary re¬
formers, wrould be injurious to the general rights of
mankind, as it may be demonftrated, that it would lef-
fen the common flock of provifions, by laying every
man under the neceflity of being his own weaver, tailor,
fhoemaker, fmith, and carpenter, as well as ploughman,
14 miller, and baker. Among the general rights of man-
Rights of kinc} is the right of neceffity; by which a man may ufe
scccflitj- or (iefir0y his neighbour’s property wrhen it is abfolutely
neceflary for his owm prefervation. It is on this princi¬
ple that goods are thrown overboard to fave the ftiip,
and houfes pulled down to flop the progrefs of a fire.
In fuch cafes, however, at leaft in the laft, reftitution
ought to be made when it is in our power •, but this re-
Aitution will not extend to the original value of the
property deftroyed, but only to what it was worth at
the time of deftroying it, which, confidering its danger,
might be very little.
RIGHTEOUSNESS, means juftice, honefty, vir¬
tue, goodnefs, and amongft Chriflians is of exa&ly the
fame import with holinefs, without which, we are told,
no man ihall fee the Lord. The doftrine of the fall,
and of redemption through Jefus Chri’t, has occafioned
much deputation, and given rife to many Angular no¬
tions in the world. The haughty philosopher, diiTatis-
fied with myfteries, and with the humiliating doftrine
of atonement by a crucified Saviour, has made a religion
for himfelf, which he calls rational Chrijiianiiy; and I
the enthufiaft, by extratling doctrines from Scripture
which are not contained in it, and which are repugnant
to its fpirit, has given too much countenance to this pre-
lumption. The do&rine of imputed righteoufnefs, by
which the merit of Chrift is laid to be imputed to us,
appears to be of this number } and though it has been
held by many good, and by fome learned men, it is
ceitainly in general unfriendly to virtue, as will be
readily allowed by ail who have converfed with the
more ignorant fort of Methodifis in England or Sece-
ders in Scotland. That it does not follow’ from the
do&rine of the atonement, and confequently that it has
no ioundation in Scripture, will appear elfewhere. See
Theology.
Bill oj Rights, in Law, is a declaration delivered
by the lords and commons to the prince and princefs of
Orange, 13th February 1688 ; and afterwards enarited
in parliament, when they became king and queen. It
lets forth, that King James did, by the afliftance of di¬
vers evil counfellors, endeavour to fubvert the laws and
liberties of this kingdom, by exercifing a power of dil-
penfing with and lufpending of laws } by levying money
for the ufe of the crown by pretence of prerogative with¬
out confent of parliament; by profecuting thofe who
petitioned the king, and difeouraging petitions ; by rai¬
ling and keeping a Handing army in time of peace ; by
violating the freedom of eleftion of members to ferve in
parliament ; by violent profecutions in the court of
king’s bench and carding partial and corrupt jurors to
be returned on trials, exceflive bail to be taken, excef-
five fines to be impofed, and cruel punifhments infiitff-
ed ; all which were declared to be illegal. And the
declaration concludes in thefe remarkable words : “ And
they do claim, demand, and infift upon, all and lingu¬
lar the premiles, as their undoubted rights and liberties.”
And the a£i of parliament itfelf (x W. and M. flat. 2.
cap. 2.) recognizes “ all and lingular the rights and li¬
berties, afferted and claimed in the faid declaration, to
be the true, ancient, indubitable rights of the people of
this kingdom.” See Liberty.
RIGIDITY, in Physics, denotes a brittle hard-
nefs. It is oppofed to dudility, malleability, and foft-
nefs.
RIGOLL, or Regals, a kind of mufical inftru-
ment, conlifting of ftveral flicks bound together, only
feparated by beads. It is tolerably harmonious, being
well ft ruck with a ball at the end of a flick. Such is
the account which Graflineau gives of this inftrument.
Skinner, upon the authority of an old Englifh didion-
ary, reprefents it as a clavichord, or claricord ; poflibly
founding his opinion on the nature of the office of the
tuner of the regals, who Hill fubfirts in the eftablilhment
of the king’s chapel at St James’s, and whofe bufmefs is
to keep the organ of the chapel royal in tune ; and not
knowing that fuch wind inftruments as the organ need
frequent tuning, as well as the clavichord and other
ftringed inftruments. Sir Henry Spelman derives the
word rigoll from the Italian rigabcllo, a mufical inflru-
ment, anciently ufed in churches inftead of the organ.
Walther, in his defeription of the regal, makes it to he
a reed-work in an organ, with metal and alio wooden
pipes and bellow’s adapted to it. And he adds, that the
name of it is fisumofed to be owing to its having been
prefented by the inventor to fome king.—From an ac¬
count
R I N [ ;
K.jgoiI count of the regal ufed in Germany, and other parts of
.11 Europe, it appears to confift of pipes and keys on one
R'n's' fide, and the bellows and uind-chefi on the other. We
may add, that Lord Bacon (Nat. Hift. cent. ii. § 10 2.)
dithnguifires between the regal and organ, in a manner
which (hows them to be inftruments of the fame clafs.
Upon the whole, there is realon to conclude, that the
regal or rigoll was a pneumatic, and not a ftringed in-
ft rumen t.
Merfennus relates, that the Flemings invented an in-
flrument, les regales ile bois, confifting of 17 cylindrical
pieces of wood, decreafing gradually in length, fo as to
produce a fuccefiion of tones and femitones in the diato¬
nic feries, which had keys, and was played on as a fpi-
net; the hint of which, he fays, was taken from an in-
ftrument, in ufe among the Turks, confifting of 12
wooden cylinders, of difterent lengths, ftrung together,
which being fufpended and ftruck with a ftick, having
a ball at the end, produced mufic. Hawkins’s Hift.
Muf. vol. ii. p. 449.
RIGOR, in Medicine, a convulfive Ihuddering from
fevere cold, an ague fit, or other diforder.
RIMINI, an ancient, populous, and handfome town
of Italy, in Romagna, which is part of the territory of
the church, with a bilhop’s fee, an old caftle, and a
ftrong tower ; as alfo many remains of antiquity, and
very fine buildings. It is famous for a council in 1359,
confining of 400 bithops, who were all Arians except
20. It is feated in a fertile plain, at the mouth of the
river Marecchia, on the gulf of Venice. E. Long.
12. 39. N. Lat. 44. 6.
RIND, the ikin of any fruit that may be cut oft or
pared. Rind is alfo ufed for the inner bark of trees,
or that whitifti foft fubftance which adheres immediately
to the ivood. See Plant.
RING, an ornament of gold and filver, of a circular
figure, and ufually worn on the finger.
The epifcopal ring (which makes a part of the ponti¬
fical apparatus, and is efteemed a pledge of the fpiritual
marriage between tbe bilhop and his church) is of very
ancient Handing. The fourth council of Toledo, held
in 633, appoints, that a bilhop condemned by one coun¬
cil, and found afterwards innocent by a fecond, ftiall be
reftored, by gwing him the ring, ftaff, &c. From
bilhops, the cuftom of the ring has palled to cardinals,
who are to pay a very g reat fum pro jure annuli cardi-
tialltii.
Ring, in 'Navigation and AJIronomy, an inftrument
made ufe of for taking an altitude of the fun, &c. It
is commonly of brafs, about nine inches in diameter,
fufpended by a finall fwivel, at the diftancecf 450, from
the point of which there is a perforation, being the cen¬
tre of a quadrant of 90° divided in the inner concave
furfacc. It is to be held up by the fwivel when ufed,
and turned round to the fun, till his rays, falling
through the hole, form a fpot among the degrees, by
which the required altitude is pointed out. This inftru-
rnent is deemed preferable to the aftrolabe, becaufe the
divifions are larger than on that inftrument.
RINGS. The antiquity of rings is known from
Scripture and profane authors. Judah left his ring or
figuet with Tamar (Gen. xxxviii. 18.). When Pharaoh
committed the government of all Egypt to Jcfeph, he
took his ring from his finger, and gave it to Jofeph
(Gen. xli. 42.). After the victory that the Ifraelites
5 ] RIO
obtained over the Midianites, they offered to the Lord Rings
the rings, the bracelets, and the golden necklaces, and ^ ^
the ear-rings, that they had taken from the enemy neiro
(Numb. xxxi. 50.). The Ifraelitifh women wore rings u—y——
not only on their fingers, but alfo in their nofinis and
their ears. St James diitinguilhes a man of wealth and
dignity by the ring of gold that he wore on his finger
(James ii. 2.). At the return of the prodigal Ion, his
father orders him to be dreffed in a new fuit of clothes,
and to have a ring put upon his finger (Luke xv. 22.).
When the Lord threatened King Jeconiah wfith the ut-
moft effedls of his anger, he tells him, that though he
wore the fignet or ring upon his finger, )et he ftrould
be torn oft' (Jer. xxii. 24.).
The ring was ufed chiefly to feal with; and the Scrip¬
ture generally puts it in the hands of princes and great
perfons ; as the king of Egypt, Jofeph, Ahaz, Jezebel,
King Ahafuerus, his favourite Hainan, Mordecai, wno
fucceeded Haman in his dignity, King Darius (1 Kings
xxi. 8.; Efther iii. 10, &c.; Dan. vi. 17.). The pa¬
tents and orders of thefe princes were fealed with their
rings or fignets; and it was this that fetured to them
their authority and refpefL See the article Seal.
RlNG-Bone. See Farriery Index.
RiNG-Oufel, a fpecies of Turdus. See Ornithology
Index.
RIO-GRANDE, a river of Africa, which runs from
eaft to weft through Negroland, and falls into the At¬
lantic ocean, in 11 degrees of latitude. Some take it
to be a branch of the Niger, of which there is not the
leaft proof.
RIO de Janeiro, the name of one of the provinces
into which Brazil, the Portuguefe portion of South
Ameiica, is divided, and by far the moft important, in
confequence of the difeovery and improvement of the
gold and diamond mines about 300 miles to the north-
weft. The diamond mines are the exclufive property of
the crown, as well as a fifth part of the gold. The peo¬
ple have of late begun to manufacture many necefiary
articles for their own confumption. The foil is luxu¬
riant, producing fpontaneoufly moft kinds of fruit ; and
the ground is covered with one continued foreft of trees
of perpetual verdure, which, from the exuoerance of
the foil, are fo entangled with briars, thorns, and un¬
derwood, as to form a thicket abfolutely impenetrable,
except by fome narrow foot paths, which the inhabitants
have made for their own convenience. The woods are
extremely fragrant, from the many aromatic trees and
flnubs with which they abound ; and the fruits and ve¬
getables of every climate thrive here almoft without cul¬
ture, and are to be procured in great abundance. The
water is excellent; and among the ordinary produfHons
of this richeft province of Brazil may be ranked cotton,
fugar, coffee, cocoa, wheat, rice, pepper, and abun¬
dance of tobacco. Vines are here met with in great
perfe&ion, but the grapes are not preffed for the pur-
pofe of obtaining wine. Gold, filver, and precious
ftones, are annually exported by the Portuguefe, whofe
indolence, efpecially with refpeft to inveftigation and
refearch, has prevented them from giving to the world
any fatisfadftory accounts concerning thofe remote regions
which are fubjett to their authority.
RlO de Janeiro, or St Sebajlian, an extenfive city, the
metropolis of the foregoing province of Brazil, and the
fee of a billiop. It has a very extenfive and commodi-
E 2 ous
RIO [ 36 ] RIO
R.10 de Ja- ons harbour, which is defended by a number of forts.
, nei!0' The city is built upon ground which is rather low, and
was at one period of a fwampy nature j it is environed
by hills which exclude in a great meafure the advantages
of freih air, both from the land and the fea, on which
account the fummers are inimical to health, the heat be¬
ing almoft fuffocating. The different mechanics carry
on their refpedtive branches in diftindt parts of the town,
particular trades having particular ftreets affigned to
them. The viceroy’s palace is eredted on the fide of an
extenfive fquare ; and there are fountains in different
other fquares, to which an aquedudt of confiderable
length conveys water over valleys by a double row of
arches. On the extreme point are a fort called Santa
Cruz, built on a prodigious rock of granite, and a Be-
nedidbine convent, jutting into the harbour, oppofite to
which is Serpent ifland, where there are houles for ma¬
gazines and naval ftores, together with a dock-yard.
The warehoufes for the reception and preparation of
' Haves from Africa for fale, are in another part of the
harbour, known by the name of Va/ Longa. The city of
Rio Janeiro is fituated near the mouth of a river of the
fame name in the Atlantic ocean. The ftreets of this
city are in general well paved and ftraight. The houfes
in general are two ftories high, covered with tiles, and
have balconies of wood extending in front of the upper
ftories ; but the beft of them have that dull and heavy
appearance which muft necefiarily be the cafe when lat¬
ticed windows fupply the want of glafs. The rocks in
its vicinity are granite, of a red, wTite, or deep blue
colour, the laft being of a compadt and hard tex¬
ture.
Females of rank and diftindlion are faid to have fine
dark eyes, countenances full of animation, and their
heads only ornamented with their trelfes, which are
bound up with ribbons and flowers. There are nume¬
rous convents and monalleries, and labour is in general
performed by Haves, 20,000 of w'hich are faid to be an¬
nually imported. v Rio de Janeiro is a city of very confi¬
derable extent, and the population, including Haves, has
been eftimated at 60,000 ; but according to Dr Morfe,
at no fewer than 200,000, as wTe find in his American
Gazetteer, publifired in 17985 yet it appears extraordi¬
nary, that in fuch a city there is neither inn, nor hotel,
nor any fort of accommodation for the reception of
ftrangers. Such accommodation, however, is fcarcely
neceffary, the weak and jealous government being fo in-
hofpitable, as to prohibit ftrangers from remaining on
ftrore after the going down of the fun, and from walk¬
ing the ftreets during the day without military fpies.
When Mr Barrow vifited this place, he found only
two bookfellers drops in it, after a long fearch, and
many inquiries 5 but they contained nothing uleful or in-
terefting to a native of Britain. A number of old vo¬
lumes on the fubjeifts of alchemy and medicine, many
more on church hiftory and theological controverfy,
with a few on the mighty deeds of the houfe of Bragan..
za, w’ere all their catalogues contained.
It is faid that the inhabitants fometimes go in (mail
parties to the Public Garden, where they take fupper,
walk, and enjoy themfelves with mufic and fireworks to
a very late hour of the night.
Rio de Janeiro may juftly be regarded as the grand
central point on the coaft of the Brazils, from which
every other part of it may be at any time overawed.
Its regular force is faid to confift of two fquadrons of Rio de la-
cavalry, two regiments of artillery, fix regiments of in- neiro
fantry, two battalions of clifciplined militia, and 2CO p|^
difeiplined free negroes, making a fum total of more • ‘
than 10,000 men 5 but Mr Barrow is of opinion that
this eftimate is much exaggerated, fince during his flay
in that city he could difeover nothing to warrant fuch a
conclufion 5 and he is inclined to think that the whole
force of the Brazils united cannot exceed the number of
10,000 men. This place, which has for a time at leaft
become the refidence of the royal family and government
of Portugal, will, no doubt, acquire additional import¬
ance, and may perhaps at fome future period be the
feat of a mighty empire.
RlO Janeiro, a river which rifes in the weftern moun¬
tains of Brazil, and running eaft through that country,
fails into the Atlantic ocean at St Sebaftian.
RIOM, an ancient town of France, in the depart¬
ment of Puy de Dome 5 leated on a hill, in fo agreeable
a country, that it is called the garden of Auvergne.
E. Long. 3. 12. N. Lat. 45. 51.
RIOT, in Law. The riotous aflembling of 12 per-
fons, or more, and not difperfing upon proclamation,
wras firft made high treafon by ftatute 3 and 4 Edwr. VE
c. 5. yvhen the king was a minor, and a change of reli¬
gion to be effected : but that ftatute wTas repealed by
ftatute 1 Mar. c. 1. among the other treafons created
ftnee the 25 Edw. III. 5 though the prohibition was in
fubftance re-enafted, with an inferior degree of punifir-
ment, by ftatute 1 Mar. ft. 2. c. 12. which made the
fame offence a fingle felony. Thefe ftatutes fpecified
and particularized the nature of the riots they wjere
meant to fupprefs 5 as, for example, fuch as were fet on
foot with intention to offer violence to the privy-coun¬
cil, or to change the laws of the kingdom, or for
certain other fpecific purpofes 5 in which cafes, if the
perfons were commanded by proclamation to difperfe,
and they did not, it was by the ftatute of Mary made
felony, but within the benefit of clergy 5 and alfo the
aft indemnified the peace-officers and their affiftants, if
they killed any of the mob in endeavouring to fupprefs
fuch riot. This was thought a neceffary fecurily in that
fanguinary reign, when popery was intended to be re-
eftablilhed, which wras like to produce great difeontents:
but at fivft it was made only for a year, and was after¬
wards continued for that queen’s life. And, by ftatute
1 Eliz. c. 16. w hen a reformation in religion was to be
once more attempted, it was revived and continued du¬
ring her life alfo 5 and then expired. From the accef-
fion of Janies I. to the death of Queen Anne, it was ne¬
ver once thought expedient to revive it 5 but, in the
firft year of George I. it was judged neceffary, in order
to fupport the execution of the aft of fettlement, to re¬
new it, and at one ftroke to make it perpetual, with
large additions. For, whereas the former afts exprefsly
defined and fpecified what fhould be accounted a riot,
the ftatute 1 Geo. I. c. 5. enafts, generally, that if any
1 2 perfons are unlawfully affembled to the difturbance
of the peace, and any one juftice of the peace, fheriff,
under-fheriff, or mayor of a town, fhall think proper to
command them by proclamation to difperfe, if theycon-
tomn his orders and continue together for one hour af¬
terwards, fuch contempt lhall be felony without benefit
of clergy. And farther, if the reading of the procla¬
mation be by force oppoled, or the reader be in any
manner
Pv I P [ 37 1 RIP
manner wilfully hindered from the reading of it, fuel)
Papen. 0ppofers and hinderers are felons without benefit of cler-
gy •, and all perfons to w7hom fuch pioclamation oug/it to
have been made, and knowing of fuch hindrance, and
not difperfing, are felons without benefit of clergy.
There is the like indemnifying claufe, in cafe any of the
mob be unfortunately killed in the endeavour to difperle
them ; being copied from the aft of Queen Mary. And
by a lubfequent claufe of the new aft, if any perfon, fo
riotoufly affembled, begin even before proclamation to
pull down any church, chapel, meeting-houfe, dwelling-
houfe, or out-houfes, they (hall be felons without benefit
of clergy.
Riots, routs, and unlawful affemblies, muft have three
perfons at leaft to conftitute them. An unlawful ajfem-
bhj is, when three, or more, do aflemble themfelves to¬
gether to do an unlawful aft, as to pull down inclo-
fures, to deftroy a warren or the game therein ; and
part without doing it, or making any motion towards
it. A rout is w'here three or more meet to do an unlaw¬
ful aft upon a common quarrel, as forcibly breaking
down fences upon a right claimed of common, or of
way, and make fome advances towards it. A riot is
W'here three or more aftually do an unlawful aft of vio¬
lence, either with or without a common caufe or quar¬
rel ; as if they beat a man j or hunt and kill game in
another’s park, chafe, warren, or liberty j or do any
other unlawful aft wfith force and violence ; or even do
a law'ful aft, as removing a nuifance, in a violent and
tumultuous manner. The punilhment of unlawful af¬
femblies, if to the number of 12, we have juft now feen,
may be capital, according to the circumftances that at¬
tend it 5 but, from the number of three to eleven, is by
fine and imprifonment only. The fame is the cafe in
riots and routs by the common law' 5 to which the pil¬
lory in very enormous cafes has been fometimes fuper-
added. And by the ftatute 13 Hen. IV. c. 7. any two
juftices, together with the fireriff or under-ftreriff of the
county, may come with the poffe comitatus, if need be,
and fupprefs any fuch riot, affembly, or rout, arreft the
rioters, and record upon the fpot the nature and circum¬
ftances of the whole tranfaftion } which record alone
fhall be a futheient conviftion of the offenders. In the
interpretation of which ftatute it hath been hclden, that
all perfons, noblemen and others, except women, cler¬
gymen, perfons decrepit, and infants under 15, are
bound to attend the juflices in fupprefting a riot, upon
pain of fine and imprifonment ; and that any battery,
w'ounding, or killing the rioters, that may happen in
fuppreffing the riot, is juftifiable. So that our ancient
lawr, previous to the modern riot-aft, feems pretty well
to have guarded againft any violent breach of the pub¬
lic peace ; efpecially as any riotous affemblyon a public
or general account, as to redrefs grievances or pull down
all inclofures, and alfo refifting the king’s forces if fent
to keep the peace, may amount to overt afts of high
treafon, by levying w'ar againft the king.
RIPEN, a fea-port town of Denmark, in North Jut¬
land, and capital of a diocefe of the fame name, with a
biihop’s fee, a good harbour, a caftle, two colleges, and
a public library. The tombs of feveral of the kings of
Denmark are in the cathedral church, w'hich is a very
handfome ftrufture. The harbour, which has contri¬
buted greatly to the profperity of this place, is at a
finall diftance, being feated at the mouth of the river
Nipfaa, in a country which fupplies the beft beeves in Ripen,
Denmark. It is 45 miles north-weft ef Slefwick and Rjpening
25 fouth-by-weft of Wiburg. E, Long. 8. 94. N. Lat., ot <^rain-,
55. 25. The diocefe is bounded on the north by thofe
ot Wiburg and Athuys, on the fouth by the duchy of
Slelwfick, and on the ealt and w'eft by the fea.
RIPENING of Grain, means its arriving to matu¬
rity. The following paper, which appeared in the firft
volume of the Trantaftions of the Royal Society of E-
dinburgh, may be worthy the attention of farmers in
this country where it frequently happens, from conti¬
nued rains, that the corn is quite green when the froft
fets in j in confequence of which, the farmers cut it
down, w'ithout thinking it can poflibly arrive at further
maturity.
“ Summer 1782 having been remarkably cold and
unfavourable, the harveft was very late, and much of
the grain, efpecially oats, wras green even in Oftober.
In the beginning of Oftober the cold was fo great, that,
in one night, there wTas produced on ponds near Kinnei!,
in the neighbourhood of Borrowftounnefs, ice three
quarters of an inch thick. It was apprehended by ma¬
ny farmers, that fuch a degree of cold would effeftually
prevent the further filling and ripening of their corn.
In order to alcertain this point, Dr Roebuck felefted
feveral ftalks of oats, of nearly equal fulnefs, and imme¬
diately cut thofe which, on the molt attentive compari-
fon, appeared the beft, and marked the others, but al¬
lowed them to remain in the field 14 days longer j at
the end of which time they, too, were cut, and kept in
a dry room for 10 days. The grains of each parcel
were then weighed j when 11 of the grains which had
been left Handing in the field wrere found to be equal in
weight to 30 of the grains which had been cut a fort¬
night fooner, though even the beft of the grains were
far from being ripe. During that fortnight (viz. from
Oftober 7th toOftober 21ft) the average heat, according
to Fahrenheit’s thermometer, which was obferved every
day at eight o’clock in the morning and fix in the even¬
ing, was a little above 43* E)r Roebuck obferves, that
this ripening and filling of corn in fo low a temperature
ftiould be the lefs furprifing to us, when we relkft, that
feed-corn will vegetate in the fame degree of heat j and
he draws an important inference from his obfervations,
viz. That farmers fhould be cautious of cutting down
their unripe corn, on the fuppoliticn that in a cold au¬
tumn it could fill no more.”
A wniter in the Scots Magazine for June 1792, under
the fignature of Agricola, when fpeaking on this lubjeft,
adds the followfing piece of information, viz. “ That
grain cut down before it is quite ripe will grow or fpring
equally well as ripe and plump grain, provided it is pro¬
perly preferved. I relate this from a faft, and alfo on
the authority of one of the moft judicious and experien¬
ced farmers in this ifland, William Craik of Arbigland,
Efq. near Dumfries, who was taught by fuch a feafon
as this threatens to prove. This being the cafe, every
wife economical farmer will preferve his ripe and plump
grain for bread, and few the green and feemingly ftiri-
velled grain, with a perfeft conviftion that the plants
proceeding from fuch feed will yield as ftrong and thri¬
ving corn as what grows from plump feed. By this
means the farmer will enjoy the double advantage of
having the corn moft produftive in flour for bread, and
his light Ihvivelled grain will go much farther in feed
than,-.
P, I S [ 38 ] R I S
Riph'«m than the plump grain would do. I faw the experiment
R J'bl made on wheat which was lb Ihrivelled that it was
^ 11 e' . thought fcarcely worth giving to fowls, and yet produ¬
ced heavy large ears.”
RIPHOEAN MOUNTAINS, are a chain of high
mountains in Ruflia, to the north-eaft of the river Oby,
where there are faid to be the finelt fables of the whole
erApire.
RIPHATH, or Rifkat, fecond fon of Gomer,
and grandfon of Japhet (Gen. x. 3. Rip/uit). In
moft copies he is called Diphalh in the Chronicles
(1 Chr. i. 6. r\^ Diphat). The refemblance of the
two Hebrew letters ^ Rejh and -r Daleth is fo much,
that they are very often confounded. But, to the cre¬
dit of the tranflators of our Englilh verfion be it faid,
that'in this inftance, as well as in many others, they
have reftored the original reading, and rendered it Ri-
phath. The learned are not agreed about the country
that was peopled by the defcendants of Riphath. The
Chaldee and Arabic take it for France ; Eufebius for
the country of the Sauromatae j the Chronicon Alexan-
drinum for that of the Garamantae; Jofephus for Pa-
phlagonia. Mela affures us, that anciently the people
of this province were called Riphataei, or Riphaces j
and in Bithynia, bordering upon Paphlagonia, may be
found the river Rhebeus, a people called Rhebantes, and
a canton of the fame name. Thefe reafons have pre¬
vailed with Bochart to believe, that Riphath peopled
Paphlagonia. Others think he peopled the Montes
Riphei •, and this opinion feems the moft reafonable to
us, becaufe the other fons of Gomer peopled the north¬
ern countries towards Scythia, and beyond the Euxine
fea.
RISIBLE, any thing capable of exciting laughter.
Ludicrous is a general term, fignifying, as may ap¬
pear from its derivation, what is playfome, fportive, or
jocular. Ludicrous therefore feems the genus, of which
ri/ible is a fpecics, limited as above to what makes us
laugh.
However eafy it may be, concerning any particular
objeff, to fay whether it be rifible or not, it feems dif¬
ficult, if at all practicable, to eftablifh any general cha¬
racter, by which objedts of that kind may be diitin-
guifiied from others. Nor is that a lingular cafe ; for,
upon a review, we find the fame difficulty in molt of
the articles already handled. There is nothing more
eafy, viewing a particular object, than to pronounce
that it is beautiful or ugly, grand or little : but wTere
we to attempt general rules for ranging objects under
different dalles according to thefe qualities, we Ihould
be much gravelled. A feparate caufe increafes the dif¬
ficulty of diftinguiihing rifible objects by a general cha¬
racter : all men are not equally affefted by rillble ob¬
jects, nor the fame man at all times ; for in high fpirits
a thing will make him laugh outright, which will fcarce¬
ly provoke a fmile in a grave mood. Rifible objects,
however, are circumfcribed within certain limits. No
object is rifible but what appears flight, little, or trivial;
for we laugh at nothing that is of importance to our
own intereft or to that of others. A real diftrefs raifes
pity, and therefore cannot be rifible; but a flight or
imaginary diftrefs, which moves not pity, is rifible.
The adventure of the fulling-mills in Don Quixote, is
extremely rifible *, fo is the fcene where Sancho, in a
dark night, tumbling into a pit, and attaching himfelf
2
to the fide by hand and foot, hangs there in terrible dif-
may till the morning, when he difcovers himfelf to be
within a foot of the bottom. A nofe remarkably long
or fliort, is rifible ; but to want it altogether, fo far
from provoking laughter, raifes horror in the fpeftator.
With refpeft to works both of nature and art, none of
them are rifible but w-hat are out of rule j fome remark¬
able defed or excefs, a very long vifage, for example,
or a very fhbrt one. Hence nothing jull, proper, de¬
cent, beautiful, proportioned, or grand, is rifible.
Even from this flight fketch it will be readily conjec¬
tured, that the emotion raifed by a rifible objeft is of a
nature fo fingular, as fcarcely to find place wdiile the mind
is occupied with any other paffion or emotion ; and the
conjecture is verified by experience 5 for wTe fcarce ever
find that emotion blended with any other. One emo¬
tion w e muft except j and that is, contempt raifed by
certain improprieties : every improper act infpires us
with fome degree of contempt for the author ; and if an.
improper aft be at the fame time rifible to provoke
laughter, of which blunders and abfurdities are noted
inflaraces, the two emotions of contempt and of laughter
unite intimately in the mind, and produce externally
wffiat is termed a laugh of derifion or of [corn. Hence
objefts that caufe laughter may be dillinguifhed into two
kinds : they are either rifible or ridiculous. A rifible
objeft is mirthful only j a ridiculous object is both mirth¬
ful and contemptible. The firft raifes an emotion of
laughter that is altogether pleafant: the pleafant emo¬
tion of laughter raifed by the other, is blended with the
painful emotion of contempt *, and the mixed emotion is
termed the emotiofi of ridicule. The pain a ridiculous
objeft gives me, is refented and puniflied by a laugh of
derifion. A rifible objeft, on the other hand, gives me
no pain : it is altogether pleafant by a certain fort of ti-
tillation, which is expreffed externally by mirthful
laughter. See Ridicule.
Rifible objefts are fo common, and fo well under-
flood, that it is unneceffary to confume paper or time
upon them. Take the few following examples :
RifibV
Talfajf. I do remember him at Clement’s inn, like
a man made after fupper of a cheefe-paring. When he
wras naked, he was for all the world like a forked radifn,
with a head fantaftically carved upon it with a knife.
Second Part, Henry IV. aft iii. fc. 5.
The foregoing is of difproportion. The following
examples are of flight or imaginary misfortunes.
Falftaf. Go fetch me a quart of fack, put a toafl
in’t. Have I liv’d to be carried in a bafket, like a bar-
row of butcher’s offal, and to be throwm into t! e
Thames! Well, if I be ferved fuch another trick, I’ll
have my brains ta’en out and butter’d, and give them
to a dog for a new-year’s gift. The rogues flighted
me into the river with as little remcrfe as they wrould
have drown’d a bitch’s blind puppies, fifteen i’th’lit¬
ter ; and you may knoiv by my fize that I have a kind
of alacrity in finking; if the bottom w-ere as deep as
hell, I fhould down. I had been drowm’d, but that the
fliore was fhelvy and fhallow ; a death that I abhor :
for the water fwells a man } and what a thing fhould I
have been when I had been Iw’ell’d ? I fhould have been
a mountain of mummy.
Merry Wives of Windfor, aft iii. fc. 15,
Falftajf.
R I T [ .
R-fibls, Faljlajf. Nay, you fliall hear, Mailer Brook, what
Rlte* I have iuffer’d to bring this woman to evil for your
good. Being thus cramm’d in the balket, a couple of
Ford’s knaves, his hinds, were call’d forth by their
midrefs, to carry me in the name of foul clothes to
JDatchet-lane. They took me on their fhoulders, met
the jealous knave their madta in the door, who alk’d
them once or twice what they had in their balket. I
quak’d for fear, led the lunatic knave would have
fearch’d it ; but Fate, ordaining he fhouid be a cuc¬
kold, held his hand. Well, on wTent he for a fearch,
and away went I for foul clothes. But mark the fe-
quel, Pvlaife'r Brook. I fuffer’d the pangs of three
egregious deaths: firft, an intolerable fright, to be
detefted by a jealous rotten bell-weather ; next, to be
compafs’d like a good bilbo, in the circumference of a
peck, hilt to point, heel to head j and then to be ftopt
in, like a ftrong diftillation, with dinking clothes that
fretted in their own greafe. Think of that, a man of
my kidney j think of that, that am as iubjeid to heat
as butter; a man of continual diflblution and thaw ; it
rvas a miracle to ’fcape fuffocation. And in the height
of this bath, when I was more than half dew’d in
greafe, like a Dutch difh, to be thrown into the
Thames, and cool’d glowing hot, in that furge, like a
horfe thoe; think of that; hiding hot; think of that,
Mr Brook.
Mem/ Wives of Windfor, acf iii. fc. 17.
RITE, among divines, denotes the particular man-
9 1 . ..R 1 v .
ner of celebrating divine fervice in this or that coun- Ritornello
try. li
RITORNELLO, or Repeat, in Mufw, the burden , Rl^aL ,
of a fong, or the repetition of the firlt or other verfes of
a fong at the end of each couplet.
R1TTERHUSIUS, Conrad, a learned German
civilian, born at Brunfwick in 1560. He was profef-
ior oi civil law at Altdorf, and publilhed a variety of
works, particularly as a civilian ; together witji an edi¬
tion of Oppian in Greek and Latin : he was moreover
an excellent critic ; his notes upon many eminent au¬
thors having been inferted in the bed editions of them.
He died in 1613.
RITUAL, a book direfling the order and man¬
ner to be obferved in performing divine fervice in a
particular church, diocefe, or the like. The ancient
heathens had alio their rituals, which contained thtir
rites and ceremonies to be obferved in building a city,
confecrating a temple or altar, in facrificing, and dei¬
fying, in dividing the curiay tribes, centuries, andr
in general, in all their religious ceremonies. There
are feveial paffages in Cato’s books, De re Rujiica,
which may give us fome idea of the rituals of the an¬
cients.
RIVAL, a term applied to two or more perfons who
have the fame pretenfions; and which is properly applied
to a competitor in love, and figuratively to an antagonift
in any other purfuit.
R I V
Definition. TS a current of frefh water, flowing in a Bed or ClIAN-
■*- NEL from its fource to the fea.
The term is appropriated to a conjiderable collection
of waters, formed by the conflux of twTo or move Brooks,
which deliver into its channel the united ftreams of Se¬
veral Rivulets, which have collected the fupplies of
many Rills trickling down from numberlefs fprings,
and the torrents which carry off from the hoping grounds
2 the furplus of every fhower.
Utility of Rivers form one of the chief features of the furface
rivers. of this globe, ferving as voiders of all that is imme¬
diately redundant in our rains and fprings, and alfo
as boundaries and barriers, and even as highways,
and in many countries as plentiful ftorehoufes. They
alfo fertilize our foil by laying upon our warm fields
the richeft mould, brought from the high mountains,
where it would have remained ufelcfs for want of genial
3 heat.
Origin of Being fuch interefling objeCfs of attention, every
their branch acquires a proper name, and the whole acquires
names. a port 0p perfonaj identity, of which it is frequently
difficult to find the principle; for the name of the
great body of waters which difeharges itfelf into the
fea is traced backwards to one of the fources, while
all the contributing ftreams are loft, although their wa¬
ters form the chief part of the colle&ion. And fome-
times the feeder in which the name is preferved is fmall-
er than others which are united to the current, and
which like a rich but ignoble alliance lofe their name
in that of the more illuftrious family. Some rivers in-
E R,
deed are refpeftable even at their birth, coming at once
in force from fome great lake. Such is the Rio de la
Plata, the river St Laurence, and the mighty ftreams
which iflhe in all diretlions from the Baical lake. But,
like the fons of Adam, they are all of equal defeent, and
fhouid take their name from one of the feeders of thefe
lakes. This is indeed the ca(e with a few, fuch as the
Rhone, the Rhine, the Nile. Thefe, after having mixed
their waters with thofe of the lake, refume their appea¬
rance and their name at its outfet. ^
But in general their origin and progrefs, and even Origin and
the features of their character, bear fome refemblance progrefs fi.
(as has been prettily obferved by Pliny) to the life of lT1bar t°
man. The river fprings from the earth ; but its origin Cl
is in heaven. Its beginnings are infignificant, and its
infancy is frivolous; it plays among the flowers of a
meadow; it waters a garden, or turns a little mill.
Gathering ftrength in its youth, it becomes wild and
impetuous. Impatient of the reftraints rvhich it ftiil
meets with in the hollows among the mountains, it is
reftlefs and fretful; quick in its turnings, and unfteady
in its courfe. Now it is a roaring cataract, tearing
up and overturning whatever oppoles its progrefs, and
it (hoots headlong down from a rock ; then it becomes
a fallen and gloomy pool, buried in the bottom of a
glin. Recovering breath by repofe, it again dallies
along, till tired of the uproar and mifehief, it quits all
that it has fwept along, and leaves the opening of the
valley ftr,ewed with the reje&ed wafte. Now, quitting
its retirement, it comes abroad into the world, jour¬
neying
/
40
Hiftory.
S .
The reli¬
gious re-
fpedt for
rivers.
6
The efTecl
of grati¬
tude and
affedlion.
R I V
tteying With more prudence and discretion, through cul¬
tivated fields, yielding to circumftances, and winding
round what would trouble it to overwhelm or remove.
It pafles through the populous cities and all the bufy
haunts of man, tendering its fervices on every fide, and
becomes the fupport and ornament of the country.
Now increafed by numerous alliances, and advanced in
its courfe of exilfence, it becomes grave and (lately in its
motions, loves peace and quiet} and in majellic filence
rolls on its mighty waters, till it is laid to reft in the
vaft abyfs.
The philofopher, the real lover of wifdom, fees much
to admire in the economy and mechanifm of running
Waters j and there are few operations of nature which
give him more opportunities of remarking the nice ad-
juftment of the moft fimple means for attaining many
purpofes of moft extenfive beneficence. All mankind
feems to have felt this. The heart of man is ever open
(unlefs perverted by the habits of felfifti indulgence
and arrogant felf-conceit) to impreflions of gratitude
and love.° He who afcribes the religious principle (de-
bafed though it be by the humbling abufes of fu-
perftition) to the workings of fear alone, may betray
the (lavifli meannefs of his own mind, but gives a very
unfair and a falfe pifture of the hearts of his neigh¬
bours. Lucretius was but half a philofopher when he
penned his often quoted anophthegm. Indeed his own
invocation (hows how much the animal was blended with
the fage.
We apprehend, that whoever will read with an ho¬
ned and candid mind, unbialted by licentious wi(hes,
the accounts of the ancient fuperftitions, will acknow¬
ledge that the amiable emotions of the human foul
have had their (hare in creating the numerous divinities
whofe wrorfhip filled up their kalendars. 1 he fun and
the hoft of heaven have in all ages and nations been
the obiefts of a fincere worftup. Next to them, the
rivers feem to have attra&ed the grateful acknow¬
ledgments of the inhabitants of the adjacent coun¬
tries. They have everywhere been confidered as a
fort of tutelar divinities •, and each little diftrift, every
retired valley, had its river god., who was preferred
to all others with a partial fondnefs. The expoftu-
lation of Naaman the Syrian, who was offended with
the prophet for enjoining him to w'afli in the river Jor¬
dan, was the natural effufion of this attachment. “What!
(faid he), are not Abana and Pharpar, rivers of Da-
mafcus, more excellent than all the waters of Judaea ?
Might I not wafti in them and be clean ? So he went
away wroth.”
In thofe countries particularly, where the rural la¬
bours, and the hopes of the fhepherd and the hutband-
man, wTere not fo immediately connefled with the ap¬
proach and recefs of the fun, and depended rather on
what happened in a far diftant country by the falls of
periodical rains or the melting of collefted fnows, the
Nile, the Ganges, the Indus, the river of Pegu, were
the fenfible agents of nature in procuring to the inha¬
bitants of their fertile banks all their abundance, and
they became the objedls of grateful veneration. Their
fources were fought out with anxious care even by
conquering princes *, and when found, were univerfally
worftupped with the moft affe&ionate devotion. Thefe
remarkable rivers, fo eminently and fo palpably bene¬
ficent, preferve to this day, amidft every change ©f ha-
E R.
bit, and every increafe of civilization and improvement, Hut or?,
the fond adoration of the inhabitants of thofe fruitful‘-"V'""’’
countries through which they hold their (lately courfe,
and their waters are ftill held facred. No progrefs of
artificial refinement, not all the’ corruption of luxurious
fenfuality, has been able to eradicate this plant of na¬
tive growth from the heart of man. The (entiment is
congenial to his nature, and therefore it is univerfal
and we could almoft appeal to the feelings of every rea¬
der, whether he does not perceive it in his own bread,.
Perhaps we may be miftaken in our opinion in the cafe
of the corrupted inhabitants of the populous and bufy
cities, who are habituated to the fond contemplation of
their own individual exertions as the fources of all their
hopes. Give the Ihoemaker but leather and a few toobj
and he defies the powers of nature to difappoint him •,
but the fimpler inhabitants of the country, the moft
worthy and the moft refpedlable part of every nation,
after equal, perhaps greater exertion both of (kill and
of induftty, are more accuftomed to refign themfelves to
the great minifters of Providence, and to look up to
heaven for the “ early and the latter rains,” without
which all their labours are fruitlefs.
   extrema per illos
Nutnenque excedetis terrii vejligia fecit.
And among the hulbandmen and the (hepherds of all na¬
tions and ages, we find the fame fond attachment to their
fprings and rivulets.
Fortunate fenex, Me mter futmna nota
Et fontes facros frigus captabis opdciwl,
was the mournful ejaculation of poor Meliboeus. We
hardly know a river of any note in our own country
whofe fource is not looked on with fome refpefl.
We repeat our affertion, that this worftup was the
offspring of affeftion and gratitude, and that it is giving
a very unfair and falfe picture of the human mind to af-
cribe thefe fuperftitions to the working of fear alone.
Thefe would have reprefented the river gods as feated
on ruins, brandilhing rooted-up trees, with angry looks,
pouring out their fweeping torrents. But no fuch
thing. The lively imagination of the Greeks felt, and
exprefled with an energy unknown to all other nations,
every emotion of the human foul. I hey figured the
Naiads as beautiful nymphs, patterns of gentlenefs and
of elegance. Thefe are reprefented as partially attach¬
ed to the children of men j and their interference in hu¬
man affairs is always in afts of kind affiftance and pro-
te&ion. They refemble, in this refpedl, the rural dei¬
ties of the northern nations, the fairies, but without
their caprices and refentments. And if we attend to
the deferiptions and reprefentations of their River-
Gods, beings armed with power, an attribute which
(lavifh fear never fails to couple with cruelty and ven-
geance, we (hall find the fame expreffion of affe&ionate
truft and confidence in their kind difpofitions. They
are generally called by the refpeftable but endearing
name of father. “ Da Tybcri pater f hqs Virgil. Mr
Bruce fays that the Nile at its fource is called the abay
or “ father.” We obferve this word, or its radix,
blended with many names of rivers of the eaft , and
think it probable that wdien our traveller got this name
• from the inhabitants of the neighbourhood, they applied
to the dream what is meant to exprefs the tutelar, or
prefidmg
RIVE R.
41
Mill or y. prefiding rpnit. Tte river gods are always reprefented
' as venerable old men, to indicate their being coeval
with the world. But it is always a cruda viridifque fe-
nettus, and they are never reprelented as opprefled with
age and decrepitude. Their beards are long and flow¬
ing, their looks placid, their attitude eafy, reclined on a
bank, covered, as they are crowned, with never-fading
ledges and bulrulhes, and leaning on their urns, from
which they pour out their plentiful and fertilizing ftreams.
—Mr Bruce’s defcription of the iburces of the Nile,
and of the refpect paid to the facred waters, has not a
frowning feature; and the hofpitable old man, with
his fair daughter Irepone, and the gentle priefthood
which peopled the little village of Gedh, form a con¬
trail: with the neighbouring Galla (among whom a mi¬
litary leader was called tire lamb, becaule be did not
murder pregnajrt women), which very clearly paints the
infpiring principle of this fuperllition. Pliny fays (lib.
viii. 8.) that at the fource of the Clitumnus there is an
ancient temple highly refpefled. The prefence and
the power of the divinity are expreffed by the fates
which Hand in the veflibule.—Around this temple
are feveral little chapels, each of wflrich covers a fa¬
cred fountain j for the Clitumnus is the father of fe¬
veral little rivers w'hich unite their ftreams with him.
At fome diftance below the temple is a bridge which
divides the facred waters from thofe which are open to
common ufe. No one mull prefume to fet his foot in
the ftreams above this bridge ) and to ftep over any of
them is an indignity which renders a perfon infamous.
They can only be viflted in a confecrated boat. Be¬
low the bridge we are permitted to bathe, and the
place is inceflantly occupied by the neighbouring vil¬
lagers. (See alfo Vibius Sequejlr. Orbelim, p. 101—
103. and 221—223. alio Sueton. Caligula, c. 43. Virg.
Georg, ii. 146.
What is the caufe of all this ? The Clitumnus flow's
(near its fource) through the richeft- paftures, through
which it wras carefully diftributed by numberlefs drains 5
and thefe nourifhed cattle of fuch fpotlefs whitenefs and
extraordinary beauty, that they w’ere fought for with ea-
gernefs over all Italy, as the moft acceptable victims in
their facrifices. Is not this fuperftition then an effuflon
of gratitude ?
Such are the dictates of kind-hearted nature in our
breads, before it has been vitiated by vanity and felf-
conceit, and w'e (hould not be afliamed of feeling the
impreflion. We hardly think of making any apology
for dwelling a little on this incidental circumflance of
the fuperftitious veneration paid to rivers. We cannot
think that our readers will be difpleafed at having
agreeable ideas excited in their minds, being always of
opinion that the torch of true pliilofophy will not only
enlighten the underltanding, but alfo warm and cherilh
the affedlions of the heart.
With refpett to the origin of rivers, wre have very
little to offer in this place. It is obvious to every per¬
fon, that befides the torrents which carry down into the
rivers wTat part of the rains and melted fnow’s is not
abforbed by the foil or taken up by the plants which
cover the earth, they are fed either immediately or re¬
motely by the fprings. A few remarkable dreams rufli
at once out of the earth in force, and mud be cond-
dered as the continuation of fubterraneous rivers, wdiofe
origin we are therefore to feek out j and we do not
Vol. XVIII. Part I.
Origin of
Uvers.
know any circumdatice in which their fird beginnings i Hntoi)-^
differ from thofe of other rivers, which are formed by v
the union of little dreams and rills, each of which has
its own fource in a fpring or fountain. This queftion,
therefore, What is the procefs of nature, and w'hat are
the fupplies which fill our fprings ? will be treated of
under the word SPRING.
Whatever be the fource of rivers, it is to be met
with in almoft every part of the globe, i he crud of
earth with which the rocky framing of this globe is
covered is generally dratified. Some of tbele drata are
extremely pervious to w^ater, having but fmall attraiflion
for its particles, and being very porous. Such is the
quality of gravelly drata in an eminent degree. Other
drata are much more firm, or attraft water more drong-
ly, and refufe it palfage. This is the cafe with firm
rock and with clay. When a dratum of the fird kind
has one of the other immediately under'it, the wrater re¬
mains in the upper dratum, and burds out wherever the
doping ddes of the hills cut off the drata, and this will
be the form of a trickling fpring, becaufe the water
in the porous dratum is greatly obdrudled in its paffage
towards the outlet. As this irregular formation of the
earth is very general, we mud have fprings, and of
courfe rivers or rivulets, in every corner where there are
high grounds. s
Rivers flow from the higher to the lowr grounds. It They flow
is the arrangement of this elevation which didributes tr.om t,:ie
them over the furface of the earth. And this appears
to be accompliflied with confiderable regularity j and, g10Hnds,
except the great defert of Kobi on the confines of Chi-
nefe Tartary, we do not remember any very extenfive
tradl of ground that is deprived of thofe channels for
voiding the fuperfluous waters j and even there they are
far from being redundant. 9
The courfes of rivers give us the bed general method C°UiTe ^
for judging of the elevation of a country. Thus it^‘K ^
appears that Savoy and Switzerland are the higheft
grounds of Europe, from whence the ground dopes in
every diredfion. From the Alps proceed the Danube
and the Rhine, whofe courfes mark the two great val¬
leys, into which many lateral dreams defcend. The
Po alfo and the Rhone come from the fame head, and
with a deeper and fhorter courfe find their wTay to the
fea through valleys of lefs breadth and length. On
the wed dde of the valleys of the Rhine and the
Rhone the ground rifes pretty fad, fo that few tribu¬
tary dreams come into them from that fide ; and from
this gentle elevation France dopes to the wedward. If
a line, nearly draight, but bending a little to the north-
vrard be drawn from the head of Savoy and Switzer¬
land all the way to Soliknmfkoy in Siberia, it will
nearly pafs through the mod elevated part of Europe ;
for in this traft mod of the rivers have their rife. On
the left go off the various feeders of the Elbe, the O-
der, the Wefel, the Niemen, the Duna, the Neva,
the Dwina, the Petzora. On the right, after pading
the feeders of the Danube, we fee the fources of the
Sereth and Pruth, the Dnieder, the Bog, the Dnie¬
per, the Don, and the mighty Volga. The elevation,
however, is extremely moderate : and it appears from
the levels taken with the barometer by the AbbeChappe
d’Auleroche, that the head of the Volga is not more
than 470 feet above the furface of the ocean. And
we may obferve here by the bye, that its .mouth, where
F it.. • -
42 R I V
Hirtoiy. it difcliargts its waters into the Cafpian fea, is undoubt-
t -y ^ ecjjy lower by many ieet, than the furface of the
ocean. See Pneumatics, N° 277. Spain and Fin¬
land, with Lapland, Norway, and Svteden, form two
detached parts, which have little fyminetry with the reft
lo of Europe.
of Alia, A chain of mountains begins in Nova Zembla, and
ftretches due fouth to near the Cafpian fea, dividing
Europe from Aiia. About three or lour degrees north
of the Cafpian fea it bends to the fouth-eaft, traverfes
Weftern Tartary, and palling between the Tengis and
Zaizan lakes, it then branches to the eaft and fouth.
The eaftern branch runs to the (Lores of Korea and Kamt-
fchatka. The fouthern branch traverfes Turkeftan and
Thibet, feparating them from India, and at the head of
the kingdom of Ava joins an arm ((retching from the
great eaftern branch, and here forms the centre of a
very Angular radiation. Chains of mountains ift'ue fiom
it in every dire&ioo. Three or four of them keep very
clofe together, dividing the continent into narrow (lips,
which have each a great river (lowing in the middle,
and reaching lo the extreme points of Malacca, Cam¬
bodia, and Cochin-china. From the fame central point
proceeds another great ridge due eaft, and paffes a little
north of Cantor! in China. We called this a Angular
centre } for though it fends off fo many branches, it is
by no means the moft elevated part of the continent."
In the triangle which is included between the Arft fouth-
O
ern ridge (which comes from between the lakes Tan¬
ges and Zaizan), the great eaftern ridge, and its branch
which almoft unites with the fouthern ridge, lies the
Eoutan, and part of Thibet, and the many little rivers
wdrich occupy its furface flow fouthward and eaft ward,
uniting a little to the north of the centre often men¬
tioned, and then pafs through a gorge eaftward into
China. And it is farther to be obferved, that thefe
great ridges do not appear to be feated on the higheft
parts of the country j for the rivers which correlpond
to them are at no great diftance from them, and receive
their chief fupplies from the other Ades. This is re¬
markably the cafe with the great Oby, which runs al¬
moft parallel to the ridge from the lakes to Nova Zem¬
bla. It receives its fupplies from the eaft, and indeed
it has its fource far eaft. The higheft grounds (if we
except the ridges of mountains which are boundaries)
of the continent feem to be in the country of the Cal-
mucs, about 950 eaft from London, and latitude 430 or
450 north. It is reprefented as a Ane though fandy
country, having many little rivers which lofe themfelves
in the fand, or end in little fait lakes. This elevation
ftretches north-eaft to a great diftance; and in this
traft w'e And the heads of the Irtifh, Selenga, and Tun-
gufkaia (the great feeders of the Oby), the Olenitz, the
Letxr, the Yana, and feme other rivers, which all go off
to the north. On the other Ade we have the great ri¬
ver Amur, and many fmaller rivers, whofe names are
not familiar. The Hoangho, the great river of China,
rifes on the fouth fide of the great eaftern ridge we have
fo often mentioned. This elevation, which is a conti¬
nuation of the former, is fomewhat of the fame com¬
plexion, being very fandy, and at prefent is a defert of
prodigious extent. It is deferibed, however, as inter-
fperfed with vaft trafts of rich pafture j and we knowr
that it was formerly the reAdence of a great nation,
who came fouth, by the name of Turks, and poffefied
E R,
themfelves of moft of the richeft kingdoms of Afta. In Hi (lory,
the fouth-weftern extremity of this country are found
remains not only of barbaric magniftcence, but even of
cultivation and elegance. It was a profttable privilege
granted by Peter the Great to fome adventurers to -
(earch thefe fandy deferts for remains of former opu¬
lence, and many pieces of delicate workmanfhip (though
not in a ftyle wrhich we wTould admire) in gold and Al-
ver wrere found. Vaults were found buried in the fand
Ailed with written papers, in a charafter wholly un¬
known ; and a wall was difeovered extending feveral
miles, built with hewn ftone, and ornamented with cor-
niche and battlements. But we are forgetting ourfelves,
and return to the confideration of the diftribution of the
rivers on the furface of the earth. A great ridge of
mountains begins at the fouth-eaft corner of the Euxine
fea, and proceeds eaftward, ranging along the fouth Ade
of the Cafpian, and Aill advancing unites with the
mountains Arft mentioned in Thibet, fending off fome-
branches to the fouth, which divide Perfta, India and
Thibet. From the fouth Ade of this ridge flow the Eu¬
phrates, Tigris, Indus, Ganges, &c. and from the north
the ancient Oxus and many unknown dreams.
There is a remarkable circumftance in this quarter of
the globe. Although it ftems to be neareft to the
grealeft elevations, it feems alfo to have places of the
greateft depreffton. We have already faid that the Caf¬
pian fea is lower than the ocean. There is in its neigh¬
bourhood another great bafon of fait water, the lake
Aral, which receives the waters of the Oxus or Gihon,
wrhich were faid to have formerly run into the Calpian
fea. There cannot, therefore, be a great difference in
the level of thefe two bafons ; neither have they any out¬
let, though they receive great rivers. There is another
great lake in the very middle of PerAa, the Zare or Zara,
which receives the river Hindemend, ©f near 230 miles
length, beAdes other dreams. There is another fuch in
Afta Minor. The fea of Sodom and Gomorrah is ano¬
ther inftance. And in the high countries we mentioned,
there are many fmall fait lakes, which receive little ri¬
vers, and have no outlet. The lake Zara in Perfta,
however, is the only one which indicates a conftderable
hollow of the country. It is now afeertained, by a£lual
furvey, that the fea of Sodom is conftderably higher than
the Mediterranean. This feature is not, however, pe¬
culiar to Afta. It obtains alfo in Africa, whofe rivers
we now proceed to mention. Iz
Of them, however, we know very little. The Nile0f Africa^
indeed is perhaps better known than any river out of Eu¬
rope } and of its fource and progrefs we have given a
full account in a feparate article. See Nile.
By the regifter of the weather kept by Mr Bruce at
Gondar in 1770 and 1771, it appears that the greateft
rains are about the beginning of July. He fays that at
an average each month after June it doubles its rains.
The califtr or canal is opened at Cairo about the 9th
of Auguft, when the river has rifen 14 peeks (each 21
inches), and the waters begin to decreafe about the
loth of September. Hence we may form a conjefture
concerning the time which the latter employs in coming
from Abyflinia. Mr Bruce fuppofes it 9 days, which fup-
pofes a velocity not lefs than 14 feet in a fecond j a thing
paft belief, and inconAftent with all our notions. The
general (lope of the river is greatly diminifhed by feve¬
ral great catara&s j and Mr Bruce exprefsly fays, that
RIVER*
ffiftory. he might have come down from Sennaar to thecatarafts
v V of Syene in a boat, and that it is navigable for boats
far above Sennaar. He came from Syene to Caito by
water. We apprehend that no boat would venture
down a dream moving even fix feet in a fecond, and
none could row up if the velocity was three feet. As
the waters begin to decreafe about the 10th of Septem¬
ber, we mult conclude that the water then flowing pall
Cairo had left Abyflinia when the rains had greatly aba¬
ted. Judging in this way, we muft fill allow the dream
a velocity of more than fix feet. Had the firfl fwell at
Cairo been noticed in 1770 or 1771, we might have
gueffed better. The year that Thevenot was in Egypt,
the fird fwell of eight peeks was obferved Jan. 28. The
califh was opened for 14 peeks on Augud 14th, and the
waters began to decreafe on September 23d, having ri-
fen to 21-y peeks. We may fuppofe a fimilar progrefs
at Cairo correfponding to Mr Bruce’s obfervations at
Gondar, and date every thing five days earlier.
We underdand that fome of our gentlemen ftationed
far up the Ganges have had the curiolity to take notes
of the fwellings of that river, and compare them w-ith
the overflowungs at Calcutta, and that their obfervations
are about to be made public. Such accounts are valua¬
ble additions to otrr practical knowledge, and we lhall
not negleft to infert the information in fome kindred ar¬
ticle of this work.
The fame mountains which attraft the tropical va¬
pours, and produce the fertilizing inundations of the
Nile, perform the fame office to the famous Niger,
whofe exidence has often been accounted fabulous, and
with whofe courfe w7e have very little acquaintance.
The refearches of the gentlemen of the African afibcia-
tion render its exidence no longer doubtful, and have
greatly excited the public curiofity. For a farther ac¬
count of its track, fee Niger.
From the great number, and the very moderate fize,
of the rivers which fall into the Atlantic ocean all the
way fouth of the Gambia, we conclude that the wedern
fhore is the mod elevated, and that the mountains are at
no great didance inland. On the other hand, the rivers
at Melinda and Sofala are of a magnitude which indi¬
cate a much, longer courfe. But of all this we fpeak
with much uncertainty.
The frame-work (fo to call it) of America is better
I2 knowm, and is Angular.
and of A- A chain of mountains begins, or at lead is found, in
iaerica. longitude no0 weft of London, and latitude 40° north,
on the northern confines of the kingdom of Mexico,
and ftretching fouthward through that kingdom, forms
the ridge of the neck of land which feparates North from
South America, and keeping almoft clofe to the fhore,
ranges along the whole weftern coaft of South Ameri¬
ca, terminating at Cape Horn. In its courfe it fends
off branches, which after feparating from it for a few
leagues, rejoin it again, inclofing valleys of great extent
from north to fouth, and of prodigious elevation. In
one of thefe, under the equatorial fun, ftands the city
of Quito, in the midft of extenfive fields of barley, oats,
wheat, and gardens, containing apples, pears, and goofe-
berries, and in fhort all the grains and fruits of the
cooler parts of Europe ; and although the vine is alfo
there in perfection, the olive is wanting. Not a dozen
miles from it, in the low countries, the fugar-cane, the
indigo, and all the fruits of the torrid zone, find their
congenial heat, and the inhabitants fwelter under a
burning fun. At a fmall diftance on the other hand
tower aloft the pinnacles of Pichincha, Corambourou,
and Chimboracao, crowned with never-melting fnows.
The individual mountains of this ftupendous range
not only exceed in height all others in the world (if
we except the Peak of Teneriffe, Mount /Etna, and
Mont Blanc) j but they are fet down on a bafe incom¬
parably more elevated than any other country. They
cut off therefore all communication between the Pacific
ocean and the inland continent $ and no rivers are to
be found on the weft coaft of South America which have
any confiderabie length of courfe or body of waters. The
country is drained, like Africa, in the opppfite direc¬
tion. Not 100 miles from the city of Lima, the capi¬
tal of Peru, which lies almoft on the fea fhore, and juft
at the foot of the high Cordilleras, arifes out of a fmall
lake the Maragnon or Amazon’s river, which, after run¬
ning northward for about xco miles, takes an ealterly
direction, and croffes nearly the broadeft part of South
America, and falls into the great weftern ocean at Para,
after a courfe of not lefs than 3500 miles. In the firit
half of its defcent it receives a few middle-fized rivers
from the north, and from the fouth it receives the great
river Combos, fpringing from another little lake not 50
miles ditlant from the head of the Maragnon, and inclo¬
fing between them a wide extent of country. Then it
receives the Yuta, the Yuerva, the CuchiVara, and Pa¬
rana Mire, each of which is equal to the Rhine ; and
then the Madeira, which has flowed above 1300 miles.
At their junction the breadth is fo great, that neither
fhore can be feen by a perfon ftanding up in a canoe : fo
that the united ftream muft be about fix miles broad.
In this rnajeftic form it rolls along at a prodigious rate
through a flat country, covered wdth impenetrable fo-
refts, and moil of it as yet untrodden by human feet.
Mr Condamine, wrho came down the ftream, fays, that
all is filent as the defert, and the wild beafts and num-
berlefs birds crowd round the boat, eyeing it. as fome
animal of which they did not feem afraid. The bed
was cut deep through an equal and yielding foil, which
feeroed rich in every part, if he could judge by the ve¬
getation, which was rank in the extreme. What an
addition this to the pofiible population of this globe !
A narrow flip along each bank of this mighty river
would equal in furface the whole of Europe, and would
probably exceed it in general fertility : and although
the velocity in the main ftream was great, he obferved
that it was extremely moderate, nay almoft ftill, at the
tides ; fo that in thofe parts where the country was
inhabited by men, the Indians paddled up the river
with perfeft eafe. Boats could go from Para to near
the mouth of the Madeira in 38 days, which is near
1200 miles.
Mr Condamine made an obfervation during his paf-
fage down the Maragnon, which is extremely curious
and inftrudtive, although it puzzled him very much. He
obferved that the tide wras fenfible at a vaft diftance
from the mouth : It was very confiderabie at the junc¬
tion of the Madeira ; and he fuppofes that it might have
been obferved much farther up. This appeared to him
very furprifing, becaufe there could be no doubt but
that the furface of the water there was higher by a
great many feet than the furface of the flood of the At¬
lantic ocean at the mouth of the river. It was there-
F 3 fort
u
R I V E R.
Hiftory. fore very natural for Inm to afcribe the tide in the Ma-
> ragnon to the immediate aftion of the moon on its wa¬
ters •, and this explanation was the more reafonable, be-
eauie the river extends in the direftion of terreftrial
longitude, which by the Newtonian theory is moil fa¬
vourable to the pi'oduftion of a tide. Journeying as he
did in an Indian canoe, we cannot fuppofe that he had
much leifure or conveniency for calculations, and there¬
fore are not furprifed that he did not fee that even this
clrcumdance was of little avail in fo fmall or (hallow a
body of water. He carefully noted, however, the times
of high and low water as he paffed along. When ar¬
rived at Para, he found not only that the high water
was later and later as we are farther from the mouth,
but he found that at one and the fame inftant there
were feveral points of high water between Para and the
confluence of the Madeira, with points of low water in¬
tervening. This conclulion was eafily drawn from his
own obfervations, although he could not fee at one in¬
ftant the high waters in different places. He had only
to compute the time of high water at a particular fpot,
on the day he obferved it at another; allowing, as
ufual, for the moon’s change of pofition. The refult
of his obfervations therefore was, that the furface of
the river was not an inclined plane wdrofe (lope was lef-
fened by the tide of flood at the mouth of the river, but
that it wTas a waving line, and that the propagation of
the tide up the river was nothing different from the pro¬
pagation of any other wave. We may conceive it
clearly, though imperfeflly, in this way. Let the place
be noted where the tide happens I 2 hours later than at
the mouth of the river. It is evident that there is alfo
a tide at the very mouth at the fame inftant; and, ftnce
the ocean tide had withdrawn itfelf during the time
that the former tide had proceeded fo far up the river,
and the tide of ebb is fucceftively felt above as well as
the tide of flood, there muft be a low water between
thefe two high waters.
Newton had pointed out this curious fadft, and ob¬
ferved that the tide at London Bridge, which is 43
feet above the fea, is not the fame with that at Gravef-
end, but the preceding tide (See Phil. Tranf. 67.). This
will be more particularly infilled on in another place.
Not far from the head of the Maragnon, the Cordil¬
leras fend off a branch to the north-eaft, which reaches
and ranges along the (here of the Mexican gulf, and
the Piio Grande de Sta Martha occupies the angle be¬
tween the ridges.
Another ridge ranges with interruption along the
eaft coaft of Terra Finria, fo that the whole waters of
this country are colledfed m'o the Oroonoko. In like
manner the north and eaft of Brafil are hemmed in by
mountainous ridges, through which there is no confider-
able paffage •, and the ground Hoping backwards, all
the waters of this immenfe traft are colledled from
both fides by many confiderable rivers into the great
river Paraguay, or Rio de la Plata, which runs down
the middle of this country for more than 1400 miles,
and falls into the fea through a vaft mouth in latitude
Thus the whole of South America feems as if it had
been formerly furrounded by a mound, and been a great
bafon. The ground in the middle, w'here the Parama,
the Madeira, and the Plata, take their rife, is an im¬
menfe marfh, uninhabitable for its exhalations, and quite Hiflory.
impervious in its prefent ftate. u—v—“*
The manner in which the continent of North Ame¬
rica is watered, or rather drained, has alfo fbme peculi¬
arities. By looking at the map, one will obferve firft of
all a general diviiion of the whole of the beft known
part into two, by the valleys in which the beds of the
rivers St Laurence and Miffiflippi are fltuated. The head
of this is occupied by a Angular feries of frefli water
feas or lakes, viz. the lakes Superior and Michigan,
which empty tbemfelves into lake Huron by two ca-
tarafts. This again runs into lake Erie by the river
Detroit, and the Erie pours its waters into the On¬
tario by the famous fall of Niagara, and from the On¬
tario proceeds the great river St Laurence.
The ground to the fouth-weft of the lakes Superior
and Erie is fomewhat lower, and the middle of the val¬
ley is occupied by the Mifliflippi and the Miflburi, which
receive on both (ides a number of fmaller ftreams, and
having joined proceed to the fouth, under the name
Mifliflippi. In latitude 37, this river receives into its
bed the Ohio, a river of equal magnitude, and the Che¬
rokee river, which drains all the country lying at the
back of the United States, feparated from them by the
ranges of the Apalachian mountains. The Mifi'iflippi is
now one of the chief rivers on the globe, and proceeds
due fouth, till it falls into the Mexican bay through
feveral drifting mouths, which greatly referable thole
of the Danube and the Nile, having run above 1200
miles.
The elevated country between this bed of the Mif¬
fiflippi and St Laurence and the Atlantic ocean is drain¬
ed on the eaft fide by a great number of rivers, fome of
which are very confiderable, and of long courfe ; be-
caufe inftead of being nearly at right angles to the
coaft, as in other countries, they are in a great meafure
parallel to it. This is more remarkably the cafe with
Hudfon’s river, the Delaware, Patomack, Rapahanoc,
&c. Indeed the whole of North America feems to
confift of ribs or beams laid nearly parallel to each
other from north to fouth, and the rivers occupy the
interftices. All thofe which empty themfelves into the
bay of Mexico are parallel and almoft perfeftly ftraight,
unlike what are feen in other parts of the world. The
weftermoft of them all, the North River, as it is named
by the Spaniards, is nearly as long as the Mifliftippi.
We are very little informed as yet of the diftribu-
tion of rivers on the north-weft coaft of America, or
the courfe of thofe which run into Hudfon’s or Baffin’s
bay. _ . . 13
The Maragnon is undoubtedly the greateft river in Of the
the world, both as to length of run and the vaft body grea^
of water which it rolls along. The other great riversvers*
fucceed nearly in the following order.
Maragnon,
Senegal,
Nile,
St Laurence,
Hoangho,
Rio de la Plata,
Yenifey,
Mifliffippi,
Volga,
Oby,
Amur,
Oroonokor
Ganges,
Euphrates,
Danube,
Don,
Indus,
Dnieper,
Duina,
&C,
We
RIVER. - 45
Theory. We have been much a {Tided in this account of the
—v—*J courfe of rivers, and their diftribution over the globe,
by a beautiful planifphere or map of the world publifhed
by Mr Bode aftronomer royal at Berlin. The ranges
of mountains are there laid down with philolophical oil-
cernment and precifion ; and we recommend it to the
notice of our geographers. We cannot divine what has
caufed Mr Buffon to fay that the courfe of molt rivers
is from eaft to weft or from weft to eaft. No phyfical
point of his fyftem feems to require it, and it needs only
that we look at his own map to fee its faf/Tty. We Tiieory.
Ihould naturally expedt to find the general courfe of ri- v
vers nearly perpendicular to the line of fea-coaft •, and
we find it fo j and the chief exceptions are in oppofition
to Mr Buffon’s aflertion. The ftrudlure of America is
fo particular, that very few of its rivers have their ge¬
neral courfe in this direction. We proceed now to
confider the motion of rivers •, a fubjeft which natu¬
rally refolves itfelf into two parts, theoretical and practi¬
cal.
Part I. THEORY of the MOTION of RIVERS and CANALS.
14
Importance THE importance of this fubjedl needs no commen-
cf the doc- taj-y. Every nation, every country, every city is in-
motiou'ofC terefted in it. Neither our wants, our comforts, nor
rivers and our pleafures, can difpenfe with an ignorance of it. We
canals. muft condudl their waters to the centre of our dwel¬
lings 5 we muft fecure ourfelves againft their ravages •,
we muft employ them to drive thofe machines which,
by compenfating for our perfonal weaknefs, make a few
able to perform the work of thoufands j we employ
them to water and fertilize our fields, to decorate our
manfions, to cleanfe andembellifti our cities, to preferve
or extend our demefnes, to tranfport from county to
county every thing which neceflity, convenience, or
luxury, has rendered precious to man : for thefe pur-
pofes we muft confine and govern the mighty rivers,
we muft preferve or change the beds of the fmaller
ftreams, draw off from them what (hall water our fields,
drive our machines, or fupply our houfes. We muft
keep up their waters for the purpofes of navigation, or
fupply their places by canals we muft drain our fens,
and defend them when drained; we muft underftand
their motions, and their mode of fecret, (low, but un-
ceafing aftion, that our bridges, our wharfs, our dikes,
may not become heaps of ruins. Ignorant how to pro¬
ceed in thefe daily recurring cafes, how often do we fee
projects of high expe&ation'and heavy ex pence fail of
their objeft, leaving the ftate burdened with works not
only ufelefs but frequently hurtful ?
This has long been a moft interefting fabjeft of ftudy
in Italy, where the fertility of their fields is not more
indebted to their rich foil and happy climate, than to
their numerous derivations from the rivers which tra-
verfe them : and in Holland and Flanders, where their
very exiftence requires unceafing attention to the waters,
which are every moment ready to fwallow up the inha¬
bitants ; and where the inhabitants, having once fub-
dued this formidable enemy, have made thofe very wa¬
ters their indefatigable drudges, tranfporting through
every corner of the country the materials of the moft ex-
tenfive commerce on the face of this globe.
Such having been our inceffant occupations with mo¬
ving waters, we fhould expeft that while the operative
artifts are continually furniftnng. fuels and experiments,
the man of fpeculative and feientific curiofity, excited
by the importance of the fubjefl, would ere now have
made confiderable progrefs in the fcience ; and that the
profeuional engineer would be daily a£ling from efta-
blifned princinle, and be feldom dil'appointed in his ex-
peftations. Unfortunately the reverfe of this is near¬
ly the true ftate of the cafe j each engineer is obliged
to colledt the greateft part of his knowledge from his'
own experience, and by many dear-bought leffons, to
direct his future operations, in which he ftill proceeds
with anxiety and hefitation : for we have not yet ac¬
quired principles of theory, and experiments have not
yet been colledted and publiftied by which an empirical
practice might be fafely formed. Many experiments of
ineftimable v^lue are daily made ; but they remain wfith
their authors, wdio feldom have either leifure, ability, or
generofity, to add them to the public (lock. 15
The motion of waters has been really fo little invef-Tbisic;ence
tigated as yet, that hydraulics may ftill be called a new infancy
ftudy. We have merely fkimmed over a few common
notions concerning the motions of water ; and the ma¬
thematicians of the firft order feem to have contented
themfelves with fuch views as allowed them to enter¬
tain themfelves with elegant applications of calculus.
This, however, has not been their fault. They rarely
had any opportunity of doing more, for want of a
knowledge of fafts. They have made excellent ufe of
the few which have been given them ; but it required
much labour, great variety of opportunity, and great'
expence, to learn the multiplicity of things which are
combined even in the fimpleft cafes of water in motion.
Thefe are feldom the lot of the mathematician ; and he
is without blame when he enjoys the pleafures within
his reach, and cultivates the fcience of geometry in its
moft abftra<Sted form. Here he makes a progrefs which
is the boafb of human reafon, being almoft infured from
error by the intelle&uai fimplicity of his fubjeft. But
when we turn our attention to material objefts, and,
without knowing either the fize and fhape of the ele¬
mentary particles, or the laws which nature has pre-
feribed for their a£tion, prefume to forefee their effefts,
calculate their exertions, diredt their actions, what muft
be the confecpjence ? Nature {hows her independence
with refpeft to our notions, and, always faithful to the
laws which are enjoined, and of which we are ignorant,
flie never fails to thwart our views, to difconcert our
proiefts, and render ufelefs all our efforts. jg
To with to know the nature of the elements is vain, Proper
and our grofs organs are infufficient for the ftudy To”10^6 ofiQ-
fuppofe what we do not know, and to fancy ftiapes and ve^aU0‘1’
fizes at will; this is to raife phantoms, and wall pro¬
duce a fyftem, but will not prove a foundation for any
fcience. But to interrogate Nature herfelf, ftudy the
laws which {he fo faithfully obferves, catch her, as we
fay, in the faft, and thus wreft from her the fecret j this
is the only wTay to become her mafter, and it is the on¬
ly procedure confiftent with good fenfe. And we fee,
46
R I V
Theory, that fcon after tCepler dete£led the laws of the plane-
~ tary motions, when Galileo dil'covered the uniform ac¬
celeration of gravity, when Pafchal difeovered the pref-
fure of the atmofphere, and Newton difeovered the laws
of attraftion and the track of a ray of light; aftronomy,
mechanics, hydroftatics, chemiltry, optics, quickly be¬
came bodies of found doctrine; and the deductions
from their refpeCtive theories were found fair reprefen-
tations ol the phenomena of nature. Whenever a man
has difeovered a law of nature, he has laid the founda¬
tion of a fcience, and he has given us a new mean of
fubjefting to our feivice fome element hitherto inde¬
pendent : and fo long as groups of natural operations
follow a route which appears to us whimfical, and will
not admit our calculations, we may be aifured that wc
are ignorant of the principle which connefts them all,
and regulates their procedure.
17 This is remarkably the cafe with feveral phenomena
Our igno- Jn motions of fluids, and particularly in the motion
ranee of the 0f wa^er jn a or conduit of any kind. Although
Laws of this ^ie geniufes of Europe have for this century pall
motion, turned much of their attention to this fubjeft, we are
almoll ignorant of the general laws which may be ob-
ferved in their motions. We have been able to feleCl
very few points of refemblance, and every cafe remains
nearly an individual. About 150 years ago we difeo¬
vered, by experience only, the quantity and velocity of
water iffuing from a fmall orifice, and, after much la¬
bour, have extended this to any orifice •, and this is al¬
moll the whole of our confidential knowledge. But as
to the uniform courfe of the fireams which water the
face of the earth, and the maxims which will certainly
regulate this agreeably to our wilhes, we are in a man¬
ner totally ignorant. Who can pretend to fay what is
the velocity of a river of which you tell him the breadth,
the depth, and the declivity ? Who can fay what fwell
will be produced in different parts of its courfe, if a dam
or weir of given dimenfions be made in it, or a bridge
be thrown acrofs it ? or. how much its waters will be
raifed by turning another llream into it, or funk by ta¬
king off a branch to drive a mill ? Who can fay with
confidence what mull be the dimenfions or Hope of this
branch, in order to furnifh the water that is wanted, or
the dimenfions and (lope of a canal which lhall effeftu-
ally drain a fenny dillri<5l ? Who can fay what form
will caufe or will prevent the undermining of banks, the
forming of elbows, the pooling of the bed, or the de-
pofition of fands ? Yet thefe are the moll important
quellions.
• ful the cau^es thi* ignorance are the want or uncer-
•tfaufesofit. tainty of our principles; the fslfity of our only theory,
which is belied by experience ; and the fmall number of
proper obfervations or experiments, and difficulty of ma¬
king fuch as lhall be ferviceable. We have, it is true,
made a few experiments on the efflux of water from
fmall orifices, and from them we have deduced a fort of
theory, dependant on the fall of heavy bodies and the
laws of hydroftatic preffure. Hydrollatics is indeed
founded on very fimple principles, •which give a very
good account of the laws of the quiefeent equilibrium
of fluids, in confequence of gravity and perfect fluidity.
But by what train of reafoning can we connefl thefe
with the phenomena of the uniform motion of the wa¬
ters of a river or open llream, which can derive its mo*
E R. Parti.
tion only from the Hope its furface, and the modifi- Theory,
cations of this motion or its velocity only from the
width and depth of the ilream ? Thefe are the only cir-
cumftances which can dillinguilh a portion of a river
from a veffel of the fame fize and fhape, in which, how¬
ever, the water is at reft. In both, gravity is the foie
caufe of preffure and motion ; but there mull be fome
circumftance peculiar to running waters which modifies
the exertions of this a<5live principle, and which, when
difeovered, mull be the balls of hydraulics, and mult
oblige us to rejeft every theory founded on fancied hy-
pothefes, and which can only lead to abfurd conclu-
fions: and furely abfurd confequences, when legitimately
drawn, are complete evidence of improper piinciples. ij,
When it was difeovered experimentally, that the ve- Principle
locities of water iffuing from orifices at various depths
under the furface were as the fquare roots of tlmfe ot^hydra
depths, and the fa£l w-as verified by repeated experi- ijcs depend,
ments, this principle was immediately and without mo¬
dification applied 'to every motion of water. Mariotte,
Varignon, Guglielmini, made it the balls of complete
fyftems of hydraulics, which prevail to this day, after
having received various amendments and modifications.
The fame reafoning obtains through them all, though
frequently obfeured by other circumilances, which are
more perfpicuoully expreffed by Guglielmini in his Fun¬
damental Theorems.
He bonfiders every point P (figs 1.) in a mafs of Plate
fluid as an orifice in the fide of a veffel, and conceives CCCGLxn
the particle as having a, tendency to move with the
fame velocity with which it would iffue from the ori¬
fice. Therefore, if a vertical line APC be drawn through
that point, and if this be made the axis of a parabolic
ADE, of which A at the furface of the fluid is the
vertex, and AB (four times the height through which
a heavy body would fall in a fecond) is the parameter,
the velocity of this particle will be reprefented by the
ordinate PD of this parabola; that is, PD is the fpace
which it would uniformly deferibe in a fecond. 2S
From this principle is derived the following theory Theory de-
of running waters. Pved from
Let DC (fig. 2.) be the horizontal bottom of a re-U‘pig 2
fervoir, to which is joined a Hoping channel CK of uni¬
form breadth, and let AB be the furface of the Hand¬
ing water in the refervoir. Suppofe the vertical plane
BC pierced with an infinity of holes, through each of
which the water iffues. The velocity of each filament
will be that which is acquired by falling from the fur¬
face AB *. The filament C, iffuing with this ve- * See Gu-
locity, will then glide down the inclined plane likegltelmini's
any other heavy body ; and (by the common dodlrine of Hydraulics^
the motion down an inclined plane) vrhen it has arrived
at F, it will have the fame velocity which it would
have acquired by falling through the height OF, the
point O being in the horizontal plane AB produced.
The fame may be faid of its velocity when it arrives at
H or K. The filament immediately above C will alfo
iffue with a velocity which is in the fubduplicate ratio
of its depth, and will then glide down above the firft
filament. The fame may be affirmed of all the fila¬
ments ; and of the fuperficial filament, which will oc¬
cupy the furface of the defeending ftream. . The confc.
From this account of the genefis of a running ftream qU(.nces
of water, we may fairly draw the following confequences. di awn fromi
j j The theory.
3
Part I.
Theory.
21
are all con
trary to ex-
jrerience.
R 1 V
1. The velocity of any particle R, in any part of
* the ftream, is that acquired by falling from the horizon¬
tal plane AN.
2. The velocity at the bottom of the ftream is every¬
where greater than anywhere above it, and is leaft of
all at the furface.
3. The velocity of the ftream increafes continually as
the ftream recedes from its fource.
4. The depths EF, GH, &c. in different parts of
the ftream, will be nearly in the inverfe fubduplicate
ratio of the depths under the furface AN : for fince
the fame quantity of water is running through every
feftion EF and GH, and the channel is fuppofed of
uniform breadth, the depth of each feftion mult be in-
verfely as the velocity of the water pafting through it.
This velocity is indeed different in different filaments of
the fedtion \ but the mean velocity in each fe&ion is in
the fubduplicate ratio of the depth of the filament un¬
der the furface AB. Therefore the ftream becomes
more fhallow as it recedes from the fource •, and in con-
fequence of this the difference between LH and MG
continually diminifhes, and the velocities at the bottom
and furface of the ftream continually approach to equa¬
lity, and at a great diftance from the fource they-differ
infenfibly.
5. If the breadth of the ftream be contracted in any
part, the depth of the running water will be increafed
in that part, becaufe the fame quantity muft ftill pafs
through ; but the velocity at the bottom will remain
the fame, and that at the furface will be lefs than it was
before} and the area of the feClion will be increafed on
the whole.
6. Should a fluice be put acrofs the ftream, dipping
a little into the water, the water muft immediately rife
on the upper fide of the fluice till it rifes above the level
of the refervoir, and the fmalleft immerfion of the fluice
will produce this effecE For by lowering the fluice, the
area of the fedlion is diminifhed, and the velocity can¬
not be increafed till the -water heap up to a greater
height than the furface of the refervoir, and this acquires
a preffure which will produce a greater velocity of efflux
through the orifice left below the fluice.
7. An additional quantity of water coming into this
channel will increafe the depth of the ftream, and the
quantity of water which it conveys •, but it will not in¬
creafe the velocity of the bottom filaments, uniefs it
comes from a higher fource.
All thefe confequences are contrary to experience,
and fhow the imperfedlion, at leaft, of the explanation.
The third confequence is of all the moft contrary to
experience. If any one will but take the trouble of
following a {ingle brook from its fource to the fea, he
will find it moft rapid in its beginnings among the
mountains, gradually flackening its pace as it winds
among the hills and gentler declivities, and at laft
creeping flowly along through the flat grounds, till it
is checked and brought to reft by the tides of the
ocean.
Nor is the fecond confequence more agreeable to ob-
fervation. It is univerfally found, that the velocity of
the furface in the middle of the ftream is the greateft
of all, and that it gradually diminiffies from thence to
the bottom and fides.
And the firft confequence, if true, would render the
running waters on the fuiface of this earth the inftru-
E R.
ments of immediate ruin and devaftaticn. If the wa¬
ters of our rivers, in the cultivated parts of a country,
which are two, three, and four hundred feet lower than
their fources, ran with the velocity due to that height,
they would in a few minutes lay the earth bare to the
very bones.
The velocities of our rivers, brooks, and rills, being
fo greatly inferior to what this theory afligns to them,
the other confequences are equally contrary to experi-
ence. When a ftream has its feftion diminiihed by nar¬
rowing the channel, the current increafes in depth, and
this is always accompanied by an increafe of velocity
through the whole of the fedlion, and moft of all at the
furface ; and the area of the fedlion does not increafe,
but diminifhes, all the phenomena, thus contradidting in
every circumftance the dedu&ion from the theory 5 and
when the fedlion has been diminiftied by a ffuice let
down into the ftream, the wTater gradually heaps up on.
the upper fide of the fluice, and, by its preffure, pro¬
duces an acceleration of the ftream below the fluice, in
the fame way as if it were the beginning of a ftream, as
explained in the theory. The velocity now is com-
pofed of the velocity preferved from the fouyee and the
velocity produced by this fubordinate accumulation \
and this accumulation and velocity continually increafe,
till they become fuch that the whole fupply is again
difeharged through this contracted feftion : any addi¬
tional water not only increafes the quantity carried
along the ftream, but alfo increafes the velocity, and
therefore the fedlion does not increafe in the proportion
of the quantity.
Jt is furprifing that a theory really founded on a con-u|eoTy
ceit, and which in every the meft familiar and obvious however,
circumftances is contradicted by faCts, fliould have metha5 fieen
with fo much attention. That Varignon fhould imme-
diately catch at this notion of Guglielmini, and make itt^e wr;terJ
the fubjeCt of many elaborate analytical memoirs, is not on the tub.-
to be wondered at. This author only wanted ffiw/frjeCt,
prife au calcul; and it was a ufual joke among the aca¬
demicians of Paris, when any new theorem was invented,
donnons le a Varignon a generaiifer. But his numerous
theorems and corollaries were adopted by all, and ftill
make the fubftance of the prefent fyftems of hydraulics.
Gravefande, Mufchenbroek, and all the elementary trea-
tifes of natural philofophy, deliver no other doctrines j
and Belidor, who has been confidered as the firft of all
the fcientific engineers, details the fame theory in his
great work the Archhe&ure Hijdraulique. ,2^
Guglielmini was, however, not altogether the dupe though
of his own ingenuity. He was not only a pretty good fome of the
mathematician, but an afliduous and fagacious obferver. ir!ore|!12e_
He had applied his theory to fome important cafes-ts {jef^s
w’hich occurred in the courfe of his profeflion as in-and at-
fpeftor of the rivers and canals in the Milanefe, and to tempted to
the couife of the Danube j and could not but perceive ^uP^!y
that great corrections were neceflary for making the1'"1131,
theory quadrate in fome tolerable manner with obfer-
vation 5 and he immediately faw that the motion w’as
greatly obftruCted by inequalities of the canal, which
gave to the contiguous filaments of the ftream tranf-
verfe motions, which thwarted and confufed the regular
progrefs of the reft of the ftream, and thus checked its
general progrefs. Thefe obftruftions, he obferved,
were moft effectual in the beginning of its courfc, wfffile
yet a fmall rill? running among ftones, and in a very
unequal,
/
43
R I V
Theory.
unequal bed. The ■whole firearn ’being fmall, the ine¬
qualities bore a great proportion to it, and thus the ge¬
neral eft'eft was great. He alio faw that the lame cau-
i'es (thefe tranfverfe motions produced by the unequal
bottom) chiefly affe&ed the contiguous filaments, and
were the reafons why the velocity at the Tides and bot¬
tom was fo much diminiihed as to be lefs than the fu-
perficial velocity, and that even this might come to be
diminiihed by the fame caufe. For he obierved, that
the general itream of a river is frequently compofed of
a fort of boiling or tumbling motion, by which maifes
of water are brought up to the iurface and again de-
fcend. Every perfon mull recolledl fuch appearances
in the freihes of a muddy river ; and in this way Gu-
glielmini was enabled to account in fome meafure lor the
difagreement of his theory with obfervation.
Mariottfe had obferved the fame obilruftion even
in the fmootheil glafs pipes. Here it could not be
afcribed to the checks occafioned by tranfverfe motions.
He therefore afcribed it to friflion, which he fuppofed to
diminifh the motion of fluid bodies in the fame manner
as of folids : and he thence concludes, that the filaments
which imipediately rub on tne iides of the tuoe have
their velocity gradually diminiihed } and that tne fila¬
ments immediately adjoining to thefe, being thus obli¬
ged to pafs over them or outflrip them, rub upon them,
and have their own velocity dimimfhed m like manner,
but in a fmaller degree ; and that the fucceeding fila¬
ments towards the axis of the tube fuffer fimilar but
fmaller diminutions. By this means the whole flream
may come to have a fmaller velocity $ and at any
rate the medium velocity by which the quantity dif-
charged is determined, is fmaller than it would have
been independent of fridlion.
Guglielmini adopted this opinion of Mariotte, and in
his next work on the Motion of Kivers, confidered tnis
as the chief caufe of the retardation ^ and he added a
a third circumflance, which he confidered as of no lefs
confequence, the vifeidity or tenacity of water. lie ob-
ferves that fyrup, oil, and ®ther fluids, where this vif¬
eidity is more remarkable, have their motions prodigi-
oufly retarded by it, and fuppofes that water differs
from them only in the degree in which it poflefies this
-quality : and he fays, that by this means not only the
particles which are moving more rapidly have their mo¬
tions diminifhed by thofe in their neighbourhood which
move flower, but that the filaments alio nlnc.i would
have moved more flowly are accelerated by their moie
aiftive neighbours j and that in this manner the fupei-
ficial and inferior velocities are brought nearer to an
equality. But this will never account for the univerfal
faft, that the fuperficial particles are the fwifteft of all.
The fuperficial particles, fays he, acquire by this means
a greater velocity than the parabolic law allows them •,
the medium velocity is often in the middle of the depth;
the numerous obflacles continually multiplied and re¬
peated, caufe the current to lofe the velocity acquired
by the fall; the flope of the bottom then diminifhes,
and often becomes very fmall, fo that the force remain¬
ing is hardly able to overcome the obflacles which are
ffill repeated, and the river is reduced almofl to a fiate
of ftagnation. He obferves, that the Rheno, a river
of the Milanefe, has near its mouth a flope of no more
dhan 5", which he confiders as quite inadequate to the
4
E IE
Part I,
tafk ; and here he introduces another principle, which Theory,
he confiders as an effential part of the theory of open v'-—'
currents. This is, that there arifes from the very depth
of the itream a propelling force which reftores a part ot
the loft velocity. He offers nothing in proof of this prin¬
ciple, but ufes it to account for and explain the motion
of waters in horizontal canals. I he principle has been
adopted by the numerous Italian writers on hydraulics,
and, by various contrivances, interwoven with the para¬
bolic theory, as it is called, oi Guglielmini. Our readers
may fee it in various modifications in the Idrqjlatica e
Iciraulico of P. Lecchi, and in the Spsrienze Idrauhchc
of Michelotti. It is by no means diilinct either in its
origin or in the manner of its application to the expla¬
nation of phenomena, and feems only to ferve for gi¬
ving fomething like confiilency to the vague and obfeure
di feu (lions which have been publifhed on this fubjedl in
Italy. We have already remarked, that in that coun¬
try the fubject is particularly interefling, and has been
much commented upon. But the writers of England,
France, and Germany, have not paid fo much attention
to it, and have more generally occupied themfelves with
the motion of water in clofe conduits, which feem to
admit of a more precife application of mathematical rea-
foning. . 2 -
Some of thofe have confidered with more attention sir
the effects of friftion and vifeidity. Sir Ifaac Newton,Newton’s
with his ufual penetration, had feen diflinftly the man-obferyations
ner in which it behoved thefe circumflances to operate.011^113 Iub‘
He had occafion, in his refearches into the mechanifmjex ’
of the celellial motions, to examine the famous hypo-
thefis of Defcartes, that the planets were carried round
the fun by fluid vortices, and faw that there would be
no end to uncertainty and difpute till the modus operandi
of thefe vortices were mechanically confidered. He
therefore employed himfelf in the invefligation of the
manner in which the acknowfltdged powers of natutal
bodies, afting according to the freceived laws of mecha¬
nics, could produce and preferve thefe vortices, and re-
ftore that motion which w'as expended' in carrying the
planets round the fun. Fie therefore, in the fecond
book of the Principles of Natural Philofophy, gives a
feries of beautiful propofitions, viz, 51, 52, &c. wulh
their corollaries, fhow'ing how the rotation ot a cylindei or
fphere round its axis in the midfl of a fiuid will excite
a vortical motion m this fluid ; and he alcertains with
mathematical precifion the motion of every filament of
this vortex.
He lets out from the fuppofition that this motion is
excited in the furrounding flratum of fluid in confe¬
quence of a want of perfedl lubricity, and aflumes as
an hypothefis, that the initial refiflance (or diminution
of the motion of the cylinder) wdiich arifes from this
want of lubricity, is proportional to the velocity with
which the furface of the cylinder is feparated from the
contiguous furface of the furrounding fluid, and that
the whole refiifance is proportional to the velocity with
which the parts of the fluid are mutually _ feparated
from each other. From this, and the equality of ac¬
tion and re-aftion, it evidently follows, that the velocity
of any flratum of the vortex is the arithmetical medium
between the velocities of the flrata immediately within
and without it. For the intermediate flratum cannot
be in equilibrio, unlefs it is as much prefied forward by
26
Scarce at
all impro¬
ved fince
his time.
R I V
the fuperior motion of the ftratum within it, as it is
kept back by the flower motion of the ftratum with¬
out it.
This beautiful inveftigation applies in the molt per¬
fect manner to every change produced in the motion of
a fluid filament, in confequence of the viicidity and fric¬
tion of the adjoining filaments ; and a filament proceed¬
ing along a tube at fome fmall diltance from the fides
has, in like manner, a velocity which is the medium be¬
tween thofe of the filaments immediately furrounding
it. It is therefore a problem of no very difficult folu-
tion to affign the law by -which the velocity will gradu¬
ally diminilh as the filament recedes from the axis of a
cylindrical tube. It is fomewhat furprifing that fo
neat a problem has never occupied the attention of the
mathematicians during the time that thefe fubjedfts were
fo affiduoufly ftudied j but fo it is, that nothing precife
has been publiffied on the fubjett. The only approach
to a difcuffion of this kind, is a Memoir of Mr Pitot,
E E.
read to the academy of Paris in 1726, where he confi-
ders the velocity of efflux through a pipe. Here, by
attending to the comparative luperiority of the quantity
of motion in large pipes, he affirms, that the total dimi¬
nutions arifing from friftion will be {cceterisparibus) in
the inverfe ratio of the diameters. This was thank¬
fully received by other writers, and is now a part of
our hydraulic theories. It has not, however, been at¬
tended to by thofe who write on the motion of rivers,
though it is evident that it is applicable to thefe with
equal propriety } and had it been introduced, it would
at once have folved all their difficulties, and particular¬
ly would have ffiown how an alrnoft imperceptible de¬
clivity would produce the gentle motion of a great ri¬
ver, without having recourfe to the unintelligible prin¬
ciple of Guglielmini.
Mr Couplet made fome experiments on the motion of
the water in the great main pipes of Verfaillcs, in order
to obtain fome notions of the retardations occafioned by
friction. They were found prodigious ; but were fo ir¬
regular, and unfufceptible of redu&ion to any general
principle, (and the experiments were indeed fo few that
they wrere unfit for this reduction), that he could efta-
bliffi no theory.—What Mr Belidor eftabliihed on them,
and makes a fort of fyftem to diredt future engineers, is
quite unworthy of attention.
Upon the whole, this branch of hydraulics, although
of much greater pradlical importance than the condudt
of water in pipes, has never yet obtained more than a
vague, and, wc may call it, flovenly attention from the
mathematicians ; and we afcribe it to their not having
taken the pains to fettle its firfl: principles with the
fame precifion as had been done in the other branch.
They were, from the beginning, fatisfied with a fort of
applicability of mathematical principles, without ever
making the application. Were it not that fome would
accufe us of national partiality, we would afcribe it to
this, that Newton had not pointed out the way in this
as in the other branch. For any intelligent reader of
the performances on the motions of fluids in clofe vef-
fels, will fee that there has not a principle, nay hardly
a ftep of inveftigation, been added to thofe which were
ufed or oointed out by Sir Ifaac Newton. He has no¬
where touched this queftion, the motion of water in an
open canal. In his theories of the tides, and of the
propagation of waves, he had an excellent opportunity
Vol. XVII. Part II.
for giving at once the fundamental principles of motion
in a free fluid whofe furface wras not horizontal. But,
by means of fome of thofe happy and ihrewd guefles,
in which, as Daniel Bernoulli fays, he excelled all men,
he law the undoubted confequences of fome palpable
phenomenon which would anfwer all his prefent pur-
pofes, and therefore entered no farther into the invefti¬
gation.
The original theory of Guglielmini, or the principle
adopted by him, that each particle of the vertical lec¬
tion of a running ftream has a tendency to move as if
it were ifluing from an orifice at that depth under the
furface, is falfe 5 and that it really does fo in the face of a
dam wffien the flood gate is taken away, is no lefs fo \
and if it did, the fubfequent motions would hardly have
any refemblance to thofe which he affigns them. Were
this the cafe, the exterior form of the cafcade wrould
be fomething like what is Iketched in fig. 3. with an Fig. 3*
abrupt angle at B, and a concave furface BEG. This
will be evident to every one who combines the greater
velocity of the kwer filaments with the flow’er motion
of thofe which muft Hide down above them. But this
greater advance of the lower filaments cannot take place
without an expenditure of. the w’ater under the furface
AB. The furface therefore finks, and B inllantly
ceafes to retain its place in the horizontal plane. The
water does not fucceffively flow forward from A to B,
and then tumble over the precipice j but immediately
upon opening the flood-gate, the water waftes from the
fpace immediately behind it, and the whole puts on
the form reprefented in fig. 4. confifting of the curve Fig. 4,
Aa Pc EG, convex from A to c, and concave from
thence forward. The fuperficial water begins to acce¬
lerate all the way from A j and the particles may be
fuppofed (for the prefent) to have acquired the velocity
correfponding to their depth under the horizontal fur¬
face. This muft be underftood as nothing more than
a vague Iketch of the motions. It requires a very cri¬
tical and intricate inveftigation to determine either the
form of the upper curve or the motions of the different
filaments. The place A, where the curvature begins,
is of equally difficult determination, and is various ac¬
cording to the difterences of depth and of inclination
of the fucceedingf canal.
We have given this fort of hiftory of the progrefs Uncer-
which had been made in this part of hydraulics, that tainty of
our readers might form fome opinion of the many differ-the theones
tations which have been written on the motion of rivers,
and of the ftate of the arts depending on it. Much of practice ex-
the bufinefs of the civil engineer is intimately connected emplified.
with it: and we may therefore believe, that fince there
was fo little principle in the theories, there could be but
very little certainty in the praftical operations. The
fadft has been, that no engineer could pretend to fay,
with any precifion, what would be the effect of his opera¬
tions. One whofe bufinefs had given him many oppor¬
tunities, and who kept accurate and judicious regifters
of his owm works, could pronounce, with fome probabi¬
lity, how much water would be brought off by a drain
of certain dimenfions and a given flope, when the circum-
ftances of the cafe happened to tally with fome former
work in which he had fucceeded or failed; but out of
the pale of his own experience he could only make a fa-
gacious guefs. A remarkable inftance of this occurred
not long ago. A fmall aquedufl was lately carried into
G Paris.
5°
R I V
Theory. Paris. It had been conducted on a plan prefented to the
academy, who had correfted it, and gave a report of
what its performance would be. When executed in the
moft accurate manner, it wTas deficient in the proportion
of five to nine. When the celebrated Defaguliers was
employed by the city of Edinburgh to fuperintend the
bringing in the water for the fuppiy of the city, he gave
a report on the plan which was to be followed. It was
executed to his complete fatisfaftion ; and the quantity
of water delivered v.Tas about one-fixth of the quantity
which he promifed, and about one-eleventh of the quan¬
tity which the no lefs celebrated M’Laurin calculated
from the fame plan.
Neceffity Such being the ftate of our theoretical knowledge (if
of multiply-it can be called by this name), naturaliils began to be
ing expert- perfuaded that it W’as but lofing time to make any ulc of
meats. a theory fo incongruous with obfervation, and that the only
late method of proceeding was to multiply experiments
in every variety of circumftances, and to make a feries of
experiments in every important cafe, wdrich (hould com¬
prehend all the practical modifications of that cafe. Per¬
haps circumftances of refemblance might occur, which
wmuld enable us to conned many of them together, and
at latl difcover the principles which occaiioned this con-
ne&ion j by which means a theory founded on fcience
might be obtained. And if this point (hould not be gain¬
ed, we might perhaps find a few general fads, which are
modified in all thefe particular cafes, in fuch a manner
that we can ftill trace the general fads, and lee the part
of the particular cafe which depends on it. This would
be the acquifition of what may be called an empirical
theory, by which every phenomenon would be explained,
in fo far as the explanation of a phenomenon is nothing
more than the pointing out the general fad or law under
which it is comprehended ; and this theory would an-
fwer every pradical purpofe, becaufe w^e ihould confi¬
dently forefee what confequences would refult from fuch
and fuch premifes j or if we ihould fail even in this, we
fhould ftill have a feries of experiments fo comprehen-
five, that we could tell what place in the feries would
correfpond to any particular cafe which might be pro-
2p pofed.
Labours of There are two gentlemen, whofe labours in this re-
Micbelotti fped deferve very particular notice, Profeffor Michelotti
and Boffut at rpur;n? ancJ Abbe Eoffut at Paris. The firft made a
in this way,prod|gious number of experiments both on the motion of
W'ater through pipes and in open canals. They were
performed at the expence of the fovereign, and no ex¬
pence was fpared. A tower was built of the fineft ma-
fonry, to ferve as a vefl'el from which the water was
to iffue through holes of various fizes, under preffures
from 5 to 22 feet. The water was‘received into bafons
conftruded of mafonry and nicely lined wTith ftucco,
from whence it was conveyed in canals of brick-wToik
lined with ftucco, and of various forms and declivities.
The experiments on the expence of W'ater through pipes
are of all that have yet been made the moft numerous
and exad, and may be appealed to on every occafion.
Thofe made in open canals are ftiil more numerous,
and are no doubt equally accurate ; but they have not
been fo contrived as to be fo generally ufeful, being
in general very unlike the important cafes which will
occur in practice, and they feem to have been con¬
trived chiefly with the view of eftabliflring or overturn¬
ing certain points of hydraulic doftrine which were pro-
E R.
Pavt I.
bably prevalent at the time among the practical hydrau- Theory,
lifts. _ ^ " ^
The experiments of BofTut are alfo of both kinds j and
though on a much fmaller icale than thofe of Michelotti,
feem to deferve equal confidence. As far as they follow
the fame track, they periedtly coincide in their reiulls,
which fhould procure confidence in the other j and they
are made in fituations much more analogous to the ulual
practical cafes. This makes them doubly valuable.
They are to be found in his two volumes intitled tlydro-
dynamique. He has opened this path of procedure in
a manner fo new and fo judicious, that he has in tome
meafure-the merit of iuch as (hall follow him in the fame
path. _ 30
This has been moft candidly and liberally allowed him ami the
by the chevalier de Buat, who has taken up this matter Progre®yc
where the abbe Boffut left it, and has profecuted his^l^- f
experiments with great afliduity 5 and we mult now add L)e £uaU
with fingular fuccefs. By a very judicious conlideration
of the lubjedf, he hit on a particular view of it, which
faved him the trouble of a minute coniideratiou of the
fmall internal motions, and enabled him to proceed irom
a very general and evident propofttion, which may be
received as the key to a complete lyitem of practical
hydraulics. We lhall follow this ingenious author in
what we have farther to lay on the lubject j and we
doubt not but that our readers will think we do a fervice
to the public by making thefe difeuflions of the chevalier
de Baat move generally known in this country. It mult
not however be expeded that we fhall give more than
a fynoptical view of them, conneded by iuch familiar
reafoning as (hall be either comprehended or confided
in by perlons not deeply verled m mathematical
fcience.
Sect. I. Theory of Rivers.
It is certain that the motion of open ftreams muft, in His leading
feme refpeds, refemble that of bodies Hiding down in-ProP°fmon.
dined planes perfedly pohlhed 3 and that they would
accelerate continually, were they not obftruded : but
they are obftruded, and frequently move uniformly.
This can only arile from an equilibrium between the for¬
ces which promote their defeent and thofe which oppoie
it. Mr Buat, therefore, affumes the leading propolition,
that,
When water flows uniformly on any channel or bed,
the accelerating force which obliges it to move is equal
to the fum of all the refjlances which it meets with, whe¬
ther arifing from its own vifeidity, or from the friction of
its bed.
This law is as old as the formation of rivers, and fhould
be the key of hydraulic fcience. Its evidence is clear 3
and it is, at any rate, the bafis of all uniform motion.
And fince it is fo, there muft be fome confiderable ana¬
logy between the motion in pipes and in open channels.
Both owe their origin to an inequality of preffure, both
would accelerate continually, if nothing hindered 3 and
both are reduced to uniformity by the viicidity of the
fluid and the fridion of the channel. ^ 32 .
It will therefore be convenient to examine the pheno-^1^^'^
mena of water moving in pipes by the adion of its weight]owjng dj,'.
only along the hoping channel. But previous to this,cuffion pro-
we muft take fome notice of the obftrudion to the entry poled,
of -water into a channel of any kind, arifing from the
defiedion
Part I.
RIVE R.
51
Theory.
deflection of the many different filaments which prefs
into tiie channel from the refervoir from every fide.
Then we ffiall be able to feparate this diminution of mo¬
tion from the fum total that is obferved, and afeertain
what part remains as produced by the fubfequent obilruc-
tions.
We then fhall confider the principle of uniform mo¬
tion, the equilibrium between the power and the re¬
finance. The power is the relative height of the column
of ilirid which tends to move along the inclined plane of
its bed ; the refiffance is the friefion of the bed, the vif-
cidity of the fluid, and its adhelion to the fides. Here
are neceffarily combined a number of circumftances which
muff be gradually detached that we may fee the effedl
of each, viz. the extent of the bed, its perimeter, and
its dope. By examining the effects produced by varia¬
tions of each of thefe feparately, we difeover what ffiare
each has in the general effedt 5 and having thus ana-
lyfed the complicated phenomenon, we {hall be able
to combine thofe its elements, and frame a formula
which fliall comprehend every circumftance, from the
greateff velocity to the extindlion of all motion, and
from the extent of a river to the narrow dimenfions of a
quill. We {hall compare this formula with a ferieS
of experiments in all this variety of circumftances, part¬
ly made by Mr Buat, and partly colledted from other
authors; and we {hail leave the reader to judge of the
agreement.
Confident that this agreement will be found moft
fatisfadbory, we {hall then proceed to confider very cur-
forily the chief varieties which nature or art may intro¬
duce into thefe beds, the different velocities of the lame
dream, the intenfity of the refiftance produced by the
inertia of the materials of the channel, and the force of
the current by which it continually adts on this channel,
tending to change either its dimenfions or its form. We
{hall endeavour to trace the origin of thefe great rivers
w hich fpread like the branches of a vigorous tree, and
occupy the furface even of a vaft continent. We {hall
follow them in their courfe, unfold all their windings,
fludy their train and regimen, and point out the law of
its liability j and w7e {hall inveftigate the caufes of their
deviations and wanderings.
The ftudy of thefe natural laws pleafes the mind: but
it anfwers a Hill greater purpofe ; it enables us to aflift:
nature, and to haften her operations, which our wrants
and our impatience often find too flow. It enables us to
command the elements, and to force them to adminifter
to our wTants and our pleafures.
We (hall therefore, in the next place, apply the know¬
ledge which wre may acquire to the folution of the moft:
important hydraulic quettions which occur in the pradlice
of the civil engineer.
We {hall confider the effedis produced by a permanent
addition to any river or ftream by the union of another,
and the oppofite effedl produced by any draught or offset,
{bowing the elevation or depreflion produced up the ftream,
and the change made in the depth and velocity below the
addition or offset.
We {hall pay a fimilar attention to the temporary
fwells produced by frefhes.
We {hall afeertain the effedis of ftraightening the courfe
of a ftream, which, by increafing its Hope, muft increafe
its velocity, and therefore fink the waters above the
place where the curvature w7as removed, and diminifh
the tendency to overflow, while the fame immediate Theory,
confequence muft expofe the places farther down to the
riftt of ftoods from which they would otherwise have been
free.
The effedis of dams or weirs, and of bars, muft then
be confidered 5 the gorge or fwell which they produce
up the ftream muft be determined for every diftance
from the wreir or bar. This will furnilh us with rules
for rendering navigable or floatable fuch waters as have
too little depth or too great flope. And it wdll appear
that immenfe advantages may be thus derived, with a
moderate expence, even from trifling brooks, if we will
relinquiih all prejudices, and not imagine that fuch con¬
veyance is impoflible, becaufe it cannot be carried on by
fuch boats and finall craft as we have been accuftomed
to look at.
The effects of canals of derivation, the rules or ma¬
xims of draining, and the general maxims of embank¬
ment, come in the next place j and our difeuflions will
conclude with remarks on the moft proper forms ior the
entry to canals, locks, docks, harbours, and mouths
of rivers, the beft {hape for the ftarlings ot bridges and
of boats for inland navigations, and fuch like fubordinate
but interefting particulars, which will be fuggefted by
the general thread of difcuflxon.
It is confidered, as phyfically demonftrated (fee HY-xjaty,Jai ve,
DRODYNAMICS), that water iffuing from a finall orificelocity, ex¬
in the bottom or fide of a very large veffel, almoft in-pence and
ftantly acquires and maintains the velocity which a hea-^t^arSe
vy body would acquire by falling to the orifice from the
horizontal furface of the llagnant water. This we ihalliiccs.
call its Natural Velocity. Therefore, if we mul¬
tiply the area of the orifice by this velocity, the produdl
will be the bulk or quantity of the water which is dif-
charged. This we may call the Natural Expence of
water, or the Natural Discharge.
Let O reprefent the area or fedtion of the orifice ex-
preffed in fome known meafure, and h its depth under
the furface. Let g exprefs the velocity acquired by a
heavy body during a fecond by falling. Let V be the
medium velocity of the water’s motion, Q the quantity
of water difeharged during a fecond, and N the natural
expence.
We know that V is equal to ’\f7gX. y/h. Therefore
N=rO. \^2g \/h.
If thefe dimenfions be all taken in Englilh feet, we
have V2g very nearly equal to 8 5 and therefore V—•
%y/ h, and NrrO. h.
But in our prefent bufinefs it is much more conve¬
nient to meafure every thing by inches. Therefore
fince a body acquires the velocity of 32 feet 2 inches
in a fecond, we have 2^=64 feet 4 inches or 772 inch¬
es, and \/2g— 27.78 inches, nearly 27! inches.
Therefore Vzr 7721///, — 27.78^ and NrrO.
^77 2 =0.27.78
But it is alfo well known, that if we were to calcu¬
late the expence or difeharge for every orifice by this
fnnple rule, we ftiould in every inftance find it much
greater than nature really gives us.
When water iffues through a hole in a thin plate, the
lateral columns, prefling into the hole from all fides,
caufe the iffuing filaments to converge to the axis of
the jet, and contradl its dimenfions at a little diftance
frotn the hole. And it is in this place of greateft con-
G 2 tradioa
RIVER.
Part I.
34
Contrac¬
tion.
* See Xe-
JiJl nee of
Fluids,
n° 67.
35
Motion of
filaments
in various
particular
fituations,
FiS- S’
a*
#nd the
•fifedls of
contraction
4eten»in-
traftion that the water acquires that velocity which
we obi'erve in our experiments, and which we affume
as equal to that acquired by falling from the furface.
Therefore, that our computed difeharge may belt agree
with obfervation, it muft be calculated on the fuppo-
lition that the orifice is diminiftied to the lize of this
fmalleft fedtion. But the contraction is fubjeft to va¬
riations, and the dimenfions of this fmalleft feCtion
are at all times difficult to afeertain with precifion.
It is therefore much more convenient to compute from
the real dimenfions of the orifice, and to correct this
computed difeharge, by means of an adtual comparifon
of the computed and effedftive difeharges in a feries of
experiments made in fituations refembling thofe cafes
which moft frequently occur in praftice. This correc¬
tion or its caufe, in the mechanifm of thofe internal mo¬
tions, is generally called Contraction by the writers
on hydraulics*, and it is not confined to a hole in a
thin plate: it happens in fome degree in all cafes
where fluids are made to pafs through narrow places.
It happens in the entry into all pipes, canals, and
fluicesj nay even in the pafiage of water over the
edge of a board, fuch as is ufually fet up on the
head of a dam or wTeir, and even when this is im-
merfed in water on both fides, as in a bar or keep,
frequently employed for raifing the waters of the
level ftreams in Flanders, in order to render them na¬
vigable. We mentioned an obfervation * of Mr Buat to
this effett, when he faw a goofberry rife up from the
bottom of the canal along the face of the bar, and then
rapidly fly over its top. We have attempted to repre-
fent this "motion of the filaments in thefe different fitua¬
tions.
Fig. 5. A (how’s the motion through a thin plate.
P. ffiows the motion when a tube of about two dia¬
meters long is added, and when the water flow’s with a
full mouth. This does not always happen in fo fliort a
pipe (and never in one that is ffiorter), but the water
frequently detaches itfelf from the fides of the pipe, and
flows with a contracted jet.
C ffiows the motion wffien the pipe projefts into the
infide of the veffel. In this cafe it is difficult to make it
flow full.
D reprefents a mouth-piece fitted to the hole, and
formed agreeably to that ftiape which a jet would af-
fume of itfelf. In this cafe all contraction is avoided,
becaufe the mouth of this pipe may be confidered as the
real orifice, and nothing now diminifties the difeharge
but a trifling friCtion of the fides.
E ffiows the motion of w’ater over a dam or weir,
where the fall is free or unobftruCted *, the furface of the
lower ftream being lowTer than the edge or foie of the
wafte-board.
F is a fimilar reprefentation of the motion of water
over what we would call a bar or keep.
It was one great aim of the experiments of Miche-
lotti and Boffut to determine the effeCfs of contraCHon
in thefe cafes. Michelotti, after carefully obferving the
form and dimenfions of the natural jet, made various
mouth-pieces refembling it, till he obtained one which
produced the fmalleft diminution of the computed dif¬
eharge, or till the difeharge computed for the area of its
fitialler end approached the neareft to the effeClive dif¬
eharge. And he at laft obtained one which gave a dif¬
eharge of 983, when the natural difeharge would have
been 1000. This piece was formed by the revolution of Theory,
a trochoid round the axis of the jet, and the dimenfions —v”**"
were as follow :
Diameter of the outer orifice
 inner orifice
Length of the axis
= 36
— 46
= 96
The refults of the experiments of the Abbe Boflut
and of Michelotti fcarcely differ, and they are expref-
fed in the following table :
10000=0.27.78^
6526 0.18.131/^
0.17.21
0.17.15^
0.22.57 v/i
0.18.93^
0.14.27^/5
0.27.311/^
6195
6173
8125
6814
5*37
983x
9536
973°
c. 26.49
0.27.03 v/>4
N or the natural ex pence
for the thin plate fig. A 7
almoft at the furface 3
for ditto at the depth of 8 feet
Q for ditto at the depth of 16 feet
(J for a tube 2 diameters long, 1
fig.B. S
Q for ditto projefting inwards ^
and flowing full j
Q for ditto with a contraCled 7
jet, fig. C. _ 3"
for the mouth piece, fig. D.
(J for a weir, fig. E.
£) for a bar, fig. F.
The numbers in the laft column of this little table are
the cubical inches of water difeharged in a fecond when
the height h is one inch.
It muft be obferved that the difeharges affigned here
for the weir and bar relate only to the contraCHons oc-
cafioned by the paffage over the edge of the board. The
weir may alfo fuffer a diminution by the contraftions at
its twTo ends, if it fliould be narrower than the ftream,
which is generally the cafe, becaufe the two ends are
commonly of fquare mafonry or wood-work. The con-
traftion there is nearly the fame with that at the edge of
a thin plate. But this could not be introduced into this
table, becaufe its effeft on the expence is the fame in
quantity whatever is the length of the wrafte-board of the
weir.
In like manner, the diminution of difeharge through D;mfn7alioa
a fluice could not be expreffed here. When a fluice is 0f difeharge
drawn up, but its lower edge ftill remains under water, through a
the difeharge is contra&ed both above and at the fides, fluiCe»
and the diminution of difeharge by each is in propor¬
tion to its extent. It is not eafy to reduce either of
thefe contraftions to computation, but they may be ve¬
ry eafily obferved. We frequently can obferve the wa¬
ter, at coming out of a fluice into a mill courfe, quit the
edge of the aperture, and ffiow a part of the bottom
quite dry. This is always the cafe when the velocity
of efflux is confiderable. When it is very moderate,
this place is occupied by an eddy water almoft ftagnant.
When the head of water is 8 or 10 inches, and runs
off freely, the fpace left between it and the fides is about
14 inches. If the fides of the entry have a flope, this
void fpace can never appear ; but there is always this
tendency to convergence, which diminifties the quantity
of the difeharge.
It wall frequently abridge computation very much to
confider the water difeharged in thefe different fituations
as moving with a common velocity, which we conceive
as produced not by a fall from the furface of the fluid
(which is exadl only wffien the expence is equal to the
natural expence), but by a fall h accommodated to the dif¬
eharge *,
Part I.
RIVER.
55
Theory, charge: or it is convenient to know the height -which
~y——- procJuce that very velocity which the water iiTues
with in thefe fituations.
And alfo, when the water is obferved to be actually
moving with a velocity V, and we know whether it is
coming through a thin plate, through a tube, over a
dam, &c. it is neceffary to know the preffure or head
OF water h which has a&ually produced this velocity.
It is convenient therefore to have the following numbers
in readinefs.
The mo¬
tion of ri¬
vers de¬
pend* on
the dope
of the fur-
face.
Fig. <S.
h for the natural expence
h for a thin plate
h for a tube 2 diam. long
h for a dam or weir
YL
772
v*
296
V*
505
V2
726
v*
h for a bar
It was neceiTary to premife thefe FACTS in hydraulics,
that we may be able in every cafe to diftinguifh between
the force expended in the entry of the water into the
conduit or canal, and the force employed in overcom¬
ing the refillances along the canal, and in preferving or
accelerating its motion in it.
The motion of running water is produced by two
caufes : 1. The aftion of gravity-, and, 2. The mobi¬
lity of the particles, which makes them aflume a level
in confined veflels, or determines them to move to that
fide where there is a deleft of preffure. When the fur-
face is level, every particle is at reft, being equally pref-
fed in all direftions; but if the furface is not level, not
only does a particle on the very furface tend by its own
w-eight towards the lower fide, as a body would Aide
along an inclined plane, but there is a force, external to
itfelf, arifing from a fuperiority of preffure on the up¬
per end of the furface, which pufties this fuperficial par¬
ticle towards the lower end ; and this is not peculiar to
the fuperficial particles, but affefts every particle with¬
in the mafs of water. In the veffel ACDE (fig. 6.),
containing water with an inclined furface AE. if we
fuppofe all frozen but the extreme columns AKHB,
FGLE, and a connefling portion HKCDLG, it is
evident, from hydroftatical laws, that the water on this
connefting part will be pulhed in the direflion CD ;
and if the frozen mafs BHGF were moveable, it would
alfo be puftied along. Giving it fluidity will make no
change in this refpefl ■, and it is indifferent what is the
fituation and fhape of the connefling column or co¬
lumns. The propelling force (MNF being horizontal)
is the weight of the column AMNB. ft he fame thing
will obtain wherever we feleff the vertical columns.
There will always be a force tending to pufh every par¬
ticle of water in the direftion of the declivity. The
confequence will be, that the water will fink at one end
and rife at the other, and its furface will reft in the ho¬
rizontal pofition a O e, cutting the former in its middle
O. This cannot be unlefs there be not only a motion
of perpendicular defcent and afcent of the vertical co¬
lumns, but alfo a real motion of tranflation from-K to¬
wards L. It perhaps exceeds our mathematical fkill to
tell what will be the motion of each particle. Newton
746
did not attempt it in his iuveftigation of the motion of Theory,
waves, nor is it at all neceffary here. We may, how- ' ' 1
ever, acquire a very diftinfl notion of its general effiefE
Let OP(^ be a vertical plane palling through the middle
point O. It is evident that every particle in P£), fixch
as P, is preffed in the direflion (^D, with a force equal
to the weight of a Angle row of particles, whofe length
is the difference between the columns BH and FG.
The force afling on the particle Q is, in like manner,
the weight of a row of particles ~AC—ED. Now
if 0(^, OA, OE, be divided in the fame ratio, fo that
all the figures ACDE, BHGF, &c. may be fimilar,
we fee that the force arifing folely from the declivity,
and afling on each particle on the plane 00, is propor¬
tional to its depth under the furface, and that the row
of particles ACQDE, BHPGF, &c. which is to be mo¬
ved by it, is in the fame proportion. Hence it un-
queftionably follows, that the accelerating force on each
particle of the row is the fame in all. Therefore the
whole plane OQ^ tends to advance forward together
with the fame velocity ; and in the inftant immediately
fucceeding, all thefe particles would be found again in
a vertical plane indefinitely near to OO ; and if we
fum up the forces, we fhall find them the Tame as if OQ
were the opening of a fiuice, having the water on the
fide of D Handing level with O, and the water on the,
othw fide Handing at the height AC. This refult is
extremely different from that of the hally theory of
Guglielmini. He confiders each particle in Ol,) as
urged by an accelerating force proportional to its depth,
it is true ; but he makes it equal to the weight of the
row OP, and never recollefls that the greateft part of
it is balanced by an oppofite preffure, nor perceives that
the force which is not balanced mull be diftributed
among a row of particles which varies in the fame pro¬
portion with itfelf. When thefe two circumftances are
neglected, the refult mull be incompatible with obfer-
vation. When the balanced forces are taken into the
account of preffure, it is evident that the furface may
be fuppofed horizontal, and that motion thould obtain
in this cafe as well as in the cafe of a Hoping furface :
and indeed this is Guglielmini’s profefled theory, and
what he highly values himfelf on. He announces this
difcovery of a new principle, which he calls the energy
of deep waters, as an important addition to hydraulics.
It is owing to this, fays he, that the great rivers are not
ftagnant at their mouths, where they have no percep¬
tible declivity of furface, but, on the contrary, have
greater energy and velocity than farther up, where they
are (hallower. This principle is the bafis of his impro¬
ved theory of rivers, and is infilled on at great length
by all the fubfequent writers. Buffon, in his theory of
the earth, makes much ufe of it, We cannot but won¬
der that it has been allorved a place in the theory of
rivers given in the great Enajclopedie of Paris, and irv
an article having the fignature (O) of D’Alembert.
We have been very anxious to fhow the falfity of this-
principle, becaufe we confider it as a mere fubterfuge
of Guglielmini, by which he was able to patch up the
mathematical theory which he had fo haftily taken from
Newton or Galileo ; and we think that we have fecu-
red our readers from being milled by it, when we Ihow
that this energy mull be equally operative wiien the fur¬
face is on a dead level. The abfurdity of this is evi¬
dent. We ftiall fee by and bye, that deep waters, when
R 1 V
id actual motion, have an energy not to be found in
fhallow running waters, by which they are enabled to
continue that motion : but this is not a moving prin¬
ciple ; and it will be fully explained, as an immediate
reliilt of principles, not vaguely conceived and indi-
flinftly expreffed, like this of Guglielmini, but eafily un-
derftood, and appreciable with the greateft precifion. It
is an energy common to all great bodies. Although
they lofe as much momentum in furmounting any ob-
ftacle^ as fmall ones, they lofe but a fmall portion of
their velocity. At prefent, employed only in confider-
ing the progreffive motion of an open dream, whofe
furface is not level, it is quite enough that we fee that
fuch a motion mull obtain, and that we fee that
there are propelling forces •, and that thofe forces
arife folely from the want of a level furface, or from
the dope of the furface ; and that, with refpeft to any
one particle, the force afting on it is proportional to
the difference of level between each of the two columns
(one on each fide of the particle) which produce it.
Were the furface level, there would be no motion if it
is not level, there will be motion ; and this motion will
be proportional to the want of level or the declivity of
the furface ; it is of no confequence whether the bottom
be level or not, or what is its (hape.
Hence we draw a fundamental principle, that the
motion of rivers depends entirely on the fope of the fur-
face.
The slope or declivity of any inclined plane is not
properly exprelfed by the difference of height alone of
its extremities we muft alfo confider its length : and
the meafure of the Hope muft be fuch that it may be
the fame while the declivity is the fame. It muft there¬
fore be the fame over the whole .of any one inclined
plane. We fhall anfwer thefe conditions exaftly, if we
take for the meafure of a flope the fraftion which ex-
preffes the elevation of one extremity above the other
divided by the length of the plane. Ihus will
exprefs the declivity of the plane AF.
If the water met with no refiftance from the bed in
which it runs, if it had no adhefion to its fides and bot¬
tom, and if its fluidity were perfe£I, its gravity would
accelerate its courfe continually, and the earth and its
inhabitants would be deprived of all the advantages
rating force. wh;cl-i they derive from its numberlefs ftreams. They
would run off fo quickly, that our fields, dried up as
foon as watered, would be barren and ufelefs. No foil
could refill the impetuofity of the torrents 5 and their
accelerating force would render them a deftroying
fcourge, were it not that, by kind Providence, the re¬
fiftance of the bed, and the vifeidity of the fluid, be¬
come a check which reins them in and fets bounds to
their rapidity. In this manner the friiftion on the fides,
which, by the vifeidity of the water, is communicated
to the whole mafs, and the very adhefion of the par¬
ticles to each other, and to the fides of the channel, are
the caufes which make the refiftances bear a relation to
the velocity j fo that the refiflances augmenting with
the velocities, come at laft to balance the accelerating
force. Then the velocity now acquired is preferved,
and the motion becomes uniform, without being able
to acquire new increafe, unlefs fome change fucceeds
either in the flope or in the capacity of the channel.
Hence arifes the fecond maxim in the motion of rivers,
2
E R.
Part L
39
Whea it
is uniform
the icfi;;-
ance is
equal to
the accele-
that ivhcn a fream tnoves uniformly, the ref fence is equal tiwory.
to the accelerating force. 'r~‘
As in the efflux of water through orifices, we pafs
over the very beginnings of the accelerated motion, which
is a matter of i’peculative curiofity, and confider the
motion in a ftate of permanency, depending on the head
of water, the area of the orifice, the velocity, and the
expence j fo, in the theory of the uniform motion of
rivers, we confider the flope, the tranfverfe le&ion or
area of the ftream, the uniform velocity, and the ex¬
pence. It will be convenient to affix precife meanings
to the terms which we [hall employ.
The section of a ftream is the area of a plane per- Terms pre-
pendicular to the direction of the general motion. ciftly ex-
The refiftances arife ultimately from the aftion of thePlaine^e
water on the internal furface of the channel, and muft
be proportional (ccetens paribus} to the extent of the
aftion. Therefore if we unfold the whole edge of this
fe£tion, which is rubbed as it were by the paffing water,
we fhall have a meafure of the extent of this adtion. In
a pipe, circular or prifmaiical, the whole circumference
is adted on } but in a river or canal ACDO (fig. 6.)
the horizontal line aO e, which makes the upper boun¬
dary of the fedlion a CD e, is free from all adtion. The
adiion is confined to the three lines a C, CD, D e.
We fhall call this line a CD e the BORBER of the fec>
tion.
The mean velocity is that with which the whole
fediion, moving equally, would generate a folid equal
to the expence of the ftream. This velocity is to be
found perhaps but in one filament of the ftream, and
we do not know in which filament it is to be found.
Since we are attempting to eftablifh an empirical
theory of the motion of rivers, founded entirely on ex¬
periments and palpable dedudlions from them ; and fince
it is extremely difficult to make experiments on open
ftreams which ffiall have a precifion fufficient for fuch
an important purpofe—it would be a moft defirable
thing to demonftrate an exadt analogy between the
mutual balancing of the acceleration and refiftance in
pipes and in rivers 5 for in thofe we can not only make
experiments with all the defired accuracy, and admit¬
ting precife meafures, but we can make them in a num¬
ber of cafes that are almoft impradticable in rivers. We
can increafe the flope of a pipe from nothing to the
vertical pofition, and we can employ every defired de¬
gree of preflure, fo as to afeertain its effedt on the ve¬
locity in degrees which open ftreams will not admit.
The Chevalier de Buat has moft happily fucceeded in
this demonftration 5 and it is here that his good fortune
and his penetration have done fo much fervice to pradti-
cal fcience.
Let AB (fig. 7.) be a horizontal tube, through The accele-
which the water is impelled by the preffure or head raiion and
DA. This head is the moving power } and it may be reflltance cr
conceived as confifting of two parts, performing j11
diftindf offices. One of them is employed in impref- tube)
fing on the water that velocity with which it Fig. 7.
moves in the tube. Were there no obfirudlions to this
motion, no greater head would be wanted ; but there
are obftrudbons arifing from fridtion, adhefion, and
vifeidity. This requires force. Let this be the office
of the reft of the head of water in the refervoir. There
is but one allotment, appropriation, or repartition, of
the whole head Yvhkh mil anfwer. Suppcfe E to be
the
Parti. _ II I V
Theory, the pbint of partition, fo that DE is the head nectf-
v~—y——- fary for imprefiing the ahiual velocity on the water
(a head or preifiue which has a relation to the form or
circumftance of the entry, and the contraction which
takes place there). The reft EA is wholly employed
in overcoming the fimultaneous reftftances which take
place along the w'hole tube AB, and is in equilibrio
with this refiftance. Therefore if we apply ai E a
tube EC of the fame length and diameter with AiB,
and having the fame degree of polith or roughnefs ; and
if this tube be inclined in fuch a manner that the axis
of its extremity may coincide with the axis of AB in
the point C—we affirm that the velocity will be the
fame in both pipes, and that they will have the fame
expence *, for the moving force in the Hoping pipe EC
is compofed of the whole weight of the column DE
and the relative weight of the column EC } but this re¬
lative weight, by which alone it defcends along the in¬
clined pipe EC, is precifely equal to the weight of a
vertical column EA of the fame diameter. Every thing
therefore is equal in the two pipes, viz. the lengths,
the diameters, the moving forces, and the refiftances j
therefore the velocities and difcharges will alfo be e-
qual.
This is not only the cafe on the whole, but alfo in
every part of it. The relative weight of any part of
it EK is precifely in equilibrio with the refiftances
along that part of the pipe ; for it has the fame pro¬
portion to the whole relative weight that the reftftance
has to the whole refiftance. Therefore (and this is the
mojl important circumjlance, and the bajis of the whole
theory') the pipe EC may be cut fficrter, or may be
lengthened to infinity, without making any change in
the velocity or expence, fo long as the propelling head
DE remains the fame.
Leaving the whole head DA, as it is, if w-’e lengthen
the horizontal pipe AB to G, it is evident that we in-
creafe the refiftance without any addition of force to
overcome it. The velocity muft therefore be diminifli-
ed ; and it will now be a velocity which is produced by
a fmaller head than DE : therefore if vre wTere to put
in a pipe of equal length at E, terminating in the ho¬
rizontal line AG,, the water will not run equally in
both pipes. In order that it may, we muft; difcover
the diminifhed velocity with which the water now
adfually runs along AG, and w7e muft make a head DI
capable of impreffing this velocity at the entry of the
pipe, and then infert at I a pipe IH of the fame length
with AG. The expence and velocity of both pipes
will now be the fame (a).
E R-   55
What lias now7 been faid of a horizontal pipe AB Thetry.
would have been equally true of any inclined pipe AB, '
A'B (fig. 8.). Drawing the horizontal line CB, weo.. 4 '
fee that DC is the whole head or propelling preffure ir,ciij.ed
for either pipe AB or A'B \ and if DE is the head ne- pipe.
cefFary for the aclual velocity, EC is the head neceffary E'g 8.
for balancing the refiftances •, and the pipe EF of the
fame length with AB, and terminating in the fame ho¬
rizontal line, will have the fame velocity \ and its in¬
clination being thus determined, it will have the fame
velocity and expence whatever be its length. 43
Thus we lee that the motion in any pipe, horizontal Analogy
or Hoping, may be referred to or fubftituted for the^e^ee”c5
motion in another inclined pipe, whole head of water,
above the place of entry, is that productive of the aftual demonftra-
velocity of the water in the pipe. Now, in this cafe, ted by De
the accelerating force is equal to the refiftance : weEuaU
may therefore confider this laft pipe as a river, of which
the bed and the Hope are uniform or conftant, and the
current in a ftate of permanency ; and we now may
clearly draw this important conclufion, that pipes and
open itreams, when in a ftate of permanency, perfectly
referable each other in the circumftances which are the
immediate caufes of this permanency. The equilibrium
between the accelerating force obtains not only in ge¬
neral, but takes place through the wffiole length of the
pipe or ftream, and is predicable of every individual
tranfverfe feftion of either. To make this more pal¬
pably evident if poflible, let us confider a Hoping cy¬
lindrical pipe, the current of which is in a ftate of per¬
manency. We can conceive it as confifting of two
half cylinders, an upper and a low’er. Thefe are run¬
ning together at an equal pace ; and the filaments of
each immediately contiguous to the feparating plane
and to each other, are not rubbing on each other, nor
arFeCHng each others motions in the fmalleft degree.
It is true that the upper half is prefling on the lowTer,
but in a direction perpendicular to the motion, and
therefore not affeCHng the velocity ; and we fliall fee
prefently, that although the lower fide of the pipe bears
fomewhat more preffure than the other, the refiftances
are not changed. (Indeed this odds of preflure is ac¬
companied wdth a difference of motion, which need
not be confidered at prefent} and we may fuppofe
the pipe fo frnall or fo far below the furface, that this
fhall be infenfible). Now let us fuppofe, that in an
inllant the upper half cylinder is annihilated : We
then have an open ftream \ and every circumftance
of accelerating force and of refiftance remains piecifely
as it was. The motion muft; therefore continue as it
did )
(a) We recommend it to the reader to make this diftribution or allotment of the different portions of the
preffure very familiar to his mind. It is of the moft extenfive influence in every queftion of hydraulics, and will
on every occafton give him diftinft conceptions of the internal procedure. Obvious as the thought feems to be,
it has efcaped the attention of all the writers on the fubjeft. Lecchi, in bits Hydraulics publiftied in
aferibes fomething like it to Daniel Bernoulli j but Bernoulli, in the paffage quoted, only fpeaks of the partition
of preffure in the inftant of opening an orifice. Part of it, fays he, is employed in accelerating the quiefeent
wTater, and producing the velocity of efflux, and the remainder produces the preffure (now diminiflied) on the
fides of the veffel. Bernoulli, Bofl’ut, and all the good writers, make this diftribution in exprefs terms in their
explanation of the motion of water through fucceffive orifices *, and it is furprifing that no one before the Che¬
valier de Buat faw that the refiftance arifing from friftion required a fimilar partition of the preflure ) but though
wre fhould call this good fortune, we muft aferibe to his great fagacity and juftnefs of conception the beautiful
ufe that he has made of it: afuum cuiquei1''
55
Theory.
44
Confe-
quence.
45
Meaisre
of the re-
fiftance to
ven vdO'
city
R I V
did ; and in this ftate the only accelerating force is the
{lope of the furface. The demonltradon therefore is
complete.
From thefe obfervations and reafonings we draw a
general and important conclufion, “ That the fame
pipe will be fufceptible of different velocities, which it
will preferve uniform to any diitance, according as it
has different inclinations ; and each inclination of a pipe
of given diameter has a certain velocity peculiar to it-
felf5 which will be maintained uniform to any dift&nce
whatever } and this velocity increales continually, ac¬
cording to fome law, to be difcovered by theory or ex¬
periment, as the pofition of the pipe changes, from be¬
ing horizontal till it becomes vertical \ in which pofition
it has the greateft uniform velocity poffible relative to its
inclination, or depending on inclination alone.
Let this velocity be called the TRAIN, or the rate
of each pipe.
It is evident that this principle is of the utmoft con-
fequence in*the theory of hydraulics 5 for by experi-
the motion ment we can find the train of any pipe. It is in train
with a gi- when an increafe of length makes no change in the ve¬
locity. If lengthening the pipe increafes the velocity,
the flope of the pipe is too great, and vice verfa. And
having difcovered the train of a pipe, and obfcrveo its
velocity, and computed the head productive of this ve¬
locity with the contraction at the entry, the remain¬
der of the head, that is the flope (for this is equiva¬
lent to EA), is the meafure of the refiftance. Thus
we obtain the meafure of the refiitance to the motion
with a given velocity in a pipe of given diameter. If
we change only the velocity, we get the meafure of the
new refiftance relative to the velocity 5 and thus difco-
ver the law of relation between the refiftance and ve¬
locity. Then, changing only the diameter of the pipe,
we get the meafure of the refiftance relative to the dia¬
meter. This is the aim of a prodigious number of ex¬
periments made and collected by Buat, and which we
tbn orfthis ihall not repeat, but only give the refults of the diffe-
fubjeCt. rent parts of his inveftigation.
We may exprefs the flope of a pipe by the fymbol
1 being an inch for inftance, and s being the flant
length of a pipe which is one inch more elevated at
one&end than at the other. Thus a river which has a
declivity of an inch and a half in 120 fathoms or 8640
inches, has its flope = or But in order
to obtain the hydraulic flope of a conduit pipe, the
heights of the refervoir and place of difcharge being
given, we muft fubtraft from the difference of elevation
the height or head of water neceffary for propelling the
water into any pipe with the velocity V, which it is
V*
fuppofed aftually to have. This is The remain¬
der d is to be confidered as the height of the declivity,
which is to be diftributed equally over the whole length
/ of the pipe, and the flope is then y, =
There is another important view to be taken of the
flope, which the reader Ihould make very familiar to his
thoughts. It expreffes the proportion between the weight
ot the whole column which is in motion and the weight
which is employed in overcoming the refiftance j and
45
Refmts of
De Boat’s
E R. Part I
the refiftance to the motion of any column of water is Theory,
equal to the weight of that column multiplied by the v
fraCtion -, Ahich exprefles its flope.
47
Of the re¬
finances
which
We come now to confider more particularly the re" m'o'uons ^®
fiftances which in this manner bring the motion to a a ^.ate 0f
ftate of uniformity. If we confider the refiftances uniformity,
which arife from a caufe analogous to friCHon, we fee
that they muft depend entirely on the inertia of the
water. What we call the refiftance is the diminution
of a motion which would have obtained but for thele
refiftances j and the beft way we have of meafuring
them is by the force which we muft: employ in order to
keep up or reftore this motion. We eftimate this mo¬
tion by a progreffive velocity, which we meafure by the
expence of water in a given time. We judge the velo¬
city to dirainifh, when the quantity difcharged diminifliesj
yet it may be otherwife, and probably is otherwife. The
abfolute velocity of many, if not all, of the particles,
may even be increafed •, but many of the motions, being
tranfverfe to the general direction, the quantity of mo¬
tion in this direction may be lefs, while the fum of the
abfolute motions of all the particles may be greater.
When we increafe the general velocity, it is not unrea-
fonable to fuppofe that the impulfes on all the inequali¬
ties are increafed in this proportion ; and the number of
particles thus impelling and defleCted at the fame time
will increafe in the fame proportion. The whole quan¬
tity therefore of thefe ufelefs and loft motions will in¬
creafe in the duplicate ratio of the velocities, and the
force neceflary for keeping up the motion will do fo al«
fo ; that is, the refiftances ftrould increafe as the fquares
of the velocities.
Or if we confider the refiftances as arifing merely
from the curvature of the imperceptible internal mo¬
tions occafioned by the inequalities of the fides of the
pipe, and as meafured by the forces neceflary for pro¬
ducing thefe curvilineal motions-, then, becaufe the
curves will be the fame whatever are the velocities, the
defleCling forces will be as the fquares of the velocities ;
but thefe deflecting forces are preffures, propagated from
the parts urged on prefled by the external force, and
are proportional to thefe external preffures by the prin¬
ciples of hydroftatics. Therefore the preffures or forces
neceflary lor keeping up the velocities are as the fquares
of thefe velocities ; and they are our only meafures. of
the refiftances which muft be confidered as following
the fame ratio. Whatever view therefore we take of
the nature of thefe refiftances, we are led to confider
them as proportional to the fquares of the velocities.
We may therefore exprefs the refiftances by the fyrrt-
T72
gol _ m being fome number to be difcovered by ex-
m
periment. Thus, in a particular pipe, the diminution
of the motion or the refiftance may be the 1000th .
V1
part of the fquare of the velocity, and R =
Now if ^ be the accelerating power of gravity on
any particle, — will be its accelerating power, by "which
it would urge it down the pipe whofe flope is ■
There¬
fore,
RIVE R.
t. 43
Expcn-
merits and
reafoning
ofDe Buat,
refpe(fling
thefe refift-
ances, &c.
fore, by the principle of uniform motion, the equality of
the accelerating force, and the refiftance, we {hall have
V* g  
— =jt and V v" j = \/mg; that is, the product of
the velocity, and the reciprocal of the fquare root of
the dope, or the quotient of the velocity divided by the
dope, is a conftant quantity Vmg for any given pipe j
and the primary formula for all the uniform velocities
c . . */mg
or one pipe is Vrr ——
y r
Mr Buat therefore examined this by experiment, but
found, that even writh refpedl to a pipe or channel which
Was uniform throughout, this v/as not true. We could
give at once the final formula which he found to ex-
prefs the velocity in every cafe w'hatever; but this
would be too empirical. The chief fteps of his very fa-
gacious invelligation are inltruftive. We fhall there¬
fore mention them briefly, at leaft as far as they tend
to give us any collateral information 5 and let it always
be noted, that the inftruftion which they convey is not
abftraft fpeculation, but experimental truths, which
muft ever remain as an addition to our flock of know¬
ledge, although Mr Buat’s deductions from them fliould
prove falfe.
He found, in the firlt place, that in the fame chan¬
nel the produCt of V and V s increafed as V r increa-
fed j that is, the velocities increafed falter than the
fquare roots of the Hope, or the refiltances did not in-
creafe as fad as the fquares of the velocities. We beg
leave to refer our readers to what we faid on the refin¬
ance of pipes to the motion of fluids through them, in
the article Pneumatics, when fpeaking of bellows.
They will there fee very valid reafons (we apprehend)
for thinking that the refiftances mud increafe more {low¬
ly than the fquares of the velocities.
It being found, then, that V ^s is not equal to a
condant quantity mg, it becomes necefiary to inve-
ftigate fome quantity depending on s, or, as it is
called, fome function of yj s, which {hall render
?ng a condant quantity. Let X be this funClion
of r, fo that we (hall always have VX equal to the
conftant quantity a^/ mg, or equal to the ac¬
tual velocity V of a pipe or channel which is in train.
Mr Buat, after many trials and refleClions, the chief
of which will be mentioned by and by, found a value
of X which correfponded with a vad variety of flopes
and velocities, from motions almod imperceptible, in a
bed nearly horizontal, to the greated velocities which
•could be produced by gravity alone in a vertical pipe 5
and when'he compared them together, he found a very
difcernible relation between the refidances and the mag¬
nitude of the fe&ion : that is, that in two channels
which had the fame Hope, and the fame propelling
force, the velocity was greated in the channel which
had the greated fe<?rion relative to its border. This
may reafonahly be expected. The refidanees arife
from the mutual aftion of the water and this border.
The water immediately contiguous to it is retarded,
and this retards the next, and fo on. It is to be ex¬
pected, therefore, that if the border, and the velocity,
and the dope, be the fame, the diminution of this veb>
Vol. XVIII. Part I.
city will be fo much the lefs as it is to be (hared among
a greater number of particles ; that is, as the area of
the feftion is greater in proportion to the extent of its
border. The diminution of the general or medium ve¬
locity mud be lefs in a cylindrical pipe than in a fquare
one of the fame area, becaufe the border of its feefion
is lefs.
It appears evident, that the refidance of each particle
is in the direCI proportion of the whole refidance, and
the inverfe proportion of the number of particles which
receive equal {hares of it. It is therefore direftly as the
border, and inverfely as the feftion. Therefore in the
V*
expreflion — which we have given for the refidance,
the quantity m cannot be condant, except in the fame
channel 5 and in different channels it mud vary along
with the relation of the feCfion to its border* becaufe the
refidances diminifli in proportion as this relation in-
creafes.
Without attempting to difeover this relation by theo ¬
retical examination of the particular motions of the va¬
rious filaments, Mr Buat endeavoured to difeever it by
a comparifon of experiments. But this required fome
manner of dating this proportion between the augmen¬
tation of the feftion and the augmentation of its bor¬
der.
His dateme.nt is this: He reduces every feefion to
a reCtangular parallelogram of the fame area, and
having its bafe equal to the border unfolded into
a draight line. The produCt of this bafe by the height
of the reCtangle will be equal to the area of the fec-
tion. Therefore this height will be a reprefentative of
this variable ratio of tbe feCtion to its border (we do
not mean that there is any ratio between a furface and
a line: but the ratio of feCtion to feCtion is different
from that of border to bolder; and it is the ratio of
thefe ratios which is thus expreffed by the height ot
this reCtangle). If S be the feCtion, and B the border,
s
-j- is evidently a line equal to the height of this reCt¬
angle. Every feCtion being in this manner reduced to
a reCtangle, the perpendicular height of it may be called
the HYDRAULIC MEAN DEPTH af the feClion, and may be
expreifed by the fymbol d. (Buat calls it the mean ra¬
dius). If the channel be a cylindrical pipe, or an open
half cylinder, it is evident that d is half the radius. If
the feCtion is a reCtangle, whofe width is 10, and height
k, the mean depth is &c* In general, if q re¬
present the proportion of the breadth of a reCtangular
canal to its depth, that is, if ^ be made -j-, we (hall
have d —
q-\-^
or d —■
q Ii
^4-2
Now, fince the refiflances muft augment as the propor¬
tion of tbe border to the feCtion augments, m in the for-
V2 O'   
mulas — ~ - and V aJs—aJ mg muft follow the pro-
m s ^ o r
portions of d, and the quantity *J m g muft be propor¬
tional to v'd for different channels, and ~ tn - fhould
V ^
be a couftant quantity in every cafe.
H Our
5 8
Theory.
49
A fpecious
objection
.5°
obviated
by an ex¬
periment
on the of-
ciilation ot
water in
iyphons.
Fig.p.
5* „
The refift-
ance de
pends chief¬
ly on the
relation be¬
tween the
feefhon and
its border.
It I V
Our author was aware, however, of a very fpecious
objection to the clofe dependence of the relntance on
the extent of the border ; and that it might be faid
that a double border did not cccafion a double reliit-
ance, unlels the preffure on all the parts was the fame.
For it may be naturally (and it is generally) fuppofed,
that the refinance will be greater when the preffure is
greater. The friction or reliftance analogous to fric¬
tion may therefore be greater on an ineb of the bottom
than on an inch of the fides •, but M. d’Alembert and
many others have demonftrated, that the paths of the
filaments will be the fame whatever be the preffures.
This might ferve to juftify our ingenious author ; but he
was determined to reft every thing on experiment. He
therefore made an experiment on the ofcillation of water
in fyphons, which we have repeated in the following
form* which is affedfed by the. fame circumftances, and
is fufceptible of much greater precifion, and of more
extenfive and important application.
The two veffels ABCD, a be d {kg. 9.) were con-
nedfed by the fyphon EFG gfe, which turned round in
the Ihort tubes E and e, without allowing any water to
efcape ; the axes of thefe tubes being in one ftraight
line. The veffels were about 10 inches deep, and the
branches EG, fg of the fyphon were about five feet
long. The veffels were fet on two tables of equal
height, and (the hole e being flopped) the veffel ABCD,
and the whole fyphon, were filled with water, and water
was poured into the veffel abed till it flood at a cer¬
tain height* LM. The fyphon was then turned into a
horizontal pofition, and the plug drawn out of r, and
the time carefully noted which the water employed in
rifing to the level HK h h in both veffels. The whole
apparatus was now inclined, fo that the water ran back
into ABCD. The fyphon was now put in a vertical
pofition, and the experiment was repeated.—No fenfible
or regular difference was obferved in the time. Yet in
this experiment the preffure on the part G^- of tue fy¬
phon was more than fix times greater than before. As
it was thought that the fridfion on this fmall part (only
fix inches) was too fmall a portion of the whole obftruc-
tion, various additional cbftrudlions were put into this
part of the fyphon, and it was even lengthened to nine
feet ; but ftill no remarkable difference was obferved.
It was even thought that the times were lefs when the
fyphon wras vertical.
Thus M. De Bust’s opinion is completely juftified j
and he may be allowed to affert, that the refiftance de¬
pends chiefly on the relation between the fedfion and
its border ; and that fhould be a conftant quan-
y «
tity.
To afeertain this point w'as the objedl of the next fe-
ries of experiments : to fee whether this quantity ivas
really conftant, and, if not, to difeover the law of its
variation, and the phyfical circumftances which ac¬
companied the variations, and may therefore be confi-
dered as their caufes. A careful comparifon of a very
great number of experiments, made with the fame Hope,
and with very different channels and velocities, fhowed
that sjmS not follow the proportion of *J~di nor
of any power oi/Jd. This quantity increafed
by fmaller degrees in proportion as mJ2 was greater.
E l\.
Part L
In very great beds ^/rag w as nearly proportional to The0!T-
^d, but in fmaller channels, the velocities diminifhed
much more than ^/d did. Cafting about for fome way
of accommodation, Mr Buat confidered, that ■feme ap¬
proximation at leaft would be had by taking off from
t^/d fome conftant fmall quantity. This is evident:
For fuch a diminution will have but a trifling effedfc
when Jd is great, and its effect will increafe rapidly
when \/d is very fmall. He therefore tried various
values for this f'ubtra&ion, and compared the remits
with the former experiments ; and he found, that it in
every cafe *Jd be diminifhed by one-tenth of an inch,
the calculated difeharges would agree very exactly with
the experiment. Therefore, inftead of ^7d, he makes
ufe of sjd—o*1? and hnds this c
portional to sjor ^n<^s t^at
ftant quantity, or very nearly fo.
to 287 in all fe£tions from that of a very fmall pipe to
that of a little canal. In the large fe&ions of canals
and rivers it diminiftred ftill more, but never was lels
aantity always pro-
Jd-
is a con-
0.1
than 256. , . 52
This refult is very agreeable to the moft diftmct no-xhe refult
tions that we can form of the mutual aftions of the agreeable
water and its bed. We fee, that when the motion ofj£ °ur di-
water is obftruaed by a folid body, which defleas the tions pf the*
pa fling filaments, the difturbance does not extend to action
any confiderable diftance on the two fides of the body, water and
In like manner, the fmall difturbances, and impel cep-w-Cl>
tible curvilineal motions, which are occafioned by the
infinitefimal inequalities of the channel, muft extend to
a very fmall diftance indeed from the fides and bottom
of the channel. We know, too, that the mutual, adhe-
fion or attraaion of water for the folid bodies which
are moiltencd by it, extends to a very fmall diftance 5
which is probably the fame, or nearly fo, in all cafes.
Mr Buat obferved, that a furface of 23 fquare inches,
applied to the furface of ftagnant water, lifted 160 x
grains •, another of 5^ fquare inches lifted 365 : this wTas
at the rate of 65 grains per inch nearly, making a co¬
lumn of about one-fixth of an inch high. Now this ef¬
fect is very much analogous to a real contraction of the
capacity of the channel, ft he water may be conceived
as nearly ftagnant to this fmall diftance fiom the border
of the fedtion. Or, to fpeak more accurately, the di¬
minution of the progreffive velocity occafioned by the
friftion and adhefion of the fides, decreafes very rapidly
as we recede from the fides, and ceafes to oe fenfible at
a very fmall diftance. ... 1 S'i
ft'he writer of this article verified this by a veiy fimple an[j con,
and inftruaive experiment. He was making experiments firmed by
on the produaion of vortices, in the manner fuggefted by experi-
Sir Ifaac Newton, by whirling a very accurate andmen-
finoothly polifiied cylinder in water) and he found that
the rapid motion of the furrounding w>ater was confined
to an exceeding ftnall diftance from the cylinder, and it
was not till after many revolutions that it was fenfible
even at the diftance of half an inch. We may, by the
way, fugged this as the belt form of experiments for ex¬
amining the refiftances of pipes. The motion excited by
the whirling cylinder in the ftagnant water is equal and
oppofite to the motion ioit Dy water pafling along a
' ' turiace
Part I. R I V
Theory, farface equal to that of the cylinder with the fame velo-
v*'—(r—' city. Be this as it may, we are juftified in confidering,
with Mr Buat, the fe6tion of the ftream as thus dimi-
nilhed by cutting off a narrow border all round the
touching parts, and fuppofmg that the motion and dif-
charge is the fame as if the root of the mean depth of
the feclion were diminidied by a fmall quantity, nearly
conftant. We fee, too, that the effedt of this muft be
infallible in great canals and rivers ; fo that, fortunate¬
ly, its quantity is beft afeertained by experiments made
with fmall pipes. This is attended with another con-
veniency, in the opinion of Mr Buat, namely, that the
effect of vifeidity is moft fenfible in great mafles of wa¬
ter in flow motion, and is almoft infenlible in fmall
pipes, fo as not to diflurb thefe experiments. We
may therefore aifume 297 as the general value of
sj mg
*Jd-
-O.I
Since
have
Jmg
— 297, we have alfo
= zrtgj-o.i'
§
243*7
n —o.i)*.
—0.1
" = ^22 (^.
362
This we may exprefs by
o.i)%
in which
54
Law of ac¬
celeration
inveftiga-
ted.
And thus, when we have exprefled
V* ...
the effefl: of friction by —, the quantity m is van-
m
V2
able, and its general value is -y—jz w, in which
d—o. 1)
n is an invariable abftraft number equal to 243.7, g]*ven
by the nature of the reliftance which water fultains
from its bed, and which indicates its intenlity.
And, laftly, fmee m — n^Jd—o.i)2, we have
mg-=z ng \\/d—0.1), and the expreflion of
the velocity V, which water acquires and maintains
along any channel whatever, now becomes V rz
(n/^—°-1) 297 —°-0
x ’ or X
X is alfo a variable quantity, depending on the flope
of the furface or channel, and exprefling the accelera¬
ting force which, in the cafe of water in train, is in equi-
librio with the reflftances exprefled by the numerator of
the fra&ion.
Having fo happily fucceeded in afeertaining the va¬
riations of reflltance, let us accompany M. Buat in his
inveftigation of the law of acceleration, expreffed by the
value of X.
Experience, in perfeft agreement with any difliniT
opinions that we can form on this fubject, had already
fliowed him, that the reliftances increafed in a flower
ratio than that of the fquares of the velocities, or that
the velocities increafed flower than s. Therefore,
J ng(\/d—o.i)
in the formula V:
X
which, for one
channel, we may exprefs thus, V—sy, we muft admit
that X is fenfibly equal to j* when the flope is very
frnall or r very great. But, that we may accurately
exprefs the velocity in proportion as the flope augments,
we mull have X greater than s; and moreover,
E
x
K.
mull increafe as ^ r diminiflies. Thefe condi¬
tions are neceffary, that bur values of V, deduced from
A
the formula V — r—, may agree with the experiment.
In order to comprehend every degree of flope, rve
mull; particularly attend to the motion through pipes,
becaufe open canals will not furnifh us with initances of
exa6t trains with great Hopes and velocities. We
can make pipes vertical. In this cafe — is —, and the
j- 1
velocity is the greatefl poflible for a train by the adlion
of gravity : But we can give greater velocities than this
by increafing the head of water beyond what produces
the velocity of the train.
Let AB (fig. 10.) be a vertical tube, and let GA IO*
be the head competent to the velocity in the tube,
which we fuppofe to be in train. The flope is 1, and
the full weight of the column in motion is the precife
meafure of the refiflance. The value of —, confidered
j-
as a flope, is now a maximum *, but, confidered as ex-
prefling the proportion of the weight of the column in
motion to the weight which is in equilibrio with the re-
fiifance, it may not be a maximum ; it may furpafs uni¬
ty, and s may be lefs than 1. For if the veffel be filled
to E, the head of water is increafed, and will produce
a greater velocity, and this will produce a greater re¬
finance. The velocity being now greater, the head
EF which imparts it muft be greater than CA. But it
will not be equal to EA, becaufe the uniform velocities
are found to increafe fafter than the fquare roots of the
preflures. This is the general fadt. Therefore F is
above A, and the rveight of the column FB, now em¬
ployed to overcome the refiftance, is greater than the
weight of the column AB in motion. In fuch cafes,
therefore, 2, greater than unity, is a fort of fictitious
flope, and only reprefents the proportion of the refiftance
to the weight of the moving column. This proportion
may furpafs unity.
But it cannot be infinite : For fuppofing the head of
water infinite ; if this produce a finite velocity, and we
deduCt from the whole height the height correfponding
to this finite velocity, there will remain an infinite head,
the meafure of an infinite refiftance produced by a finite
velocity. This does not accord with the obferved law
of the velocities, where the refiftances actually do not
increafe as faft as the fquares of the velocities. There¬
fore an infinite head would have produced an.infinite
velocity, in oppofition to the refiftances: taking off the
head of the tube, competent to this velocity, at the en¬
try of the tube, which head would alfo be infinite, the
remainder would in all probability be finite, balancing
a finite refiftance.
Therefore the value of s may remain finite, although
the velocity be infinite ; and this is agreeable to all our
cleareft notions of the refiftances.
Adopting this principle, we muft find a value of X
which will anfwer all thefe conditions. 2. It muft be
fenfibly proportional to ^.r, while 4 is great. It muft
always be lefs than s. 3. It muft; deviate from the
proportion of t^/s, fo much the more as x^/7 is fmaller.
H 2 4- h
6o
RIVER.
Part I.
Theory.
4. It muft not vanifh when the velocity is infinite.
5. It muft agree with a range of experiments with every
variety of channel and of Hope.
We lhall underftand the nature of this quantity X bet¬
ter by reprefenting by lines the quantities concerned in
forming it.
If the velocities were exa&ly as the fquare roots of
Fig. ix. ^ fl0pes> the equilateral hyperbola NKS (fig. n.)
between its affymptotes MA, AB, would reprefent
the equation V ~ —^—. The values of s would be
reprefented by the abfciflae, and the velocities by the
ordinates, and V \/ s z= A would be the power of the
hyperbola. But fince thefe velocities are not fenfibly
equal to except when sj s \s very great, and devi-
1 \/ s
ate the more from this quantity as ^r is fmaller j we
may reprefent the velocities by the ordinates of another
curve PGT, which approaches very near to the hyper¬
bola, at a great diflance from A along AB ; but fepa-
rates from it when the abfciflae are fmaller : fo that if
At) reprefents that value of ^ ^ (which we have feen
may become lefs than unity), which correfponds to an
infinite velocity, the line QO may be the affymptote of
the new curve. Its ordinates are equal to while
thofe of the hyperbola are equal to ——. Therefore
s
the ratio of thefe ordinates or fhould be fuch that
it {hall be fo much nearer to unity as sj~s is greater,
and fhall furpafs it fo much the more as v' ^ ^mal_
ler.
To exprefs X, therefore, as fome funftion of s h
as to anfwer thefe conditions, w'e fee in general that
X muft be lefs than y* s. And it muft not be equal to
any powrer of \/ s whofe index is lefs than unity, be-
caufe then would differ fo much the more from uni-
«A.
ty as is greater. Nor muft it be any multiple of
yj- fuch as qVs, for the fame reafon. If we make
X—^/s — K, K being a conftant quantity, we may
anfwer the firft condition pretty well. But K muft be
very fmall, that X may not become equal to nothing,
except in fome exceedingly fmall value of \/ s. Now
the experiments will not admit of this, becaufe the ra-
tio
v/_— does not increafe fufficiently to correfpond
y r—K
with the velocities wThich we obferve in certain Hopes,
unlefs we make K greater than unity, w7hich again is in-
conliftent w7ith other experiments. We learn from fuch
canvaffing that it w'ill not do to make K a conftant quan¬
tity. If we fhould make it any fractionary power of y J",
it would make XrrrO, that is, nothing, when j is = 1,
which is alfo contrary to experience. It wrould feem,
therefore, that nothing will anfwer for K but fome
power of y s which has a variable index. The loga¬
rithm of s has this property. We may therefore
try to make Xrryj—log. yr. Accordingly if we try
JL
the equation V  r i 7-1 we ftiall find a
1 y s-—hyp, log. y j
very great agreement with the experiments till the de- Theory.^
clivity becomes conftderable, or about which is '■“—'v'"—“
much greater than any river. But it will not agree
with the velocities obferved in fome mill courfes, and
in pipes of a ftill greater declivity, and gives a velocity
that is too fmall •, and in vertical pipes the velocity is
not above one half of the true one. We {hall get rid
of moft of thefe incongruities if we make K conftft
of the hyperbolic logarithm of augmented by a
fmall conftant quantity, and by trying various values for
this conftant quantity, and comparing the refults -with
experiment, we may hit on one fufficiently exaCt for all
practical purpofes.
M. de Buat, after repeated trials, found that he
would have a very great conformity with experiment
by making K“log. 6, and that the velocities
exhibited in his experiments would be very well repre¬
fented by the formula V=—.-97(v' „■■■ .
m^/s-—Lyj'ri-i.6 55
There is a circumftance which our author feems to Mutual ad.
have overlooked on this occafion, and which is undoubt- ^
edly of great effeCt in thefe motions, viz. the mutual ad- ,.^5 0f
hefion of the particles of wrater. This caufes the w7aterwater.
which is defcending (in a vertical pipe for example) to
drag more w'ater after it, and thus greatly increafes its
velocity. We have feen an experiment in which the
water iffued from the bottom of a refervoir through a
long vertical pipe having a very gentle taper. It was
15 feet long, one inch diameter at the upper end, and
two inches at the lower. The depth of the water in
the refervoir was exaftly one foot j in a minute there
were difcharged 2T9o- cubic feet of water. It muft
therefore have iffued through the hole in the bottom of
the refervoir wuth the velocity of 8.85 feet per fecond.
And yet we know that this head of water could not
make it pafs through the hole with a velocity greater
than 6.56 feet per fecond. This increafe muft therefore
have arifen from the caufe we have mentioned, and is a
proof of the great intenfity of this force. We doubt not
but that the difcharge might have been much more in-
creafed by proper contrivances , and wre know many in-
ftances in water pipes where this effeCt is produced in a
very great degree. 5^
The following cafe is very diftinft : WTater is broughtAn a^ual
into the town of Dunbar in the county of Eaft Lothian ca‘'
from a fpring at the diftance of about 3200 yards. It
is conveyed along the firft 1100 yards in a pipe of two
inches diameter, and the declivity is 12 feet 9 inches ;
from thence the water flows in a pipe of li diameter,
with a declivity of 44 feet three inches, making in all
57 feet. When the work was carried as far as the two-
inch pipe reached, the difcharge was found to be 27
Scotch pints, of 103-2-cubic inches each in a minute..
When it was brought into the town, the difcharge was
28. Here it is plain that the defcent along the iecond
flretch of the pipe could derive no impulfion from the
firft. This was only able to fupply 27 pints, and to
deliver it into a pipe of equal bore. It was not equiva¬
lent to the forcing it into a fmailer pipe, and alinoft
doubling its velocity. It muft therefore have been drag¬
ged into this fmaller pipe by the weight of what was
defcending along it, and this water was exerting a
force equivalent to a head of 16 inches, increafing the
velocity from 14 to about 28.
' It
Parti.
Theory.
proves that
the fmalleft
declivity
will pro¬
duce a cur¬
rent.
58
A conftant
part of the
accelera¬
ting force
employed
in over¬
coming the
vifcidity,
&c.
R I V
It muft be obferved, that if this formula be juft,
there can be no declivity fo fmall that a current of wa¬
ter will not take place in it. And accordingly none
has been obferved in the furface of a ftream when this
did not happen. But it alfo Ihould happen with re-
fpe£t to any declivity of bottom. Yet we know that
water will hang on the (loping furface of a board with¬
out proceeding further. The caufe of this feems to
be the adhefion of the water combined with its vifci¬
dity. The vifcidity of a fluid prefents a certain force
which muft be overcome before any current can take
place.
A feries of important experiments were made by
our author in order to afcertain the relation between
the velocity at the furface of any ftream and that at
the bottom. Thefe are curious and valuable on many
accounts. One circumftance deferves our notice here,
viz. that t/ie difference between the fuperjicial and bottom
velocities of any flream are proportional to the fquare
roots of the fuperfcial velocities. From what has been
already faid on the gradual diminution of the velocities
among the adjoining filaments, we muft conclude that
the fame rule holds good with refpedl to the velocity of
feparation of two filaments immediately adjoining.
Hence we learn that this velocity of feparation is in all
cafes indefinitely fmall, and that we may, without dan¬
ger of any fenfible error, fuppofe it a conftant quantity
in all cafes.
We think, with our ingenious author, that on a
review of thefe circumftances, there is a conftant or in¬
variable portion of the accelerating force employed in
overcoming this vifcidity and producing this mutual fe¬
paration of the adjoining filaments. We may exprefs
this part
(lope which conftitutes the whole of it. If it were
not employed in overcoming this refiftance, it would
produce a velocity which (on account of this refiftance)
is not produced, or is loft. This would be —-——
\ O—— JLj -y' 0»
This muft therefore be taken from the velocity exhi¬
bited by our general formula. When thus corrected, it
would become V = d—0.1)
-)•
mg
sj
y' S — L y' S
But as the term
-hVs-ri.6
 nA? 
ffS—LffS
is compounded only of conftant quantities, we may ex¬
prefs it by a (ingle number. This has been colle<fted
from a fcrupulous attention to the experiments (efpe-
cially in canals and great bodies of water moving with
very fmall velocities j in which cafe the effetfts of vif¬
cidity muft become more remarkable), and it appears
that it may be valued at /incn or 0.3 inches very
v 0.09
nearly.
From the whole of the foregoing confiderations,
drawn from nature, fupported by fuch reafoning as our
mod diftinft notions of the internal motions will ad¬
mit, and authorifed by a very extenfive comparifon
E R.
61
with experiment, we are now in a condition to conclude Tkeory.
a complete formula, expreflive of the uniform motion v~—'
of water, and involving every circumftance which ap¬
pears to have any (hare in the operation.
Therefore, let 59
V reprefent the mean velocity, in inches per fecond, Formula
of any current of water, running uniformly, or which exPre^ng
• y • • 0 1 a v r r t*16 uniform
is in TRAIN, m a pipe or open channel, whole tec-motion Qt-
tion, figure, and (lope, are conftant, but its length in-water.
definite.
d the hydraulic mean depth, that is, the quotient
arifing from dividing the fe£tion of the channel, in
fquare inches, by its border, expreffed in linear inches.
j" The (lope of the pipe, or of the furface of the
current. It is the denominator of the fraction expref-
fing this (lope, the numerator being always unity 5 and
is had by dividing the expanded length of the pipe or
channel by the difference of height of its two extre¬
mities.
g The velocity (in inches per fecond) which a heavy
body acquires by falling during one fecond.
n An abftradl conftant number, determined by expe¬
riment to be 243.7.
L The hyperbolic logarithm of the quantity to which
it is prefixed, and is had by multiplying the common
logarithm of that quantity by 2.3026.
We (hall have in every inftance
n/A(n/ o.i)
°’3 (\/^—O.i)
J-—“ L.^/ r -f- 1.6
This, in numbers, and Englilh meafure, is
V=r
oa)
Vs —L Vr-f-l.6
And in French meafure
-0.3 (v^—0.1)
V =
297 (V^—0.1)
V s—hV J--J-I.6
-o.3(V d—0.1).
The following table contains the real experiments
from which this formula was deduced, and the compa¬
rifon of the real velocities with the velocities computed
by the formula. It confifts of two principal fets of
experiments. The firft are thofe made on the motion
of water in pipes. The fecond are experiments made
on open canals and rivers. In the firft; fet, column id
contains the number of the experiment j 2d, the length
of the tube ; 3d, the height of the refervoir j 4th, the
values of S, deduced from column fecond and third j
5th gives the obferved velocities j and 6th the veloci¬
ties calculated by the formula.
In the fecond fet, column 2d gives the area of the
fedtion of the channel j 3d, the border of the canal or
circumference of the fedfion, deducting the horizontal
width, which fuftains no fridtion j 4th, the fquare root
Vd of the hydraulic mean depth *, 5th, the denominator
S of the (lope ; 6th, the obferved mean velocities 5 and
7th, the mean velocities by the formula. In the laft
ten experiments on large canals and a natural river
the 6th column gives the obferved velocities at the
furface.
.Set I,
RIVER,
60
Table con¬
taining the
experi¬
ments from
which the
formula is
deduced,
Set I. Experiments on Pipes.
Experiments by Chevalier De Buat.
N°
Length
of
Pipe.
Height
Refervoir.
Values
of s.
Velocities
obferved.
Veloci¬
ties cal¬
culated.
Vertical Tube \ of a Line in Diameter and
\/~d—0.1178 51 <
1
8
9
JO
Inch.
12
Inch.
T 6.166
I2| I3.I25
Inch.
0.75636
0.9307
Inch.
II.704
9-753
Inch.
12.006
IO.576
Vertical Pipe l4- Lines Diameter, and
yCh^O.i76776 Inch.
34.166
Do.
Do.
Do.
34.166
Do.
Do.
Do.
42.166
38-333
36.666
35-333
0.9062
0.9951
1.0396
1.0781
45.468
43-i56
42-385
41.614
The fame Pipe Horizontal.
M-583
9.292
5.292
2.083
2.5838
4.0367
7.036
17.6378
26.202
21.064
14.642
7.320
46.2x0
43-721
42.612
4I-7I4
25-523
19.882
14.447
2-35i
Vertical Pipe 2 Lines Diameter, and 0.204124.
II
J 2
J3
14
36-25
Do.
Do.
Do.
51.250
45.250
41.916
38-75°
0.8545!
0.96338
1.03808
1. x 2047
67.273
59.605
37.220
54.186
64-945
60.428
57-838
55-321
Same Pipe with a fope of ■
1.3024
15 | 36-25| 33-500 i 1-29174 I S1-^1 | 5°-983
Same Pipe horizontal.
16
17
18
J9
36-25
Do.
Do.
Do.
15.292
8.875
5.292
2.042
2.7901
4.76076
7.89587
20.01637
33-378
25-43°
19.940
10.620
Past I.
Theory.
The fame Pipe Horizontal.
N°
Length
cf
Pipe.
28
29
3°
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
Inch.
36-25
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Height
of
Refervoir.
Inc h.
20.l66
9-083
7-36l
5-
4.916
4833
3.708
2.713
2.083
1.625
°-833
Values
of s.
Inch.
2-43°3
5.2686
6.4504
9-3573
9-5°97
9.6652
12.4624
I6-3135
21.6639
27.5102
52-3427
Velocities
obferved.
Inch.
5i-956
33-577
28.658
23.401
22.989
22.679
i9-587
16.631
14.295
12.680
7-577
Veloci¬
ties cal¬
culated.
Inch.
5O.I4O
32.442
28.801
23-I95
22.974
22.754
r9-55°
16.324
I4-°03
12.11 c
8.215
Pipes fenfbly Horizontal — or 1 Inch Diameter.
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
5°
51
52
53
54
55
56
lx7
117
138-5
117
138-5
737
Do.
Do.
Do,
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
i38-5
737
737
36
26.666
20.950
18
6
23-7
14.6
x3-7
12.32
8.967
8.96 j
7.780
5-93
4-2 7
4-2 5
°-7
°-5
0.15
5-65°3
7.48
10.3215
10.7880
33.1962
33.6658
54-263 4
57-7772
64-x573
87.8679
101.0309
132.1617
186.0037
257.8863
I54°-75
5i13-42
84.945
7I-3°l
58.808
58.310
29.341
28.669
21.856
20.970
19.991
16.625 7
16.284 j
15.112
I3-3I5
10.671 7
10-441 ]'
8.689
3-623
i-589
85-524
72.617
60.034
58.472
29.663
29.412
22.056
21.240
19.950
x 6.543
I5*232
I3-0°5
10.656
8.824
3.218
1.647
33-l67
24-553
i8-3x3
10.492
57
58
Experiments by the Abbe Bossut.
Horizontal Pipe 1 Inch Diameter ^7=0.5.
22.282
12.223
600
600
12
4
54-5966
161.312
2I-975
11.756
Vertical Pipe 2-7% Lines Diameter, and f d — 0,245798. Horizontal Pipe l b Inch Diameter \/a — 0-5774-
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
36-25
Do,
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
53-25°
5°-25°
48-333
48-333
47.916
44-75°
41.250
°-95235
1.00642
1.0444
1.0444
1.0529
1.1241
1.2157
85.769
82.471
81.6467
79-948 3
81.027
76.079
73.8x1
85.201
82.461
80.698
80.318
77.3x8
73-9°4
J7/^ J/7'OTe’ with the fope
1.3024
27 I 36-25 1 37-5 I ^3323 j 70.822 | 70.138
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
360
720
360
1080
1440
720
1800
2160
1080
1440
1800
2160
24
24
12
24
24
12
24
24
12
12
12
12
19.0781
33.6166
37.0828
48-3542
64.1806
66.3020
78.0532
92.9474
95-8756
125.6007
I55-4015
185.2487
48-534
34-473
33.160
28.075
24.004
23.360
21.032
18.896
18.943
16.128
14.066
12.560
49-5I5
35-I3°
33.106
28.211
24.023
23-345
21.182
19.096
x8.749
15-991
14.119
12.750
Horizontal
3
RIVE R.
63
Horizontal Pipe 2.01 Inch Diameter y^—o.708946.
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
81
82
Length
of
Pipe.
360
720
36°
1080
1440
720
1800
2l6o
1080
1440
1800
2160
Height
t f
Refervoir.
Values
of s.
24
24
12
24
24
12
24
24
I 2
1 2
I 2
12
21.4709
35.8082
4I-2759
50.4119
65.1448
70.1426
79.8487
94-7901
99.4979
129.0727
158.7512
188.5179
Velocities
obferved.
58-9°3
43*
40.322
35‘765
30.896
29.215
27.470
27-731
23.806
20.707
18.304
i6-377
Veloci¬
ties cal¬
culated.
Mr Couplet’s Experiments at Verfailles.
Vibe 5 Inches Diameter vC7=i.l 1803.
§3
84
85
86
87
84240
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
25
24
21.083
16.7 to
n-333
5>583
3378.26
35x8.98
4005.66
5041.61
7450.42
15119.96
5-323
5-213
4.806
4.127
3-154
2.011
5.287
5.168
4-887
4'225
3-388
2.254
Pipe 18 Inches Diameter yC = 2.12132.
89 J 43200 | 145.083 j 304.973 | 39.159 140.510
Set II. Experiments with a Wooden Canal.
N°
Section
ofr
Canal
Border
cf
Canal.
Vahids
of \td.
Values
of#.
Mean
Velocity
obferved
Mean
Veloc.
calc.
Trapezium Cana!.
90
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
98
99
100
101
102
103
104
105
106
Inch.
18.84
50.60
83-43
27.20
39-36
5°-44
56-43
98.74
xoo.74
119.58
126.20
I3°-7I
I35-32
20.83
34-37
36-77
42.01
Inch.
i3-°6
29.50
26.
I5-3I
18.13
20.37
21.50
28.25
28.53
31-06
31- 9I
32- 47
33- °3
I 13-62
J7-
17-56
} 18.69
Inch.
x.20107
I.3O96
I-79I3
I-3329
I-4734
I-5736
1.6201
1.8696
1.8791
1.9622
1.9887
1.0064
1.0241
x.2367
1.4219
1.4471
1.4992
Inch.
2X2
2X2
412
427
427
427
427
432
432
432
432
432
432
1728
1728
1728
1728
Inch. Inch.
27.51
28.92
27-X4
18.28
20.30
22.37
23-54
28.29
28.52
30.16
3M8
31.89
32-32
8.94
9.71
u-45
12.34
27.19
29.88
28.55
20.39
22.71
24- 37
25- H
29.06
29.23
30.60
3I-°3
3l-32
31.61
8.58
9.98
10.17
io-53
Rectangular Canal.
Theory.
*"'■  
K°
58.803
43-136
39-587
35-096
30096
28.796
26.639
24.079
23.400
20.076
17.788
16.097
107
xc8
109
110
111
112
113
114
115
Sedlicn
of
Canal.
34-50
86.25
34- 50
35- 22
5I-75
76.19
105.78
69.
I55-25
Border
of
Canal.
Values
of \^d.
21.25
27.25
21.25
21-33
23-25
26.08
29.17
25‘25
35-25
1.27418
I.77908
1.27418
1.28499
X.4919X
1.70921
1.90427
I.65308
2.09868
Value.-
of s-
458
458
929
I412
1412
1412
1412
9288
9288
Mean
Velocity
obferved
20.24
28.29
i3-56
9.20
I 2.10
14.17
I5-55
4- 59
5- 7°
Mean
Veloc.
cal.
18.66
26.69
11-53
10.01
11.76
13-59
15.24
4-56
5.86
Set III. Experiments on the Canal c/'Jard.
116
xi7
118
119
120
12 x
N°
122
123
i 24
I25
Sedlion
of
Canal.
16252
11905
IO475
7858
7376
6x25
Border
of
Canal.
402
366
360
340
337
324
Values
of \f d.
6-3583
5.70320
5-3942
4.8074
4.6784
4-3475
Values
of s.
Velocity
obf. at
Surface
8919
1152°
15360
21827
27648
27648
17-42
12.17
15-74
9.61
7-79
7.27
Velocity
calcula*
ted.
Experiments on the River Halne.
Secftion
of
River,
3 r498
38838
30905
39639
Border
of
River.
569
60 X
568
604
Values
of Vd-
7-43974
8.03879
7-37632
8.10108
Values
of r.
6048
64x3
3295x
35723
Velocity
at
Surface.
x8.77
I4-52
ix.61
8.38
7.07
6-55
Velocity
(mean)
calcul.
35-11
31-77
13.61
X5-96
27.62
28.76
10.08
IO-53
The comparlfon muft be acknowledged to be moll
fatisfadtory, and {hows the great penetration and ad-
drefs of the author, in fo fuccefsfully fifting and ap¬
preciating the {hare which each co-operating circum-
flance has had in producing the very intricate and com¬
plicated effedt. It adds lome weight to the principles
on which he has proceeded in this analyfis of the me-
chanifm of hydraulic motion, and mult give us great
confidence in a theory fo fairly eftablidied on a very co-
pious indudtion. The author offers it only as a ratio-a Vye]i1C0I,/
nal and well-founded probability. To this charadter it founded
is certainly entitled 5 for the fuppofitions made in it probability,
are agreeable to the molt diltindt notions we can formaiK*
of thefe internal motions. And it muff always be re¬
membered that the inveftigation of the formula, al¬
though it be rendered fomewhat more perfpicuous by
thus having recourfe to thofe notions, has no depen¬
dence on the truth of the principles. For it is, in fadt,
nothing but a claflification of experiments, which are
grouped together by fome one circumftance of Hope,
velocity, form of fedtion, &c. in order to difeover the
law of the changes which are induced by a variation of
the
R I V E K.
the circumftances which do not refemble. The pro¬
cedure was precifely fimilar to that of the aftronomer
when he deduces the elements of an orbit from a multi¬
tude of obfervations. This was the talk of M. de Buat;
arid he candidly and modeftly informs us, that the find¬
ing out analytical forms of expreffion which would ex¬
hibit thefe changes was the work of Mr Benezech de St
Honore, a young officer of engineers, and his colleague
in the experimental courfe. It does honour to his
fk’ll and addrefs; and we think the whole both a pretty
and inffruftive fpecimen of the method of difcovering
the laws of nature in the midfl of complicated pheno¬
mena. Daniel Bernoulli firft gave the rules of this me¬
thod, and they have been greatly improved by Lam¬
bert, Condorcet, and De la Grange. Mr Coulomb
has given fome excellent examples of their application
to the difcovery of the laws of friftion, of magnetical
and eleftrical attraction, &c. But this prefent work
is the mod perfpicuous and familiar of them all. It is
the empirical method of generalifing natural phenome¬
na, and of deducing general rules, of which we can
give no other demonftration but that they are faithful
reprefentations of matters of fad. We hope that others,
encouraged by the fuccefs of M. de Buat, will follow
-this example, where public utility is preferred to a dif-
play of mathematical knowledge.
Although the author may not have hit upon the pre¬
cise modus operandi, we agree with him in thinking that
nature feems to aft in a way not unlike what is here
fuppofed. At any rate, the range of experiments is fo
extenfive, and fo multifarious, that few cafes can occur
wdiich are not included among them. The experiments
will always retain their value (as we prefume that they
are faithfully narrated), whatever may become of the
theory j and we are confident that the formula will give
an anfwer to any queftion to which it may be applicable
infinitely preferable to the vague guefs of the molt fu¬
gacious and experienced engineer.
We mult however cbferve, that as the experiments
on pipes were all made with fcrupulous care in the con¬
trivance and execution of the apparatus, excepting only
thofe of Mr Couplet on the main pipes at Verfailles,
The wloci- we may prefume that the formula gives the greateft
ty given by velocities which can be expefted. In ordinary works,
the formula TV}iere j0ints are rough or leaky, where drops of folder
1 ' hang in the irifidc, where cocks intervene with defi¬
cient water-ways, where pipes have aukward bendings,
contractions, or enlargements, and where they may con¬
tain fand dr air, we Ihould reckon on a fmaller velocity
than what refults from our calculation •, and we prefume
that an undertaker may with confidence promife £ of
this quantity without any rifk of dilappointing his em¬
ployer. We imagine that the actual performance of
canals will be much nearer to the formula.
We have made inquiry after works of this kind exe¬
cuted in Britain, that we might compare them with the
formula. But all our canals are locked and without
motion ; and we have only learned by an accidental in¬
formation from Mr Watt, that a canal in his neigh¬
bourhood, which is 18 feet wide at the furface, and
feven feet at the bottom, and four feet deep, and has a
Hope of one inch in a quarter of a mile, runs with the
velocity of 17 inches per fecond at the furface, 10 at
the bottom, and 14 in the middle. If we compute
4
62
tbe expe¬
riments
highly va'
luable.
63
too large
for ordina¬
ry works.
Part I.
the motion of this canal by odr formula, we fiiall find Theory,
the mean velocity to be 13-}-. _ 1 *
No river in the world has had its motions fo much
ferutinized as the Po about the end of the laft century.
It had been a fubject of 100 years continual litigation
between the inhabitants of the Bolognele and the Fer-
rarefe, whether the waters of the Rheno fhould be
thrown into the Tronco de Venezia or Po Grande.
This occafioned very numerous meafures to be taken of
its fe£tions and declivity, and the quantities of water
which it contained in its different Hates of fullnefs.
But, unfortunately, the long eltablilhed methods of mea-
furing waters, which were in force in Lombardy, made
no account of the velocity, and not all the intreaties of
Caftelli, Grand!, and other moderns, could prevail on
the vifitors in this procefs to deviate from the eftablithed
methods. We have therefore no minute accounts of its
velocity, though there are many rough eftimates to be
met with in that valuable collection publithed at Florence
in 1723, of the writings on the motion of rivers. From
them we have extracted the only precife obfervations
which are to be found in the whole work. ^
The Po Grande receives no river from Stellata to obfeiva-1
the fea, and its Hope in that interval is found moft fur-tioason
prifingly uniform, namely fix inches in the mile (redu-t!ic v610-
ced to Englith meafure). The breadth in its great ^ ° lhe
frethes is 759 feet at Lago Scuro, with a very uniform
depth of 31 feet. In its loweft Hate (in which it is
called Pc Magra), its breadth is not lefs than 700, and
its depth about io|.
The Rheno has a uniform declivity from the Ponte
Emilio to Vigarano of 15 inches per mile. Its breadth
in its greateft freflies is 189 feet, and its depth 9.
Signor Corrade in his report fays, that in the ftate of
the great frefties the velocity of the Rheno is moft ex-
a£Uy y of that of the Po.
Grandi fays that a great frefh in the Rheno employs
12 hours (by many obfervations of his own) to come
from Ponte Emilio to Vigarano, which is 30 miles.
This is a velocity of 44 inches per fecond. And, by
Corrade’s proportion, the velocity of the Po Grande
muft be 55 inches per fecond.
Montanan's obfervation gives the Po Magra a velo¬
city of 31 inches per fecond.
Let us compare thefe velocities with the velocities cal¬
culated by Buat’s formula.
The hydraulic mean depths d and D of the Rheno
and Po in the great frefties deduced from the above
meafures, are 98,6 and 344 inches •, and their flopes s
and S are and This will give
307(X/P—o-r)
—0.1)^:52.176 inches
>y/S hi/v/b -j- 1.6
3°7 (s/d— o.r)
.0.3 (V^<—oa) = 46.727
and —  
s — L\/ s -}-1 *6
inches.
Thefe refults differ very little from the velocities above
mentioned. And if the velocity correfponding to a
depth of 31 feet be deduced from that obferved by
Montanari in the Po Magra 10 feet deep, on the fup-
pofition that they are in the proportion of vV, it will
be found to be about 534 inches per fecond.
This comparifon is therefore highly to the credit of
the
65
Highly to
the credit
R I V
tlie tlieory, and would have been very agreeable to
M. de Buat, bad he known it, as we hope it is to our
readers.
We have collefted many accounts of water pipes, and
of the the- made the comparifons, and we flatter ourfelves that thefe
ory- have enabled us to improve the theory. They (hall ap¬
pear in their proper place j and we may juft obferve
here, that the two-inch pipe, which we formerly fpoke
of as conveying the water to Dunbar, fhould have yield¬
ed only 25-f- Scotch pints per minute by the formula,
inftead of 27 ; a fmall error.
We have, therefore, no hefitation in faying that this
Angle formula of the uniform motion of water is one
of the moft valuable prefents which natural fcience and
the arts have received during the courfe of this cen¬
tury.
We hoped to have made this fortunate inveftigation
of the chevalier de Buat ftill more acceptable to our
readers by another table, which fhould contain the va¬
lues of —-—  ready calculated for every de-
Vs-LVs-\-u6
clivity that can occur in water pipes, canals, or rivers.
Aided by this, which fuperfedes the only difficult part
of the computation, a perfon could calculate the velo¬
city for any propofed cafe in lefs than two minutes.
But we have not been able to get it ready for its ap¬
pearance in this article, but we (hall not fail to give it
when we refume the fubjeif in the article WATEH-
Works ; and we hope even to give its refults on a fcale
which may be carried in the pocket, and will enable
the unlearned pra&itioner to folve any queftion with ac¬
curacy in half a minute.
We have now eftabliflied in fome meafure a Theory
of Hydraulics, by exhibiting a general theorem
which expreffes the relation of the chief circumftances
of all fuch motions as have attained a ftate of perma¬
nency, in fo far as this depends on the magnitude,
form, and dope of the channel. This permanency we
have expreffed by the term train, faying that the ftream
is in train.
We proceed to confider the fubordinate circumftances
contained in this theorem ; fuch as, 1 ft, The forms
which nature or art may give to the bed of a running
ftream, and the manner of exprefling this form in ©ur
theorem. 2d, The gradations of the velocity, by which
it decreafes in the different filaments, from the axis or
moft rapid filament to the border •, and the connection
of this with the mean velocity, which is exprefled by
our formula. 3d, Having acquired fome diftindf no¬
tions of this, we (hall be able to fee the manner in which
undifturbed nature wTorks in forming the beds of our ri¬
vers, the forms which fhe affedts, and which wtc mult
imitate in all their local modifications, if we would fe-
cure that permanency which is the evident aim of all
66 her operations. We fliall here learn the mutual adtion
oH?rearns tlie current and its kedj and the circumftances which
what. enfure the liability of both. Thefe we may call the
regimen or the confervation of the ftream, and may fay
that it is in regimen, or in confervation. This has a re¬
lation, not to the dimenfions and the flope alone, or to
the accelerating force and the refiftance arifing from
mere inertia; it refpedls immediately the tenacity of the
bed, and is different from the train.
VOL. XVIII. Part I.
67
E R.
4th, Thefe pieces of information will explain the de¬
viation of rivers from the redlilineal courfe; the refiftance
occafioned by thefe deviations *, and the circumftances
on which the regimen of a winding ftream depends.
$ I. Of the Forms of the Channel.
The numerator of the fradlion which exprefits theThefemi
velocity of a river in train has f d for one of its fac-^^1^^
tors. That form, therefore, is moft favourable to thefavourab[e
motion wdrich gives the greateft value to what we have to motion,
called the hydraulic mean depth d. This is the prero¬
gative of the femicircle, and here d is equal to half the
radius \ and all other figures of the fame area are the
more favourable, as they approach nearer to a femicircle.
This is the form, therefore, of all conduit pipes, and
Ihould be taken for aquedudls which are built of ma-
fonry. Eafe and accuracy of execution, howxver, have
made engineers prefer a redlangular form j but neither
of thefe will do for a channel formed out of the ground. 63
We ftiall foon fee that the femicircle is incompatible but incom«
with a regimen ; and, if we proceed through the regu-Pabble
lar polygons, we flrall find that the half hexagon is thewlth reSl*
only one which has any pretenfions to a regimen j yetmen*
experience (hows us, that even its banks are too ileep
for almoft any foil. A dry earthen bank, not bound
together by grafs roots, will hardly ftand with a flope
of 45 degrees j and a canal which conveys running wra- ^
ters will not ftand with this flope. Banks whofe bafe Banks that
is to their height as four to three will ftand very well in ftand belt,
moift foils, and this is a flope very ufually given. This
form is even affe&ed in the fpontaneous operations of na¬
ture, in the channels which fhe digs for the rills and ri¬
vulets in the higher and fteeper grounds.
This form has fome mathematical and mechanical
properties which intitle it to fome further notice. Let
ABEC (fig. 12.) be fuch a trapezium, and AHGCFig. ra.
the reftangle of equal width and depth. Bife<ft HB
and EG by the verticals FD and KI, and draw the
verticals £ B, e E. Becaufe AH : HB = 3:4, we have
AB=5, and BD=2, and FD=3, and BD-f DF =:
BA. From thefe premifles it follows, that the trape¬
zium ABEC has the fame area with the reflangle ; for
HB being bifeded in D, the triangles ACF, BCD
are equal. Alfo the border ABEC, which is touched
by the pafling ftream, is equal to FDIK. Therefore
the mean depth, which is the quotient of the area divid¬
ed by the border, is the fame in both 5 and this is the
cafe, whatever is the width BE at the bottom, or even
though there be no redangle fuch as £ BE e interpofed
between the flant fides.
Of all redangles, that whofe breadth is twice theEeft foim
height, or which is half of a fquare, gives the greateft of a chan,
mean depth. If, therefore, FK be double of FD, the1161-
trapezium ABEC, which has the fame area, will have
the largeft mean depth of any fuch trapezium, and will
be the belt form of a channel for conveying runnincr
waters. In this cafe, we have AC" 10, AHrr 3, and
BE=2. Or we may fay that the beft form is a'trape¬
zium, whofe bottom width is y of the depth, and whole
extreme width is xf-. This form approaxhes very near
to that which the torrents in the hills naturally dig for
themfelves in uniform ground, where their adion is not
checked by ftones which they lay bare, or which they
depofit in their courfe. This thows us, and it will be
fully confirmed by and by, that the channel of a river
I is
R I V
is not a fortuitous thing, but has a relation to the con-
fiilency of the foil and velocity of the ftreazn.
A redlangle, whoi'e breadth is * of the depth of wa¬
ter, will therefore have the lame mean depth with a
triangle whofe furface width is of its vertical depth ;
for this is the dimenfions when the rectangle £ BE e is
taken away.
Let A be the area of the fe&ien of any channel, xv
its width (when rectangular), and /i its depth ol v\aler.
Then what we have called its mean depth, or r/, will be
 A  — Or if q expreffes the ratio of the
xu-^lK' xv-\-zh
width to the depth of a reCtangular bed j that is, il
q— — , we have a very limple and ready expreflion for
the mean depth, either from the width or depth. For
xv , qh
E R.
Part L
d-
■ d~
.l1
Eftimate
of the ex¬
pence of a
running
lire am.
n
Rules for
finding the
diintnfions.
4. If the velocity V and the Hope S for a river in Theory,
train be given, we can find the mean depth j for V= ^
/ 297 \ _
[T^iVSTTo-*-3) whence
+
we deduce \/d
depth.
-O.I ~'
V
197
and
—o-3
74
q “b" ^ ^,
Therefore, if the depth were infinite, and the width
finite, we fhould have d~ —; or if the width be infi-
2
nite, and the depth finite, we have d— h. And thefe
are the limits of the values oi d 5 and there:ore in ri¬
vers whofe width is always great in companion ot Te
depth, we may without much error lake their leal
depth for their hydraulic mean depth. Hence we de¬
rive a rule of eafy recolleCtion, and which will at all
times give us a very near ellimate of the velocity and
expence of a running dream, vi%. that the velocities are
nearly as the fquare roots of the depths. Vv e find this
confirmed by many experiments oi Michelotti.
Alfo, when we are allowed to fuppofe this ratio of the
velocities and depths, that is, in a redanguiai canal of
great breadth and fmall depth, we {hall have the quan¬
tities difeharged nearly in the proportion of the cubes
of the velocities. For the quantity difeharged d is as
the velocity and area jointly, that is, as the height and
velocity jointly, becauie when the width is the fame tiie
area is as the height. Therefore, we have d = h v. __
But, by the above remark, h == v1. . -therefore, a.=?=
v* ^ and this is confirmed by the experiments of Bonut,
vol. ii. 236. Alfo, becaufe d is as v h, when w is
conftant, and by the above remark (allowable when
vo is very great in proportion to li) v is as \/ h, we
have d as7/V^ or or the fquares of the difeharges
proportional to the cubes of the heights in reftangular
beds, and in their correfponding trapeziums.
1 Knowing the mean depth and the proportion 01
the width and real depth, we can determine the dimen¬
fions of the bed, and we have w — q d-\- 2r/, and h~d
'id
+ 7'
2. If we know the area and mean depth, we can m
like manner find the dimenfions, that is, xv and h, for
, , , xvh . c 7A1 ,
A=xvh, and d= —-—. *, therefore xv= _— 2 A
xvin 4«
A
+^i ■ , ,
3. If d be known, and one of the dimenfions be
w h
given, we can find the other j for i/rr — Sives
ihd - . wd
XJOZZ
h—d'
and h —
xv-^-ld’
zy/S —Ly'
*/d— to this quantify -}- 3.1.
5. We can deduce the Hope which will put in train (lope,
a river whofe channel has given dimenfions. We make
297 (•v'7—ml)  — y/ S. This {mould be rz: y/S
V 4-0.3 (7d—0.1)
 L y/S-j- j .6, which we correct by trials, which will
be exemplified when we apply thele dodlrines to prac-
tice.
Having thus efiablifhed the relation between the dif¬
ferent circumftances of the form of the channel to our
general formula, we proceed to confider,
^ 2. The Gradations of Velocity from the middle of the
Stream to the Jldes.
The knowledge of this is neceffary for underftanding
the regimen of a river ; for it is the velocity of the fila¬
ments in contaft with the bed which produces any
change in it, and occafions any preference of cne to
anolher, in refpeft of regimen or liability. Lid thele
circumftances not operate, the v\ater, tiue to the .ans
of hydraulics, and confined within the bounds which
have been afiigned them, would neither enlarge nor di-
minilh the area of the channel. But this is all that we
can promife of waters perfectly clear, running in pipes
or hewn channels. But rivers, brooks, and fmaller
ftreams, carry along waters loaded with mud or fand,
which they depefit wherever their velocity is checked ;
and they tear up, on the other hand, the materials of
the channel wherever their velocity is fufficiently great.
Nature, indeed, aims continually at an equilibrium, and
works without ceafing to perpetuate her own perform¬
ances, by eftablilhing an equality of aftion and reac¬
tion, and proportioning the forms and direviicn of the
motions to her agents, and to local circumftances. Her
work is flow but unceafing 3 and what Ihe cannot ac-
complifli in a year Ihe will do in a century. The beds
of our rivers have acquired iome ftability, becaufe thty
are the labour of ages 3 and it is to time that we owe
thofe deep and wide valleys which receive and coniine
our rivers in channels, which are now comolidated, and
with Hopes which have been gradually moderated, fo
that they no longer either ravage our habitations or ^
confound our boundaries. Art may imitate nature, andpjaUl!e t0
by direfling her operations (which flie ftill carries on ac-be imitated
cording to her own imprefcriptible laws) according to yaking
our views, we can haften her progrefs, and accomphfli^1^
our purpofe, during tne fhort period oi human iiie.
But we can do this only by ftudying the unalterable laws
of mechanifm. Thefe are prefented to us by fpontane-
ous nature. Frequently we remain ignorant of their
foundation : but it is not neceffary for the profpe-
rity of the fubjeft that he have the talents of the fena-
tor 3 he can profit by the ftatute without underftand¬
ing its grounds. It is fo in the prefent inftance. We
have not as yet been able to infer the law of retardation
obferved
Part T.
Theory, obferved in the filaments of a running ftream from any
; found mechanical principle. Ihe problem, however,
does not appear beyond our powers, if we afiurne, v\hn
Sir Ilaac Newton, that the velocity of any particular
filament is the arithmetical mean between thofe of the
filaments immediately adjoining. We may be allured,
that the filament in the axis of an inclined cylindrical
tube, of which the current is in tram, moves the falteft,
and that all thofe in the fame circumference round it are
thofe which glide along the pipe. We may affirm the
fame thing of the motions in a femi-cylindrical inclined
channel conveying an open ftream. But even in thefe
we have not yet demonftrated the ratio between the ex¬
treme velocities, nor in the different circles. This muff
be decided experimentally.
And here we are under great obligations to Mr de
Buat. He has compared the velocity in the axis of a
prodigious number and variety of ftreams, differing in
ftze, form, Hope, and velocity, and has computed m them
all the mean velocity, by meafuring the quantities of
water difeharged in a given time. His method of mea¬
furing the bottom velocity was fimple and juft. He
threw in a goofeberry, as nearly as poffible of the fame
fpecihc gravity with the water. It was Carried along
the bottom almoft without touching it. See RESIST¬
ANCE of Fluids, n° 67.
He difeovered the following laws : 1. In fmall velo¬
cities the velocity in the axis is to that at the bottom
icicnv pw.- in a ratio of confiderable inequality. 2. Ihis ratio di-
ti ns of the miniffies as the velocity increafes, and in very great ve-
ftream. locities approaches to the ratio of equality. 3. What
was moft remarkable was, that neither the magnitude of
the channel, nor its ftope, had any influence in changing
this proportion, while the mean velocity remained the
fame. Nay, though the ftream ran on a channel co¬
vered with pebbles or coarfe fand, no difference worth
minding was to be obferved from the velocity over a
polifhed channel. 4. And if the velocity in the axis is
conftant, the velocity at the bottom is alfo conftant, and
is not affefted bv. the depth ot water or magnitude of
the ftream. In fome experiments the depth was thrice
the width, and in others the width was thrice the depth.
This changed the proportion of the magnitude of the
fetlion to the magnitude of the rubbing part, but made
no change on the ratio of the velocities. This is a thing
which no theory could point out.
Another moft important fact was alfo the refult of his
obfervation, viz. that the mean lelociiy in any pipe or
open fir cam is the arithmetical mean between the velocity
in the axis and the velocity at the fules of a pipe or bot¬
tom of an open f ream. We have already obferyed, that
the ratio of the velocity in the axis to the velocity at the
bottom diminifhed as the mean velocity increafed. This
variation he was enabled to exprefs in a very fimple
manner, fo as to be eafily remembered, and to enable us
to tell any one of them by obferving another.
If we take unity from the fquare root of the fuperjjcial
velocity, exprcjfed in inches, the fquare of the remainder
,5
Laws of
the veloci¬
ties of dif¬
ferent por
?7
Mean ve¬
locity
II 1 V E R.
is the velocity at the bottom $ and the mean velocity is the
half fam of thefe two. Thus, if the velocity in the
middle of the ftream be 25 inches per fecond, its fquare
root is five j from which il we take unity, there remains
four. The fquare of this, or 16, is the velocity at the
bottom, and or 20k, is the mean velocity.
This is a very curious and moft ufeful piece of infor¬
mation. The velocity in the middle of the ftream is
the eafieft mealured of all, by any light (mail body float¬
ing down it j and the mean velocity is toe one which
regulates the train, the difeharge, the effeft on machines,
and all the moft important confequences.
We may exprefs this by a.formula of moft eafy re- exprefled
colleclion. Let V be the mean velocity, v the velo- by a for-
city in the axis, and u the velocity at the bottom } wtc
—  2 v -f- u
have u — \ v—1, and V — ^ .
Alfo v = + E>% and v = (V“ + O'*
V = (fv— 4)* + and V —{fu-f\)’ + {.
u — ( V—ij* and u ~ (fS — J —i)1.
Alfo v—u — 2 vW—^ and d — V, Y—u, =
yV i : that is, the difference between thefe velo¬
cities increafes in the ratio of the fquare roots of the
mean velocities diminilhed by a Imall conftant quan¬
tity.
This may perhaps give the mathematicians fome help
in afeertaining the law? of degradation from the axis to
the fides. Thus, in a cylindrical pipe, we may conceive
the current as confifting of an infinite number of cylin¬
drical ffiells Hiding within each other like the draw tubes
of a fpy-glafs. Each of thefe is in equilibrio, or as much
accelerated by the one within it as it is retarded by the
one without; therefore as the momentum of each dimi-
nifhes m the proportion of its diameter (The thicknefs
being fuppofed the fame in all), the velocity of repara¬
tion muft increafe by a certain law from the fides to
the axis. The magnitude of the fmall conftant quanti¬
ty here fpoken of leems to fix this law. . yp
^ The place of the mean velocity could not be difeo- place of
vered with any precifion. In moderate velocities it the mean
was not more than one-fourth or one-fifth of the depth
diftant from the bottom. In very great velocities it w^as vered>
fenfibly higher, but never in the middle of the depth.
The knowledge of thele three velocities is of great
importance. The fuperficial velocity is eauiV oulerved j
hence the mean velocity is eafily computed. This mul¬
tiplied by the feflion gives the expence 5 and if we alio
meafure the expanded border, and then obtain the mean
depth (or V^), we can, by the formula of uniform mo¬
tion, deduce the hope, or, knowing the ftope, we can
deduce any of the other circumftances.
The following table of thefe. three velocities will fave
the trouble of calculation in one of the moft frequent
queftions of hydraulics.
I 2
Velocity
68
Theory.
RIVER.
Part I.
Theory.
So
Table of
the three
principal
velocities.
The knowledge of the velocity at the bottom is of the
greateft ufe for enabling us to judge of the action of the
itream on its bed ; and we (hall now make fome obferva-
Sl tions on this particular.
Operation Every kind of foil has a certain velocity confident
of the with the liability of the channel. A greater velocity
"t^b1 d °n wou^ enable the waters to tear it up, and a fmalier ve-
*ts e ’ locity would permit the depofition of more moveable ma¬
terials from above. It is not enough, then, for the lia¬
bility of a river, that the accelerating forces are fo ad-
julted to the fize and figure of its channel that the cur¬
rent may be in train: it mull alfo be in equilibrio with
the tenacity of the channel.
We learn from obfervation, that a velocity of three
inches per fecond at the bottom will juft begin to work
upon fine clay fit for pottery, and however firm and
compaft it may be, it will tear it up. Yet no beds are
more liable than clay when the velocities do not exceed
this: for the water foon takes away the impalpable
particles of the furperficial clay, leaving the particles of
land flicking by their lower half in the reft of the clay,
which they now protedl, making a very permanent bot¬
tom, if the ftream does not bring down gravel or coarfe
land, which will rub off this very thin cruft, and allow
another layer to be worn off; a velocity of fix inches
will lift fine fand; eight inches will lift fand as coarfe
as linfeed 5 12 inches w ill fu'eep along fine gravel j
24 inches wall roll along rounded pebbles an inch dia¬
meter 5 and it requires three feet per fecond at the bot¬
tom to fweep along Ihivery anguiar ftones of the fize of
an egg. 82
The manner in which unwearied nature carries on how carri~
fome of thefe operations is curious, and deferves to bee<ion-
noticed a little. All muft recolleft the narrow ridges
or w’rinkles which are left on the fand by a temporary
frefh or ftream. They are obferved to lie acrofs the
ftream, and each ridge confifts of a fteep face AD, BF
(fig. 13.) which looks down the ftream, and a gentler ^
Hope DB, FC, which connects this with the next ridge.
As the ftream comes over the firft fteep AD, it is di¬
rected almoft perpendicularly againft the point E im¬
mediately below D, and thus it gets hold of a particle
of coarfe fand, wdiich it could not have detached from
the reft had it been moving parallel to the furface of it.
It eafily rolls it up the gentle Hope EB 5 arrived there,
the particle tumbles over the ridge, and lies clofe at the
bottom of it at F, where it is protected by the little
eddy, which is formed in the very angle j other par¬
ticles
R I V
tides lying about E are treated in the fame way, and,
tumbling over the ridge B, cover the firft particle, and
now proteft it effe&ually from any further difturbance.
The fame operation is going on at the bottom of each
ridge. The brow or deep of the ridge gradually ad¬
vances down the dream, and the whole fet change
their places, as reprefented by the dotted line a dbf;
and after a certain time the particle which was de-
pofited at F is found in an unprote&ed fituation, as
it was in E, and it now makes another dep down
the dream.
The Abbe Boffut found, that when the velocity of
the dream was jud fufficient for lifting the fand (and a
finall excefs hindered the operation altogether) a ridge
advanced about 20 feet in a day.
Since the current carries off the mod moveable mat¬
ters of the channel, it leaves the bottom covered with
the remaining coarfe fand, gravel, pebbles, and larger
dones. To thefe are added many which come down the
dream while it is more rapid, and alfo many which roll
in from the ddes as the banks wear away. All thefe
form a bottom much more folid and immoveable than a
bottom of the medium foil would have been. But this
does not always maintain the channel in a permanent
form } but frequently occafions great changes, by obli¬
ging the current, in the event of any fudden freflr or
fwell, to enlarge its bed, and even to change it altoge¬
ther, by working to the right and to the left, fince it
cannot work downwards. It is generally from fuch ac¬
cumulation of gravel and pebbles in the bottom of the
bed that rivers change their channels.
It remains to afeertain, in abfolute meafures, the force
which a current really exerts in attempting to drag along
with it the materials of its channel 5 and which will
produce this effect unlefs refilled by the inertia of thefe
materials. It is therefore of pradlical importance to
know this force.
Nor is it abdrufe or difficult. For when a current
is in train, the accelerating force is in equilibrio with
the refiftance, and is therefore its immediate meafure.
Now this accelerating force is precifely equal to the
weight of the body of water in motion multiplied by
the fraflion -which expreffes the dope. The mean depth
being equal to the quotient of the feftion divided by
the border, the feftion is equal to the produ£l of the
mean depth multiplied by the border. Therefore, call¬
ing the border b, and the mean depth </, we have the
feflion Tl db. The body of water in motion is there¬
fore dbs (becaufe j- was the llant length of a part
whofe difference of elevation is 1), and the accelerating
forces is j- X or d b. But if we would only confi-
s
der this refillance as correfponding to an unit of the
length of the channel, we mull divide the quantity db
by J-, and the relillance is then —. And if we would
j-
confider the refillance only for an unit of the border,
we muff divide this expreffion by b; and thus this re¬
finance (taking an inch for the unit) will be expreffed
for one fquare inch of the bed by the weight of a
bulk of water wThich has a fquare inch for its bafe, and
— for its height. And lallly, if E be taken for any
x
given fuperficial extent of the channel or bed, and F the
E R.
%
obllrudlion, which we confider as a fort of fridion, we Theory.
TV J 1 ■ — y — l. iJ
fhall have F — -—.
s
Thus, let it be required to determine in pounds the
refiftance or fridlion on a fquare yard of a channel
whofe current is in train, which is 10 feet wide, four
feet deep, and has a (lope of one foot in a mile. Here
E is nine feet. Ten feet width and four feet depth give
a fedlion of 40 feet. The border is 18 feet. There¬
fore d — = 2.1111, and s is 5280. Therefore the
friftion is the weight of a column of wrater whofe bafe
is nine feet, and height
avoirdupois.
2.x 111
52-8o
, or nearly 3T5S- ounces
§ 3. Settlement of the Beds of Rivers.
S3
He who looks with a carelefs eye at a map of the Simplicity-
world, is apt to confider the rivers which ramble over ^ wifi0.11*
its furface as a chance-medley difpofition of the drainers
which carry off the waters. But it will afford a uioft ot-rjvers_
agreeable objedt to a confiderate and contemplative
mind, to take it up in this very fimple light j and having
confidered the many ways in which the drenched fur-
face might have been cleared of the fuperfluous waters,
to attend particularly to the very way which nature has
followed. In following the troubled waters of a moun¬
tain torrent, or the pure ftreams which trickle from
their bafes, till he fees them fwallowed up in the ocean,
and in attending to the many varieties in their motions,
he will be delighted with obferving how the fimple laws
of mechanifm are made fo fruitful in good confequences,
both by modifying the motions of the waters them-
felves, and alfo by inducing new forms on the furface
of the earth, fitted for re-adling on the waters, and pro¬
ducing thofe very modifications of their motions which
render them fo beneficial. The permanent beds of ri¬
vers are by no means fortuitous gutters haftily fcooped
out by daftiing torrents ; but both they and the valleys
through which they flow are the patient but unceafing
labours of nature, prompted by goodnefs and dire£led
by wifdom.
Whether we trace a river from the torrents which
colleft the fuperfluous waters of heaven, or from the
fprings which difeharge what would otherwife be con¬
demned to perpetual inactivity, each feeder is but a
little rill which could not ramble far from its fcanty
fource among growing plants and abforbent earth,
without being fucked up and evaporated, did it not
meet with other rills in its courfe. When united they
form a body of water ftill inconfiderable, but much
more able, by its bulk, to overcome the little obftacles
to its motion •, and the rivulet then moves with greater
fpeed, as we have now learned. At the fame time, the
furface expofed to evaporation and abforption is dimi-
niflied by the union of the rills. Four equal rills have
only the furface of two when united. Thus the por¬
tion which efcapes arreftment, and travels downward,
is continually increafing. This is a happy adjuftment
to the other operations of nature. Were it otherwife,
the lower and more valuable countries would be loaded
with the palling waters in addition to their own fur-
plus rains, and the immediate neighbourhood of the fea
would be almoft covered by the drains of the interior
countries*
R I V E R.
Part I.
countries. But, fortunately, thofe palling waters occu¬
py lefs room as they advance, and by thfs wife employ¬
ment of the moft fimple means, not only are the luper-
fluous waters drained off from our fertile fields, but the
drains themfelves become an ufeful part of the country
by their magnitude. They become the habitation of
a prodigious number of fillies, which fhare the Crea¬
tor’s bounty j and they become the means of mutual
communication of all the bleffings of cultivated fociety.
The vague ramblings of the rivers fcatter them over the
face of the country, and bring them to every door. It
is not even an indifferent circumftance, that they gather
ffrength to cut out deep beds for themfelves. By this
means they cut open many fprings. Without this, the
produce of a heavy fhower would make a fwamp which
would not dry up in many days. And it muff be ob-
ferved, that the fame heat which is neceffary for the vi¬
gorous growth of ufeful plants will produce a very copi¬
ous evaporation. This muff return in fhowers much too
copious for immediate vegetation, and the overplus
rvould be deftruftive. Is it not pleafant to contemplate
this adjuftment of the great operations of nature, fo dif¬
ferent from each other, that if chance alone direded the
detail, it was almoft an infinite odds that the earth would
84 be uninhabitable ?
Their ef- ]^ut let us follow the waters in their operations, and
feft on the nQle tp,e face Gf t\-,e countries through which they flow :
through5 attending to the breadth, the depth, and the flope of
which they the valleys, we fhall be convinced that their prefent fitu-
pafs. ation is extremely different from what it was in ancient
days j and that the valleys themfelves are the works of
the rivers, or at leaft of waters which have defcended
from the heights, loaded with all the lighter matters
which they were able to bring away with them. The ri¬
vers flow now in beds which have a confiderable perma¬
nency 5 but this has been the work of ages. This has
given {lability, both by filling up and fmcothing the val¬
leys, and thus leflening the changing caufes, and alfo by
hardening the beds themfelves, which are now covered
with aquatic plants, and lined with the ftones, gravel,
and coarfer fand, out of which all the lighter matters
have been wafhed away.
The furface of the high grounds is undergoing a con¬
tinual change 5 and the ground on which we now walk
is by no means the fame which was trodden by our re¬
mote anceftors. The fhowers from heaven carry down
into the valleys, or fweep along by the torrents, a part
of the foil which covers the heights and ffeeps. The tor¬
rents carry this foil into the brooks, and thefe deliver
part of it into the great rivers, and thefe difcbarge into
the fea this fertilizing fat of the earth, where it is fwal-
low’ed up, and forever loft for the purpofesof vegetation.
Thus the hillocks lofe of their height, the valleys are
filled up, and the mountains are laid bare, and ffiow
their naked precipices, which formerly were covered
over with a flefti and {kin, but now look like the {keleton
of this globe. The low countries, raifed and nourilhed
for fome time by the fubftance of the high lands, will
wall go in their turn to be buried in the ocean ^ and
then the earth, reduced to a dreary fiat, will become
an immenfe uninhabitable mafs. This cataftrophe is far
diftant, becaufe this globe is in its youth, but it is not
the lefs certain and the united labours of the human
race could not long protraft the term.
But, in the mean time, we can trace a beneficent
2
purpofe, and a nice adjuftment of feemingly remote cir- Theory,
cumftances. The grounds near the fources of all cur y" *
rivers are indeed gradually {tripped of their moft fertile Bsne{£ence
ingredients. But had they retained them for ages, the cqi'p|ayeci
lentient inhabitants of the earth, or at leaft: the nobler in the
animals, with man at their head, would not have derivedc|iarges
much advantage from it. The general laws ot nature^^,G*
produce changes in our atmofphere which mult ever
render thefe great elevations unfruitful. 1 hat ge¬
nial warmth, which is equally neceffary for the ufeful
plant as for the animal which lives on it, is confined to
the lower grounds. The earth, which on the top of
Mount Hsemus could only bring forth mofs and dittany,
when brought into the gardens ot Spalatro, produced
pot-herbs fo luxuriant, that ihoclefian told his colleague
Maximian that he had more pleafure in their cultiva¬
tion than the Roman empire could confer. Thus na¬
ture not only provides us manure, but conveys it to cur
fields. She even keeps it lafe in itore for us till it {hall
be wanted. The traefts of country which are but new¬
ly inhabited by man, fuch as great part of America,
and the newly difeovered regions of 1 erra Auftralis,
are ftill almoft occupied by marfties and lakes, or covered
with impenetrable foreits 5 and they would remain long
enough in this ftate, if population, continually increa-
fing, did not incieafe induftry, and multiply the hands
of cultivators along with their neceffities. The Author
of Nature was alone able to form the huge ridges of
the mountains, to model the hillocks and the valleys, to
mark out the courfes of the great rivers, and give the
fir ft trace to every rivulet; but has left to man the talk
of draining his own habitation and the fields which are
to fupport him, becaufe this is a talk not beyond his
powers. It was therefore of immenfe advantage to
him that thofe parts of the globe into which he has
not yet penetrated ftiould remain covered with lakes
marfiies, and foreits, which keep in {tore the juice of
the earth, which the influence of the air and the vivi¬
fying warmth of the fun would have expended long
ere now in ufelefs vegetation, and which the rains oi
heaven would have fwept into the fea, had they not
been thus protected by their fituation or their cover.
It is therefore the bufinefs of man to open up theft
mines of boarded wealth, and to thank the Author of
all good, w’ho has thus hufbanded them for his uft, and
left them as a rightful heritage for thole of alter days.
The earth had not in the remote ages, as in our day,
thoft great canrds, thoft capacious venders, always ready
to drain off the rain waters (or which omy part is ab-
forbed by the thirfty ground), and the pure waters
of the fprings from ” the foot of the hills. The rivers
did not then exift, or were only torrents, whoft waters,
confined by the gullies and glens, are fearching for.a
place to efcape. Kence arift thoft numerous lakes in
the interior of great continents, of which there are ftill
remarkable relicks in North America, which in pro-
cefs of time will difappear, and become champaign
countries. The moft remote from the fea, unable to
contain its waters, finds an iffue through fome gorge of
the hills, and pours over its fuperfluous waters into a
lower bafon, which, in its turn, difeharges its contents
into another, and the laft of the chain delivers its wa¬
ters by a river into the ocean. The communication
was originally begun by a fimple overflowing at the
lowed part of the margin. This made a torrent, which
quickly
Part L R I V E R. 71
Theo y. quickly deepened its bed ; and this circuinftance increa-
<-»»—y-*—' jjng J|S velocity, as vve have feen, would extend this
deepening backward to the lake, and draw off more of
its waters. The work would go on rapidly at firft, while
earth and fmali ilones. oniy relitied the labours ot na¬
ture j but thefe being walked away, and the channel
hollowed out to the firm rock on all fides, the operation
muff go on very Uowly, till the immenfe cafcade ihall
undermine what it cannot break off, and then a new
difcharge rvill commence, and a quantity of flat ground
will emerge all round the lake. 'L'he torrent, in the
mean time, makes its way down the country, and digs
a canal, which may be called the firft (ketch of a river,
which will deepen and widen its bed continually, lire
water of feveral bafons united, and running together in
a great body, will (according to the principles we have
eftabliflied) have a much greater velocity, with the
fame flope, than thofe of the lakes in the interior parts
of the continent •, and the lum ol them all united in
the bafon next the lea, after having broken through
its natural mound, will make a prodigious torrent,
which will dig for itfelf a bed fo much the deeper as ii
has more Hope and a greater body of waters.
The formation of the firfi: valleys, by cutting open
many fprings which were formerly concealed under
ground, will add to the mafs of running waters, and
contribute to drain off the waters of thele bafons. In
courfe of time many of taem will ddappear, and flat val¬
leys among the mountains and lulls are the traces of their
former exiflence.
When nature thus traces out the courfes of future
rivers, it is to be expected that thofe ffreams will moft
deepen their channels which in their approach to the
fea receive into their bed the greateft quantities of
rain and fpring waters, and that towards the middle of
the continent they will deepen their channels lefs. In
thele laft fituations the natural flope of the fields caufes
the rain-water, rills, and the little rivulets from the
fprings, to leek their ways to the rivers. I he ground
can fink only-by the flattening of the hills and high
grounds •, and this muff proceed with extreme flownefs,
becaufe it is only the gentle, though inceffant, work of
the rains and fprings. But the rivers, increafing in bulk
and ftrength, and of neceflity flowing over every thing,
form to themfelves capacious beds in a more yielding
^ foil, and dig them even to the level of the ocean.
Beds^of 1 i The beds of rivers by no means form themfelves in
vers not one inclined plane. If we fhould luppofe a canal AB
formed m (fig. 14.) perfectly flraight and horizontal at B, where
one inch- it joins with the fea, this canal would really be an in-
X’V 1Iane" clined channel of greater and greater flope as it is far-
l*’I4' ther from B. This is evident j becaufe gravity is di-
re6led towards the centre of the earth, and the angle
CAB contained between the channel and the plumb-
line at A is fmaller than the fimilar angle CDB j and
confequently the inclination to the horizon is greater in
.A than in D. Such a canal therefore would make the
bed of a river j and fome have thought that this was
the real form of nature’s work j but the fuppofition is
a wdiim, and it is falfe. No river has a flope at all ap¬
proaching to this. It would be eight inches declivity
in the mile next the ocean, 24 inches in the fecond
mile, 40 inches in the third, and fo on in the duplicate
ratio (for the whole elevation) of the diflances from the
fea. Such a river would quickly tear up its bed in the
mountains (were there any grounds high enough to re- Theory,
ceive it), arid, except its firft cafcade, would foon ac- ""“""v *"
quire a more gentle flope. But the fa£l is, and it is the
relult ol the irnprefcriptible laws of nature, that the con¬
tinued track of a river i» a fucceffion of inclined chan¬
nels, whofe flope diminiflies by fteps as the river ap¬
proaches to the fea. It is not enough to lay that this re-
fults from the natural flope of the countries through
which it flows, which we obferve to increafe in declivity
as we go to the interior parts of the continent. Were
it otherwife, the equilibrium at which nature aims in all
her operations would flill produce the gradual diminu¬
tion of the flope of rivers. Without it they could net
be in a permanent train.
That we may more eafily form a notion of the m“n-i.jcw- ^;ie
ner in which the permanent courfe of a river is effa-permanent
blithed, let us fuppofe a ftream or rivulet j a (fig. 15.) courfe of a
far up the country, make its way through a foil per- efta-
feclly uniform to the fea, taking the courfe sale dc f. '
and receiving the permanent additions of the dreams g a, °
hb,ic,kd>Ie, and that its velocity and Hope in all
its parts are fo fuited to the tenacity of the ioil and
magnitude ol its feclion, that neither do its waters du¬
ring the annual frefhes tear up its banks or deepen its
bed, nor do they bring dowTn from the high lands ma¬
terials which they depofit hi the channel in times of
imaller velocity. Such a river may be faid to be in a
permanent Jlate, to be in confervaiion, or to haveJlabilitij.
Let us call this ftate of a river its REGIMEN, denoting
by the word the proper adjuffment of the velocity of
the ftream to the tenacity of the channel. The velo¬
city of its regimen mull be the fame throughout, be¬
caufe it is this which regulates its action on the bottom,
which is the fame from its head to the fea. That its
bed may have liability, the mean velocity of the current
mult be conftant, notwithftanding the inequality of dif¬
charge through its different fedtions by the brooks
which it receives in its courfe, and notwithflanding the
augmentation of its fection as it approaches the fea.
On the other hand, it behoved this exadt regimen to
commence at the mouth of the river, by the working
of the whole body of the river, in concert writh the wa¬
ters of the ocean, which always keep within the fame
limits, and make the ultimate level invariable. This
working will begin to dig the bed, giving it as little
breadth as poffible : for this working confiits chiefly in
the efforts of falls and rapid ftreams, which arife of
themlelves in every channel which has too much flope.
The bottom deepens, and the fides remain very ilcep,
till they are undermined and crumble down \ and being
then diluted in the water, they are carried down the
llream, and depofited where the ocean checks its fpeed.
The banks crumble down anew, the valley or hollow
forms p but the fedtion, always confined to its bottom,
cannot acquire a great breadth, and it retains a good
deal of the form of the trapezium formerly mentioned.
In this manner does the regimen begin to be eltablifhed -
from/to e.
With refpedt to the next part d e, the difcharge or
produce is diminifhed by the want of the brook / e. It
mult take a fimilar form, but its area will be diminilhed,
in order that its velocity may be the fame 5 and its mean
depth d being lefs than in the portion e f below, the
flope mult be greater. Without thefe conditions we
could not have the uniform velocity, which the aflumed
permanency
72 R I V
1 Theory. permanency in an uniform foil neceffarily fuppofes.
~ Reafoning after the fame manner for all the portions
c d, b c, a b, s a, we fee that the regimen will be fuccef-
fively eftablilhed in them, and that the Hope neceffary
for this purpofe will be greater as we approach the river
head. The vertical fe£lion or profile of the courfe of
the river s a b c d e f will therefore refemble the line
SABCDEF which is Iketched below, having its diffe¬
rent parts varioufly inclined to the horizontal line HF.
Such is the procefs of nature to be obferved in every
river on the furface of the globe. It long appeared a
kind of puzzle to the theoriils 5 and it was this obfer-
vation of the increafing, or at leaft this continued velo¬
city with fmaller Hope, as the rivers increafed by the
addition of their tributary ftreams, which caufed Gu-
glielmini to have recourfe to his new principle, the ener¬
gy of deep waters. We have now feen in what this
energy confifts. It is only a greater quantity of mo-
by example, tion remaining in the middle of a great ftream of wa¬
ter after a quantity has been retarded by the fides and
bottom 5 and we fee clearly, that fince the addition of
a new and perhaps an equal ftream does not occupy a
bed of double furface, the proportion of the retarda¬
tions to the remaining motion mull continually diminilh
as a river increafes by the addition of new ftreams. If
therefore the flope were not diminiftied, the regimen
would be deftroyed, and the river would dig up its chan¬
nel. We have a full confirmation of this in the many
works which have been executed on the Po, which runs
with rapidity through a rich and yielding foil. About
the year 1600, the waters of the Panaro, a very con-
fiderable river, w^ere added to the Po Grande ”, and al¬
though it brings along with it in its frefhes a vaft quan¬
tity of fand and mud, it has greatly deepened the whole
Tronco di Venezia from the confluence to the fea.
This point was clearly afeertained by Manfredi about
the 1720, when the inhabitants of the valleys adjacent
were alarmed by the projedl of bringing in the waters
of the Rheno, which then ran through the Ferrarefe.
Their fears were overcome, and the Po Grande conti¬
nues to deepen its channel every day with a prodigious
advantage to the navigations; and there are feveral eX-
tenfive marftres which now drain off by it, after having
been for ages under water : and it is to be particularly
remarked, that the Rheno is the fouleft river in its
frefhes of any in that country. We infert this remark,
bec.wfe it may be of great pradfical utility, as pointing
out a method of preferving and even improving the
depth of rivers or drains in flat countries, which is not
obvious, and rather appears improper : but it is ftriftly
conformable to a true theory, and to the operations of
nature, which never fails to adjuft every thing fo as to
bring about an equilibrium. Whatever the declivity of
the country may have been originally, the regimen be¬
gins to be fettled at the mouths of the rivers, and the
Hopes are diminifhed in fucceflion as w7e recede from the
coaft. The original flopes inland may have been much
greater 5 but they will (when bufy nature has comple¬
ted her v'ork) be left fomewhat, and only fo much
greater, that the velocity may be the fame notwith-
ftanding the diminution of the fe&ion and mean depth.
EfFedb of Frefhes will difturb this methodical progrefs relative
sfreflies. only to the fucceftive permanent additions ; but their
effeefs chiefly accelerate the deepening of the bed, and
the diminution of the Hope, by augmenting the velo-
I
SS
This pro-
eefs of na¬
ture
sp
confirmed
E It.
Part I.
city during their continuance. But when the regimen Theory,
of the permanent additions is once eftablifhed, the frefhes ' '
tend chiefly to widen the bed, without greatly deepen¬
ing it: for the aquatic plants, which have been growing
and thriving during the peaceable ftate of the river, are
now laid along, but not fwept away, by the freftres
and protect the bottom from their attacks •, and the
ftones and gravel, which muft have been left bare in a
courfe of years, working on the foil, will alfo colleft in
the bottom, and greatly augment its power of refift-
ance j and even if the floods fhould have deepened the
bottom fume fmall matter, fome mud will be depofited
as the velocity of the frefhes diminiflres, and this will
remain till the next flood.
We have fuppofed the foil uniform through the whole
courfe : This feldom happens *, therefore the circum-
ftances which infure permanency, or the regimen of a
river, may be very different in its different parts and
in different rivers. We may fay in general, that the
farther that the regimen has advanced up the ftream in
any river, the more flowly will it convey its waters to
the fea.
There are fome general circumftances in the motion
of rivers which it will be proper to take notice of juft:
now, that they may not interrupt our more minute ex¬
amination of their mechanifm, and their explanations
will then occur of themfelvcs as corollaries of the pro-
pofitions which we fliall endeavour to demonftrate.
In a valley of fmall width the river always occupies jn narrovr
the loweft part of it 5 and it is obferved, that this is valleys ri-
feldom in the middle of the valley, and is neareft to thatvers adhere
fide on which the flope from the higher grounds is the
fteepeft, and this without regard to the line of its courfe.
The river generally adheres to the fteepeft hills, whether
they advance into the plain or retire from it. This
general feature may be obferved over the whole globe.
It is divided into compartments by great ranges of moun¬
tains j and it may be obferved, that the great rivers hold
their courfe not very far from them, and that their chief
feeders come from the other fide. In every compartment
there is a fwell of the low country at a diftance from
the bounding ridge of mountains •, and on the fummit
of this fwell the principal feeders of the great river have
their fources.
The name valley is given with lefs propriety to thefe
immenfe regions, and is more applicable to trafts of
champaign land which the eye can take in at one view.
Even here we may obferve a refemblance. It is not
always in the very loweft part of this valley that the
river has its bed •, although the waters of the river flow
in a channel below its immediate banks, thefe banks are
frequently higher than the grounds at the foot of the
hills. This is very diftinflly feen in Lower Egypt, by
means of the canals which are carried backward from
the Nile for accelerating its fertilizing inundations.
When the califhes are opened to admit the waters, it is
always obferved that the diftri£ls moft remote are the
firft covered, and it is feveral days before the immediate¬
ly adjoining fields partake of the blefling. This is
a confequence of that general opinion of nature by
which the valleys are formed. The river in its floods
is loaded with mud, which it retains as long as it
rolls rapidly along its limited bed, tumbling its waters
over and over, and taking up in every fpot as much as
it denofits: but as foon as it overflows its banks, the
very
Part I.
RIVER.
River.
9*
The bed
of avers
93
the water
being
very enlargement of its fe&ion diminiihes tire velocity
' of the water •, and it may be obferved flill running in
the track of its bed with great velocity, while the wa¬
ters on each fide are ftagnant at a very fmall difiance:
Therefore the water, on getting over the banks, muft
depofit the heavieft, the firmeft, and even the greateft
part of its burden, and muft become gradually clearer
as it approaches the hills. Thus a gentle Hope is given
to the valley in a diredtion which is the reverfe of what
one would expeft. It is, however, almoft always the
eafe in wide valleys, efpecially if the great river comes
through a foft country. The banks of the brooks and
ditches are obferved to be deeper as they approach the
river, and the merely fuperficial drains run backwards
from it.
We have already obferved, that the enlargement of
the bed of a river, in its approach to the fea, is not in
is enlarged proportion to the increafe of its waters. This would
near the tjle cape even jf the velocity continued the fame:
and therefore, fince the velocity increales, in confe-
quence of the greater energy of a large body of wa¬
ter, which we now underftand diitinftly, a Hill fmaller
bed is fufficient for conveying all the water to the fea.
This general law is broken, however, in the imme¬
diate neighbourhood of the fea •, becaufe in this fitua-
checked bytjon velocity of the water is checked by the palling
of the q5 flood-tides of the ocean. As the whole waters mult
cean. fhfi he difeharged, they require a larger bed, and the
enlargement will be chiefly in width. The land and
mud are depofited when the motion is retarded. The
depth of the mouth of the channel is. therefore dimi-
niflied. It muft therefore become wider. If this be
done on a coaft expofed to the force of a regular tide,
which carries the waters of the ocean acrofs the mouth
of the river, this regular enlargement of the mouth will
be the only confequence, and it wall generally widen
till it walhes the foot of the adjoining hills; but if
there be no tide in the fea, or a tide which does not
fet acrofs the mouth of the river, the lands mull be de¬
pofited at the fides of the opening, and become addi¬
tions to the Ihore, lengthening the mouth of the chan¬
nel. In this flickered fituation, every trivial circum-
fiance will cauie the river to work more on particular
parts of the bottom, and deepen the channel there.
This keeps the mud fufpended in fuch parts of the
channel, and it is not depofited till the ilream has lliot
farther out into the lea. It is depofited on the fides
of thofe deeper parts of the channel, and increafes the
velocity in them, and thus ftill farther protrafts the de-
pofition. Rivers fo lituated will not only lengthen their
channels, but will divide them, and produce illands at
their mouths. A bulb, a tree tom up by the roots by
a mountain torrent, and floated down the ftream, will
thus inevitably produce an ifland j and rivers in which
this is common will be continually fhifting their mouths.
The Mifliflippi is a moft remarkable infiance of this.
It has a long courfe through a rich foil, and difem-
bogues itfelf into the bay of Mexico, in a place where
there is no pajjing tide, as may be feen by comparing the
hours of high water in different places. No river that
we know carries down its ftream fuch numbers of root¬
ed-up trees •, they frequently interrupt the navigation,
and render it always dangerous in the night-time. This
river is fo befet with flats and Ihifting fands at its
«routh, that the moft experienced pilots are puzzled j
Vol. XVII I. Part L
and it has protruded its channel above 50 miles in the
flrort period that we have known it. The (fifeharge of
the Danube is very fimilar : fo is that of the Nile j for
it is difeharged into a Hill corner of the Mediterranean.
It may now be faid to have acquired conliderable per¬
manency j but much of this- is owing to human induitry,
which llrips it as much as poflible of its fubfideable
matter. The Ganges too is in a fituation pretty fimilar,
and exhibits fimilar phenomena. The Maragnon might
be noticed as an exception j but it is not an exception.
It has flowed very far in a level bed, and its waters
come pretty clear to Para j but belides, there is a ftrong
tranfverfe tide, or rather current, at its mouth, letting
to the fouth-eaft both during flood and ebb. The
mouth of the Po is perhaps the moll remarkable of any
on the furface of this globe, and exhibits appearances
extremely lingular. Its difeharge is into a lequeltered
corner of the Adriatic. Though there be a more re¬
markable tide in ibis gulf than in any part of the Medi¬
terranean, it is Hill but trifling, and it either fets direft-
ly in upon the mouth of the river, or retires ftraight
away from it. The river has many mouths, and they
ftiift prodigioufly. There has been a general increafe of
the land very remarkable. The marlhes where Venice
now Hands were, in the Auguftan age, everywhere pe¬
netrable by the filhing boats, and in the yih century
could only bear a few miferable huts j now they are
covered with crowds of llately buildings. Ravenna, fi-
tuated on the fouthernmoft mouth of the Po, was, in the
Auguftan age, at the extremity of a fwamp, and the
road to it was along the top of an artificial mound,
made by Auguftus at immenfe expence. It was, how-
ever* a fine city, containing extenfive docks, arlenals,
and other mafly buildings, being the great military port
of the empire, where Auguftus laid up his great Ihips
of war. In the Gothic times it became almoft the ca¬
pital of the Weftern empire, and ivas the feat of go¬
vernment and of luxury. It muft, therefore, be fuppo-
fed to have every accommodation of opulence, and we
cannot doubt of its having paved ftreets, wharfs, &c. j
fo that its wealthy inhabitants were at leaft walking
dryfooted from houfe to houfe. But now it is an Ita¬
lian mile from the fea, and furrounded with vineyards
and cultivated fields, and is acceflible in every diredlion.
All this muft have been formed by depofitions from the
Po, flowing through Lombardy loaded with the fpoils
of the Alps, which were here arrefted by the reeds and
bulruflies of the marih. Thefe things are in common
courfe; but when wells are dug, we come to the pave¬
ments of the ancient city, and thefe pavements are all
on one exacl level, and they are eight feet below the fur-
face of the fca at low water. This cannot be aferibed
to the fubfiding of the ancient city. This would be
irregular, and greateft among the hearry buildings. The
tomb of Theodoric remains, and the pavement round it
is on a level with all the others. The lower ftory is al¬
ways full of water; fo is the lower ftory of the cathe¬
dral to the depth of three feet. The ornaments of both
thefe buildings leave no room to doubt that they were
formerly dry j and fuch a building as the cathedral
could not fink without crumbling into pieces.
It is by no means eafy to account for all this. The
depofitions .of the Po and other rivers muft raife the
ground ; and yet the rivers muft ftill flow over all. We
muft conclude that the furface of the Adriatic is by jio
K means
74
RIVE R.
Part I.
River*.
54
Rivers are
convex a-
ftream,
the cau
of it.
means level, and that it Hopes like a river from the La-
croo*i of Venice to the eailward. In all probability it
evenilopes confiderably outwards from the ihoi'e. This
will not hinder the alternations of ebb and flow tide, as
will be fliown in its proper place. The whole fhoresof
this gulf exhibit moll uncommon appearances.
The lail general observation which we lhall make in
this place is, that the furface of a river is not flat, con-
thwart the ^ered athwart the ftream, but convex: this isowing
1tr/»orr» c n # . r 7 i r i ’
to its motion. Suppofe a c?.nat of ixagnant wra1erj its
furface would be a perfebl level. But fuppofe it poiTi-
ble by any means to give the middle waters a motion
in the direffion of ns length, they mull drag along
with them the waters immediately contiguous. Thefe
will move lefs fwiftly, and vriil in like manner dlag the
ivaters without them j and thus the water at the fides
being abllrabled, the depth mull be lefs, and the gene¬
ral furface mull be convex acrofs. The fa61 in a run¬
ning flream is fimilar to this ; the /ide wateis are with¬
held by the fides, and every filament is moving more
Howdy than the one next it towards the middle of the
river, but fader than the adjoining filament on the land
fide. This alone mutl produce a convexity of furface,
But befides this, it is demonllrabie that the preffure of
a running dream is diminifhed by its motion, and the
diminution is proportional to the height which would
produce the velocity with which it is gliding pad the
adjoining filament. This convexity mutl in all cafes be
very fmall. Few rivers have the velocity nearly equal
to eight feet per fecond, and tins requires a height of
one foot only. An author quoted by M. Buffon fays,
that he has obferved on the river Aveiron an elevation
of three feet in the middle during Hoods 5 but we fufpecl
fome error in the obiervation.
j 4. Of the Windings of Rivers.
Kivfrs are feldom flraight in their courfe.' Formed
by the hand of nature, they are accommodated to every
A change of circumdance. They wind around what they
cannot get over, and work their way to either fide ac¬
cording as the refiftance of the oppofite bank makes a
flraight courfe more difficult ; and this feemingly fortui¬
tous rambling didributes them more uniformly over the
furface of a country, and makes them every where more
at hand, to receive the numberlefs rills and rivulets
w-hich collebt the waters of our fprings and the fuper-
Huities of our fhow’ers, and to comfort our habitations
with the many advantages which cultivation and fociety
can derive from their prefence. In their feeble begin¬
nings the fmalleft inequality of Hope or confiflency is
enough to turn them afide and make them ramble
through every field, giving drink to our herds and ferti¬
lity to our foil. The more we follow nature into the
minutiae of her operations, the more mufl we admire the
inexhauitible fertility of her refources, and the fimplici-
ty of the means by which fhe produces the moll import¬
ant and beneficial effefls. By thus twifiing the courie
of our rivers into 10,coo drapes, ffie keeps them long
atnidll our fields, and thus compenfates for the declivity
of the furface, which would otherw’ife tumble them with
great rapidity into the ocean, loaded with the befl and
richeft of our foil. Without this, the (hewers of heaven
would have little influence in (applying the wafle of in-
ceffant evaporation. But as things are, the rains are
kept (lowly trickling along the (loping fides of our hills
95
Winding
courfe of
rivers, ho
formed.
and deeps, winding round every clod, nay every plant, Rivers
which lengthens their courfe, diminifties their dope, '■«—-y—
checks their fpeed, and thus prevents them from quick¬
ly brufhing off from every part of the furface the light¬
ed and belt of the (oil. The fatted of our holm lands
would be too deep, and the rivers would (hoot along
through our fined meadows, hurrying every thing away
with them, and would be unfit for the purpoles ot inland
conveyance, if the inequalities of (oil did not make them
change this headlong courfe for fhe more beautiful mean¬
ders which we obferve in the courfe of the fmall rivers
winding through our meadows. Thofe rivers are in ge¬
neral the draughted in their courfe which are the mod
rapid, and which roll along the greatell bodies of water ;
fuch are the Rhone, the Po, the Danube. The fmaller
rivers continue more devious in their progrefs, till they
approach the lea, and have gathered drength from ail
their tributary dreams. ^
Every thing aims at an equilibrium, and this direfts What nx»
even the rambling of rivers. It is of importar.ee tolureleit
underdand the relation between the force of a river and ^fo-m t0
the refidance which the foil oppofes to thofe deviations
from a redlilineal courfe; for it may frequently happen
that the general procedure of nature may be inconfident
with cur local purpofes. Man was fet down on this
globe, and the talk of cultivating it was given him
by nature, and his chief enjoyment feems to be to
druggie with the elements. He mud not find things
to his mind, but he mud mould them to his own fancy.
Yet even this (eenring anomaly is one of nature’s mod
beneficent laws; and his exertions mull dill be made
in conformity wath the general train of the operations
of mechanical nature : and when we have any work,
to undertake relative to the courfe of rivers, we mud
be careful not to thwart their general rules, otherwife
we diall be fooner or later puniflred for their infrac¬
tion. Things will be brought back to their former
date, if our operations are inconfident with that equi¬
librium which is conftantly aimed at, or feme new dat$
of things which is equivalent will be foon induced.
If a well regulated river has been improperly deepen¬
ed in fome place, to anfwer fome particular purpofe
of our own, or if its breadth has been improperly aug¬
mented, we (hall foon fee a depofiden of mud or fand
choak up our fancied improvements ; becaufe, as we
have enlarged the feflion without increafing the (lope
or the fupply, the velocity mud diminifh, and floating
matters mud be depofited.
It is true, we frequently fee permanent channels
where the forms are extremely different from that
which the waters would dig for themfelves in an uni¬
form foil, and which approaches a good deal to the
trapezium deferibed formerly. We fee a greater breadth
frequently compenfate for a want of depth ; but all fuch
deviations are a fort of condraint, or rather are indica¬
tions of inequality of foil. Such irregular forms arc
the works of nature ; and if they are permanent, the
eqtiilibrium is obtained. Commonly the bottom is
harder than the fides, confiding of the coarfed of the
(and and of gravel; and therefore the neceffary fe6lion
can be obtained only by increafing the width. We
are accudomed to attend chiefly to the appearances
which prognoflicate mifehief, and we interpret the ap¬
pearances of a permanent bed in the fame way, and
Frequently form very falfe judgments. When we fee
one
Part I.
R I V
Theory.
97
Necetlity
of attend¬
ing to na¬
ture in re
gulating
the courfe
of rivers.
Fig. i6.
p8
Conditions
neceffary
for a p«r-
manent re¬
gimen.
one bank low and flat, and the other high and ab¬
rupt, we, fuppofe that the waters are palling along
the firA in peace, and with a gentle Aream, but that
they are rapid on the other fide, and are tearing away
the bankbut it is juft the contrary. The bed be-
jng permanent, things are in ecpixlibno, and cacti bank
is ot a form juft competent to that equilibrium. It
the foil on both Tides be uniform, the ftream is molt
rapid on that fide where the bank is low and flat,
for in no other form would it withitand the action of
the ftveam j and it has been worn away till its flatnefs
eompenfates for the greater force of the ftream. The
ftream on the other fide muft be more gentle, otherwife
the bank could not remain abrupt. In ihort, in a ftate
of permanency, the velocity ot the ftream and form of
ths bank are juft fuited to each other. It is quite
otherwife before the river has acquired its proper regi¬
men.
A careful confideration therefore of the general fea¬
tures of rivers which have fettled their regimen, is of ufe
for informing us concerning their internal motions, and
direfling us to the moil eftefiual methods of regulating
their courfe.
We have already faid that perpendicular brims are
inconfiftent with liability. A femicircular feflion is
the form which would produce the quickeft train of a
river whofe expence and Hope are given 5 but the banks
at B and I) (fig. 16.) would crumble in, and lie at the
bottom, where their horizontal furface would lecure them
from farther change. The bed will acquire the form
G c F, of equal feflion, but greater width, and with
brims lefs {helving. The proportion of the velocities
at A and c may be the fame with that of the velocities
at A and C; but the velocity at G and F will be lefs
than it was formerly at B, C, or D } and the velocity
in any intermediate point E, being fomewhat between
thofe at F and c, muft be lefs than it was in any inter¬
mediate point of the femicircular bed. The velocities
will therefore decreafe along the border from c towards
G and F, and the fteepnefs of the border will augment
at tne fame time, till, in every point of the new border
G c F, thefe two circumftances will be fo adjufted that
the necefl'ary equilibrium is eftabliftred.
The fame thing muft happen in our trapezium. I he
Hope of the brims may be exafl, and will be retained \
it will, however, be too great anywhere below, where
the velocity is greater, and the fides will be worn away
till the banks are undermined and crumble down, and
the river will maintain its feflion by increafing its width.
In ftiort, no border made up of ftraight lines is con-
fiftent with that gradation of velocity which will take
place whenever we depart from a lemicircular form.
And rve accordingly fee, that in all natural channels the
feflion has a curvilineal border, with the -flope increafing
gradually from the bottom to the brim.
Thefe obfervations will enable us to underftand how
nature operates when the inequality of furface or of te¬
nacity obliges the current to change its direflion, and
the. river forms an elbow.
Suppofing always that the difcharge continues the
fame, and that the mean velocity is either preferved or
reftored, the following conditions are neceflary for a
permanent regimen.
1. The depth of water my ft be greater in the elbow
than anywhere elfe.
E R. 75
2. The main ftream, after having ftruck the concave Theory,
bank, muft be reflefled in an equal angle, and muft then ,~J ‘
be in the direflion of the next reach of the river.
3. The angle of incidence muft be proportioned to
the tenacity of the foil.
4. Thefe muft be in the elbow an increafe of flope,
or of head of water, capable of overcoming the refiitance
occafioned by the elbow.
The reafonablenefs, at leaft, of thefe conditions will
appear from the following confiderations.
1. It is certain that force is expended in producing
this change of direflion in a channel which by fuppofi- 0f
don diminilhcs the current. The diminution ariung from thefe coa.
any cauie which can be compared with friflion muft be ditions.
greater when the ftream is direfled againft one of the
banks. Jt may be very difficult to ftate the proportion,
and it would occupy too much of our time to attempt it ;
but it is fufficient that we be convinced that the retarda¬
tion is greater in this cafe. We fee no caufe to increafe
the mean velocity in the elbow, and we muft therefore
conclude that it is diminifhed. But we are fuppofing
that the difeharge continues the fame ; the feftion muft
therefore augment, or the channel increafe its tranfverfe
dimenfions. The only queftion is, In what manner it
does this, and what change of form does it affeft, and
what form is competent to the final equilibrium and the
coniequent permanency of the bed ? Ilcre there is much
room for conjeflure. Mr Boat reafons as follows. It
we fuppole that the points B and C (fig. 17O continue pjg< ^
oil a level, and that the points H and I at the beginning
of the next reach are alio on a level, it is an inevitable
confequence that the Hope along CMI muft be greater
than along BEH, becaufe the depreflion of H below B
is equal to that of I below C, and BEH is longer than
CMI. Therefore the velocity along the convex bank
CMI muft be greater than along BEH. There may
even be a ftagnation and an eddy in the contrary direc¬
tion along the concave bank. Therefore, if the form of
the feflion were the fame as up the ftream, the fides
could not ftand on the convex bank. When therefore
the leflion has attained a permanent form, and the banks
are again in equilibrio with the aftion of the current, the
convex bank mutt be much flatter than the concave. If
the water is really ftill on the concave bank, that bank
will be abfolutely perpendicular*; nay, may overhang.—
Accordingly, this ftate of things is matter of daily obfer-
vation, and juftifies our reafoning, and entitles us to fay,
that this is the nature of the internal motion of the fila¬
ments which we cannot diftinflly obferve. The water
moves moft rapidly along the convex bank, and the thread
of the ftream is neareft to this fide. Reafoning in this
way the feflion, which we may fuppofe to have been origi-
nally of the form MZ>a E (fig- i3.) affumes the ffiapejrig. is,
MBAE.
2. Without prefuming to know the mechanifm of the
internal motions of fluids, we know that fuperficial waves
are reflefled precifely asif they were elaftic bodies, making
the angles of incidence and refleflion equal. In as far
therefore as the fuperficial wave is concerned in the opera¬
tion, Mr Buat’s fecond pofition is juft. The permanency
of the next reach requires that its axis fhall be in the
direflion of the line EP which makes the angle GEP
^FEN. If the next reach has the direflion EQ, MR,
the wave reflefled in the line ES will work on the bank
at S, and will be reflefled in the line ST, and work
K. 2 again
76 R I V
Theory, again on the oppofite bank at T. We know that the
k""   ' effedt of the fuperficial motion is great, and that it is
the principal agent in deftroying the banks of canals.
So far therefore' Mr Boat is right. We cannot fay
with any precifion or confidence how the actions of the
under filaments are modified-, but we know no reafon for
not extending to the under filaments what appears fo pro¬
bable with refpeft to the furface water.
3. The third pofition is no lefs evident. We do not
know the mode of a£tion of the water on the bank j but
our general notions on this fubjeft, confirmed by common
experience, tell us that the more obliquely a dream of
water beats on any bank, the lefs it tends to undermine
it or walk it away. A itiff and cohefive foil therefore
•will fuller no more from being almoft perpendicularly
buffetted by a dream than a friable land would differ
from water gliding along its face. Mr Buat thinks,
from experience, that a clay bank is not fenfibly affedled
till the angle FEB is about 36 degrees.
4. Since there are caufes of retardation, and we dill
fuppofe that the difcharge is kept up, and that the mean
velocity, which had been diminifhed by the enlargement
of the iedtion, is again redored, we mud grant that ther«
is provided, in the mechanifm of thefe motions, an acce¬
lerating force adequate to this effe6f. I here can be no
accelerating force in an open dream but the fuperficial
dope. In. the prefent cafe it is undoubtedly fo j becaufe
by the deepening of the bottom where there is an elbow
in the dream, we have of neceflity a counter dope. Now,
all this head of water, which mud produce the augmen¬
tation of velocity in that part of the dream which ran¬
ges round the convex bank, will arife from the check
which the water gets from the concave bank. This oc-
cafions a gorge or fwell up the dream, enlarges a little
the fe&ion at BVC ; and this, by the principle of uni¬
form motion, will augment all the velocities, deepen the
channel, and put every thing again into its train as foon
as the water gets into the next reach. The water at the
bottom of this bafon has very little motion, but it defends
10© the bottom by this very circumdance.
Remirks Such are the notions which Mr de Buat entertains of
on thefe part 0f mechanifm of running waters. We
andtheTa cannot % they are very fatisfa&ory, and they are
Vons of very oppofite to the opinions commonly entertained on
them. the fubjefl. Mod perfons think that the motion is mod
rapid and turbulent on the fide of the concave bank,
and that it is owing to this that the bank is worn away
till it become perpendicular, and that the oppofite bank
is fiat, becaufe it has not been gnawed aw-ay in this
manner. With refpeft to this general view of the mat¬
ter, ' thefe perfons may be in the right-, and when a
dream is turned into a crooked and yielding channel for
the fird time, this is its manner of action. But Mr
Boat’s aim is to invedigate the circumdances which ob¬
tain in the cafe of a regimen -, and in this view he is
undoubtedly right as to the fafts, though his mode of
accounting for thefe fads may be erroneous. And as
this is the only ufeful view to be taken of the fubjeft,
it ought chiefly to be attended to in all our attempts to
procure flability to the bed of a river, without the ex-
penfive helps of mafonry, Sic. If we attempt to le-
cure permanency by deepening on the infide of the el¬
bow-, our bank will undoubtedly crumble down, dimi-
•rifli the paffage, and occafion a more violent adlion on
the hollow- bank. The mod effedlual mean of fecurity
is to enlarge the feclion : and if we do this on the in-
E R.
Part I.
fide bank, w-e mud do it by widening the dream very Theory,
much, that we may give a very doping bank. Our at-
tention is commonly drawn to it when the hollow bank
is giving way, and with a view to dop the ravages of
the dream. Things are not now in a date of perma¬
nency, but nature is working in her own way to bring
it about. This may not fuit our purpofe, and we mud
thwart her. The phenomena w-hich w-e then obferve
are frequently very unlike to thofe deferibed in the pre¬
ceding paragraphs. We fee a violent Wmbling motion
in the dream towards the hollow bank. We fee an
evident accumulation of water on that fide, and the
point B is frequently higher than C. This regorging
of the water extends to fome didance, and is of itfelf
a caufe of greater velocity, and contributes, like a head
of dagnant water, to force the dream through the bend,
and to deepen the bottom. This is clearly the cafe
when the velocity is Oxceffive, and the hollow bank
able to abide the diock. In this fituation the water
thus heaped up efcapes where it bed can j and as the
water, obdrufted by an obdacle put in its w-ay, efcapes
by the fides, and there has its velocity increafed, fo here *
the water gorged up againd the hollow bank fwells over
towards the oppofite fide, and paffes round the convex
bank with an increafed velocity. It depends much on
the adjudment between the velocity and confequent ac¬
cumulation, and the breadth of the dream and the angle
of the elbow, whether this augmentation of velocity (hall
reach the convex bank 5 and we fometimes fee the mo¬
tion very languid in that place, and even depofitions
of mud and fand are made there. The whole pheno¬
mena are too complicated to be accurately deferibed in
general terms, even in the cafe of perfeft regimen : for
this regimen is relative to the confidence of the chan¬
nel 5 and when this is very great, the motions may be
mod violent in every quarter. But the preceding ob-
fervations are of importance, becaufe they relate to ordi¬
nary cafes and to ordinary channels.
It is evident, from Mr Buat’s fecond pofition, that
the proper form of an elbow depends on the breadth of
the dream as well as on the radius of curvature, and
that every angle of elbo-w will require a certain propor¬
tion between the width of the river and the radius of
the fweep. Mr Buat gives rules and formulae for all
thefe purpofes, and flrows that in one fweep there may
be more than one reflection or rebound. It is needlefs
to enlarge on this matter of mere geometrical difeuffion.
It is with the view of enabling the engineer to trace
the windings of a river in fuch a manner that there fliall
be no rebounds which fliall direCl the dream againd
the fides, but preferve it always in the axis of every
reach. This is of confequence, even when the bends of
the river are to be fecured by mafonry or piling } for
we have feen the neceflity of increafing the feftion, and
the tendency which the waters have to deepen the chan¬
nel on that fide where the rebound is made. This tends
to undermine our defences, and obliges us to give them
deeper and more folid foundations in fuch places. But
any perfon accuftomed to the ufe of the fcale and com-
pafles will form to himfelf rules of praClice equally fure
and more expeditious than Mr de Buat’s formula?. jqj
We proceed, therefore, to what is more to our pur-Rtfiflafice
pofe, the consideration of the refill ance caufed by an^k^ty
elbow, and the methods of providing a force capable J^dmole
of overcoming it. We have already taken notice of 0f over-
the falutary confequences ttrifing from the rambling coming it.
courfe
Part I.
R I
Theory, courfe of rivers, inafmuch as it more effe£tually fpreads
—~V ■"J them over the face of a country. It is no lefs benefi¬
cial by diminiihing their velocity. This it does both
by lengthening their courfe, which diminifhes the de¬
clivity, and by the very refiftance which they meet with
at every bend. We derive the chief advantages from
our rivers, when they no longer fhoot their way from
precipice to precipice, loaded with mud and fand, but
peaceably roll along their clear waters, purified during
their gentler courfe, and offer themfelves for all the
purpofes of pafturage, agriculture, and navigation. The
more a river winds its way round the foot of the hills,
the more is the refiftance of its bed multiplied ; the more
obftacles it meets wdth in its way from its fource to the
fea, the more moderate is its velocity •, and inftead of
tearing up the very bowels of the earth, and digging for
itfelf a deep trough, along which it fweeps rocks and
rooted-up trees, it flows with majeftic pace even with
the furface of our cultivated grounds, which it embel-
liflies and fertilizes.
We may with fafety proceed on the fuppofition, that
the force neceffary for overcoming the refiftance arifing
from a rebound is as the fquare of the velocity and it
is reafonable to fuppofe it proportional to the fquare of
the fine of the angle of incidence, and this for the rea-
fons given for adopting this meafure of the general RE¬
SISTANCE of Fluids. It cannot, however, claim a greater
confidence here than in that application j and it has been
fhown in that article with what uncertainty and limita¬
tions it muft be received. We leave it to our readers to
adopt either this or the Ample ratio of the fines, and
fhall abide by the duplicate ratio with Mr Buat, becaufe
it appears by his experiments that this law is very ex-
a£lly obferved in tubes in inclinations not exceeding
40° j whereas it is in thefe fmall angles that the appli¬
cation to the general refiftance of fluids is moft in
fault. But the correflion is very Ample, if this value (hall
be found erroneous. There can be little doubt that the
force neceflary for overcoming the refiftance will increafe
as the number of rebounds.—Therefore we may exprefs the
refiftance, in general, by the formula r—
where
r is the refiftance, V the mean velocity of the ftream,
s the fine of the angle of incidence, n the number of
equal rebounds (that is, having equal angles of inci¬
dence), and m. is a number to be determined by expe¬
riment. Mr de Buat made many experiments on the
refiftance occafioned by the bendings of pipes, none
of which differed from the refult of the above formu¬
la above one part in twelve *, and he concludes, that
V* r*
the refiftance to one bend may be eftimated at  .
3000
The experiment w?as in this form : A pipe of one inch
diameter, and 10 feet long, was formed with 10 re¬
bounds of 36° each. A head of water was applied
to it, which gave the water a velocity of fix feet per Se¬
cond. Another pipe of the feme diameter and length,
but without any bendings, was fubje61ed to a preffure
of a head of water, which was increafed till the velo¬
city of efflux was alfo fix feet per lecond. The addi¬
tional head of water was inches. Another of the
fame diameter and length, having one bend of 240 34,
and running 85 inches per fecond, was compared with
a ftraight pipe having the fame velocity, and the diffe-
V E R.
rence of the heads of water was of an inch. A
computation from thefe two experiments will give the
V* j*
above refult, or in Englifli meafure, r— ■- very
3 200
nearly. It is probable that this meafure of the refift¬
ance is too great; for the pipe rvas of uniform diameter
even in the bends: whereas in a river properly formed,
where the regimen is exact, the capacity of the fetfion
of the bend is increafed. Iai
The applicatien of this theory to inclined tubes and Theory ap.
to open ftreams is very obvious, and very legitimate and P!ie{*t0 in*
fafe. Let AB (fig. 19.) be the whole height of the1tubes
refervoir ABIK, and BC the horizontal length of a
pipe, containing any number of rebounds, equal or un- Fig.
equal, but all regular, that is, conftrudted according to
the conditions formerly mentioned. The whole head of
water fliould be conceived as performing, or as divided
into portions which perform, three different offices.~
V*
One portion, AD =r , impels the wTater into the
505
entry of the pipe with the velocity with which it really
moves in it ; another portion EB is in equilibrio with
the refiftances arifing from the mere length of the pipe
expanded into a ftraight line 5 and the third portion DE
ferves to overcome the refiftance of the bends. If,
therefore, we draw the horizontal line B C, and, ta¬
king the pipe BC out of its place, put it in the pofi-
tion DH, with its mouth C in H, fo that DH is equal
to BC, the water wall have the fame velocity in it that
it had before. N. B. For greater fimplicity of argu¬
ment, we may fuppofe that when the pipe was inferted
at B, its bends lay all in a horizontal plane, and that
when it is inferted at D, the plane in rvhich all its bends
lie flopes only in the diredlion DH, and is perpendicu¬
lar to the plane of the figure. We repeat it, the wa¬
ter will have the fame velocity in the pipes BC and
DH, and the refiftances will be overcome. If we now
prolong the pipe DH towards L to any diftance, re¬
peating continually the fame bendings in a feries of
lengths, each equal to DH, the motion will be conti¬
nued wdth the velocity correfponding to the preffure of
the column AD j becaufe the declivity of the pipe is
augmented in each length equal to DH, by a quantity
precifely fufficient for overcoming all the refiftances in
that length ; and the true flope in thefe cafes is BE -f-
ED, divided by the expanded length of the pipe BC
or DH.
The analogy which we were enabled to eftablifti be¬
tween the uniform motion or the train of pipes and of
open ftreams, intitles us now to fay, that when a river
has bendings, which are regularly repeated at equal in¬
tervals, its Hope is compounded of the flope which is
neceffary for overcoming tlie refiflance of a ftraight
channel of its whole expanded length, agreeably to
the formula for uniform motion, and of the flope w’hich
is neceflary for overcoming the refiftance arifing from
its bending alone.
Thus, let there be a river which, in the expanded
courfe of 6000 fathoms, has 10 elbows, each of which
has 30° of rebound; and let its mean velocity be 20
inches in a fecond. If we ftiould learn its whole flope
in this 6000 fathoms, we muft firft find (by the formula
of uniform motion) the flope s which will produce the
velocity of 20 inches in a ftraight river of this length,
fe&ion,.
78
RIVER.
Theory. fe£Uon, and mean deplln Suppofe tliis i.o be
v or 20 inches in this whole length. We mult then find
(by the formula ^ the Hope neceilary for over¬
coming the refifiance of lo rebounds of 30° each. This
we (hall find to be 6y inches in the 6000 fathoms.
Therefore the river muft have a Hope of 26y inches in
6000 fathoms, or t-jtoo j and this flopc will produce
the fame velocity which 20 inches, or i-rioo, ivould do
in a ftraight running river of the fame length.
Fart L
Theory.
Part II. PRACTICAL INFERENCES.
TTAV1NG thus cftablilhed a theory of a molt im-
portant part of hydraulics, which may be con¬
fided in as a juft reprefentation of nature’s procedure,
we ihall apply it to the examination of the chief refults
of every thing which art has contrived for limiting the
operations of nature, or modifying them fo as to fuit
our particular views. Trufting to the detail which we
have given of the connefling principles, and the chief
circumftances which co-operate in producing the ollen-
fible effeft j and fuppofing that fuch of our readers as
are interefted in this fubjetft will not think it too much
trouble to make the applications in the fame detail; we
fliall content ourfelves with merely pointing out the
fteps of the procefs, and ftrowing their foundation in the
theory itfelf: and frequently, in place of the diredt ana-
103. lyfis which the theory enables us to employ for the fo-
Approxi- iutqon 0f t}ie problems, we (hall recommend a procefs of
mation by . . , . . , r ^ • r .
trial and approximation by trial and correction, lufficiently accu-
corretftion rate, and more within the reach of practical engineers.
recom- We are naturally led to confider in order the following
mended to articles,
engineers 1 • The effefls of permanent additions of every kind
to the waters of a river, and the moft efte&ual methods
of preventing or removing inundations.
2. The effects of weirs, bars, flukes, and keeps of
every kind, for raifing the furface of a river •, and the
fimilar effefts of bridges, piers, and every thing which
contracts the fection of the ftream.
3. The nature of canals ; how they differ from rivers
in refpeft of origin, difeharge, and regimen, and what
conditions are neceffary for their moft perfect conftruc-
tion.
4. C?nals for draining land, and drafts or canals of
derivation from the main ftream. The principles of
their conftriuffion, fo that they may fuit their intended
purpofes, and the change which they produce on the
main ftream, both above and below the point of deriva¬
tion.
104
Problems
and exam¬
ples on the
effefts of
permanent
additions
to the wa¬
ters of a ri-
fer.
Of the Y.ffeEls of Permanent Additions to the Waters of
a River.
From what has been faid already, it appears that to
every kind of foil or bed there correfponds a certain ve¬
locity ©f current, too fmall to hurt it by digging it up,
and too great to allow the depofition of the materials
which it is carrying along. Suppofing this known for
any particular fituation, and the quantity of water which
the channel muft of neceftity difeharge, we may wifli to
learn the imalleft flope which muft be given to this
ftream, that the waters may run with the required ve¬
locity. This fuggefts,
Pros. I. Given the difeharge D of a river, and V its
velocity of regimen : required the fmalleft fiope r, and
the dimenfions of its bed i*
Since the flope muft be the fmalleft poffxble, the bed
muft have the form which will give the greateft mean
depth d, and fhould therefore be the trapezium formerly
deferibed ; and its area and perimeter are the fame with
thole of a reiftangle whofe breadth is twice its height
h. T hefe circumftances gives us the equation ~ — 2/ft.
For the area of the feclion is twice the fquare of the
height, and the difeharge is the produft of this area
and the velocity. Therefore ~ ~ h and —i-
2V ** y
~ the breadth b.
1 he rormula of uniform motion gives fs—LV^r-j- *-6
__ d—0.1
V +o.3(y2ZI7)- 0.J, put its
equal f -—0.1, and every thing being known in thefe-
cond member of this equation, we eafily get the value of
by a few trials after the following manner: Suppofe
that the fccond member is equal to any number, fuch as
9. Firft fuppofe that f s is rr 9. 1 hen the hyperbolic
logarithm of 94-1.6 or or of 10.6 is 2.36. Therefore
we have fs—LV ^ -\-i.6=zg—2.36,-664; whereas it
fhould have been —9. Therefore fay 6.64 : 9=9 : 1 i.‘2
nearly. Now fuppofe that fs is 12.2. Then L
12.2-j-i.6 — L13.8, — 2.625 nearly, and 12.2—2625
is 9.575, whereas it fhould be 9. Now we find that
changing the value s from 9(01 2.2 has changed the
anfwer from 6.64 to ty-S*]$, or a change of 3.2 in our atf-
fumption has made a change of 2.935 in ^ie anfwer, and
has left an error of 0.575. Therefore fay 2.931^:0.575
— 3.2:0.628. Then, taking 0.628 from 12,2, we
have (for our next affumption or value of \^s')ii.t;y2.
Now 11.572-f-1.6= 13.172, and L 13.172 is 2.58
nearly. Now try this laft value 11.561—2.58 is 9.008,
fufficiently exaft. This may ferve as a fpecimen of the
trials bv which we may avoid an intricate analyfis.
Prob. II. Given the difeharge D, the flope s, and the
velocity V, of permanent regimen, to find the dimenfions
of the bed.
Let x be the width, and y the depth of the channel*
and S the area of the feftion. This muft be —
which is therefore =r xy. The denominator j- being
given, we may make fs—\/B, and the
formula
P*rt II.
Piaiflical
Inferences formula of mean velocity will give V:
R I
vO—o.i)
Vb ’
■°-3 which we may exprefs thus
/297 \ .... V
(v^—o-O
WB
-o-3
)■
v’hich
gives
297
—0.3
-O.i) ", and finally,
v/i3
o. 1 — \/d.
Vli. '3
Having thus obtained what we called the mean
depth, we may fuppofe the feCtion rectangular, 't his
xy t
gives d~—-y~. Thus we have two equations, S —xij
and
*+ 2y
From which v. e obtain x :
vta
—
+ 2d'
And having the breadth x and area S, we have y —
And then v/e may change this for the trapezium often
mentioned.
Thefe are the chief problems on this part of the
fubiect, and they enable us to adjuft the Hope and chan¬
nel of a river which receives any number of fucceilive
permanent additions by the in dux of other dreams. This
lalt informs us of the rile which a new iupply will pro¬
duce, becaufe the additional fuppiy will require addi¬
tional dimenfions oi the channel; and as this is not fup-
pofed to increafe in breadth, the addition will be in
depth. The quedion may be propofed in the following
problem.
Prob. III. Given the dope u, the depth and the
bafe of a rectangular bed (or a trapezium), and confe-
quently the difcharge D, to find how much the fec-
tion will rife, if the difcharge be augmented by a given
quantity.
Let h. be the height after the augmentation, and iv the
width, for tb£ rectangular bed. We have in any uniform
_ V
current —   • Raifing this to a fquare,
297
^ P»~
*°’3
and putting for d and V their values
wh D
 and.—-
xy-hv/i wh
making
297
0.3 =. K, the equation becomes
-f-O.i ^ . Raifin
, and
xv h
xv -j- 2h
the ftcond member to a
v/B
= (-—
fquare, and reducing, we obtain a cubic equation, to be
folved in the ufual manner.
But the folution would be extremely cornplicated.
We may obtain a vCry expeditious and exaCt approxi¬
mation from this confideration, that a fmall change in
one of the dimenfions of the feCtion wall produce a much
greater change in the feftion and the difcharge than in
the mean depth d. Plaving therefore augmented the
unknown dimenfion, which is here the height, make ufe
of this to form a new mean depth, and then the new
D
equation *Jd——T-/ -fo.i will
xvh/iqy
\VB'
give us ano-
-°-3
V E R. 7Q
ther value of //, rvhich will rarely exceed the truth by Practical
tXq. This ferves (by the fame procefs) for finding ano- Inferences,
ther, which will commonly be fufficiently exaCt. We
fliall illuftrate this by an example.
Let there be a river whofe channel is a rectangle 1 50
feet wide and fix feet deep, and which difeharges 1 500
cubic feet of water per fecond, having a velocity of 20
inches, and (lope of or about T\ of an inch it)
100 fathoms. How much will it rife if it receives an
addition which triples its difcharge ? and what will be
its velocity ?
If the velocity remained the fame, its depth would
be tripled j but we know by the general formula that
its velocity will be greatly increafed, and therefore its
depth will not be tripled. Suppofe it to be doubled,
and to become 12 feet. This will give d =z 10.34483,
or 124.138 inches j then the equation —0.1 —
D D
.orAzrr —-—— . and in
xv n / 297
\VB
—0.3
which we have ^/B =107.8, D = 4500 ", */d—o. 1
= 11.0417, will give h — 13.276 ", whereas it fliould
have been 12. I his (hows that our calculated value
ot d was too fmall. Let us therefore increafe the depth
by 0.9, or make it 12.9, and repeat the calculation.
This will give us 0.1 = 11.3927, and /;= 12.867,
inflead of therefore augmenting our data
0.9 changes our anfwer 0.409. If we fuppofe thefe
fmall changes to retain their proportions, we may con¬
clude that if 1 2 be augmented by the quantity ivxo.p,
the quantity 13-276 will diminith by the quantity
a* x 0.409. Therefore that tire eftimated value of h may
agree with the one which refults from the calculation,
we mult have 1 24-.* X 0.9= 13.276—y X 0.409. This
will give =0.9748, and * x 0.9=0.8773 ;
and /i—12.
value of /i, we thall find no change.
This value of h gives ^=131.8836 inches. If we
now compute the new velocity by dividing the new
difcharge 4500 by the new area 150x12.8773, we
fhall find it to be 27.95 inches, in place of 20, the for¬
mer velocity.
We might have made a pretty exaff fir ft affumption,
by recollecting what was formerly obferved, that when
the breadth is very great in proportion to the depth,
the mean depth differs infenfibly from the real depth,
or rather follows nearly the fame proportions, and that
the velocities are proportional to the fquare roots of
the depths. Call the firft difcharge d, the height /;,
and velocity v, and let D, H, and V, exprefs thefe .
things in their augmented ftate. We have v~~~ and
1.309
773. If we repeat the calculation with this
V =
D
v=i
and v1 : V3=
~ xv h
d' D3
h*
and v : V=y :
xu H h H
But by this remark v* : VJ=/?; H.
d' D* . hjy Hd2
and /5hD3=HVs, and d* :
Therefore A
H3
: H:
/ft ' Hs’
and
H1
DJ=^3 : H3 (a ufeful theorem) and H3=
H:
7
d3
/i3D:
~di
and
Of ]
= I 2.
8o
Pradlical
Inferences
105
The in-
verfe of
the pro¬
blems fhow
the efFetls
of enlar¬
ging the
fedlion of
a river,
106
and diredl
ns in the
method of
embank¬
ments.
R I V
Or we might have made the fame affumption by the
remark alfo formerly made on this cafe, that the fquares
of the difcharges are nearly as the cubes of the height,
or 15001 : 45 00*=:63 : 12.483.
And in making thefe firlt gueffes, we (hall do it more
exaftly, by recollefting that a certain variation oj: the
mean depth d requires a greater variation of the height,
and the increment will be to the height nearly as halt
the height to the width, as may eafily be feen. There¬
fore, if we add to 1 2.48 its —^th part, or its 24th part,
15°
viz. 0.52, we have 13 for our firft aflumption, exceed¬
ing the truth only an inch and a half. We mention
thefe circumftances, that thofe who are difpofed to ap¬
ply thefe doftrines to the folution of pra&ical cafes may
be at no lofs when one occurs of which the regular fo¬
lution requires an intricate analysis.
It is evident that the inverfe of the foregoing pro¬
blems will fhow the effedts of enlarging the fe&ion of a
river, that is, will fhow how much its furface will be
funk by any propofed enlargement of its bed.. It is
therefore needlefs to propofe fuch problems in this
place. Common fenfe direds us to make thefe enlarge¬
ments in thofe parts of the river where their effed will
be greateft, that is, where it is fhallowTeft. when its
breadth greatly exceeds its depth, or where it is nar-
rowefl (if its depth exceed the breadth, which is a very
rare cafe), or in general, where the dope is the fmalleft
for a fhort run. # .
The fame general principles dired us m the method
of embankments, for the prevention of floods, by ena¬
bling us to afcertain the heights neceflary to be given
to our banks. This will evidently depend, not only on
the additional quantity of water which experience tells
us a river brings down during its fieflies, but alfo on
the diftance at which wTe place the banks from the na¬
tural banks of the river. This is a point wdrere miftaken
economy frequently defeats its own purpofe. If we raife
our embankment at fome diftance from the natural banks
of the river, not only will a fmaller height fuffice, and
confequently a fmaller bafe, which will make a faving
in the duplicate proportion of the height; but our works
will he fo much the more durable nearly, if not exadly,
in the fame proportion. For by thus enlarging the ad¬
ditional bed which we give to the fwollen river, we di-
minifti its velocity almoft in the fame proportion that
we enlarge its channel, and thus diminilh its power of
ruining our works. Except, therefore, in the cafe of a
river vvhofe freflies are loaded with fine fand to deftroy
the turf it is always proper to place the embankment at
a confiderable diftance from the natural banks. Placing
them at half the breadth of the ftream from its natural
banks, ■will nearly double its channel} and, except in
the cafe now mentioned, the fpace thus detached from
our fields will afford excellent pafture..
The limits of fuch a work as ours will not permit us
to enter into any detail on the method of embankment.
It would require a volume to give inftru£Hons as to the
manner of founding, raifing, and fecuring the dykes
which muft he raifed, and a thoufand circumftances
which tnuft be attended to. But a few general obferva-
tions may he made, which naturally occur while we are
confidering the manner in which a river works in fettling
altering its channel.
E R. Part II.
It muft be remarked, in the firft place, that the river Pradtlcal
wall rife higher when embanked than it does while it
was allowed to fpread •, and it is by no means eafy to
conclude to what height it will rife from the greateft
height to which it- has been obferved to rife in its floods.
When at liberty to’ expand over a wide, valley ; then it
could only rife till it overflowed with a thicknefs or
depth of water fufficient to produce a motion backwards
into the valley quick enough to take oft the water as
faft as it was fupplied ; and we imagine that a foot or
two would fuffice in moft cafes. The heft way for a
prudent engineer wTill be to obferve the utmoft rife re¬
membered by the neighbours in fome gorge, where the
river cannot fpread out. Meafure the increafed feftion
in this place, and at the fame time recolleft, that the
water increafes in a much greater proportion than the
fe&ion ; becaufe an increafe of the hydraulic mean depth
produces an increafe of velocity in the duplicate propor¬
tion of the depth nearly. But as this augmentation of
velocity will obtain alfo between the embankments, it
will be fufficiently exa& to fuppofe that the fe&ion muft
be increafed here nearly in the fame proportion as at the
gorge already mentioned. Negle&ing this method of
information, and regulating the height of our embank¬
ment by the greateft fwell that has been obferved in the
plain, will affuredly make them too low, and render
them totally ufelefs.
A line of embankment ftiould always be carried on
by a ftri& concert of the proprietors of both banks
through its whole extent. A greedy proprietor, by. ad¬
vancing his oivn embankment beyond that of his neigh¬
bours, not only expofes himfelf to rilk by the working
of the waters on the angles which this will produce, but
expofes his neighbours alfo to danger, by narrowing the
fe&ion, and thereby raifing the furface and increafing
the velocity, and by turning the ftream athwart, and
caufing it to flioot againft the oppofite bank. The
whole ftiould be as much as poflible in a line ; and the
general effe& {hould be to make the courfe of the ftream
ftraighter than it was before. All bends Ihould be
made more gentle, by keeping the embankment further
from the river in all convex lines of the natural bank,
and bringing it nearer where the bank is concave. Tiiis
will greatly diminilh the a&ion of the waters on the
bankment, and infure their duration. The fame maxim
muft be followed in fencing any brook which difcharges
itfelf into the river. The bends given at its mouth to
the two lines of embankment fiuould be made lefs acute
than thofe of the natural brook, although, by this
means, two points of land are left out4 And the oppor¬
tunity (hould be embraced of making the dire&ion of
this tranfverfe brook more Hoping than before, that is,
lefs athwart the dire&ion of the river.
It is of great confequence to cover the outfide of the
dyke with very compa& turf clofely united. If it ad¬
mit water, the interior part of the wall, which is always
more porous, becomes drenched in water, and this wa¬
ter a&s with its ftatical preffure, tending to burft the
bank on the land-fide, and will quickly (hift it from its
feat. The utmoft care {hould therefore be taken to
make it and keep it perfe&ly tight. It ftiould be a
continued fine turf, and every bare fpot fliould be care¬
fully covered with frefti fod 5 and rat holes muft be
carefully clofed up.
0/
4
t^rt II. H I \
Practical
Inferences qj- Straig/iting or Changing the Courfe of Rivers.
Of the flope WE ^iave ^een» ^lat eveiT bending of a river requires
required at an additional Hope in order to continue its train, or en¬
tire bend of able it to convey the fame quantity of water without
a river, and fweqjng jn jts Therefore the effedl of taking
euences6' awa7 any t^ie^e bends muft be to fink the waters of
the river. It is proper, therefore, to have it in our
power to eftimate thefe effefts. It may be definable to
gain property, by taking away the fweeps of a very
winding ftream. But this may be prejudicial, by de¬
ft roy in g the navigation on fuch a river. It may alfo
hurt the proprietors below, by increafing the velocity
of the ftream, which will expofe them to the rilk of its
overflowing, or of its deftroying its bed, and taking a
new courfe. Or this increafe of velocity may be incon.
fiftent with the regimen of the new channel, or at leaft
require larger dimenfions than we ihould have given it
if ignorant of this effeft.
Our principles of uniform motion enable us to anfwer
every queftion of this kind which can occur ; and M. de
Buat propofes feveral problems to this effetfi:. The re¬
gular folutions of them are complicated and difficult;
and we do not think them neceffary in this place, be-
eaufe they may all be folved in a manner not indeed fo
elegant, becaufe indiredt, but abundantly accurate, and
eafy to any pexfon familiar with thofe which We have al¬
ready confidered.
We can take the exa£l level acrofs all thefe fweeps,
and thus obtain the whole flope. We can meafure with
accuracy the velocity in fome part of the channel which
is moft remote from any bend, and where the channel
itfelf has the greateft regularity of form. This will give
us the expence or difcharge of thfc river, and the mean
depth connetffed with it. We can then examine whe¬
ther this velocity is precifely fuch as is compatible with
liability in the ftraight courfe. If it is, it is evident
that if we cut off the bends, the greater flope which this
will produce will communicate to the waters a velocity
incompatible with the regimen fuited to this foil, unlefs
we enlarge the width of the ftream, that is, unlefs we
make the new channel more capacious than the old one.
We muft now calculate the dimenfions of the channel
which, with this increafed flope, will conduft the wa¬
ters with the velocity that is neceffary. All this may
be done by the foregoing problems •, and we may*eafieft
accomplifh this by fteps. Firft, fuppofe the bed the
fame with the old one, and calculate the velocity for
the increafed flope by the general formula. Then
change one of the dimenfions of the channel, fo as to
produce the velocity we want, which is a very fimple
procefs. And in doing this, the objedft to be kept
chiefly in view is not to make the new velocity fuch
as will be incompatible with the liability of the new
bed.
Havmg accomolilhed this firft purpofe, we learn (in
the very folution) how much Ihallower this channel with
its greater flope will be than the former, while it dif-
charges all the waters. This diminution of depth muft
increafe the flope and the velocity, and mull diminilh
the depth of the river, above the place where the altera¬
tion is to be made. How far it produces thefe effeils
may be calculated by the general formula. We then
fee whether the navigation will be hurt, either in the
Vou XVIII. Part I.
E R.
81
old river up the ftream, 6r in the new channel. It is Pratftical
plain that all thefe points cannot be reconciled. We Irferences.^
may make the new channel fuch, that it lhall leave a
velocity compatible with liability, and that it lhall not
diminilh the depth of the river up the llream. But,
having a greater Hope, it muft have a fmaller mean
depth, and alfo a fmaller real depth, unlefs we make it
of a very inconvenient form.
The fame things viewed in a different light, will Ihow
us what depreflion of waters may be produced by re£li-
fying the courfe of a river in order to prevent its over¬
flowing. And the procefs which we would recommend
is the fame with the foregoing. We apprehend it to be
quite needlefs to meafure the angles of rebound, in order
to compute the Hope which is employed for fending the
river through the bend, with a view to fuperfede this
by ftraighting the river. It is infinitely eafier and more
exact to meafure the levels themfelves, and then we
know the effect of removing them.
Nor need we follow M. de Buat in folving problems
for diminilhing the Hope and velocity, and deepening
the channel of a river by bending its courfe. The ex¬
pence of this would be in every cafe enormous; and the
practices which we are juft going to enter upon afford
infinitely eafier methods of accomplilhing all the pur-
pofes which are to be gained by thefe changes.
Of Bars, Weirs, and Jetteys, for raifing the Surface of
Rivers.
•r I0*
We propofe, under the article WATER-Works, to Problems,
confider in fufficient practical detail all that relates to examples,
the conftru&ion and mechanifm of thefe and other erec-
tions in water ; and rve confine ourfelves, in this place, raifirgthe
to the mere effe6l which they will produce on the cur- furface of
rent of the river. rivers.
We gave the name of weir or bar to a dam erefled
acrofs a river for the purpofe of raifing its waters, whe¬
ther in order to take off a draft for a mill or to deepen
the channel. Before we can tell the effe£l which they
will produce, we muft have a general rule for afcertain-
ing the relation between the height of the water above
the lip of the weir or bar, and the quantity of water
which will flow over.
Firft, then, with refpett to a weir, reprefen ted in
fig. 20. and fig. 21. The latter figure more refembles Fig. 20, 21.
their ufual form, confitling of a dam of 1'olid mafonry,
or built of timber, properly fortified with flioars and
banks. On the top is fet up a ftrong plank FR, called
the wafteboard or wafter, over which the water flows.
This is brought to an accurate level, of the proper height.
Such voiders are frequently made in the fide of a mill-
courfe, for letting the fuperfiuous water run off. This
is properly the waster, voider : it is alfo called an
OFFSET. The fame obfervations will explain all thefe
different pieces of pradlice. The following queftions
occur in courfe.
Pros. I. Given the length of an offset or vrafte-
board, made in the face of a refervoir of ftagnant wa¬
ter, and the depth of its lip under the horizontal furface
of the water, to determine the difcharge, or the quan¬
tity of water which will run over in a fecond ?
Let AB be the horizontal furface of the ftill wTater,
and F the lip of the wafteboard. Call the depth BF
under the furface h, and the length of the wafteboard /.
L N. B.
82 RIVER, Part II,
Practical N. B. The waler is fuppofed to flow over into another
Inferences^ l3afon or channel, To much lower that the furface
” HL of the water is lower, or at leait not higher,
than F.
If the w’ater could be fupported at the height BF,
BF might be confldered as an orifice in the fide of a
vefflel. In which cafe, the difeharge would be the fame
as if the whole water were flowing with the velocity
acquired from the height BF, or h. And if we
fuppofe that there is no contraftion at the orifice, the
mean velocity would be V 1 g % h, \^772t>-//, in En-
glilh inches, per fecond. The area of this orifice is / 7i.
Therefore the difeharge w’ould be. /h 772 J ^e*
ing meafured in inches. This is the ufual theory ; but
it is not an exadt reprefentation of the manner in which
the efflux really happens. The water cannot remain at
the height BF; but in drawing towards the wafteboard
from all fides, it forms a convex furface A1H, fo that
the point I, where the vertical drawn from the edge of
the wafteboard meets the curve, is confiderably lower
than B. But as all the mafs above F is luppofed per-
feftly fluid, the prefture of the incumbent water is pro¬
pagated, in the opinion of M. de Boat, to the filament
pafflng over at F without any diminution. The fame
may be faid of any filament between F and I. Each
tends, therefore, to move in the fame Manner if it were
really impelled through an orifice in its place. Ihere-
fore the motions through every part of the line or plane
IF are the fame as if the water were efcaping through
an orifice IF, made by a fluice let down on the water,
and keeping up the water of the refervoir to the level
AB. It is beyond a doubt (fays he) that the height IF
muft depend on the whole height BF, and that there
muft be a certain determined proportion between them.
He does not attempt to determine this proportion theo¬
retically, but fays, that his experiments afeertain it
with great precifion to be the proportion of one to two,
or that IF is always one-half of BF. He fays, how¬
ever, that this determination was not by an immediate
and direff meafurement; he concluded it from the com-
parifon of the quantities of water difeharged under dif¬
ferent heights of the water in the refervoir.
We cannot help thinking that this reafoning is very
defective in feveral particulars. It cannot be inferred,
from the laws of hydroflatical prefture, that the filament
at I is prefled forward with all the weight of the column
BI. The particle I is really at the furface } and confi-
dering it as making part of the furface of a running
ftream, it is fubjeded to hardly any preflure, any more
than the particles on the furface of a cup of water held
in the hand, while it is carried round the axis of the
earth and round the fun. Reafoning according to his
own principles, and availing himfelf of his own difeo-
very, he ftrould fay, that the particle at I has an acce¬
lerating force depending on its Hope only ; and then he
fliould have endeavoured to afeertain this ilope. T he
motion ot the particle at I has no immediate connexion
with the preflure of the column BI j and if it had, the
motion w’ould be extremely different from what it is :
for this preffure alone would give it the velocity which
M. Buat afligns it. Now it is already palling through
the point I with the velocity wfflich it has acquired in
defeending along the curve AI $ and this is the real
ftate of the cale. The particles are pafling through
with a velocity already acquired by a Hoping current; traiili al
and they are accelerated by the hydroftatical preffure of I':t'‘!CIiCes”
the water above them. The internal mechanifm of v
thefe motions is infinitely more complex than M. Buat
here fuppofes ; and on this fuppofition, he very nearly
abandons the theory w hich he has fo ingeniouily etla-
blhhed, and adopts the theory of Guglielmini which he
had exploded. At the lame time, we think that he is
not much miltaken when he aflerts, that the motions
are nearly the fame as if a iluice had been let down from
the furface to I. For the filament which paffes at I
has been gliding down a curved furface, and has not
been expoled to any friftion. It is perhaps the very
cafe of hydraulics where the obftrudlions are the Imal-
left ; and wre Ihould therefore expedf that its motion
will be leaft retarded.
We have therefore no hefitation in faying, that the
filament at I is in the very ftate of motion which the
theory wrould afflgn to it if it were palling under a
Iluice, as M. Buat fuppofes. And with relpedl to the
inferior filaments, without attempting the very difficult
talk of inveftigating their motions, w-e lhall juft fay,
that we do not lee any reafon for fuppofing that they
will move flower than our author fuppofes. Therefore,
though we reject his theory, xve admit his experimental
propofition in general; that is, wje admit that the whole
water which pafies through the plane IF moves with
the velocity (though not in the fame direction) with
which it would have run through a Iluice of the fame
depth *, and we may proceed with his determination of
the quantity of water difeharged.
If we make BC the axis of a parabola BEGH, the
velocities of the filaments pailing at I and F will be re-
prefented by the ordinates IE and FG, and the dif¬
eharge by the area IEGF. This allows a very neat
folution of the problem. Let the quantity difeharged
per fecond be D, and let the whole height BF be h.
Let 2 G be the quantity by which w’e muft divide the
fquare of the mean velocity, in order to have the pro¬
ducing height. This will be Ids than 'ig, the accele¬
ration of gravity, on account of the convergency at the
fides and the tendency to convergence at the lip F.
We formerly gave for its meafure 726 inches, inftead of
772, and faid that the inches difeharged per fecond
from an orifice of one inch were 26.49, inftead of
27.78. Let x be the diftance of any filament from the
horizontal line AB. An element of the orifice, there¬
fore, (for wTe may give it this name) is lx. The velo¬
city of this element is G .v, or 2 G X \lx- The
I
/ “ T •
difeharge from it is / V2G* xy and the fluent of
r*   ± \
this, or D — / / G a;1 xy which is \l aGad 4-C.
To determine the conftant quantity C, obferve that M.
de Buat found by experiment that B was in all cafes
BF. Therefore D muft be nothing when x — -xh i
confequently C — —-f-/ V aG^-j and the complet¬
ed fluent wffll be D~y l ^2 G ^ 2 J.
Now make x—h, and we have
d=! / v^g(<s i -())4)=; 1 ^(i-co’ )*r
But
\
\
Pari IL
II I V E 11.
Pradhcal, But I — (1) ^ ~ 0.O4645, and i of this is 0.431 :
inferences.
*—- r — ■ 1 hereiore, finally,
D= 0.431 (\/2 G 61x0-
If we now put 26.49 or 264- for V 2 G, or the velo¬
city with which a head of water of one inch will impel
the water over a weir, and multiply this by 0.431, we
get the following quantity 11.4172, or, in numbers of
eafy recolle&ion, 114, for the cubic inches of water per
fecond, which runs over every inch of a walteboard
when the edge of it is one inch below the furface of the
refervoir ; and this muft be multiplied by /11, or by the
fquare root of the cube of the head of water. Thus let
the edge of the wafteboard be four inches below the fur-
face of the ivater. The cube of this is 64, of which
the fquare root is eight. Therefore a w'afteboard of this
depth under the furface, and three feet long, wall dif-
charge every fecond 8x36x11! cubic inches of water,
or cubic feet, Englifh meafure.
The following comparifons will fhow how much this
theory may be depended on. Col. 1. fhows the depth of
the edge of the board under the furface ; 2. fliows the
difeharge by theory j and, 3. the difeharge aflually
obferved. The length of the board wras inches.
N. B. The numbers in M. BuaCs experiments are here
reduced to Englifh meafure.
D. Ex/). E.
D. D. Theor.
1.778 506
3.199 1222
4.665 2153
^•753 375°
524 28.98
1218 69.83
2I55 123-03
3771 214.29
The laft column is the cubic inches difeharged in a fe¬
cond by each inch of the w-afteboard. The correfpond-
ence is undoubtedly very great. The greateft error is
in the firlt, which may be attributed to a much fmaller
lateral contra&ion under fo fmall a head of water.
But it muft be remarked, that the calculation pro¬
ceeds on two fuppofilions. The height FI is fuppofed
4 of BI ; and 2 G is fuppofed 726. It is evident, that
by increafing the one and diminifhing the other, nearly
the fame anfwers may be produced, unlefs much greater
variations of h be examined. Both of thefe quantities
are matters of confiderable uncertainty, particularly the
ftrft ; and it muft be farther remarked, that this was not
meafured, but deduced from the uniformity of the expe¬
riments. W e premme that M. Buat tried various va¬
lues of G, till he found one which gave the ratios of
difeharge w’hich he obferved. We beg leave to obferve,
that in a fet of numerous experiments which we had ac-
cefs to examine, BI wras uniformly much lefs than \ j
it was very nearly 4 : and the quantity difeharged was
greater than what would refult from M. Buat’s calcu¬
lation. It wras farther obferved, that IF depended Very
much on the form of the wafteboard. When it was a
very thin board of confiderable depth, IF was very
eonfiderably greater than if the board ivas thick, or
narrow, and fet on the top of a broad dam-head, as in
fig. 21.
, ft raay be proper to give the formula a form which
will coirefpond to any ratio which experience may dif-
cover between BF and IF. Thus, let BI be —EF,
n
The formula w ill be D rr. ^
Meantime, this theory of M. de Buat is of great
value to the praftical engineer, who at prefent muft con¬
tent himfelf with a very vague conjecture, or take the
calculation of the erroneous theory of Guglielmini. By
that theory, the board of three feet, at the depth of
four inches, fliould difeharge nearly 3^ cubic feet per
fecond, which is almoft double of what it really deli¬
vers.
We prefume, therefore, that the following table will
be acceptable to practical engineers, who are not fami¬
liar with fuch computations. It contains, in the firft
column) the depth in Englifh inches from the furface
of the ftagnant water of a refervoir to the edge of the
wafteboard. The fecond column is the cubic feet of
water difeharged in a minute by every inch of the wafte¬
board.
Depth.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
J4
15
16
17
18
Difeharge.
0-4°3
1.140
2.09s
3-225
4 507
5-925
7.466
9.122
10.884
12.74CS
14.707
16.758
18.895
21.117
23.419
25.800
28.258
30.786
When the depth does not exceed four inches, it will
not be exaCf enough to take proportional parts for
the fraClions of an inch. The following method is
e-xaCt.
If they be odd quarters of an inch, look in the table
for as many inches as the depth contains quarters, and
take the eighth part of the anfwer. Thus, for 3! inches,
take the eighth part of 23.419, which correfponds to
15 inches. This is 2.927.
If the wafteboard is not on the face of a dam, but
in a running ftream, we muft augment the difeharge by
multiplying the feClion by the velocity of the ftream.
But this corre&ion can feldom occur in praClice,; be-
caufe, in this cafe, the difeharge is previoufly known 1
and it is h that we want j which is the objeft of the
next problem.
We only beg leave to add, that the experiments
which we mention as having been already made in this
country, give a refult fomewhat greater than this table,
viz. about -/?. Therefore, having obtained the anfwer
by this table, add to it its 16th part, and we apprehend
that it will be extremely near the truth.
W hen, on the other hand, we know the difeharge
over a wafteboard, we can tell the depth of its edge un~
L 2 dot
83
Practical
Inference).
84
R I V
Practical der die lurface of the ftagnant water of the refervoir,
Inferences. —
becaufe we have h
= (JL)
very nearly.
We are now in a condition to folve the problem re-
fpe&ing a weir acrofs a river.
Prob. II. The difcharge and feftion of a river being
given, it is required to determine how much the waters
will be raifed by a weir of the whole breadth of the
river, difcharging the water with a clear fall, that is,
the furface of the water in the lower channel being be¬
low the edge of the weir ?
In this cafe we have 2 G rr 746 nearly, becaufe there
will be no contraction at the tides w’hen the wTeir is
the -whole breadth of the river. But further, the wa¬
ter is not now ftagnant, but moving with the velocity
S being the fe&ion of the river.
Therefore let a be the height of the weir from the
bottom of the river, and /i the height of the water
above the edge of the weir. We have the velocity
with which the water approaches the weir =r ,——tt.
l being the length of the weir or breadth of the river.
Therefore the height producing the primary mean ve-
locity is
The equation given a
D
when the
little ago will give h — (   )
V0.431 / v 2G /
water above the weir is ftagnant. Therefore, when it
is already moving with the velocity y—we lhall
have h
=4
D
-)M
D
0.431 Va G/ W («-j-/p
it
would be very troublefome to folve this equation regu¬
larly, becaufe the unknown quantity h is found in the
fecond term of the anfwer. But we know that the
height producing the velocity above the weir is very
Itnall in comparifon of h and of <7, and, if only efti-
mated roughly, will make a very infenfible change in
the value of h ; and, by repeating the operation, we can
correct this value, and obtain h to any degree of exaft-
nefs.
To illuftrate this by an example. Suppofe a river,
the fection of whofe ftream is 1 50 feet, and that it dif-
charges 174 cubic feet of water in a fecond; how much
will the wTaters of this river be raifed by a weir of the
lame width, and three feet high ?
Suppofe the width to be 50 feet. This will give 3
feet for the depth; and we fee that the water will have
a clear fall, becaufe the lower ftream will be the fame
as before.
I he feftion being 150 feet, and the difcharge 174,
the mean velocity is 4^4? =1.16 feet, = 14 inches
nearly, which requires the height of of so inch very
nearly. 1 his may be taken for the fecond term of the
value of/$. Therefore//f ^ 4. Now
_ '0.43Iv^g/; *
4 2G is, in the prefent cafe, —27.313 ; /is 600, and
D is 174 X I72^> =300672. Therefore ^=12.192
=11.942, Now correft this value of /i, by
correcting the fecond- term, which is £ of an inch, in-
E R. Part II.
(D \ i . Practical
 — ) , or 0.141. This Will give Inferences.
V2gv 
us //= 12.192—0.141, =12.051, differing from the
fir ft value about -/, of an inch. It is needlefs to carry
the approximation farther. Thus we lee that a weir,
which dams up the whole of the former current of three
feet deep, will only raife the waters of this river one
foot.
The fame rule ferves for ftiowing how high we ought
to raife this weir in order to produce any given rife of
the waters, whether for the purpofes of navigation, or
for taking off a draft to drive mills, or for any other
fervice; for if the breadth of the river remain the
fame, the water will ftill flow over the weir with nearly
the fame depth. A very fmall and hardly perceptible
difference will indeed arife from the diminution of Hope
occafioned by this rife, and a confequent diminution of
the velocity with which the river approaches the weir.
But this difference muft always be a Ifnall fra£lion of
the fecond term of our anfwer; which term is itfelf very
fmall: and even this will be compenfated, in fome de¬
gree, by the freer fall which the water will have over
the weir.
If the intended weir is not to have the whole breadth
of the river (which is feldom neceffary even for the
purpofes of navigation), the waters will be raifed higher
by the fame height of the wafteboard. The calcula¬
tion is precifely the fame for this cafe. Only in the
fecond term, which gives the head of water correfpond-
ing to the velocity of the river, / muft ftill be taken for
the whole breadth of the river, while in the firft term
/ is the length of the wafteboard. Alfo 42G mull be
a little lefs, on account of the contractions at the ends
of the weir, unlefs thefe be avoided by giving the ma-
fonry at the ends of the wafteboard a curved lhape on
the upper fide of the wafteboard. X his fhould not be
done when the foie objeCl of the weir is to raife the fiir-
face of the waters. Its effeft is but trifling at any rate,
when the length of the wafteboard is confiderable, in
proportion to the thicknefs of the Iheet of water flowing
over it.
The following comparifons of this rule with experi¬
ment will give our readers fome notion of its utility.
Difcharje
of the Weir
per Second.
Inrhf s.
3888
2462
1112
259
Head pro¬
ducing the
velocity at
the Weir.
Inches.
7.302
S-1?1
1.201
Head pro¬
ducing the
Velocity
above it.
Inches.
O.625
o-35°
0.116
0.0114
Calculated
Height of
the River
above the
Wafteboard.
Inches.
6.677
5-035
3-°55
1.189
Obferved
Height.
Inches.
6-583
4-750
3.166
1.250
It was found extremely difficult to meafure the exaCb
height of the water in the upper ftream above the wafte¬
board. The curvature AI extended feveral feet up the
ftream. Indeed there muft be fomething arbitrary in
this meafurement, becaufe the furface of the ftream is
not horizontal. The deviation fhould be taken, not
from a horizontal plane, but from the inclined forface of
the river.
It
Part II. R I V
Practical It is plain that a river cannot be fitted^for continued
Inferences, navigation by WEIRS. Thefe occafion interruptions
' ■ v ' a few inches may fometimes be added to the waters
of a river by a bar, which may fhll anow a flat-bot¬
tomed lighter or a raft to pafs over it. This is a very
frequent practice in Holland and Flanders j and a very
cheap and certain conveyance of goods is there obtained
by means of ftreams which we would think no better
than boundary ditches, and unfit for every purpofe of
this kind. By means of a bar the water is kept up a
very few inches, and the ftream has free courfe to the
fea." The ihoot over the bar is prevented by means of
another bar placed a little way below it, lying flat in
the bottom of the ditch, but which may be raifed up
on hinges. Bhe lighterman makes his boat fait to a
flake immediately above the bar, railes the lower bar,
brings over his boat, again makes it faft, and,, having
laid down the other bar again, proceeds on his journey.
This contrivance anfw’ers the end of a lock at a very
trifling expence j and though it does not admit Oj. what
we are accuftomed to call navigation, it gives a very
fure conveyance, which would otherwife be impofiible.
When the waters can be raifed by bars, fo that they
may be drawn off for machinery or other purpofes,
they are preferable to weirs, becaufe they do not ob-
firu<a floating with rafts, and are not deftroyed by the
ice*
Prob. III. Given the height of a bar, the depth of
water both above and below it, and the width of the
river } to determine the difcharge.
This is by no means fo eafily folved as the difcharge
over a wreir, and we cannot do it with the fame degree
of evidence. We imagine, however, that the following
obfervations will not be very far from a true account of
the matter.
Wig. 22. We may firfl fuppofe a refervoir LFBM (fig. 22.)
of ftagnant water, and that it has a wafteboard of the
height CB. We may then determine, by the forego¬
ing problems, the difcharge through the plane EC.
With refpedl to the difcharge through the part CA, it
fhould be equal to this produft of the part of the fec-
tion by the velocity correfponding to the fall EC, which
is the difference of the heights of water above and be¬
low the bar ; for, becaufe the difference of E o and
C a is equal to EC, every particle a of water in the
plane CA is preffed in the dire&ion of this ftream with
the fame force, viz. the weight of the column EC.
The fum of thefe difcharges fhould be the whole dif¬
charge over the bar: but frnce the bar is fet up acrofs
a running river, its difcbarge muft be the fame wfith
that of the river. The water of the river, when it
comes to the place of the bar, has acquired fome velo¬
city by its flope or other caufes, and this correfponds to
fome height FE. This velocity, multiplied by the fec-
tion of the river, having the height EB, (hould give a
difcharge equal to the difcharge over the bar.
To avoid this complication of conditions, v/e may
firft compute the difcharge of the bar in the manner
now pointed out, without the confideraiion of the pre¬
vious velocity of the ftream. This difcharge will be a
little too fmall. If we divide it by the fedfion FB, it
will give a primary velocity too fmall, but not far from
the truth. Therefore we fhall get the height FE, by
means of which we ftiall be able to determine a velocity
intermediate between DG and CH, which would cor-
E R. 85
refpond to a weir, as alfo the velocity CH, which cor- Practical
refponds to the part of the fe&ion CA, which is wholly Inferences..
under water. Then we corrcdt all thefe quantities by r‘""
repeating the operation with them inftead of our firft
affumptions.
Mr Buat found this computation extremely near the
truth, but in all cafes a little greater than obfervation
exhibited.
We may now folve the problem in the rnoft general
terms.
Prob. IV. Given the breadth, depth, and the flope
of a river, if we confine its paffage by a bar or weir of
a known height and width, to determine the rife of the
waters above the bar.
The flope and dimenfions of the channel being given,
our formula wall give us the velocity and the quantity
of water difcharged. Then, by the preceding problem,
find the height of water above the wafteboard. From
the fum of thefe two heights dedudt the ordinary depth
of the river. The remainder is the rife of the waters.
For example : *
Let there be a river whole ordinary depth is 3 feet,
and breadth 40, and whofe flope is i-y inches in iod m-
thoms, or ^o* Suppofe a weir on this river iix feet
high and 18 feet wide.
We muft firft find the velocity and difcharge of the
river in its natural ftate, w'e have inches,
36, - — 4 ^ 6. Our formula of uniform motion gives
¥=23.45, and 0=405216 cubic inches.
The contraction obtains here on the three fides of the
orifice. We may therefore take v 2G = 26.1.—
N. B. This example is Mr Buat’s, and all the meafures
are French. We have alfo a (the height of the weir)
>j2, and 2^=724. Therefore the equation /i —
 / 5 V becomes 30.182.
\ l *./ip (
431^/2G// v
Add this to the height of the weir, and the depth of
the river above the fluice is 102.182, = 8 feet and
6.182 inches. From this take 3 feet, and there remains
5 feet and 6.1 82 inches for the rife of the waters..
There is, however, an important circumftance in this
rife of the’ waters, which muft be diftinCtly underftood
before we can fay what are the intereftmg effetls of this
w7eir. This fwell extends, as we all know, to a confi-
derable diftance up the ftream, but is lefs fenfible as we
go away from the weir. \v hat is the diftance to which
the fwell extends, and what increafe does it produce in
the depth at different diftances from the weir ?
If we fuppofe that the flope and the breadth of the
channel remain as before, it is plain, that as we come
down the ftream from that point where the Iwell is in-
fenfible, the depth of the channel increafes all the way
to the dam. Therefore, as the fame quantity of wa¬
ter paffes through every feCtion of the river, the velo¬
city muft diminifh in the fame proportion (very nearly)
that the feCHon increafes. But this being an open
ftream, and therefore the velocity being infeparably con-
neCled with the Hope of the furface, it follows, that
the flope of the furface muft dimimlh all the way from
that point w’here the fwell of the water is infeniible to
the dam. The furface, therefore, cannot be a fimpre
inclined plane, but muft be concave upwards, as repre-
fented in fig. 23. where EKLB reprefents the channel Fig. r .
of
86
R I V
Pra&ical Qf a river, and FB the furface of the water running in it.
Infeiencts., j£ ^ Up to A by a weir AL, the lurface
wall be a curve FI A, touching the natural furface F
at the beginning of the fwell, and the line AD which
touches it in A will have the (lope S correfponding to
the velocity which the waters have immediately before
going over the weir. We know this {lope, becaufe we
are fuppofed to know the difcharge of the river and its
dope and other circumllances before barring it with a
dam *, and we know the height of the dam H, and
therefore the new velocity at A, or immediately above
A, and confequently the (lope S. Therefore, drawing
the horizontal lines DC, AG, it is plain that CB and
CA will be the primary dope of the river, and the dope
S correfponding to the velocity in the immediate neigh-
bourhoood of A, becaufe thefe verticals have the fame
horizontal dillance DC. We have therefore CB : CA
=rS : s very nearly, and S—r : rmrCB—CA : CA,
AB v r
=A (nearly) : CA. Therefore CA :
S—‘■r
Hr
S—s'
therefore DA=
But DAzrCAx S, by our definition of dope j
H.S.r
S—s
This is all that we can fay with precifion of this
curve. Mr Buat examined what would refult from
fuppofing it an arch of a circle. In this cafe we ihould
have DAmrDF, and AF very nearly equal to 2 AD {
and as we can thus find AD, we get the whole length
FI A of the fwell, and alfo the diftances of any part of
the curve from the primitive furface FB of the river ;
for thefe will be very nearly in the duplicate proportion
of their diftances from F. Thus ID will be one-fourth
'of AB, &c. Therefore w'e firould obtain the length Id
of the ftream in that place. Getting the depth of the
ftream, and knowing the difcharge, we get the velocity,
andean compare this with the flope of the furface at I.
This Ihould be the dope of that part of the arch of the
■circle. Making this comparifon, he found thefe cir-
cumftances to be incompatible. He found that the fec-
tion and fwell at I, correfponding to an arch of a circle,
•gave a difcharge nearly one-fourth too great (they w’ere
as 405216 to 492142). Therefore the curve is fuch,
that AD is greater than DF, and that it is more incur-
vated at F than at A. He found, that making DA to
DF as 10 to 9, and the curve FIA an arch of an ellipfe
whole longer axis was vertical, would give a vary nice
correfpondence of the feflions, velocities, and dopes.
The whole extent of the fwell therefore can never be
double of AD, and muft always greatly furpafs AD ;
and tbefe limits will do very well for every pra&ical
queftion. Therefore making DF nine-tenths of AD,
and drawing the chord AD, and making DI one-half
of D i, we drall be very near the truth. Then we get
the fwell with fufficient precifion for any point H be¬
tween F and D, by making FDS : FhPrrlD : H. h ;
and if H is between D and A, we get its diftance from
the tangent DA by a firailar procefs.
It only remains to determine the fwell produced in
the waters of a river by the ere&ion of a bridge or
cleaning duice which contradls the paiTage. This re¬
quires the folution of
Prob. V. Given the depth, breadth, and dope of a
river, to determine the fwell occafioned by the piers of
2
E B. Fart IX.
a bridge or Tides of a cleaning duice, which contract Practical
the paffage by a given quantity, for a given length of
channel.
This fwell depends on two circumftances.
1. The whole river muft pafs through a narrow
fpace, with a velocity proportionably increaied •, and
this requires a certain head of water above the bridge.
2. The water, in palling the length of the piers with
a velocity greater than that correlponding to the pri¬
mary Hope of the river, will require a greater dope in
order to acquire this velocity.
Let V be the velocity of the river before the erec¬
tion of the bridge, and K the quotient of the width ot
the river divided by the turn of the widths between the
piers. If the length of the piers, or their dimenfion in
the direftion of the ftream, is not very great, KV will
nearly exprefs the velocity of the river under the arches j
and if we fuppofe for a moment the contraflion (in the
fenfe hitherto ufed) to be nothing, the height produ-
K*V2
C!Hg this velocity will be ——. But the river will
not rife fo high, having already a fiope and velocity be¬
fore getting under the arches, and the heigtit corre¬
fponding to this velocity is -— j therefore the height
2 if
for producing the augmentation of velocity is
V1
K»V»
2g
   But if we make allowance for contraffion we
2S
muft employ a 2 G lefs than 2 g, and we muft multiply
the height now found by —qW. It will then become
(
2 G*
- X (K1—l). This is that part
2g 2g) 2 G 2G
of the fwell which muft produce the augmentation of
velocity.
With refpefl to what is neceffary for producing the
additional Hope between the piers, let p be the natural
Hope of the river (or rather the difference of level in the
length of the piers) before the ereftion of the bridge,
and correfponding to the velocity V ; K1/) will very
nearly exprefs the difference of fuperficial level for the
length of the piers, which is neceffary for maintaining
the velocity KV through the fame length. The increefe
of Hope therefore is K1/*—p—p (K*—i). Therefore
/V*
the whole fwell will be ( g-Q
+/>)
K2
TOO
These are the chief queftions or problems on this Further at-
fuojeft which occur in the pra&ice of an engineer and tcntionm
the folutions which we have given may in every cafe be Xm."'6
depended on as very near the truth, and we are confi. meDCisd.
dent that the errors will never amount to one-fifth of
the whole quantity. We are equally certain, that of
thefe who call themfelves engineers, and who, without
hefitation, undertake jobs of enormous expence, not
one in ten is able even to guefs at the refult of fuch
operations, unlefs the circumftances of the cafe happen
to coincide with thofe of fome other projeft which he
has executed, or has diftinftly examined ; and very few
have the fagacity and penetration neceffary for appre¬
ciating the effedls of the diftinguiftiing circumftances
which yet remain. The fociety eftabliflied for the en¬
couragement
Part II.
RIVE R.
Practical couragement of avis and msR.ifadlureS could fcarcely do
Ir.t.:-renct..v a mcre important lervice to the public in the line of
v their inftitution, than by publiliiing in their Tranfac-
tions a defeription of every work of this kind executed
in the kingdom, with an account of its performance.
This would be a molt valuable collection of experiments
and facts. The unlearned praCtitioner would find among
them fomething which relembles in its chief circumitan-
ces almolt any projeCt which could occur to him in his
bufineft, and would tell him what to expect in the cafe
under his management : and the intelligent engineer,
afiilted by mathematical knowledge, and the habit of
clafiing tilings together, would frequently be able to
frame general rules. To a gentleman qualified as was
the Chevalier de Boat, fuch a collection would be inef-
timable, and might fagged; a theory as far fuperior to
his as he has gone before ail other writers.
110
Modes of We fhall conclude this article with fame obfejvajtions
making on the methods which may be taken for rendering fmall
fmaii riveis rjvers ancj brooks fit for inland navigaiion, or at leaft
fit foilin'-^or floatage. We get much inftruClion on this fubjeCl
land navi- from wdiat has been faid concerning the fwell produced
gation. in a river by weirs, bars, or any diminution of its for¬
mer feCtion. Our knowledge of the form which the
furface of this fwell aflfeCts, will furnifh rules for fpacing
thefe obftruftions in fuch a manner, and at fuch diltances
from each other, that the fwell produced by one (hall
extend to the one above it.
If we know the Hope, the breadth, and the depth
of a river, in the droughts of fummer, and have deter¬
mined on the height of the flood-gates, or keeps,
which are to be fet up in its bed, it is evident that
their ftations are not matters of arbitrary choice, if we
would derive the greateft poflible advantage from
them.
Some rivers in Flanders and Italy are made naviga¬
ble in feme fort by fimple fluices, which, being fhut,
form magazines of water, which, being difcharged by
opening the gates, raifes the inferior reach enough to
permit the paffage of the craft which are kept on it.
After this momentary rife the keeps are (hut again,
the water finks in the lower reach, and the lighters
wliich were floated through the (hallows are now obli¬
ged to draw into thofe parts of the reach where they
can lie afloat till the next fupply of water from above
enables them to proceed. This is a very rude and im-
perfeCl method", and unjuflifiable at this day, when we
know the eiTeCl of locks, or at lead of double gates.
We do not mean to enter on the confideration of thefe
contrivances, and to give the methods of their conftruc-
tion, in this place, but refer our readers to what has
been already faid on this fubjedl in the articles Canal,
Lock, Navigation (Inland'), and to what will be
laid in the article Water Works. At present we con¬
fine ourfelves to the (ingle point of hufbanding the dif¬
ferent falls in the bed of the river, in fuch a manner
that there may be everywhere a fufficient depth of wa¬
ter : and, in what we have to deliver on the fuhiect, we
(hall take the form of an example to illuftrate the ap¬
plication of the foregoing rules.
Suppofe then a river 40 feet wide and 3 feet deep in
the droughts of fummer, with a (lope of 1 in 4800.
This, by the formula of uniform motion, will have a
velocity V — 23 * inches per fecond, and its difeharge
87
will be 403216 cubie inches, or 234I- feet. It is pro- Practical
pg(ed to give this river a depth not Ids than five feet I,1J"erences.
in any place, by means of flood gates of fix feet high
and 18 feet wide.
We firft compute the height at which this body of
234F cubic feet of water will difeharge itfelf over the
■ flood-gates. This we (hall find by Prob. II. to be 30!
inches, to which adding 72, the height of the gate, we
have 102^ for the whole height of the water above the
floor of the gate; the primitive depth of the river be¬
ing 3 feet, the rite or fwell 5 feet 6-^ inches. In the
next place, we And the range or fenfible extent of this
fwell by Prob. I. and the obfervations which accom¬
pany it. This will be found to be nearly 9177 fathoms.
Now fince the primitive depth of the river is three feet,
there is only wanted two feet of addition } and the
queition is reduced to the finding what point of the
curved furface of the fwell is two feet above the tan¬
gent plane at the head of the (well r or how far this
point is from the gate ? The whole extent being 9177
(a,thorns, and the deviations from the tangent plane be¬
ing nearly in the duplicate ratio of the iliilances from
the point of con tad, we may inilitute this proportion
664 : 24 = 9177* : The lad terns is the di-
dance (from the head of the fwell) of that part of the
furface which is two feet above the primitive furface of
the river. Therefore 9177—5526, or 3651 fathoms,
is the didance of this part from the flood-gate ; and
this is the didance at which the gates (hould be placed
from each oiher. No inconvenience would arile from
having them nearer, if tire banks be high enough to
contain the waters ; but if they are farther didant, the
required depth of water cannot be had without increa-
fing the height of the gates j but if reafons of conve-
niency (hould induce us to place them nearer, the fame
depth may be fecured by lower gates, and no addition¬
al height will be required for the banks. This is ge¬
nerally a matter of moment, becaufe the railing of wa¬
ter brings along with it the chance of flooding the ad¬
joining fields. Knowing the place where the fwell ceafes
to be fenfible, we can keep the top of the intermediate
flood-gate at the precife height of the curved furface of
the fwell by means of the proportionality of the devia¬
tions from the tangent to the didanoes from the point
of contadl.
But this rule will not do for a gate which is at a
greater didance from the one above it than the 3651
fathoms already mentioned. We know that a higher
gate is required, producing a more extenfive fwell; and
the one fwell does not coincide with the other, although
they may both begin from the fame point A (ng. 24.). p-
Nor will the curves even be fimilar, unlefs the thicknefs b ''
of the (heet of water flowing over the gate be increafed
in the fame ratio. But this is not the cafe; becaufe
the produce of the river, and therefore the thicknefs of
the (heet of water, is condant.
But we may fuppofe them fimilar without erring
more than two or three decimals of an inch 5 and then
v. e (nail have AF : AL rr/F : DL 5 from which, if
we take the thicknefs of the (beet of water already cal¬
culated for the other gates, there will remain the height
of the gate BL.
By following tbefe methods, inftead of proceeding by
random gueffes, we (hall procure the greated depth of
water at the fmalled expence poflible.
But
88
R I V E IL
Part IE
Pia<aical
Inferences.
m
Effrdh of
;frellies,
112
and of lo¬
cal circum-
ilances,
”3 ,
illuftrated
by an ex¬
ample.
But tliere is a clreurriftance wliicli muft be attended
to, and which, if neglefted, may in a Ihort time render
all our works ufelefs. Thefe gates muft frequently be
open in the time of frefhes 5 and as this channel then
has its natural Hope increafed in every reach by the
great contra&ion of the fe6lion in the gate's, and alio
rolls along a greater body of water, the action of the
ftream on its bed muft be increafed by the augmenta¬
tion of velocity which thele circumftances will produce:
and although we may fay that the general Hope is ne-
ceffarily fecured by the cills of the dood-gates, which
are paved with ftone or covered with planks, yet this
will not hinder this increafed current from digging up
the bottom in the intervals, undermining the banks,
and lodging the mud and earth thus carried off in
places where the current meets with any check. All
thefe confequences will affuvedly follow if the increafed
velocity is greater than what correfponds to the regi¬
men relative to the foil in which the river holds on its
courfe. ...
In order therefore to procure durability to works oh
this kind, which are generally of enormous expence,
the local circumftances muft be moft fcrupuloufly ftu-
died. It is not the ordinary hurried furvey of an en¬
gineer that will free us from the rilk of our navigation
becoming very troublefome by the rife of the waters
being diminilhed from their former quantity, and banks
formed at a fmall diftance below every fluke. We muft
attentively ftudy the nature of the foil, and difcover ex¬
perimentally the velocity which is not inconfiftent with
the permanency of the channel. If this be not a great
deal lefs than that of the river when acccelerated by
frelhes, the regimen may be preferved after the efta-
bliihment of the gate, and no great changes in the
channel will be neceffary: but if, on the other hand, the
natural velocity of the river during its frelhes greatly
exceeds what is confiftent with liability, wre muft en¬
large the width of the channel, that we may diminifh
the hydraulic mean depth, and along rvith this the velo¬
city. Therefore, knowing the quantity difcharged du¬
ring the frelhes, divide it by the velocity of regimen, or
rather bv a velocity fomewhat greater (for a reafon
which will appear by and by), the quotient will be the
area of a new feftion. Then taking the natural flope
of the river for the flope which it will preferve in this
enlarged channel, and after the cills of the flood-gates
have been fixed, we muft calculate the hydraulic mean
depth, and then the other dimenfions of the channel.
And, laftly, from the known dimenfions of the channel
and the difcharge (which we muft now compute), we
proceed to calculate the height and the diftances of the
flood-gates, adjufted to their widths, which muft be re¬
gulated by the room which may be thought proper for
the free paffage of the lighters which are to ply on the
river. An example will illuftrate the whole of this
procefs.
Suppofe then a fmall river having a flope of two inches
in 100 fathoms or ^-gVo, which is a very ufual declivity
of fuch fmall ftreams, and whofe depth in fummer is tvyo
feet, but fubjeft to floods which raife it to nine feet. Let
its breadth at the bottom be 18 feet, and the bafe of its
flanting fides four-thirds of their height. All of thefe
dimensions are very conformable to the ordinary courfe of
things. It is propofed to make this river navigable in
aft feafons by means of keeps and gates placed at pro¬
per diftances; and we want to know the dimenflons of P^cal^
a channel which will be permanent, in a toil which be-
gins to yield to a velocity of 80 inches per fecond, but
will be fafe under a velocity of 24.
The primitive channel having the properties of a rec¬
tangular channel, its breadth auring the freihes muft
be Bzzgo feet, or 360 inches, and its depth h nine feet
-r • n .'i C  ] ir' mpcsn npnfrt
108 inches ,
B/i
B-}-2/z
therefore its hydraulic mean depth
= 61.88 inches. Its real velocity there¬
fore, during the frelhes, will be 38.9447 inches, and its
difcharge 1514169 cubic inches, or 876^ cubic feet
per fecond. We fee therefore that the natural channel
will not be permanent, and will be very quickly deftroy-
ed or changed by this great velocity. Vie have tv,o
methods for procuring liability, viz. diminilhing the
flope, or widening the bed. The firft method will re¬
quire the courfe to be lengthened in the proportion ot
24* to 3988% or nearly of 36 to 10a. The expence
of this would be enormous. The fecond method will
renuire the hydraulic mean depth to be increafed near¬
ly "in the fame proportion (becaufe the velocities are
nearly as This rvill evidently be much lefs coft-
- r 1. •
ly, and, even to procure convenient room tor the navi¬
gation, muft be preferred. . ,
We muft now obferve, that the great velocity, ot
which we are afraid, obtains only during the winter
floods. If therefore we reduce this to 24 inches, it muft
happen that the autumnal frelhes, loaded with fand and
mud, will certainly depofit apart of it, and choak up
our channel below the flood-gates. We muft therefore
feleft a mean velocity fomewhat exceeding the regimen,
that it may carry off thefe depofitions. We ftiall take
27 inches, which will produce this effe£l on the loofe
mud without endangering our channel in any remark¬
able degree.
Therefore we have, by the theorem for uniform mo-
tion, V=27> = 0.3 b^o,).
Vj—Lvrfl-1.6
Calculating the divifor of this formula, we find it
27 inch. 0
   =5-3483»
— 55.884. Hence \/d—0.1= 297  Q ^
55.884
and therefore </=3o,V Having thus determined the
hydraulic mean depth, we find the area S of the fechon by-
dividing the difcharge 1514169 by the velocity 27. us
gives us 56080.368; Then we get the breadth B by the
formula formerly given, B = */(^)—2 2"^’
= 1802.296 inches, or 150.19 feet, and the depth /i-
21.11 c incites.
With thefe dimenfions of the fe£hon we are certain
that the channel will be permanent; and the cills ot
the flood-gate being all fixed agreeable to the primitive
flope, we need not fear that it will be changed m the
intervals by the aftion of the current. The gates being
all open during the frefhes, the bottom will be cleared
of the whole depofited mud. 114
We muft now ftation the flood-gates along the new Station of
channel, at fuch diftances that we may have the depththefloo^
of water which is proper for the lighters that are to dc
employed
Part II. R I V
Practical employed in die navigation. Suppofe this to be four
Inferences, ^ye muft jgj-fj- 0f all learn how high the water
v' will be kept in this new channel during the fummer
droughts. There remained in the primitive channel
only two feet, and the feclion in this cafe had 20 feet
eight inches mean width ; and the difcharge correfpond-
ing to this fedlion and dope of is, by the theorem
of uniform motion, 130,849 cubic inches per fecond.
To find the depth of water in the new channel corre-
fponding to this difcharge, and the fame dope, we mud
take the method of approximation formerly exemplified,
remembering that the difcharge D is 130849, and the
breadth B is 1760.8 at the bottom (the dant fides be¬
ing four thirds). Thefe data will produce a depth of
water —6^ inches. To obtain four feet therefore be¬
hind any of the Hood-gates, we mud have a fwell of 41 j-
inches produced by the gate below.
We mud now determine the width of padage which
mud be given at the gates. This will regulate the
thicknefs of the dieet of water which floivs over them
when diut j and this, with the height of the gate, fixes
the fwell at the gate. The extent of this fwell, and
the elevation of every point of its curved furfacc above
the new furface of the river, require a combination of
the height of fwell at the dood-gate, with the primitive
dope and the new' velocity. Thefe being computed, the
dations of the gates may be adigned, which will fecure
four feet of water behind each in fummer. We need
not give thefe computations, having already exemplified
them all with relation to another river.
This example not only illudrates the method of pro¬
ceeding, fo as to be enfured of fuccefi, but alfo gives
us a precife indance of what mud be done in a cafe
which cannot but frequently occur. We fee what a
prodigious excavation is necedary, in order to obtain
permanency. We have been obliged to enlarge the pri¬
mitive bed to about thrice its former fize, fo that the
excavation is at lead two-thirds of what the other me¬
thod required. The expence, however, will dill be vad-
ly inferior to the other, both from the nature of the
work •and the quantity of ground occupied. At all
events, the expence is enormous, and what could never
be repaid by the navigation, except in a very rich and
populous country.
There is another circumdance to be attended to.—
The navigation of this river by Unices mud be very de~
inltory, unlefs they are extremely numerous, and of
hnall heights. The natural furface of the fwell being
Concave upwards, the additions made by its different
parts to the primitive height of the river decreal’e rapid¬
ly as they approach to tire place A (fig. 23.), where the
fwell terminates ; and three gates, each of which raifes
the water one foot when placed at the proper didance
from each other, will raife the water much more than
two gates at twice this didance, each raifing the water
two feet. Moreover, when the elevation produced by a
flood-gate is confidernble, exceeding a very few inches,
the fall and current produced by the opening of the gate
fs fuch, that no boat can poflibly pafs up the river, and
it runs imminent rifk of being oVevfet and funk, in the
attempt to go down the dream. This renders the na¬
vigation defultory. A number of lighters collecf them-
felves at the gates, and wait their opening. They pafs
Through as foon as the current becomes moderate. This
’would not, perhaps, be very hurtful in a regulated navi-
Vol. XVIII. Part I,
E R. ' -gg
gation, if they could then proceed on their voyage. Practical
But the boats bound up the river mud Hay on the upper Inferences.
fide of the gate w'hich they have jud now paffed, be- v—J
caufe the channel is now' too (hallow for them to pro¬
ceed. Thefe bound down the river can only go to the
next gate, uniefs it has been opened at a time nicely ad-
juded to the opening of the one above it. The paffage
downwards vimj, in many cafes, be esntinued, by very
intelligent and attentive lockmen, but the paffage up
ttv:J} be exceedingly tedious. Nay, we may fay," that
while the paifage downwards is continuous, it is' but in
a very few' cafes that the paffage upward is practicable.
It we add to thefe inconveniences the great danger of
paffage during the frefhes, while all the gates are open,
and the immenfe and unavoidable accumulations of ice,
on occafion even of flight frofts, we may fee that this
method of procuring an inland navigation is amazingly
expendve, defultory, tedious, and hazardous. It did
not therefore merit, on its owm account, the attention
we have bellowed on it. But the difeuflion was abfo-
lutely neceffary, in order to fhow w'hat muff be done in
order to obtain effeCl and permanency, and thus to pre¬
vent us from engaging in a projeft which, to a perfon
not duly and confidently informed, is fo feafible and
promifing. Many profeffional engineers are ready, and
with honeft intentions, to undertake fuch ta(ks 5 and
by avoiding this immenfe expence, and contenting them-
_ felves with a much narrower channel, they fucceed,
(witnefs the old navigation of the river Merfey). But
the work has no duration ; and, not having been found
very ferviceable, its ceffation is not matter of much re¬
gret. The work is not much fpoken of during its
continuance. It is icon forgotten, as well as its failure,
and engineers are found ready to engage for fuch ano¬
ther.
It w'as not a very refined thought to change this rr,tr”m>
imperfeCt mode for another free from molt of its incon-tion -
veniences. A boat was brought up the river, throughlocks*
one of thefe gates, only by raifing the waters of the
inferior reach, and depreffing tliofe of the upper : and
it could not efcape obfervation, that when the gates were
far afunder, a vail body of water mult be difeharged be¬
fore this could be done, and that it would be a great im¬
provement to double each gate, with a very fmall diftance
between. Thus a very fmall quantity of water would
fill the interval to the defired height, and allow the boat
to come through ; and this thought was the more ob¬
vious, from a fitniiar pra&ice having preceded it, viz.
that of navigating a fmall river by means of double bars,
the lowed of which lay Hat in the bottom of the river,
but could be raified up on hinges. We have mentioned
this already ; and it appears to have been an old prac¬
tice, being mentioned by Stevinus in his valuable work
on fiuices, publifhed about the beginning of the laft
century ; yet no trace of this method is to be found of
much older dates. It occurred, however, accidentally,
pretty often in the Hat countries of Holland and Flan--'
del's, which being the feat of frequent wars, almofi:
every town and village w'as fortified with wet ditches
connected with the adjoining rivers. Stevinus mentions
particularly the works of Conde, as having been long
employed, with great ingenuity, for rendering naviga¬
ble a very long ftretch of the Scheldt. The boats were
received into the lower part of the foflee, which was
feparated from the reft by a ftone batardeau, ferving to
M keep
CO R I V
FraCtical keep up the waters in the reft of the fofTee about eight
Inle.e-.te . feet> ]n was a fluice and another dam, by which
the boats could be taken into the upper toffee, which
communicated with a remote part of the Scheldt by a
long canal. This appears to be one of the earlielf
locks.
In the firft attempt to introduce^this improvement in
the navigation of rivers already kept up by weirs, which
gave a partial and interrupted navigation, it was ufual
to avoid the great expence of the fccond dam and gate,
by making the lock altogether detached from the ri¬
ver, within land, and having its balon parallel to the ri¬
ver, and communicating by one end with the river
above the weir, and by the other end with the river be¬
low the weir, and having a flood-gate at each end.—
This was a moll: ingenious thought; and it was a pro¬
digious improvement, free from all the inconveniences
of currents, ice, &c. &c. It was called z fchluffel, or
lock, with conliderable propriety ; and this w as the ori¬
gin of the word (Juice, and of our application of its
tranflation /och. This pradlice being once introduced,
it was not long before engineers found that a complete
ieparation of the navigation from the bed of the river
was not only the moft perfedl method for obtaining a
fure, eafy, and uninterrupted navigation, but that it
was in general the moft oeconomical in its firft conftruc-
tion, and fubjedf to no rilk of deterioration by the ac¬
tion of the current, which was here entirely removed.
Locked canals, therefore, have almoft entirely fupplant-
ed all attempts to improve the natural beds of rivers ;
and this is hardly ever attempted except in the flat
countries, where they can hardly be faid to differ from
horizontal canals. We therefore clofe with thefe ob-
fervations this article, and referve what is yet to be laid
on the conftruflion of canals and locks for the article
IVA TE R-JVorks.
Concluding We beg leave, however, to detain the reader for
obfervations a few' moments. He cannot but have obferved our
to the anxiety to render this differtation worthy of his notice,
leader. Jjy making it pradlically ufeful. We have on every
occafion appealed, from all theoretical dedudlions, how'-
ever fpecious and w7ell fupported, to fad! and obfervation
of thofe fpontaneous phenomena of nature which are
continually palling in review before us in the motion
of running waters. Refting in this manner our whole
dcdlrines on experiment, on the obfervation of wdrat
really happens, and wftiat happens in a way which we
cannot or do not fully explain, thefe fpontaneous opera¬
tions of nature came infenfibly to acquire a particular
value in our imagination. It has alfo happened in the
courfe of our refledfionson thefe fubjedfs, that thefe phe¬
nomena have frequently prefented themfelves to our
view in grours, not lefs remarkable for the extent and
the importance of their confequences than for the firn-
plicijy, and frequently the feeming infignificancy, nay
frivolity, of ll e means employed. Our fancy has there¬
fore been fometimes warmed with the view of a fome-
thing 5 an
Ens cgitans molem, el tnagno fe corpore mijeens.
This has fometimes made us exprefs ourfelves in a way
that is fiffceptible of mifinterpretation, and may even
lead im.0 a miftake of our meaning.
E R. Fart II,
We therefore find ourfelves obliged to declare, that Practical
by the term Nature, which we have fo frequently ,ItlierefKes,i
ufed con amove, we do not mean that indefcribablc idol ^
which the felt conceit and vanity of fome philoiophers
or pretended philofophers have fet up and oftentatioufly
worlhipped, that ens ration is, that creature of the ima¬
gination, which has long been the' objedt of cool con¬
templation in the clofet of the philolbpher, and has
fhared his attention ,with many other playthings of his
ever-working fancy. By NATURE, then, we mean that
admirable fyftem of general laws, by which the adored
Author and Governor of the univerfe has thought fit to
conned! the various parts of this wonderful and goodly
frame of things, and to regulate all their operations.
We are not afraid of continually appealing to the
lav/s of nature : and as we have already obierved in
the article Philosophy, we confider thefe general laws
as the moft magnificent difplays of Infinite Wifdorn, and
the contemplation of them as the moft cheering employ¬
ment of our underftandings.
Igneus cfl illis vigor et ccvleftis origo-
Hcminibus.
At the fame time we defpife the cold-hearted philofo-
pher who flops ftrort here, and is fatisfied (perhaps
inwardly pleafed) that he has completely accounted fer
every thing by the laws of unchanging nature j and we
fufpedl that this philofcpher would analyfe with the
fame frigid ingenuity, and explain by irrefiftible
the tender attachment of her whofe breaft he fucked,
and w7ho by many anxious and fleeplefs nights preferved
alive the puling infant. But let us rather liften to the
words of him who was the moft fagacicus obferver and
the moft faithful interpreter of nature’s laws, our illuftri-
ous countryman Sir Ifaac Newton. He fays,
“ Elegantiffima haecce rerum compages non nifi confi-
lio et dominio entis fapientiflimi et potentiflimi oriri po-
tuit. Omnia, fimili conftrufta coniilio, fuberunt unius
dominio. Hie omnia regit, non ut amnia mundi, fed ut
univerforum dominus. Propter dominium fuum domi-
nus dens, nuncupatur. Deu$ ad fervientes
refpicit, et deltas eft dominatio dei, non in corpus pro-
prium, uti fentiunt quibus deus eft natura feu anima
mundi, fed in fervos. Deus fummus eft ens cternum,
infinitum, abfolute perfedlum. Ens utcunque perfedfum^
at fine dominio, non eft dominus deus.
“ Hunc cognofcimus, folummodo per proprietates
ejus et attributa. Attribuuntur ut ex phenomenis
dignolcuntur, Phenomena funt fapientiffimae et opti¬
mise rerum ftrutturae, atque caufae finales.—Hunc admi-
ramttr ob perfedliones ( hunc veneramur et colimus ob
dominium.”
Our readers will probably be pleafed with the fol¬
lowing lift of authors who have treated profeffedly of
the motions of rivers : Guglielmini De Fluviis et Cajlellis
Aquarvm—Danubius lilujiratus ; Grandi De Cajiellis ;
Zendrini De Motu Aquarum ; Frifius de F/uviis ; Lec-
chi Idrojiatica i Idraulica; Michelotti Sperein%e I-
drauliche ; Belidor’s ArchiteElure Hydraulique ; Boffut
Hydrodynamique; Buat Hydrau/ique; Silberfchlag The-
orie des Fleuves; Lettres de M. L’Epinaffe au P. Friji
touchant fa Theorie des Fleuves ; Tableau des principals
Rivieres du Monde,par Genette •, Stevins fur les Eclufes;
Trade des Eclufes, par Roulard, qm a remporte le Prtx
Part II.
R 1 V
Practical Je l"1 Acad, de Lyons ; Blelfwyck Dijfertatio de Aggeri-
Inferences. £//s . ][50{];'uj- c£ Viallet fur la Conf ruction des Digues ;
‘ Sccvin llgdrof alien ; 'J ielman van tier Horit Thcatrum
Mochnarum Univerfaie; De la Lande/wr la Canaux de
Navigation; Racolta di Autori clu Trattano del Mato
dell'1 Acquey 3 tom. 410. I'irenza 1723.—This moil
E K.
valuable colleflion contains the writings of Archimedes,
Albizi, Galileo, Caftelli, Michelini, Boielli, Montanari,
Viviani, Caffini, Guglielmini, Grandi, Manfredi, Pi¬
card, and Narduci; and an account of the num ^erlefs
works which have been carried oa in the embankment
of the Po.
91
Practical
tnieruices.
R I V
RlVER-Water. This is generally much fofter and
better accommodated to economical purpofes than
fpring-water. For though rivers proceed originally
from fprings, yet, by their rapid motion, and by being
expofed during a long courfe to the influence ot the fun
and air, the earthy and metallic faiis which they contain
are decompofed, the acid flit s off, and the terreftrial
parts precipitate to the bottom. Rivers are allb ren¬
dered fofter by the vafl: quantity of rain-water, which,
palling along the hirface of the earth, is conveyed into
their channels. But all rivers carry with them a great
deal of mud and other impurities j and, when they flow
near large and populous towns, they become impregna¬
ted with a number of heterogeneous fubflances, in which
date the water is certainly unfit for many purpofes ; yet,
by remaining for fome time at refl, all the feculencies
lubfide, and the water becoxr.es fufficiently pure for moil
of the common purpefes of life. River water may be ren¬
dered ftill purer by filtration through fand and gravel *,
a method which was firil reforted to in Paiiley, and
more lately in Glafgow, for fupplying the inhabitants of
ihofe towns with good water.
RIVERS, Earl. See Wodevile.
RIVINA, a genus of plants belonging to the tetran-
dria clafs. See Botany Index. This plant is called
Solonides by Tournefort, and Piercea by Miller. There
are four fpecies which grow naturally in moll of the
iflands of the Weft Indies. The juice of the berries of
one fpecies will flain paper and linen of a bright red
colour, and many experiments made with it to colour
flowers have lucceeded extremely well in the following
manner: the juice of the berries wms preffed out, and
mixed with common water, putting it into a phial,
fluking it wrell together for fome time, till the water
was thoroughly tinged ; then the flowers, which were
white and juft fully blown, were cut off, and their
ftaiks placed into the phial: and in one night the flowers
have been finely variegated with red 5 the flowers on
which the experiments were made were the tuberofe, and
the double white narciffus.
RIVULET, a diminutive of river. See River.
ROACH. See Cyprinus, Ichthyology Index.
ROAD, an open way, or public paffage, forming a
communication between one place and another.
Of all the people in the world the Romans took the
moft pains in forming roads , and the labour and ex-
pences they were at in rendering them fpacious, firm,
ftraight, and fmooth, are incredible. They ufually
ftrengthened the ground by ramming it, laying it with
flints, pebbles, or fands, and fometimes with a lining
of mafonry, rubbifh, bricks, &c. bound together with
mortar. In fome places in the Lyonois, F. Meneftrier
obferves, that he has found huge clufters of flints ce¬
mented with lime, reaching 10 or 12 feet deep, and
R I V
making a mafs as hard and compact as marble ; and
which, after refilling the injuries of time for 1600
years, is ftill fcarcely penetrable by all the force of ham¬
mers, mattocks, &.c. and yet the flints it confifts of are
not bigger than eggs. The moft noble of the Roman
roads was the Via Appia, which was carried to fuch a
vaft length, that Procopius reckons it five days journey
to the end of it, and Leiplius competes it at 350 miles ;
it is 12 feet broad, and made of fquare free-ftone ge¬
nerally a foot and a half on each fide ; and though this
has lalted for above 1800 years, yet in many places it
is for feveral miles together as entire as when it was firft
made. 1
The ancient roads are diftinguiihed into military roads,
double roads, fubteiraucous roads, &.c The military
roads were grand roads, formed by tire Romans for
marching their armies into the provinces of the empire-5
the principal of thefe Roman roads in England are Wat •
ling-ftreef, Ikenild-ftreet, Fofs-way, and Erminage-ftreet.
Double roads among the Romans, were roads for car¬
riages, with two pavements, the one for thole going one
way, and (he other for thofe returning the other : thele
were feparated from each other by a caufeway raifed in
the middle, paved with bricks, for the conveniency of
foot paffengers } with borders and mounting ftones from
fpace to fpace, and niilliary columns to mark the di-
ftance. Subterraneous roads are tb.ofe dug through a
rock, and left vaulted } as that of Puzzuoli near Naples,
which is near half a league long, and is 13 feet broad
and as many high.
The firft law enadled refpedting highways and roads
in England was in the year 1285 ; when the lords of
the foil were enjoined to enlarge thofe ways where bulli¬
es, woods, or ditches be, in order to prevent robberies.
The next law was made by Edward III. in the year
1346 ; when a commiflion was granted by the king to
lay a toll on all forts of carriages pafling from the hof-
pital of St Giles in the fields to the bar of (he Old
Temple, and alfo through another highway called Port-
pool (now Gray's Inn Lane) joined to the before-named
highway ; which roads were become almoft impaffable.
Little further relating to this fubjeH occurs, till the
reign of Henry VIII. when the parilhes were entrufted
with the care of the roads, and furveyors werd annually
elected to take care of them. But the increafe of lux¬
ury and commerce introduced fuch a number of heavy
carriages for the conveyance of goods, and lighter ones
for the convenience and eafe of travelling, that pariftr
aid was found fufficient to keep the belt frequented roads
in repair. This introduced toll gates or turnpikes j that
fomething might be paid towards their fupport by every
individual who enjoyed the benefit of thele improve¬
ments, by pafling over the roads.
Speaking of roads, the Abbd Raynal juftly remarks.
M 2 “ Let
HOB [9
u Let us travel over all the countries of the earth, and
wherever we (hall find no facility of trading from a city
to a town, and from a village to a hamlet, we may pro¬
nounce the people to be barbarians ; and we {hall only
be deceived refpecting the degree of barbarifm.”
Road, in Navigation, a bay, or place of anchorage,
at fome diflance from the fhore, w’hither fhips or veffels
cccafionally repair to receive intelligence, orders, or ne-
ceflary fupplies ; or to wait for a fair wind, &c. The
excellence of a road confifts chiefly in its being protec¬
ted from the reigning winds and the fwell of the fea ;
in having a good anchoring-ground, and being at a com¬
petent diftance from the ihore. Thofe which are not
lufficiently inclofed are termed open roads.
ROAN, in the manege. A roan horfe is one of a
bay, forrel, or black colour, with grey or -white foots
interfperfed very thick. When this party-coloured coat
is accompanied with a black head and black extremi¬
ties, he is called a roan horfe with a biack-a-mooNs head:
and if the fame mixture is predominant upon a deep
forrel, he is called claret roan.
ROANOAK, an ifland of North America, near the
coalt of North Carolina. Here the Englifh firft at¬
tempted to fettle in 1585, but were obliged to leave it
for want of provilions. E. Long. 75. o. N. Lat. 35.
4°-
ROANOAK, a river of North America, which rifes in
Virginia, runs through Carolina, and at length falls into
the fea, where it forms a long narrow bay called Albe¬
marle found.
ROASTING, in metallurgic operations, fignifies the
diffipation of the volatile parts of an ore by means of
heat. See Ores, RedudHon of.
ROB, in Pharmacy, the juices of fruits purified and
infpiffated till it is of the confidence of honey.
ROBBERY, the rapina of the civilians, is the fe¬
lonious and forcible taking, from the perfon of another,
of goods or money to any value, by violence or putting
him in fear. 1. There muft be a taking, otherwife it
is no robbery. A mere attempt to rob was indeed held
to be felony fo late as Henry IVth’s time 5 but after¬
wards it was taken to be only a mifdemeanour, and
punifhable with fine and imprifonment •, till the ftatute 7
Geo. II. c. 21. which makes it a felony (tranfportable
for feven years) unlawfully and malicioufly to affault
another, with any ofifenfive weapon or inftrument;—or
by menaces, or by other forcible or violent manner, to
demand any money or goods ; with a felonious intent to
rob. If the thief, having once taken a purfe, returns it,
dill it is a robbery : and fo it is whether the taking be
ftridfly from the perfon of another, or in his prelence
only •, as where a robber by menaces and violence puts
a man in fear, and drives avTay his flieep or his cattle be¬
fore his face. 2. It is immaterial of what value the
thing taken is: a penny, as well as a pound thus forci¬
bly extorted, makes a robbery. 3. Laftly, tire taking
muft be by force, or a previous putting in fear *, vdiich
makes the violation of the perfon more atrocious than
privately Healing. For, according to the maxim of the
civil law1, “ fjui vi rapuit, fur improbior ejfe videturN
This previous violence, or putting in fear, is the criteri¬
on that diftinguifhes robbery from other larcenies. For
if one privately fleals fixpence from the perfon of ano¬
ther, and afterwards keeps it by putting him in fear, this
is no robbery, for the fear is fubfequent: neither is it
2 ] ROB
capital as privately dealing, being under the value of Robbery,
twelvepence. Not that it is indeed neceflary, though , R°^ert-
ufual, to lay in the indidfment that the robbery was _v
committed by putting in fear : it is fuflicient, if laid to
be done by violence. And when it is laid to be done
by putting in fear, this does not imply any great degree
of terror or affright in the party robbed : it is enough
that fo much force or threatening, by w-ord or gefture,
be ufed, as might create an apprehenfion of danger, or
induce a man to part with his property without or againft
his confent. Thus, if a man be knocked down without
previous warning, and ftripped of his property while
fenfelefs, though ftriflly he cannot be faid to be put in
fear, yet this is undoubtedly a robbery. Or, if a per¬
fon with a fword drawm begs an alms, and I give it him
through miftruft and apprehenfion of violence, this is a
felonious robbery. So if, under a pretence of fale, a
man forcibly extorts money from another, neither (hall
this fubterfuge avail him. But it is doubted, whether
the forcing a higler, or other chapman, to fell his wares,
and giving him the full value of them, amounts to fo
heinous a crime as robbery.
This fpecies of LARCENY is debarred of the benefit
of clergy by ftatute 23 Hen. VIII. c. x. and other lub-
fequent ilatutes; not indeed in general, but only when
committed in a dwTelling-houfe, or in or near the king’s
highway. A robbery, therefore, in a diftant field, or
footpath, wTas not punifhed wuth death •, but wras open
to the benefit of clergy, till the ftatute 3 and 4 W. and
M. c. 9. wdiich takes away clergy from both principals
and acceffories before the fa£I, in robbery, wherefoever
committed. See Law, N° clxxxvi. 20.
ROBERT Bruce, king of Scotland, in 1306 ; a re-
noxvned general, and the deliverer of his country from a
ftate of vaffalage to the Engliih. See SCOTLAND.
Robert, king of France, furnamed the Wife and the
Pious, came to the crown in 99^» after the death of
Hugh Capet his father. He xvas crowmed at Orleans,
the place of his nativity, and afterwards at Rheims, af¬
ter the imprifonment of Charles of Lorraine. He mar¬
ried Bertha his coufin, daughter of Conrad king of
Burgundy \ but the marriage was declared null by Gre¬
gory V. •, and the king, if w’e can give credit to Cardi¬
nal Peter Damien, was excommunicated. This ana¬
thema made fuch a noife in France, that all the king s
courtefans, and even his very domeftics, went away
from him. Only two continued with him ; who were
fo deeply impreffed w-ith a fenfe of horror at whatever the
king touched, that they purified it with fire : this fcruple
they carried fo far, as to the very plates on which he
wTas ferved with his meat, and the veffels out of which
he drank. The fame cardinal reports, that as a punifh-
ment for this pretended inceft, the queen was delivered
of a monfter, wdiich had the head and neck of a duck.
He adds, that Robert was fo ftruck with aftonifhment
at this fpecies of prodigy, that he lived apart from the
queen. He contra&ed a fecond marriage wuth Con-
ftance, daughter of William count of Arles and Pro¬
vence •, but the arrogant difpofition of this princefs
would have totally overturned the kingdom, and thrown
it into confufion, had not the wifdom of the king pre¬
vented her from intermeddling with the affairs of the
ftate. He carefully concealed from her wdatever a£fs
of liberality he fliowed to any of his domeftics. “ Take
care (faid he to them) that the queen don’t perceive
HOB [ 93 ] ROB
■Robert, it.” Henry duke of Burgundy, brother of Hugh Ca-
■ r—' pet, dying in 1002, without lawful iffue, left his duke¬
dom to his nephew the king ef France. Robert in¬
verted his fecond fon Henry with this dukedom, who
afterwards coming to the crown, refigned it in favour
of Robert his cadet. This duke Robert was chief of
the firit royal branch of the dukes of Burgundy, who
flourithed till 1361. This dukedom was then re-united
to the crown by King John, who gave it to his fourth
fon Philip the Bold, chief of the fecond houfe of Bur¬
gundy, which was terminated in the perfon of Charles
the Rafh who was ilain in 1477. King Robert was fo
much efteemed for his wifdom and prudence, that he
was offered the empire and kingdom of Italy, which,
however, he declined to accept. Hugh, called the Great,
whom he had had by Conllance, being dead, he caufed
his fecond fon Henry I. to be crowned at Kheims. He
died at Melun, July 20. 1031, at the age of 60. Ro¬
bert was, according to the knowledge of the times, a
wife prince. Helgand, friar of Fleury, relates, in his
life of him, that, to prevent his fubjedfs from falling
into the crime of perjury, and incurring the penalties
which followed thereon, he made them fwear upon a
•fhrine from which the relics had been previoufly re¬
moved, as if intention did not conftitute perjury ! and
long after fimilar reafoning was adopted. Robert built
a great number of churches, and procured a reftitution
to the clergy of the tithes and wealth which the lay-
lords had made themfelves mafters of. The depreda¬
tions were fuch, that the laity poffeffed the ecclefiafti-
cal treafures by hereditary titles ; they divided them
among their children ; they even gave benefices as a
dowry with their daughters, or left them to their fons
as lawful inheritance. Although Robert was pious,
and although he refpedfed the clergy, yet it was evi¬
dent that he oppofed the bifhops with a firmnefs and
refolution, of which, for many ages, they had no ex¬
amples. Lutheric archbilhop of Sens had introduced
into his diocefe the cuftom of proving by the eucharift
perfons accufed as guilty of any crime. The king
wrote to him in the following ftrong terms:—“ I fwear
(fays he) by the faith I ow’e to God, that if you do not
put a flop to the grofs abufe complained of, you {hall be
deprived of your prierthood.” The prelate was forced
to comply. He punhhed, in 1022, the Manicheens,
canons of Orleans, by burning them at the flake. There
are, however, recorded of him fome lefs fevere adrtions,
which it is right to mention. A dangerous confpiracy
againft his perfon and government having been difco-
vered, and the authors taken into curtody, he feized the
moment when their judges had met to fentence them to
death, to caufe an elegant repaft to be ferved up to them.
Next day they wTere admitted to the eucharift. Then
Robert told them, that he gave them their pardon, “ be-
caufe none of thofe can die whom Jefus Chrift came to
receive at his table.” One day when he was at prayers
in the chapel, he perceived a thief, who had cut off the
half of the fringe of his mantle, proceeding to take the
remainder j “ Friend (fays he with a pleafant counten¬
ance), be content with what you have already taken,
the reft will very well ferve fome other.” Robert cul¬
tivated, and was a patronizer of the fciences. There
are feveral hymns wrote by him, which ftill continue to
be fung in the church. His reign was happy and tran¬
quil. According to fome authors, he inftituted the order
ot the Star, commonly attributed to King John.
RoBEJiT of France, fecond fon of Louis VIII. and
brother to St Louis, who erefted in his favour Artois
into a royal peerage in the year 1237. It was during
this time that the unlucky difference between Pope Gre¬
gory IX. and the emperor Frederic II. took place.
Gregory offered to St Louis the empire for Robert j
but the French nobleffe, having met to deliberate on
this propofal, were of opinion that he ought to rejetff
it. He gave the pope for anfwer : “ That Count Ro¬
bert efteemed himfelf fufftciently honoured by being the
brother of a king, who furpaffed in dignity, in ftrength,
in wealth, and in birth, all other monarchs in the world.”
Robert accompanied St Louis into Egypt, and fought
with more bravery than prudence at the battle of Maf-
foure, on the 9th of February 1250. In his purfuit of
the cowards through a certain fmall village, he wras kill¬
ed by ftones, flicks, and other things which they threw
at him from the windows. He was an intrepid prince,
but too paffionate, dogmatical, and quarrelfome.
Robert II. Count of Artois, fon of the preceding,
furnamed the Good and the Noble, was at the expedi¬
tion into Africa in 1 270. He drove the rebels from
Navarre in 1276. He brought a very powerful allift-
ance to Charles I. king of Naples, of which kingdom
he was regent during the captivity of Charles II. He
defeated the Arragonians in Sicily in 1289, the Eng-
liftr near Bayonne in 1296, and the Flemilh at Furnes
in 1298. But having in 1302 imprudently attempted
to force thefe laft, when encamped near Courtray, he
received no lefs than 30 wounds; and in that expedition
loft both his honour and his life. He was a brave, but
paflionate and fierce man, and good at nothing but pu-
giliftic encounters. Mahaud his daughter inherited the
dukedom of Artois, and gave herfelf in marriage to Otho
duke of Burgundy, by whom fire had two daughters,
Jane wife of Philip the Long, and Blanche wife of
Charles the Fair. In the mean time Philip, fon of Ro¬
bert II. had a fon.
Robert III. who difputed the dukedom of Artois
with Mahaud his aunt •, but he loft his fuit by two
fentences given in againft him in 1302 and 1318. He
wiflred to revive the procefs in 1329, under Philip of
Valois, by means of pretended new titles, which were
found to be falfe. Robert was condemned the third
time, and banifhed the kingdom in 1331. Having
found an afylum with Edward III. king of England,
he undertook to declare him king of France \ which
proved the caufe of thofe long and cruel wars which
diftreffed that kingdom. Robert was wounded at the
fiege of Vannes in 1342, and died of his wound in Eng¬
land. John, fon to Robert, and count of Eu, was taken
prifoner at the battle of Poitiers in 1396, and termi¬
nated his career in 1387. His fon Philip II. high con-
ftable of France, carried on war in Africa and Hungary,
and died in 1397, being a prifoner of the Turks. " Iffe
had a fon named Charles, who died in 1472, leaving no
iffue.
CHARI.ES of Anjou, furnamed the Wife, third fon of
Charles the Lame, fucceeded his father in the kingdom
of Naples in I3°9> by the protection of the popes, and
the will of the people, to the exclufion of Charobert
fon of his eldeft brother. He aided the Roman pontiffs
againfi
Robert.
Hob [ 94 ] rob
agalnfl the emperor Henry VII. and, after the death of
that prince, was nominated in 1313 vicar of the empire
in Italy, in temporal matters, unlei's a new emperor was
eledted. This title was given him by Clement V. in
virtue of a right which he pretended to have to govern
the empire during an interregnum. Robert reigned with
glory 33 years, eight months, and died on the 19th of
January 1343, aged 64. “ This prince (fays M. De
Montigni) had not thofe qualities which conftitute he¬
roes, but he had thole which make good kings. He
was religious, affable, generous, kind, wife, prudent, and
a zealous promoter of juft ice.” He was called the So-
lotnon of his age. He loved the poor, and caufed a
ticket to be placed upon his palace, to give notice when
he meant to dillribute from the throne. He bad no
other paffion but a very great love for learning. He
ufed to fay, that he would rather renounce his crown
than his lludy. His court foon became the fanctuary
of the fciences, which he encouraged equally by his ex¬
ample and his bounty. This prince was verfed in theo-
logyj jurifprudence, pbilofophy, mathematics, and medi¬
cine. Bocace fays, “ that fmee the days of Solomon
we have not feen fo wife a prince upon the throne.”
For a great part of his life he had no talte for poetry 3
he even defpiled it, as, in his opinion, unworthy of a man
of learning. A converfation which he had with Pe¬
trarch, however, undeceived him •, he retained this poet
at his court, and attempted himfelf to write fome poems,
which are flill extant. He was forced to engage a lit¬
tle in war, for which he poffeffed no great talents ; al¬
luding to which, may be feen on his tomb a wolf and a
lamb drinking out of the fame veffel. Philip of Valois
refrained from giving battle in 1339, by the repeated
advice which this prince gave him, who was a great
friend to France, both from inclination and inlerefb He
detefted quarrels among Chriftian princes, and had ftu-
died the fcience of aftrology, not fo much to know the
courfe of the liars, as to learn by this chimerical fcience
the hidden things of futurity. He believed that he read
in the grand book of heaven a very great misfortune
which would befal France if Philip hazarded a battle
againlf the Englilh.
ROBERT the Firjl, called the Magnificent, duke of
Normandy, fecond Ion of Richard II. fucceeded in 1028
his brother Richard III. whom it is reported he poifon-
ed. He had early in his reign to fupprefs frequent re¬
bellions of feveral of the great vaffals. He re-ellablilh-
ed in his elfates Baudouin IV. count of Flanders, who
had been unjuftly ftript of his poffelhons by his own fon.
He forced Canute king of Denmaik, who was alfo king
of England, to divide his poffeflxons with his coufins Al¬
fred and Edward. In the year 1035, he undertook
barefooted a journey to the Holy Land 3 on his return
from wdrich he died, being poifoned at Nice in Bithynia,
leaving as his fucceffor William his natural fon, after¬
wards king of England, whom he had caufed before his
departure to be publicly acknowledged in an affembly
of the Hates of Normandy.
Robert, or Rupert, furnamed the Short and the
Mild, de£for Palatine, fon of Robert the Niggardly,
was born in 1352, and defied emperor of Germany in
1400, after the depofition of the cruel Wencdlas. In
order to gain the affeflion of the Germans, he wilhed
to rdlore Milanes to the empire, which Wencdlas had
taken from it 3 but his attempts in this refpeft were
3
unfuccefsful. His attachment to the anti-pope Gregory RTerq
XII. entirely alienated the affedlions of the German .R"l t tll-i
princes. To fuch a degree w ere they incer.fed againft
him, that they entered into a ccnfpiracy to cut him off 3
but his death, which happened on the 18th of May
1410, being then 58 years old, put a Hop to their ma¬
chinations. Robert began to1 fettle the fovereignty of
the German princes. The emperors had formerly re¬
tained in their own hands the power of life and death,
within the territories of 'a great many ol the nobles 3
but he yielded them this right by his letters patent.^—
The chief fault imputed to this prince was an excefs of
lenity. But, if we confider the plots which he had to
deleft, the confpiracies which he had to fiufirate, the
fecret and powerful enemies he had to deal with 3 if we
inquire alfo into the commotions which the wicked ad-
miniilration of Wencefias had excited, the irruptions
and devallations of plunderers and highway robbers,
which the nobles countenanced, and the diftrefled fitua-
tion in which he found Germany, we mull without he-
fitation conclude, that his lenity indicated his prudence,
in reitoring by flow degrees the empire to its original
tranquillity. Robert had his virtues, he loved his fub-
jefts, and governed them with wifdcm. Poffeffed of
much political knowledge for the age in which he lived,
he wanted nothing but talents for war to make him an
accomplilhed prince. He was twice married. The name
and rank of his firft wife is unknown 3 he had by her a
ion, who died before him. His fecond wife was Eliza¬
beth, daughter of Frederic burgrave of Nuremberg, by
whom he had five fons and three daughters. The three
daughters were, Margaret married to Charles duke of
Lorrain 3 Agnes to Adolphus duke of Cleves ; Eliza¬
beth to Frederic duke of Auftria. His fons were, Louis
the firft of tbe eleftoral branch, which became extinft:
in 1 959 ; John father of Chriilopher king of Denmark 3
Frederic who died without iffue 3 Otho count of Sint-
fheim 3 laftly, Stephen, from whom defeended the elec¬
tor, and the other counts palatine cf the Rhine, who are
extant at this day.
ROBERT of Bavaria, prince palatine of the Rhine,
and duke of Cumberland, the fon of Frederic, eleftor
palatine, by Elizabeth, daughter of James I. king of
England, diftinguilhed himfelf by his valour as a general
and admiral 3 firll in the Dutch, and then in the Eng-
lifh fervice. He w-as unfuccefsful in the caufe of his
uncle Charles I. againft the parliament forces 3 but un¬
der Charles II. he defeated the Dutch fleet, and w^as
made lord high admiral of England in 1673. ^ his
prince was a lover of the fciences, and particularly fkil-
ful in chemiftry. He died in 1682.
ROBERTSON, Dr William, one of the moft ce¬
lebrated hiftorians of his age, was one of thofe great
charafters, w-hole private life, flowing in. an even and
unvaried ftream, can afford no important information to
the biographer, although his writings wdll be read to the
lafeft pofteritjr with undiminifhed pleafure. He was
born at the manfe of Borthwick in the year 1721. His
father was, at the time of his death, one of the rr.:ni-
fters of the Old Grey Friars church in Edinburgh, which
the Doftor came afterwards to fupply. In 1743 he was
licenced preacher, and placed in the pariflr of Gladf-
muir in 1744) whence, in 1758, he was tranflated to
Lady Yefter’s parifh in Edinburgh. In 1761, on the
death of Principal Goldie, he was elefted principal of
ROB [
rtfon. the univedity of Edinburgh, and appointed one of the
minifters of the. Old Grey Friars church. About this
period he received the degree of Doftor ot Divinity,
and was appointed hiftoriographer to his majefty for
Scotland, and one of his majefty’s chaplains for that
kingdom.
We find it not eafy to afcertain at what period were
firfi: unfolded the great and fingular talents which de-
ftined Dr Robertfon to be one of the firft writers that
refcued this itlmd from the reproach of not having any
good hidorians. We are, however, allured, that be¬
fore the publication of any of his literary performances,
even from his firtt appearance in public life, his abilities
had begun to attract the notice of obferving men ; and
to his more intimate friends he difcovered marks of fuch
high-minded ambition, as, feconded by thofe abilities,
could not have failed to carry him to^ the firll honours
of his profeflion, in whatever fphere he had been pla¬
ced, and whatever oppofition he might have had to
combat.
The firlt theatre that offered for the difplay of his
talents, was the General Affembly of the Church of
Scotland. £t is the annual meetings of this court that
produce to view men who would otherwife remain in
the deepeft obfcurity. There the humble pallor, whofe
lot has been call in the remote!!: corner of the High¬
land wilds, feels himfelf, for a tune, on a footing of
equality with the firft citizen in tire kingdom : he can
there difpute with him the prize of eloquence, the mod
flattering diftinclion to a liberal mind ; a diftinflion
which is naturally fought after with the greater eager-
nefs in that affembly, as the Ample eftablkhment of the
church of Scotland has rendered it the only pre eminence
to which the greateft part of its members can ever hope
to attain!
From the moment Dr Robertfon firft appeared in
this affembly, he became the objefi of univerfal atten¬
tion and appiaufe. His fpeeches -were marked with the
fame manly and perfuafive eloquence that diftinguiftres
his hiftorical compofitions •, and it was obferved by all,
that while his young rivals in oratory contented them-
felves with opening a caufe, or delivering a ftudied ha¬
rangue, he (howed equal ability to ftavt objeftions, to
anfwer, or to reply and that even his moft unpremedi¬
tated effufions were not unadorned with thofe harmoni¬
ous and feemingly meafured periods, which have been fo
much admired in his works of labour and refleftion. He
foon came to be confidered as the ableft fupporter of the
caufe he chofe to efpoufe, and was now the unrivalled
leader of one of the great parlies which have long di¬
vided the church of which he was a member.
When we reflect upon this ciicumftance, and confider
how much mankind are the fame in every fociety, we
lhall be the lefs lurprifed to find, in the literary works
of Dr Robertfon, an acquaintance with the human
heart, and a knowledge of the world, which we look
for in vain in other hiftorians. The man who has fpent
his life in the difficult talk of conducting the delibera¬
tions of a popular affembly, in regulating the pafiions,
the interefts, the prejudices, of a numerous fadion, has
advantages over the pedant, or mere man of letters,
which no ability, no ftudy, no fecond-hand information,
can ever compenfate.
The firft work which extended the Doctor’s reputa¬
tion beyond the walls of the general affembly, was a
95 2 ROB
fermon preached at Edinburgh before the fociety for Robe
propagating Chriftian knowledge, and afterwards pub- ’
hiked ; the fubjeft of which was, ‘ The Hate of the
world at the appearance of Jefus Chrift.’ The inge¬
nuity with which a number of detached circumftances
are there collefted, and drown to tend to one tingle
point, may perhaps rival the art which is fo much ad¬
mired in the bifnop of Meaux’s celebrated Univerfal
Hiftoiy.
I his lermon did great honour to the author ; and it
is probably to the reputation he gained by it, that we
ought to attribute the unanimity with which he was
called to be one of Tie minifters of Edinburgh—a»
event which happened not long after, viz. in the year
I75S. In 1759, he publiffied, in two volumes quarto,
‘ The Hiftory of Scotland, during the reigns of Queen
Mary and oi King James \ I. till his Acceffion to the
Crown of England, with a Review of the Scots Hiftory
previous to that period.’ This work in its ftru£lure
is one of the moft complete of all modern hiftories. It
is not a dry jejune narrative of events, deftitute of orna¬
ment ; nor is it a mere frothy relation, all glow and co¬
louring. The hiftorian difeovers a fufficient (tore of
imagination to engage the reader’s attention, with a
due proportion of judgement to check the exuberance of
fancy. The arrangement of his work is admirable, and
his deferiptions are animated. His ftyle is copious,
nervous, and correff. He has clifplayed confummate
Ikjll in rendering fuch paffages of our hiftory as are fa.
miliar to our recolle&ion agreeable and entertaining.
He has embellilhed old materials with all the elegance
of modern drefs. He has very judicioufly avoided too
circumftantial a detail of trite fa£ls. His narratives are
fuccinct and fpirited 5 his reflections copious, frequent,
and generally pertinent. His fentiments refpedting the
guilt of Mary have indeed been warmly controverted by
Mefirs Tytler, Stuart, and Whitaker ; and, till the pub¬
lication of Mr Laing’s Differtation on the fame fabjeft,
(fee Mary, life of) the general opinion feemed to be,
that their viftory was complete. That vi&ory, how¬
ever, on the part of Whitaker, is fullied by the acri¬
mony with which he writes. Dr Robertfon w’as no ran¬
corous or malignant enemy of the unfortunate queen.
While relating, what he doubtlefs believed, he makes
every poffible allowance for Mary from the circumftan¬
ces in which flie was placed •, and his hiftory will bs
read with -pleafure by candid men of all parlies as long
as the language in which it is compofed fliall continue to
be underftood.
In 176c), Dr Robertfon publifhed, in three volumes
quarto, The Hiftory of the Reign of the Emperor
Charles V. with a View of the Progrefs of Society in
Europe, from the Subverfion of the Roman Empire
to the beginning of the 16th century The vail and
general importance of the period which this hiftory
comprifes, together with the reputation which our hi¬
ftorian had defervedly acquired, co operated to raife
fuch high expe&ations in the public, that no work per¬
haps was ever more impatiently wiffied for, or perufed
with greater avidity. The firft volume (which is a pre¬
liminary one, containing the progrefs of fociety in Eu¬
rope, as mentioned in the title) is a very valuable part
of the work ; for it ferves not only as a key to the
pages that follow, but may be confidered as a general
intiodu&ion to the ftudy of hiftory in that period in
which
ROB
Rob art fun. which the feveral powers of Europe were forriied into
'V one great political fyftem, in wh;ch each took a ftation,
wherein it has iince remained (till within a very few
years at leall) with lefs alterations than could have been
expe&ed, after the fliocks occafioned by fo many inter¬
nal revolutions, and fo many foreign wars. Of the hi-
Ilory itfelf, it may be fufficient to obferve, that it is
iuftly ranked among the capital pieces of hiftorical ex¬
cellence. There is an elegance of expreflion, a depth
of difcernmentj and a corretdnets of judgement, which
do honour to the hiiforian. The characters are inimi¬
tably penned. They are not contralted by a ftudied
antithefis, but by an oppofition which rdults from a
veryr acute and penetrating iniight into the real merits
of each character, fairly deduced from the feveral cir-
cumftances of his conduCt exemplified in the hiltory.
For this work the author received 4500I. fterling.
In 1779, Dr Robertfon publifhed The Hiftory of
America, in two volumes quarto. This celebrated
work may be confidered with great propriety as a fc-
quel to the preceding hiftory. From the clofe of the
x sth century we date the molt fplendid era in the an¬
nals of modern times. Difcoveries were then made, the
Influence which defeended to pofterity •, and events
happened that gave a new direction to the fpirit of na¬
tions.
To the inhabitants of Europe, America Was in every
refpeCt a new world. ’('here the face of the earth
changed its appearance. The plants and trees and
animals were ftrange •, and nature feemed no longer the
fame. A continent opened that appeared to have re¬
cently come from the hands of the Creator, and which
fhowed lakes, rivers, and mountains, on a grander fcale,
and the vegetable kingdom in greater magnificence, than
in the other quarters of the globe j but the animal
tribes in a ftate of degradation, few in number, degene¬
rated in kind, imperfeCt, and unfinilhed. The human
fpecies in the earlieft ftage of its progrefs, vaft and nu¬
merous nations in the rudeft form of the favage ftate
which philofophers have Contemplated, and two great
empires in the lowed: degree of civilization Which any
records have tranfmitted to our review, prefented to
the philofophic eye at this period the moft fruitful fub-
jeCt of fpeculation that was to be found in the annals of
hiftory.
The difeovery of the New World, moreover, was
not only a curious fpeftacle to the philofopher, but, by
the change which it effected, an interefting fpeftacle to
the human race. When Columbus fet fail for unknown
lands, he little expected that he was to make a revolu¬
tion in the fyftem of hqman affairs, and to form the
deiiiny of Europe for ages to come. The importance
and celebrity therefore of the fubjeft had attracted the
attention of philofophers and hiftorians. Views and
Jketches of the new world had been given by able wri¬
ters, and fplendid portions of the American ftory had
been adorned with all the beauties of eloquence. But,
prior to the appearance of Dr Robertfon’s hiftory, no
author had beftewed the mature and profound invefti-
gation which fuch a fubjeft required, or bad finithed,
upon a regular plan, that complete narration and per¬
fect whole which it is the province of the hiftorian
to tranfmit to pofterity. And as the fubjedl upon
which our author entered was grand, his execution was
mafterly. The charader of his former works was im-
4
[ 1
ROB
mediately difeerned in it. They had been read with RoSeitfon.
uncommon admiration. When the Hiftory of Scotland yl“ntuJ
was firft publiihed, and the author altogether unknown,
Lord Chefterfield pronounced it to be equal in elo¬
quence and beauty to the productions of Livy, the pu-
reft and moft claflical of all the Roman hiftorians. His
literary reputation was not confined to his own coun¬
try : the teftimony of Europe was foon added to the
voice of Britain. It may be mentioned, indeed, as the
charaCteriftic quality of cur author’s manner, that he
poffeffed in no common degree that fupported elevation
which is fuitable to compofttions of the higher clafs $
and, in his Hiftory of America, he difplayed that hap¬
py union of ftrength and grace which becomes the ma-
jefty of the hiftoric mufe. In the fourth book of his
firft volume, which contains a defeription of America
when firft difeovered, and a philolophical inquiry into
the manners and policy of its ancient inhabitants, he
difplays, moreover, fo much patient inveftigation and
found philofophy, abounds in luch beautiful or intereft¬
ing defeription, and exhibits fuch variety and copiouf-
nefs of elegant writing, that future times will probably
refer to it as that part of his works which gives the belt
idea of his genius, and is the moft: finifhed of all his
productions.
In 1 787 appeared a tranflation of the abbe Clavige-
ro’s Hiftory of Mexico; in which work the author
threw out various reflections, tending in feveral inftan-
ces to impeach the credit of Dr Robertfon’s Hiftory of
America. This attack induced cur learned hiftorian to
revife his work, and to inquire into the truth of the
charges brought againft it by the hiftorian of New
Spain : and this he appears to have done with a becom¬
ing attention to the importance of the faCts that are
controverted, and to the common interefts of truth.
The refult he publiihed in 1788, under the title of
Additions and CorreClions to the former Editions of
Dr Robertfon’s Hiftory of America.—In many of the
difputed paffages, he fully anfwered the abbe Clavigero,
and vindicated himfelf: in others he candidly fubmit-
ted to correCHonj and thus gave additional value to his
own work.
The literary labours of Dr Robertfon appear to have
been terminated in 1791 by the publication of An Hi¬
ftorical Difquifition concerning the Knowledge which
the Ancients had of India, and the progrefs of Trade
with that Country prior to the Difeovery of the Paffage
to it by the Cape of Good Hope ; with an Appendix*
containing Obfervations on the Civil Polity, the Laws,
and Judicial Proceedings, the Arts, the Sciences, and
Religious Inftitutions of the Indians.-—The perufal of
Major Rennel’s Memoir, for illuftrating his map of Hin-
doftan, fuggefted to Dr Robertfon the defign of exa¬
mining more fully than he had done, in his Hiftory of
America, into the knowledge which the ancients had
of India, and of coniidering what is certain, what is ob-
feure, and what is fabulous, in their accounts of that
remote country. Of his various performances, this is
not that of which the defign is the moft extenfive, or
the execution the moft elaborate ; but in this hiftorical
difquifition we perceive the fame patient affiduity in col¬
lecting his materials, the fame difeernment in arranging
them, the fame pevfpicuity of narrative, and the fame
power of illuftration, which fo eminently diftinguifti his
other writings, and which have long rendered them the
delight
0
Pv 0 B r 97 1 ROB
Robertfon deliglit of the BritHh reader at home and an honour to
l| . Britifh literature abroad.
. ° In'a‘. A truly ufeful life Dr Robertfon clofed on the nth
of June 1793, at Grange-Houfe, near Edinburgh, after
a lingering iilnefs, which he endured with exemplary
fortitude and refignation. It may be juftly obferved of
him, that no man lived more refpefted, or died more
fincerely lamented. Indefatigable in his literary re-
fearches, and poffeffing from nature a found and vigo¬
rous underitanding, he acquired a Itore of ufeful knowT-
ledge, which afforded ample fcope for the exertion of
his extraordinary abilities, and railed him to the mod
diftinguiihed eminence in the republic of letters. As a
minilter of the gofpel, he was a faithful pallor, and
-jultly merited the eileem and veneration of his Hock.
In a word, he may be pronounced to be one of the mod
perfeft characters of the age •, and his name will be a
lading honour to the illand that gave him birth. His
converfation was cheerful, entertaining, and indruClive 5
his manners affable, pleafing, and endearing.
ROBERVALLIAN lines, a name given to certain
lines uled for the transformation of figures, fo called
from Roberval the inventor of them.
Thefe lines are the boundaries of lines infinitely ex¬
tended in length, yet equal to other fpaces which are
terminated on all fides.
It is obferved by the abbot Gallois, that the method
of transforming figures which is explained at the end of
Roberval’s treatife of Indivifibles, was the fame with
that aftenvards publilhed by James Gregory, in his
Geometria Univerfalis, and alfo by Dr Barrow in his
LeSliones Geometricce; and that it appears from Torri¬
celli’s letter, that Roberval was the inventor of this me¬
thod of transforming figures, by means of certain lines,
called by Torricelli, for that reafon, Robervallian lines.
The fame author adds, that J. Gregory probably fird
learned this method at Padua in-the year 1668 ; for the
method was knowm in Italy in 1646, although the book
was not publilhed till 1692.
David Gregory endeavoured to refute this account,
in vindication of his uncle James, whofe anfwTer appear¬
ed in the Phil. Tranf. for 1694, and the abbot rejoined
in the Memoirs of the French Academy for 1703 j fo
that it remains in a date of uncertainty to which of the
two we are to afcribe the invention.
ROBIGUS and ROBIGO, a Roman god and god-
defs, who joined in the prefervation of corn from blight.
Their fedival was kept on the 25th of April.
ROBIN hood. See Hood.
ROBIN-Redbrcq/l. See Motacilla, ORNITHOLOGY
Index.
ROBINIA, FALSE acacia ; a genus of plants be¬
longing to the diadelphia clafs •, and in the natural me¬
thod ranking under the 3 2d order, PapUionacete. See Bo¬
tany Index. There are nine fpecies included under this
genus, and the mod remarkable are the caragnana and
ierox, the leaves of the former of which are conjugated,
and compofed of a number of fmall follicles, of an oval
figure, and ranged by pairs on one common dock. The
dowers are leguminous, and are cludered on a filament.
Every flower confids of a fmall bell-lhaped petal, cut
into four fegments at the edge, the upper part being ra¬
ther the wided. The keel is fmall, open, and rounded.
The wings are large, oval, and a little raifed. Within
are 1 o damina united at the bafe, curved towards the
Vol, XVIIL Part L
top, and rounded at the fummit. In the midd of a Robinia.
{heath, formed by the filaments of the damina, the pi- ~ *—
dil is perceivable, confiding of an oval germen, termi¬
nated by a kind of button. This germen becomes af¬
terwards an oblong flattilh curved pod, containing four
or five feeds, of a fize and fhape irregular and unequal ;
yet in both refpefts fomewhat relembling a lentil.
This tree grows naturally in the fevere climates of
Northern Afia, in a fandy foil mixed with black light
earth. It is particularly found on the banks of great
rivers, as the Oby, Jenifei, &c. It is very rarely met
with in the inhabited parts of the country, becaufe
cattle are very fond of its leaves, and hogs of its roots j
and it is fo hardy, that the fevered winters do not af-
fedf it. Gmelin found it in the neighbourhood of To-
bolfk, buried under 15 feet of fnow and ice, yet had
it not differed the lead damage. Its culture confids in
being planted or fowed in a lightifh fandy foil, which
mud on no account have been lately manured. It
thrives belt near a river, or on the edge of a brook or
fpring j but prefently dies if planted in a mardiy fpot,
where the water dagnates. If it is planted on a rich
foil, well tilled, it will groiv to the height of 20 feet,
and in a very few years will be as big as a common
birch tree.
In a very bad foil this tree degenerates, and becomes
a mere dirub : the leaves grow hard, and their fine
bright green colour is changed to a dull deep green.
The Tungufian Tartars, and the inhabitants of the
northern parts of Siberia, are very fond of the fruit of
this tree, it being almod the only fort of pulfe they eat.
M, Strahlemberg, author of a well-edeemed defeription
of Siberia, affures us that this fruit is tolerably pleafant
food, and very nouridiing. Thefe peafe are fird infufed
in boiling water, to take off a certain acrid tade, and
are afterwards dreffed like common peafe or Windfor
beans 5 and being ground into meal, pretty good cakes
are made of them. The leaves and tender dioots of this
tree make excellent fodder for feveral forts of cattle.
The roots, being fweet and fucculent, are very well
adapted to fattening hogs; and the fruit is greedily eat¬
en by all forts of poultry. After feveral experiments
fomewhat fimilar to the methods ufed with anil and in¬
digo, a fine blue colour was procured from its leaves.
The fmaller kind of this tree feems dill better adapted
to anfwer this purpofe. The driking elegance of its
foliage, joined to the pleafing yellow colour of its beau¬
tiful flowers, fhould, one would imagine, bring it into
requed for forming nofegays, or for fpeedily making an
elegant hedge.
Befides the qualities above recited, it poffeffes the un¬
common advantage of growing exceedingly quick, and
of being eafily tranfplanted. There are large planta¬
tions of it now in Sweden, Norway, Lapland, and Ice¬
land. Linnaeus affures us, that, after the Finns fol. qui-
nis, erroneoufly called the cedar tree of Siberia, this
tree, of all that are to be found in Siberia, is mod wor¬
thy of cultivation.
The robinia ferox is a beautiful hardy flirub, and,
on account of its robud flrong prickles, might be in¬
troduced into this country as a hedge plant, with
much propriety. It refids the fevered cold of the cli¬
mate of St Peterfburgh, and perfects its feed in the im¬
perial garden there. It rifes to the height of fix or
eight feet 3 does not fend out fuckers from the root,
N ncr
ROB [ QS ] HOB
nor ramble 10 much as to be with difficulty kept with¬
in bounds. Its flowers arc yellow, and the general co¬
lour of the plant a light pleating green. A figure of
it is given in the Flora Rojica by Dr Pallas, who found
it in the fouthern dillricts, and fent the ieeds to St Pe-
terfburgh, where it has profpered in a ftuation where
few plants can be made to live.
ROBINS, Benjamin, a moil ingenious mathemati¬
cian, was born at Bath in 1707. His parents were
Quakers of low condition, and confequently were un¬
able to have him much inflrudted in human learning.
But his own propenfity to fcience having procured him
a recommendation to Dr Pemberton at London, by his
afliftance, while he attained the fublimer pails of ma¬
thematical knowledge, he commenced teacher of the
mathematics. But the bufinefs of teaching, xvhich re¬
quired confinement, not fuiting his aftive diipofition, he
gradually declined it, and engaged in bufinefs that re¬
quired more exercife. Hence he tried many laborious
experiments in gunnery, from the perfuafon that the re-
fiftance of the air has a much greater influence on fwift
projeftiles than is generally imagined. Hence alfo he
was lal to confider the mechanic arts that depend on
mathematical principles ; as the conftrudlion of mills,
the building of bridges, the draining of fens, the ren¬
dering of rivers navigable, and the making of har¬
bours. Among other arts, fortification much engaged
his attention ; and he met wfith opportunities of perfect¬
ing himfelf by viewing the principal ftrong places of
Flanders, in feme tours he made abroad with pexfons of
diilinction.
Upon bis return from one of thefe excurfions, he
found the learned amufed with Dr Berkeley’s work,
intitled The Analyft, in which an attempt w-as made to
explode the method of fluxions. Mr Robins was there¬
fore advifed to clear up this affair by giving a dillinct
account of Sir Ifaac Newton’s dodtrines, in fuch a man¬
ner as to obviate all the objections that had been made
without naming them. Accordingly he' publifhed, in
1735, A Difcourfe concerning the Nature and Certain¬
ty of Sir Ilaac Newton’s Method or Fluxions : and
fome exceptions being made to his manner of defending
Sir Ifaac Newton, he aftenvards wrrote twro or three ad¬
ditional difeourfes. In 1738 he defended the fame great
philofopher againft an objection contained in a note at
the end of a Latin piece, called Mat ho, Jive Cofmotheo-
ria puerilis ; and the following year printed Remarks on
M. Euler’s Treatife of Motion, on Dr Smith’s Syftem
of Optics, and on Dr Jurin’s Difcourfe of diltinCt and
indiftinCt Vifion annexed to Dr Smith’s work. In the
meanwhile, Mr Robins did not folely confine himfelf to
mathematical fubjeCts : for in 1739 he publilhed three
pamphlets on political affairs, without his name *, when
two of them, relating to the convention and negocia-
tions with Spain, wrere fo univerfally efteemed, as to oc-
cafion his being employed in a very honourable poll •,
for on a committee being appointed to examine into the
paft conduCt of Sir Robert Walpole, he was chofen
their fecretary.
In 1742, Mr Robins publifhed a finall treatife, inti¬
tled New Principles of Gunnery, containing the refult of
many experiments; wdien a Difcourfe being publifhed in
the Philofophical TranfaCtions, in order to invalidate
feme of bis opinions, he thought proper, in an account he
gave of his book in the fame TranfaCtions, to take notice
of thofc experiments 3 in confequence of which, feveral Rol
of his Differtations on the Refiftance of the Air were read,
and the experiments exhibited before the Royal Society, i>'
for wrhich he wras prefented by that honourable body
with a gold medal.
In J 748 appeared Lord Anfon’s Voyage round the
World, which, though Mr Walter’s name is in the title,
has been generally thought to be the work of Mr Robins.
Mr Walter, chaplain on board the Centurion, had
brought it down to his departure from Macao for Eng¬
land, w hen he propofed to print the work by fubferiptiou.
It was, however, it is laid, thought proper, that an able
judge fhould review and correCt it, and Mr Robins was
appointed 3 when, upon examination, it was refolved that
the whole fhould be written by Mr Robins, and that
what Mr Walter had done Ihould only ferve as materials.
Hence the introduction entire, and many differtations in
in the body of the w'ork, it is faid, were compofed by
him, without receiving the lead affiitance from Mr Wai¬
ter’s manufeript, which chiefly related to the w ind and
the weather, the currents, courfes, bearings, diftancesr
the qualities of the ground on which they anchored, and
fuch particulars as generally fill up a failor’s account.
No production of this kind ever met with a more favour¬
able reception 3 four large imprefiions w'ere fold within
a twelvemonth 3 and it has been tranflated into mod of
the languages of Europe. The fifth edition, printed at
London in 1749, was revifed and corrected by Mr Ro
bins himfelf. It appears, however, from the corrigenda
and addenda to the id volume of the Biographia Britan-
nica, printed in the beginning of the fourth volume of
that work, that Mr Robins was only confulted with re-
fpeCt to the difpofdion of the drawings, and that he had
left England before the book was printed. Whether this
be the faCt, as it is afferted to be by the widow7 of Mr
Walter, it is not for us to determine.
It is certain, however, that Mr Robins acquired the
fame, and he was foon after defired to compofe an apo¬
logy for the unfortunate affair at Preftonpans in Scot¬
land, which wras prefixed as a preface to The Report
of the Proceedings of the Board of General Officers on
their Examination into the conduCt of Lieutenant-
General Sir John Cope 3 and this preface wras efteemed
a mafterpiece in its kind. He afterwards, through the
inteieft of Lord Apfon, contributed to the improve¬
ments made in the Royal Obfervatory at Greenwich.
Having thus eftabliftied his reputation, he was offered
the choice of two confiderable employments 3 either to
go to Paris as one of the commiffaries for adjufting the
limits of Acadia, or to be engineer-general to the Eatt
India company. He chofe the latter, and arrived in
the Eaft Indies in 17503 but the climate not agree¬
ing with his conftitution, he died there the year fol¬
lowing.
ROBINSON, THE MOST REV. Sir Richard, arch-
biftiop of Armagh and Lord Rokeby, w as immediately
defeended from the Robinfons of Rokeby in the north
riding of the county of York, and wTas born in 1709.
He was educated at Weftminfter febool, from whence
he was eleCted to Chrift-Church, Oxford, in 1726.
After continuing his fludies there the ufual time, Doc¬
tor Black’ourne, archbilhop of York, appointed him his
chaplain, and collated him fiift to the reCtory of Elton,
in the eaft riding of Yorkflme, and next to the pre¬
bend of Grindal, in the cathedral of York. In 1751
ROC [ 99 ] ROB
Robiuibn. he attended tne duke of Dorfet, loid-lieutenant of Ire-
v " land, to that kingdom, as his firtt chaplain, and the
fame year v.as promoted to the bilhopric of Killala. A
family connection with the earl of HolderneiTe, who
was fecretary of Hate that year, with the earl of Sand¬
wich and other noblemen related to him, opened the
faired profpecls of attaining to the firft dignity in the
Iriih church. Accordingly in 1759 he w’as tranflated
to the united fees of Leighlin and Ferns, and in 1761 to
Kildare. The duke oi Northumberland being appointed
to the lieutenancy of Ireland in 1765, he was advanced
to the primacy of Armagh, made lord-almoner, and vice-
chancellor of the univerfity of Dublin. When Lord
Harcourt rvas lord-lieutenant of Ireland in 1777, the
king was pleafed by privy-feal at St James’s, February
6th, and by patent at Dublin the 26th of the fame month,
to create him Baron Hokeby of Armagh, with remain¬
der to Matthew Robinfon of Welt Layton, Efq j and in
1783 he was appointed prelate to the molt illuiirious or¬
der of St Patrick. On the death of the duke of Rut¬
land lord-lieutenant of Ireland in 1787, he was nomina¬
ted one of the lords-jullices of that kingdom. Sir Wil-
lian Robinfon, his brother, dying in 178;, the primate
fucceeded to the title of baronet, and is the furvivor in
the direCt male line of the Robinfons of Rokeby, being
the 8th in defeent from William of Kendal. His grace
died at Clifton near Briftol in the end of O&ober 1794.
No primate ever fat in the fee of Armagh who watch¬
ed more carefully over the intereft of the church of Ire¬
land, as the ftatute-book evinces. The aft of the nth
and 1 2th of his prefent majefty, which fecures to bifhops
and ecclefia'dical perfons repayment by their fucceflbrs of
expenditures in purchanng glebes and houfes, or building
new houfes, originated from this excellent man, and mult
ever endear his name to the clergy. The other afts for
repairing churches, and facilitating the recovery of ec-
clefialtical dues, were among the many happy exertions
of the primate.
But it was at Armagh, the ancient feat of the prima¬
cy, that he difplayed a princely munificence. A very
elegant palace, 90 feet by 60, and 40 high, adorns that
town ; it is light and pleafing, without the addition of
wings or Idler parts; which too frequently wanting a
fufficient uniformity with the body of the edifice, are un-
connefted with it in effeft, and divide the attention.
Large and ample offices are conveniently placed bell*.id
a plantation at a fmall dillance. Around the palace is a
large lawn, which fpreads on every fide over the hills,
Ikirted by young plantations, in one of which is a terrace,
which commands a moll beautiful view of cultivated hill
and dale ; this view from the palace is much improved
by the barracks, the fchool, and a new church at a dif-
tance ; all which are fo placed as to be exceedingly or¬
namental to the whole country.
The barracks were erefted under the primate’s direc¬
tion, and form a large and handfome edifice. The
fchool is a building of confiderable extent, and admi¬
rably adapted for the purpofe 5 a more beautiful or
better contrived one is now'here to be feen ; there are
apartments for a mailer, a fchool-room 56 feet by 28, a
large dining room and fpacious airy dormitories, with
every other neceffary, and a fpacious play-ground wall¬
ed in ; the whole forming a handfome front: and at¬
tention being paid to the refidence of the mailer (the
falary is 400I. a-year), the fchool flourilhes, and mull
prove one of the greatell advantages to the country. Robinlbn,
This edifice was built entirely at the primate’s expence. 
The church is erefted of white ftonfe, and having a tall
Ipire, makes a very agreeable objeft, in a country where
churches and fpires do not abound. The primate built
three other churches, and made confiderable reparations
to the cathedral 5 he was alio the means of erefting a
public infirmary, contributing amply to it himlelf: he
likewife conllrufted a public library at his own coll,
endowed it, and gave it a large colleftion of books;
the room is 45 feet by 25, and 20 high, with a gallery
and apartments for the librarian. The town he orna¬
mented with a market-boufe and fhambles, and was the
direft means, by giving leales upon that condition, of
almoll new'-building the whole place. He found it a
nell of mud cabins, and he left it a well-built city of
Hone and Hate. Thefe are noble and fpirited works,
in which the primate expended not lefs than 30,000!.
Had this fum been laid out in improving a paternal
ellate, even then they would be deferving great praife ;
but it is not for his pollerity but the public good that
his grace was fo munificent. A medal was Hruck by
the ingenious William Moffop of Dublin, which has on
one fide the head of the primate, inferibed “ Richard
Robinfon, Baron Ilokeby, Lord Primate of all Ireland.”
And on the reverfe, the fouth front of the oblen atory
at Armagh, erefted by his grace, with this admirable
motto, “ The Heavens declare the glory- of God.”
MDCCLXXXIX.
Robinson, Robert, a diffenting minifter of confi¬
derable note, was bom on the 8th of Oftober 1735 at
S waff ham in Norfolk. His father died when lie was
young ; and his maternal grandfather Robert Wilkin,
of Milden-hall, Suffolk, gent. who had ever been diffa-
tisfied with his daughter’s marriage, deprived him of
his maternal inheritance, cutting him off with half-a-
guinea. ^ His uncle, however, who was a fubflantial
farmer, in feme meafure fupplied their lofs. He took
Mr Robinfon home, and placed him under the Rev.
Jofeph Brett, at Seaming fchool in Norfolk, with a
view to the miniilry of the church of England ; where
he had for one of his fchool-fellows the lord chancellor
Thurlow. When about the age of 15 or 16, he im¬
bibed the notions of George Whitfield ; on which ac¬
count he was difearded by his uncle, and again expofed
to poverty and want. He firfi direfted his thoughts
towards the miniflry in the year 1754, and commenced
preacher in the following year at the age of 20; preach¬
ing his firff fermon to a congregation of poor people at
Milden-hall. He continued for a year or two as one
of Mr Whitfield’s preachers, and during that period he
married. In the year 1758, however, he determined
to feparate from the MelhodiHs ; after which he fettled
at Norwich with a fmall congregation formed chiefly of
his methodiflic friends, being at that time an Indepen¬
dent. In the year 1759 he was invited to Cambridge,
and for two years preached on trial to a congregation
confifling of no more than 34 people, and fo poor that
they could only raife 3I. 6s. a quarter for his fubfiflence.
In June 1761 he fettled as their paflor, and was ordain¬
ed in the ufual manner ; at which time we are told he
exercifed the office of a barber. In 1774, his congrega¬
tion had fo much increafed as to confifl of 1000 fouls,
including children and fervants.
In Cambridge Mr Robinfon’s talents foon attrafted
N 2 notice,
ROB [ ioo ] ROC
Robin Ton.
notice, and he quickly fet up a Sunday evening lefture,
which was well attended. His preaching was altoge¬
ther without notes ; a method in which he was pecu¬
liarly happy : not by truiling to his memory entirely,
nor by working himfelf up to a degree of warmth and
paffion, to which the preachers among whom he firft
appeared commonly owe their ready utterance ; but by
thoroughly ftudying and making himfelf perfectly mafter
of his fubjedt, and a certain faculty of expreffion which
is never at a lofs for fuitable and proper w’ords. In
fhort, his manner was admirably adapted to enlighten
the underftanding, and to affeft and reform the heart.
He had fuch a plainnefs of fpeech, fuch an eafy and
apparent method in dividing a difeourfe, av.d fuch a fa¬
miliar way of reafoning, as difeovered an heart filled
with the tendered concern for the meaneft of his hear¬
ers ; and yet there was a decency, propriety, and juft-
nefs, that the mod judicious could not but approve.
Several gentlemen of the univerfity, eminent for cha-
rafter and abilities, we are told, were his condant
hearers.
The circumdances which lod him his uncle’s patro¬
nage paved the way for the future events of his life.
The incident which made him difeard the common fen-
timents on the fubjeft of baptifm, at once marked the
turn of his mind, and Ihow-s what apparently flight cau-
fes frequently determine the lot and ufefulnefs of our
lives. He was invited to the baptifm of a child j the
minider who wTas to perform the fervice keeping the
company in long expe&ation of his appearance, fome
one fuggeded, that fuppofing the child w-ere not bap¬
tized at all, he faw not how it could affedt his happi-
nefs. Though the converfation w'as not purfued, the
hint druck Mr Robinfon’s mind *, and he immediately
determined to read the New Tedament with this parti¬
cular viewq to examine wThat it faid concerning the bap¬
tifm of infants. He accordingly began with the Gof-
pel of Matthew' ; and, in fucceflion, perufed the hidori-
cal and epidolary books 5 in expectation that he Ihould
And in every followung part what he had not met wn'th
in the preceding parts of the facred volume ; namely,
paflages recommending and urging this rite. But ob-
i’erving, on the whole, a total filence about it, he thought
it his duty to relinquith the pradlice, as without foun¬
dation in the rule of our faith 5 which appeared to him
to fpeak only of the baptifm of believers.
This change of his fentiments wras more unfavourable
than the former alterations in his religious judgement
to his wordly view's ; and having married very early in
life from pure affe&ion, he w'as involved in great diffi¬
culties for near 12 years after his fettlement in Cam¬
bridge ; as, in that courfe of time, his family became
numerous, and the fupport of an aged mother, as well
as of a wife and ten children, depended upon him.
But unexpefted fupplies, from quarters of which he
was ignorant, frequently relieved his neceflities, and
confirmed his truft in Providence : yet the fituation of
his family mutt, it is eafy to conceive, have much affedl-
ed his mind. For he appears to have poffeffed great
tendernefs and fenfibility, and to have regarded with pe¬
culiar endearment his domeftie conneftions.
It may be reckoned a circumftance worthy of men¬
tion, that the fphere of Mr Robinfon’s miniftry was
the fame in which his great grandfather Mr Sheily, of
Jefus College, and vicar of All-Saints, had, v,Tith others,
diffufed the principles of the Puritans, about the begin- Robir.fon
ning of the 17th century. The reputation of tlie Diflen- p ijifort
ters in the univerfily and neighbourhood had for almoft \
a century been finking into contempt, w'hen Mr Robin-
fon fettled with the baptilt church at Stone-Yard. His
abilities and afliduity, however, raifed their reputation.
The place in which his people aflembled, which was at
firlf a barn, afterwards a liable and granary, and then a
meeting-houfe, but flill a damp, dark, and ruinous place,
foon became too fmall for the audience 5 and feveial of
the new auditors being men of fortune,^ they purchafed
the file, and erefted at their own expence a new' houfe
in the year 1764.
His labours as a preacher were not limited to the
town of Cambridge •, but foon after his coming there,
he fet up feveral ledfures in the adjacent villages. His
ledlures wTere either annual or cccafional, or ftated on
fixed days. The ufual time W'as half an hour after fix
in the evening 5 and fometimes at five in the morning 5
and now and then in the fummer at two in the afternoon,
for the fake of thole who came from a diftance.
He died on the 9th of June 1790, at the houfe of
William Rufiel, Elq. of Show'ell Green near Birmingham.
He had laboured under an alarming diforder for fome
time before •, but on the Sunday preceding his death he
preached a charity fermon. On Monday he was feized
with a fit", on Tuelday he recovered and wrent to bed
tolerably well, but was found dead next morning.
The abilities of Mr Robinfon cvere very confiderable,
as appears from his numerous works ; and he poffeffed
the quality of exprefling his thoughts in an eafy and
a forcible manner. But he appears to have been of an
unfteady temper, and in our opinion, acquires but little
credit either from the frequency with which he chan¬
ged his religious creed (for we have reafon to believe he
died a Socinian), or from the foolilh and undeferved a-
crimony with which he treated the church of England.
His Plan of Leftures on the Principles of Nonconfor¬
mity, for the Inftruftion of Catechumens, is a piece of
the moll unjuft and illiberal abufe that wTe have ever
feen, and would have difgraced the moft high-flying Pu¬
ritan of the laft century.
Mr Robinfon’s largeft work, the Hiftory of Baptifm
and of the Baptifts, wTas publilhed fince his death, and
is wnitten in the fame ftyle and with the fame confidence
as his other works. Yet, as we have heard it remarked
by a learned and liberal profeffor of theology in the
church which he oppofed, it is not a little remarkable
that there is in it no argument or fact againft infant bap¬
tifm which was not anfw'ered by Dr Wall nearly 100
years ago, of whole arguments Mr Robinfon however
takes no notice.
ROBORANTS, in 'Pharmacy, medicines which
flrengthen the parts, and give new vigour to the con-
flitution.
ROCHEFORT, a handfome and confiderable town
of France in the department of Lower Charente. It
was conltruifted by Louis XIV. and is built in the midft
of marlhes exprefsly drained for that purpofe ; and time
evinced the utility of the projedt, for as a port it foon
became as neceffary and important to the crown of
France as Ereft or Toulon. It has a department of the
marine, and has large magazines of naval ftores. There
is alfo one of the fineft halls of arms in the kingdom,
and a great many workmen employed in making them $
there
si
roc r i
Rochefort there are alfo forges for anchors, and work-houfes for
11 . (hip-carpenters, -who are employed in every thing that
relates to the fitting out of (hips that come within the
>■ ■ > compafs of their province. They likewife cart: great
guns here ; and have artifts, whofe employment is
fculpture and painting. There are alfo (locks for build¬
ing men of war, rope-walks, magazines of provifions
and powder, a manufactory of fail-cloth, an hofpital for
failors, and proper places to clean the (hips. Add to
thefe, the houfes of the intendant, the fquare of the
capuchins, and the 1’uperb ftrufture which contains
lodgings for 300 marine guards, where they are taught
the bufinefs and exercifes belonging to feamen and offi¬
cers who go on board the men of war.
Befides the ufual number of -workmen which were
employed at Rochefort during the monarchy, which
amounted to about 900, there were about 600 galley
flaves, occupied in the moft painful and laborious
branches of fervice. The town is fituated on the river
Charente, about five leagues from its mouth, and was
fortified by Louis XIV. at the time he conilruCfed it $
but its fituation is at fo confiderable a diftance from the
fea, as to render it fufficiently fecure from any attack, and
they have therefore clofed up the battlements, and ne-
gleCled the fortifications. It is fuppofed to contain about
10,000 inhabitants. The town is laid out with great
beauty and elegance. The ftreets are all very broad
and ftraight, extending through the whole place from
fide to fide •, but the buildings do not correfpond with
them in this refpeCf, as they are moilly low and irregu¬
lar. W. Long. o. 54. N. Lat. 46. 3.
ROCHEFOUCAULT, Francis Earl of, defcend-
ed of an illulfrious family, next in dignity to that of
the fovereigns, was chamberlain to King Charles VIII.
and Louis XII. His charafter at court was admired
as obliging, generous, upright, and fincere. In 1494
he (food godfather to Francis I. who, when he came to
the throne, continued to pay great refpeft to that fpi-
ritual relation. He made him his chamberlain in ordi¬
nary, and erefled, in 1515, the barony of Rouchefou-
cault into an earldom ; and, in his writ of ere&ion, ob-
ferves, that he did this in memory of the great, ho¬
nourable, highly ufeful, and commendable fervices which
the faid Francis had done to his predeceffbrs, to the
crown of France, and to himfelf. The earl of Roche-
foucault died in 1517, leaving behind him an illuftrious
memory, and a chara&er univerfally refpedled. Since
his time all the eldeft fons of that family have taken
the name of Francis.
Rochefoucault, Francis duke de la, prince of
Marfillac, governor of Poitou, was born in 1603.—He
was the fon of Francis, the firft duke of Rochefoucault,
and was diftinguiffied equally by his courage and his
wit. Thefe ffiining qualities endeared hirn to all the
nobility at court, who were ambitious of decorating
themfelves at once with the laurels of Mars and of A-
pollo. He wrote two excellent works •, the one a book
of Maxims, which M. de Voltaire fays has contributed
more than any thing elfe to form the tafle of the
French nation ; and the other, Memoirs of the Regency
of Queen Anne of Auftria. It was partly at the in-
ftigation of the beautiful duchefs de Longueville, to
whom he had been long attached, that the duke de
Rochefoucault engaged in the civil w^ars, in which he
fignalized himfelf particularly at the battle of St An-
01 ] ROC
toine. Beholding one day a portrait of this lady, he Rocheiou-
w7rote underneath it thefe two lines from the tragedy of ca“lt'
Alcyonee: - Rochelle;
“ Pour meriter fon cceur, pour plaire a fes beaux yeux, ,
“ .Par fait la guerre aux rois,je Paureis fait aux dieuxP
Which may be thus rendered in Engliih:
“ To gain her heart, and pleafe her fparkling eyes,
“ I’ve war’d with kings, and would have brav’d the Ikies.”
It is reported, that after his rupture with Madame
Longueville, he parodied the above verfes thus :
“ Pour ce cceur inconftant, qiPenfui je connois mieux,
“ Je fais la guerre aux rois,fen aiperdu les yeux.’1'1
After the civil wars were ended, he thought of no¬
thing but enjoying the calm pleafures of friendffiip and
literature. His houfe became the rendezvous of every
nerfon of genius in Paris and Verfailles. Racine, Boi-
leau, Savigne, and La Fayette, found in his converfa-
tion charms which they fought for in vain elfewhere.
He w7as not, however, with all his elegance and genius,
a member of the French Academy. 'File neceffity of ma¬
king a public fpeech on the day of his reception was the
only caufe that he did not claim admittance. This noble¬
man, with all the courage he had difplayed upon vari¬
ous critical occafions, and with his fuperiority of birth
and underftanding over the common run of men, did
not think himfelf capable of facing an audience, to ut¬
ter only four lines in public, without being out of
countenance. He died at Paris in 1680, aged 68,
leaving behind him a character which has been varioufiy
drawn by thofe who during his life were proud of his
friendffiip. That he was well acquainted with human
nature is certain ; and his merit in that refpefl was fully
admitted by Swdft, vrho was himfelf not eafily impofed
upon by the artificial difguifes of the hypocrite.
ROCHELLE, a celebrated city of France, in the
department of Lower Charente, with a very commodi¬
ous and fafe harbour, which, though it does not admit
vefiels of any confiderable burden, is yet well calculated
for trade. “ It may be divided (fays Mr Wraxal) into
three parts; the bafon, wffiich is the innermoft of thefe,
is only a quarter of a mile in circumference ; and at the
entrance are two very noble Gothic to-wers, called the
Tour de St Nicholas, and the Tour de la Chaine.
They are now in a (fate of decay, but were anciently
defigned to proteft the town and harbour. Without
thefe towrers is the Avant Port, extending more than a
league, and bounded by two points of land to the north
and fouth. Beyond all is the road where the larged
(hips ufually anchor, protected from the fouth-wed winds
by the iflands of Re, Oleron, and Aix.” The cele¬
brated mound ereffed by Richlieu extends from fide to
fide acrofs the whole harbour, nearly an Englifh mile in
length, and when the fea retires is dill viable. “ I>
walked out upon it (fays Mr Wraxal) above 300 feet.
Its breadth is at this time more than 150 feet, and it
widens continually towards the bafe. No. effort of art-
cr power can poffibly imprefs the mind with fo vad and
lublime an idea of the genius of Richlieu, as does this
bulwark againd the fea. While I (food upon it, in the
middle of the port, between the waves wffiich rolled on
either fide, and contemplated its extent and drength, I
was almod inclined to fuppcfe this adoniffiing work to
Fs*
HOG [ 102 ] ROC
Rochelle
II
Rochcfler.
be fuperior to human power, and the production rather
of a deity than of a mortal. A fin all opening of about
2oo feet was left by Pompey Targon, the arehiteft who
conftrufted it, to give entrance to veffels, and flrut up
by chains fixed acrofs it. A tower was likewife erect¬
ed at each end, no remains of which are now to be
feen. Neither the duke of Buckingham, nor the earl
of Lindfey, who were fucceffively lent from England to
the aid of the befreged by Charles the Firft, dared to
attack this formidable barrier : they retired, and leJ't
Rochelle to its fate. In all probability, a thouiand
years, aided by Itorms and all the fury of the fea, will
make little or no impredion on this mound, which is
defigned to endure as long as the fame of the cardinal,
its author.”
Before the revolution, Rochelle was a bifhop’s fee,
and contained a college of humanities, an academy, a
fchool for medicine, anatomy, and botany, and a mint.
It cannot lay claim to any remote antiquity, being
merely a little colledtion of houfes on the Ihore, inha¬
bited by fifhermen, when William IX. lalt count of
Poictou, rendered himfelf mailer of it in 1139. From
this prince it defcended to his only daughter Eleanor,
afterwards queen of Henry II. of England j and her
charter incorporating the town is flill preferred in the
regifters of the city. In the year 1540, Rochelle was
the grand afylum of the Proteftants j and the maffacre
at P&ris was foon followed by the liege of Rochelle,
which began in November 1572, and was railed in
June 1573 but in 1628, after a moft o'oflinate re-
fiflance, and a liege of 13 months, it furrendered to
the mercy of Louis XIII. At the beginning of the
lirft liege, the number of inhabitants in the city amount¬
ed to 72,000 in thefecond they diminilhed to 28,000;
and they were, when Mr Wraxal was there, between
17 and 18,000, of which fcarce 2000 were Huguenots.
The houfes of this city are line, and fupported with
piazzas, under which perfons may walk in all weathers;
and the dreets in general are as ftraight as a line.
There are feveral handfome churches, and other Itruc-
tures, befides a remarkable pump in the fquare of Dau-
phiny, which throws out the water through feveral
pipes. There are no remains of the old fortilications,
except on the fide of the harbour, where there are bul-
rvarks and ftrong towers to defend the entrance. The
new fortifications aie in the manner of Vauban. Before
Canada was ceded to England, and New7 Orleans to
Spain, the trade of Rochelle was very lucrative. It
revived about the year 1773, ancb befi.de that to the
coaft of Guinea and the Ealt Indies, the inhabitants
carried on a confiderable trade in wines, brandy, fait,
paper, linen cloth, and ferge. It is feated on the
ocean, in W. Long. 1. 4. N. Lat. 46. 9.
ROCHESTER, a city of Kent, in England, is
fituated on the Medwray, feven miles and a half north
of Maidlfone, and 30 from London. It appears to
have been one of the Roman Rations, from the bricks
in the w7alls, as well as the Roman coins that have been
found about it. It has three parilh churches built with
Rone and flints, befides the cathedral, which is but a
mean ftru&ure. This little city, which was made a bi-
firop’s fee by King Ethelbert, anno 604, has met with
many misfortunes. In 676, it was flicked by Eldred
“king of Mercia; in 839 and 885, befieged by the
Danes, but refcued by King Alfred. About 10.0 years
2
after, it was befieged by King Ethelred, and forced to RochcNr.
pay rook Anno 999 it was taken and plundered by   V—J
the Danes. Anno 1088 it was befieged and taken by
William Rufus. In King John’s time it was taken
from the Barons, after three months liege ; and the
very next year, viz. 1256, its calile, founded by Wil¬
liam the Conqueror, was flormed and taken by feveral
of the Barons, under the French king’s fon. In the
reign of Henry III. it was befieged by Simon Mont-
ford, who burnt its then wooden bridge and torver, and
fpoiled the church and priory, and then marched off.
1 his city has alio been feveral times deRroyed by fire,
viz. in 1130, on June 3.111 1137, and in 1177; after
wdiich it is faid to have continued defolate till 1225',
when it was repaired, ditched, and waked round. In
the Saxon heptarchy there were three mints in Rochef-
ter, two for the king and one for the bilhop. In 1281,
its old wooden bridge was carried off by the ice, in a
ludden thaw after a froR which had made the Medway
paffable on foot. Another was built in the reign of
Richard II. but pulled down again, on the rumour of
an invafion from France. It was afterwards reRored,
but fo often fubjeft to expenfive repairs, by reafon of
the rapid courfe of the river under it, as well as the
great breadth and depth of it, that in the reign of Ed¬
ward III. it was refolved to build a new7 bridge of Rone;
and the fame was begun, and in a manner completed,
at the expence of Sir John Cobham and Sir Robert
Knolles, bkhvard III.’s generals, out of the fpoils they
bad taken in France. It has 21 arches. The town
is governed by a mayor, recorder, 12 aldermen, 12
common-councilmen, a towm-clerk, three ferjeants at
mace, and a water-bailiff. To its cathedral belong a
dean and fix prebendaries. Gundulph’s tower Rands
on the north fide of the cathedral, and is fuppofed
to have been built by the bilhop, as a place of fecuri-
ty for the treafures and archives of that church and
fee. Some fuppofe it to have been intended for a
bell tow7er, and others for an ecclefiafiical prifon ; but
whatever might be its defiination, its machicolations, its
loop-hole ivindow7s, and the thicknefs of its walls, fhow
that firength and defence were confidered as neceffary.
This towrer was 60 feet high, but fome part has lately
fallen dowm ; the walls are fix feet thick, and contain „
within them an area of 20 feet fquare : it was divided
into five floors or Rories of unequal height, and had a
communication with the upper part of the church, by
means of an arch or bridge, the Reps of which are flill
vifible. It is fuppofed to have been erefted after the
cathedral was built. For the maintenance of its bridge,
certain lands are tied down by parliament, to which it
has fent members from the firfi. The town-houfe,
built in the year 1687, for the courts, afiizes, and fef-
fions, and the charity-fchool, are tw:o of the befi pub¬
lic buildings here.—A mathematical fchool was founded
here, and an alms-houfe for lodging fix poor travellers
every night, an d allowing them qd. in the morning
when they depart, except perfons contagioufly difeafed,
rogues, and pro&ors. In the fummer here are always
fix or eight lodgers, who are admitted by tickets from
the mayor. The Roman Watling flreet runs through
this tow7n from Shooters-Hill to Dover. The mayor
and citizens hold what is called an admiralty-court once
a-year for regulating the oyfter fifherv in the creeks and
branches of the Medway that are within their junfdic-
tion,
ft o C [ 103 ] ROC
Rorlvfter tion, and for prcfecuting the cable-hangers, as they are
II called, who dredge and iiih for cyders without being
, R°l ket i free, by having lerved iev'en years apprenticelhip to a
fifherman who is free of the fifliery. Every hcenfed
dredger pays 6s. 8d. a year to the fupport of the courts,
and the fifliery is now in a flourilhing way. Part of the
caitle is kept in repair, and is uled as a magazine, where
a party of foldiers do conftant duty. The bridge was re¬
paired in 1744, and pallifadoed with new iron rails. Ro-
chefter contains about 700 houfes, and 2000 inhabitants.
It confiits of only one principal flreet, which is wide,
and paved with flints. The houfes are generally well
built with brick, and inhabited by tradefmen and inn¬
keepers. It has aho four narrow ifreets •, but no fort
of manufadlory is carried on here. Stroud is at the
weft end of this place, and Chatham at the eaft. It is
27 miles norm-weft by weft of Canterbury, and 30
fern h-eaft by call oi London. Long. o. 30. E. Eat. 31,
23. N.
Rochester, Ear/ of See Wilmot.
ROCK, a large mafs of ftone. See Geology.
Rock, a ipecies of Vulture. See Ornithology
Index.
ROCK Bafons are cavities or artificial bafons of diffe¬
rent lizes, from fix, feet to a fewr inches diameter, cut
in the iurface ot the rocks for the purpole, as is fup-
pofed, of collecting the dew and rain pure as it de-
feended from the heavens, for the ufe of ablutions and
purifications, preferibed in the druidical religion ; thefe,
eipecially the dew, being deemed the pureft of all
fluids. There are two forts of thefe bafons, one with
lips or communications between the different bafons,
the other firnple cavities. The lips as low as the bot¬
tom of the bafons, which are horizontal, and commu¬
nicate with one fomewhat lower, fo contrived that the
contents fell by a gradual defeent through a fucceflion of
bafons either to the ground, or into a velftl fet to re¬
ceive it. lire batons without lips might be intended
for refervoirs to preferve the rain or dew in its original
purity without touching any other veffel, and was per¬
haps ufed for the druid to drink, or wafh his hands,
previous to officiating at any high ceremony, or elfe to
mix with their miiletoe.
Some of thefe bafons are fo formed as to receive the
head and part of the human body •, one of this kind is
found on a rock called King Arthur’s Bed, in the parifh
of North Hall in Cornwall, where are alfo others, call¬
ed by the country people Arthur’s troughs, in which
they fay he ufed to feed his dogs.
ROCK-Cnjsial, in Natural lliflory, otherwife called
fprig-cryfal, a name given to quartz or filiceous ftones,
when pure andregularly cryftallized. See Mineralogy
Index.
Rock Salt. See Salt, Geology.
Rock Oil. See Petroleum, Mineralogy Index.
Rock FI/Jj. See Gobius, Ichthyology Index.
ROCKET, an artificial fire work, confifting of a
cylindrical cafe of paper, filled with a compofition of
certain combuftible ingredients ; which, being tied to a
Hick, mounts into the air, and then burfts. See Pyro-
TLCHNY.
Theory of the Flight of Shy.ROCKETS. Mariotte
takes the rife of rockets to be owing to the impulfe or
refiftance of the air againft the flame. Dr Defaguliers
accounts for it otherwife.
Conceive the rocket to have no vent at the choak, Rocket
and to be fet on fire in the conical bore j the confe- I!,
quence v ill be, either that the rocket would burft in the RJ<^'ing'
weakeft place, or, if all its parts were equally ftrong,
and able to luflain the impulfe of the flame, the rocket
w°uld bum out immoveable. Now, as the force of
the flame is equable, fuppofe its adlion downwards, or
that upwards, fufficient to lift 40 pounds. As thefe
forces are equal, but their dire&ions contrary, they will
dctlroy each other’s action.
Imagine then the rocket opened at the choak j by
this means the action of the flame downwards is taken
away, and there remains a force equal to 40 pounds
acting upwards, to carry up the rocket, ami the flick it
is tied to. Accordingly, we find that il the compofition
of the rocket be very weak, fo as not to give an impulie
greater than the weight of the rocket and flick, it does
not rife at allj or if the compofition be flow, fo that a
fmali part of it only kindles at firit, the rocket will not
rife.
J he flick ferves to keep it perpendicular *, for if the
rocket fhould begin to ftumble, moving round a point in
the choak, as being the common centre ©f gravity of
rocket and flick, tt.ere would be lo much friction againft
the air by the flick between the centre and the point,
and the point oould beat againit the air with fo much
velocity, tnat the fridtion of the medium would reftore
it to its perpendicularity.
When the compofitkm is burnt out, and the impulfe
upwards has ceafed, the common centre of gravity is
brought lower towards the middle of the flick; by
which means the velocity of the point of the flick is de-
creaied, and that of the point of the rocket increafed ;
fo that the whole will tumble down, with the rockct-
end foremoft.
All the while the rocket burns, the common centre
of gravity is fhifting and getting downwards, and ftili
the falter and the lower as the flick is the lighter, fo
that it fometimes begins to tumble before it be burnt
out; but when the flick is a little too heavy, the
weigh t of the rocket bearing a lefs proportion to that of
the flick, the common centre of gravity will not get fo
low but that the rocket will rife ftraight, though not fo
fa ft.
Rocket. See Brassica, Botany Index.
ROCKINGHAM, a town in Northamptonfhire, in
England, 87 miles from London, Hands on the river
V eiland. It has a charity-fchool, a market on Thurf-
day, and a fair on Sept. 8. for five days. Its foreft was
reckoned one of the largeft and richelt of the kingdom,
in which William the Conqueror built a caftle ; it ex¬
tended, in the time of the ancient Britains, almoft from
the Welland to the Nen, and was noted formerly for
iron-works, great quantities of flags, i. e. the refufe of
the iron-ore, being met with in the adjacent fields. It
extended, according to a furvey in 1641, near 14 miles
in length, from the •weft end of Middleton-Woods to
the town of Mansford, and five miles in breadth, from
Brigftock to the Welland ; but is now difmembered into
parcels, by the interpofition of fields and towns, and
is divided into three bailiwicks. In feveral of its woods
a great quantity of charcoal is made of the tops of
trees, of which many waggon-loads are lent every year
to Peterborough. There is a fyacious plain in it called
Rockingham (hire, which is a common to the four towns
of
1
HOD [ 104 ] HOD
Rockinie; of Cottingham, Rockingham, Corby, ami Gretton.
R I! King William Rufus called a council here of the great
1,f ' , men of the kingdom. W. Long. o. 46. N. Lat. 52.
32-
ROCKING stones. See Rochmg-STONES.
ROCKOMROLE. See Allium.
ROD, a land meafure of 16 feet and a half j the fame
with oerch and pole.
Black Rob. See Usher of the Black Rod.
Fijhing ROD, a long taper rod or wand, to which the
line is fattened for angling. See FlSHING-Rod.
RODNEY, George Bridges, Lord Rodney, was
born in the year 1718. Of the place of his birth and
the rank of his anceftors we have not been able to pro¬
cure any well authenticated account. His father was a
naval officer 5 and commanding, at the time of his fon’s
birth, the yacht in which the king, attended by the
duke of Chandois, was pairing to or from Hanover,
he afked and obtained leave to have the honour of
calling his infant fon George Bridges. The royal and
noble godfathers advifed Captain Rodney to educate his
boy for his own profeflion, promifmg, as we have been
told, to promote him as rapidly as the merit he fhould
difplay and the regulations of the navy would per¬
mit.
Of young Rodney’s early exertions in the fervice of
Ids country, nothing, however, is known to the writer
of this ablfraft, nor, indeed, any thing of fufficient im¬
portance to be inferted in articles fo circumfcribed as all
our biographical Iketches mull be, till 1751, when we
tind him, in the rank of a commodore, fent out to
make accurate difcoveries refpe&ing an ifland which
was fuppofed to lie about 50° N. L. and about 300
leagues W. of England : but he returned without ha¬
ving feen any fuch ifland as that which he was appoint¬
ed to furvey. In the war which foon followed this
voyage of difcovery, he was promoted to the rank of a
rear-admiral, and was employed to bombard Havre-de-
Grace ; which in 1759 and 1760 he confiderably dama¬
ged, together with fome fhipping. In 1761 he was fent
on an expedition againft Martinico, which was reduced
in the beginning of the year 1762, and about the fame
time St Lucia furrendered to Captain Harvey. Both
thefe iflands were reftored to the French at the peace of
£763'
In reward for his fervices, he was created a knight
of the Bath •, but being inattentive, as many feamen are,
to the rules of economy, his circumftances became fo
embarrafled that he was obliged to fly from his country,
with very flight hopes of ever being able to return. He
was in France when the ill-advifed policy of that court
made them take a decided part with America againft;
Great Britain ; and it is faid that fome men in power,
no ftrangers to the defperate ftate of Sir George’s af¬
fairs, offered him a high command in the French navy,
if he would carry arms againft his own country. This
offer he rejected with becoming indignation. Soon af¬
ter this gallant behaviour, the duke de Chartres, af¬
terwards the infamous Orleans, told Sir George that he
was t© have a command in the fleet which was to be op-
pofed to that under the command of his countryman
Mr Keppel; and with an infulting air afked him what
he thought would be the confequence of their meeting ?
“ That my countryman wdll carry your Highnefs with
him to learn Englifh,” was the high-fpirited reply.—
. I
When the divifzons, which the mutual recriminations of Rodney.
Admiral Keppel and Sir Hugh Pallifer excited in the ’-—•v'—
Britifh navy, made it difficult for the miniftry to pro¬
cure experienced, and at the fame time popular, com¬
manders for their fleets, Lord Sandwich wrote to Sir
George Bridges Rodney, offering him a principal com¬
mand j but the difficulty wras for the veteran to find mo¬
ney to pay his accounts in France, fo that he might be
permitted to leave that kingdom. The money, it has
been repeatedly affirmed, wjas advanced to him by the
courtiers whofe offer he had before indignantly rejected.
He arrived, therefore in England, and was again em¬
ployed in the fervice of his country. His firft exploit
after his appointment was in January 1780, when he
took 19 Spanifh tranfports bound to Cadiz from Bilboa,
together with a 64 gun {hip and 5 frigates, their con¬
voy. On the 16th of the fame month he fell in with
the Spanifh fleet, confifting of 11 fail of the line, under
the command of Don Juan de Langara j of which one
was blown up during the engagement, five were taken
and carried into Gibraltar, among wffiich was the ad¬
miral’s fhip, and the reft were much ffiattered. In April
the fame year, he fell in with the French fleet, under the
command of Admiral Guichen, at Martinico, whom he
obliged to fight, and whom he completely beat j though
from the fhattered ftate of his own fleet, and the un-
willingnefs of the enemy to rilk another aftion, he took
none of their ftrips. The fuccefsful efforts of our gallant
admiral during the year 1780 were generally applaud¬
ed through the nation. He received the thanks of
both Houfes of Parliament, and addreffes of thanks from
various parts of Great Britain, and the iflands to w'hich
his viftories were more particularly ferviceable. In De¬
cember the fame year, he made an attempt, together
with General Vaughan, on St Vincent’s, but failed. In
1781, he continued his exertions, with much fuccefs,
in defending the Weft India iflands } and, along with
the above named general, he conquered St Euftatius; on
which occafion his condu£! to the inhabitants has been
much, though perhaps unjuftly, cenfured. The ifland
was certainly a neft of contraband traders.
On. the 12th of April 1782, he came toaclofe aftion
with the French fleet under Count de Graffe •, during
which he funk one fhip and took five, of which the ad¬
miral’s fhip, the Ville de Paris, was one. The follow-
ing year brought peace j but, as a reward for his nume¬
rous fervices, he had a grant of aoool. a-year for him-
felf and his trvo fucceffors. He had long before been
created a baronet, was rear-admiral of Great Britain,
and at length was juftly promoted to the peerage, by the
title of Baron Rodney of Stoke, Somerfetfhire, and made
vice-admiral of Great Britain. He wTas at one time
alfo governor of Greemvich Hofpital.
Lord Rodney had been twice married ; firft to the
filler of the earl of Northampton, and fecondly to the
daughter of John Clies, Efq; wdth whom lie did not re-
fide for feveral years before his death, which happened
on the 24th of May 1792. He was fucceeded in title
and eftates by his fon George, who married in 1781
Martha, daughter of the Right Hon. Alderman Harley,
by whom he has iffue.
Of the private life of Lord Rodney we know but
little. His attention to the wants of the feamen, and
the warrant officers ferving under him, indicated that
humanity which is always allied to true courage. He
has
ROE [ 105 ] ROE
Rodney, has often, from the number of dirties which his rank
Roe- i brought to his table, feiefted fomething very plain for
‘v^*' himfelf, and fent the reft to the midfliipmen’s mefs.—
His public tranfactions ivill tranfmit his name with ho¬
nour to pofterity ; his bravery was unqueftionable, and
his fuccefs has been feldom equalled. It has, indeed,
been very generally faid, that his Ikill in naval taffies
was not great, and that he was indebted to the fuperior
abilities of Capt. Young and Sir Charles Douglas for
the manoeuvres by which he was fo fuccefsful againft
Langara and De Graffe. But, fuppofing this to be
true, it detrafts not from his merit. A weak or fooliih
commander could not always make choice of the ableft
officers for his firft captains, nor would fuch a man be
guided by their advice.
Whatever was Lord Rodney’s fkill in the fcience of
naval war, or however much he may have been behol¬
den to the counfels of others, he certainly pofleffed him¬
felf the diftinguilhed merit of indefatigable exertion ; for
he never omitted any thing within the 'compafs of his
power to bring the enemy to aflion. He therefore un-
queftionahly deferves the refpeft and the gratitude of his
country. In the year 1783 the Houi’e of Aftembly in
Jamaica voted 1000I. towards erefling a marble ftatue
to him, as a mark of their gratitude and veneration for
his gallant fervices, fo timely and glorioufly performed
for the falvation ©f that ifland in particular, as well as
the whole of the Britifh Weft India iffands and trade in
general. A pillar wras alfo erefted to the memory of
this gallant officer, upon the Brythen in Shropfliire.
But whatever were the talents of Lord Rodney as a
naval commander, there is a more fplendid part of his
charafter which it would be improper to omit. Before
his fuccefs againft the Spanifh admiral Don Langara,
the Englifh prifoners in Spain were treated with the
greateft inhumanity, and it required more than ordinary
ftrength of conftitution to exift for any length of time
in a Spaniffi prifon. When the Spanifh admiral fell in¬
to the hands of Lord Rodney, both himfelf, his officers,
and men, expefled to meet with the fame treatment they
had been accuftomed to give •, but they wrere attonifhed
to find in Lord Rodney a man who felt for their misfor¬
tunes, relieved their wants, and who, by his polite be¬
haviour to his prifoners, made a powerful impreffion on
the minds of the Spaniards, which could not fail to pro¬
cure a mitigation of the fufterings of Englifh prifoners
in Spain. He reprefented the miferable condition of his
countrymen in the enemy’s country, and obtained a pro-
mife that Englifhmen, when prifoners in Spain, rtiould
be made as comfortable as their fituation would permit.
This was doing his country a fervice, which will make
him ftand as high in the eftimation of good men as the
moft aftoni(hing; difplay of courage, which is not always
met with in a cultivated mind.
ROE, the feed or fpawn of fifh. That of the male
fifties is ufually diftinguiftied by the name of foft i'oe,
or milt; and that of the female, hard roe, or /pa wn.
So inconceivably numerous arc thefe ovulaor fmall eggs,
that M. Petit found 342,244 of them in a carp of 18
inches; but M. Lieuwenhoek found in a carp no more
than 211,629. This laft gentleman obferves, that there
are four times this number in a cod ; and that a com¬
mon one contains 9,344,000 eggs.
Roe, in 7.oology. See Cervus, Mammalia In-
Vol. XVIII. Part I.
ROEBUCK, John, M. D. was born at Sheffield in Roebuck.
Yorkfhire, in the year 1718. His father was a manu-
fadlurer of Sheffield goods, and by his ability and induf-
try procured a confiderable fortune. He intended John
to follow his own lucrative employment; but he was
powerfully attached to other purfuits, and his father did
not difeourage his rifing genius, but gave him a liberal
education.
When done with the fchool, he was put under the
tuition of Dr Doddridge, by whole inftruftions he was
rapidly improved in many branches of ufeful knowledge.
During his refidence in the Doftor’s academy at North¬
ampton, he became intimately acquainted with Mr
Dyfon and Dr Akenfide, whofe friendffiip lafted to the
clofe of life.
Having completed his ftudies at the academy, he was
afterwards fent to the univerfity of Edinburgh, where
he ftudied medicine and chemiftry in particular, which
then began to attract fome attention in Scotland. He
was much diftinguiftied among his fellow ftudents by his
logical and metaphyfical acutenefs, and by great inge¬
nuity in his arguments. At Edinburgh he likewife
formed an acquaintance with Mr Hume, Dr Robert-
fon, and other literary charaflers.
Having completed his medical ftudies at Edinburgh,
and wholly attached to the practice of phyftc, he fpent
fome time at the univerfity of Leyden, where he obtain¬
ed a degree in medicine. He received bis diploma in
February 1743, to which were affixed the refpeftable
names of Mufchenbroek, Ofterdyk, Van Royen, Albinus,
Gaubius, &c. He afterwards fettled as a phyfician at
Birmingham, a place which then began to make a ra¬
pid progrefs in arts, manufactures, and population, and
where a favourable opening was prefented to him by
the death of an aged phyfician. In this capacity he had
every thing to favour his fuccefs, fuch as his education,
talents, and interefting manners, and he accordingly
met with encouragement more rapid and extenfive than
his expectations had prefaged. But it was foon found
that his induftry and ftudies were turned to other fub-
jeCts than thofe of his profeffion, and in a particular
manner to that of chemiftry, the utility of which he
was anxious to extend to the arts and manufactures. In
the profecution of this idea, be fitted up a laboratory in
his own houfe, where every moment of his time was
fpent, not neceffarily devoted to the duties of his pro¬
feffion. There he carried on various chemical proceifes
of great importance, and laid the foundation of his fu¬
ture projeCts.
In this manner he was led to the difeovery of certain
improved methods of refining gold and filver, and an in¬
genious method of collecting the fmaller part vies of
thefe metals, which manufacturers had formerly loft.
He alfo difeovered improved methods of making fubli-
mite hartftiorn, and many other articles of equal impor¬
tance. Much of his time being Hill employed in the
duties of his profeffion, he found it neceflary to conned
himfelf with fome confidential perfon, and who might
be qualified to affift him with tire important eftablith-
ments he had in view. He therefore made choice of
Mr Samuel Garbet of Birmingham, a gentleman whofe
activity, abilities, and enterprifing fpirit, well qualified
him for bearing his part in their fubfequent undertakings.
In the year 1747’ Roebuck married Mifs Ann
Roe of Sheffield, a lady of a great and generous fpirit,
O well
ROE t 10
•well qualified to fupport him under the many difappoint-
ments in bufinefs which he afterwards experienced. His
chemical idudies led him to the difcovery of many
things both of a public and private advantage.
Tile extenfive life oi fulphuric acid in chemidry led
many to various methods of obtaining it, and Dr Roe¬
buck attempted to prepare it in fuch a manner as to re¬
duce the price, for which purpofe he fubftituted leaden
veilels in the room of glafis; and he had the good for¬
tune to effect his benevolent defign. He eftablilhed a
manufacture of this ufeful article at Preftonpans in Scot¬
land, in the year 1749, which was oppofed by Dr
Ward, but -without fuccefs, as Roebuck’s difcovery did
not come within Dr Ward’s patent. By concealment
and fecrecy Dr Roebuck and his partner preferved the
advantages of their induftry and ingenuity for a number
of years, fupplying the public with fulphuric acid at a
much cheaper rate than had been formerly done.
He found it expedient to give up his medical profef-
iion altogether, and he refided in Scotland during the
greater part of the year. He made fome difeoveries in
the fmelting of iron-ftone, greatly facilitating that pro-
cefs by ufing pit coal inilead of charcoal. He and his
partner therefore projedted a very extenfive manufactory
of iron, for which they foon procured a fufficient capi¬
tal, as their friends had much confidence in their inte¬
grity and abilities. Dr Roebuck at length made choice
of a fpot on the banks of the river Carron as the mod:
advantageous Ctuation for the eftablifhment of their iron
manufactory, abundance of iron-done, lime-done, and
coal, being found in its immediate vicinity. The
preparations for this edablidrment were finifhed in the
end of the year 17 $9, and the fird furnace was blown
on the id of January 1760, after which a fecond was
in a drort time eredted.
Thefe works turned the attention of Dr Roebuck to
the date of coal in the neighbourhood of that place, and
to the means of procuring the extraordinary fupplies of
it which the iron-works might require in future. He
therefore became kffee of the extenfive coal and fait
works at Borrowftownnefs, the property of the duke of
Hamilton, in which he funk, in the courfe of a few
years, not only his own, and a confiderable part of his
wife’s fortune, but the regular profits of his more fuc-
cefsful works j and what didrefled him above every thing
elfe, the great dims of money which he borrowed from
his relations and friends, without the profpedt of ever be¬
ing able to repay them. This ruinous adventure cut off
for ever the flattering profpedts of an independent for¬
tune which his family once had 5 and he drew from his
colliery only a moderate annual fupport, owing to the
indulgence of his creditors. When he died, his widow
was left without any provifion for her immediate or fu¬
ture fupport, and without the fmalleft advantage from
the extraordinary exertions and meritorious induffry of
her hufband.
Some years before his death, Dr Roebuck was feized
with a diforder that required a dangerous operation, and
-which he bore with his ufual fpirit and refolution. He
was reftored to a confiderable {hare of his wonted health
and activity j but its effetts never wholly left him. He
yifited his works till within a few weeks of his deceafe,
in order to give inftruftions to his clerks and overfeers,
smd was confined to bed only a. few days. He departed
5 ] ROE
this life on the 17th of July, 1794, retaining all his Roebuck
faculties, fpirit, and good humour, to the lafl. I!
A life fo devoted to bufinefs left little time for pub-, ^oemer-
lications of any kind 5 but the few he lett behind him v
fufficiently fliew what might have been expected from
his pen, had the molt of his time been fpent in fludy.
All his writings that have been publilhed, except two
political pamphlets, are, a comparifon of the heat of
London and Edinburgh, experiments on ignited bo¬
dies, and obfervations on the ripening and filling of
corn.
ROELLA, a genus of plants belonging to the pentan-
dria clafs ; and in the natural method ranking under the
29th order, Campanaceev. See Botany Index.
ROEMER, Olaus, a celebrated Danifii mathemati¬
cian and aftronomer, was born at Arhnfen in Jutland,
in the year 1644, and was fent to the univerfity of Co¬
penhagen at the age of 18. By his afliduous applica¬
tion to the ftudy of aftronomy and mathematics, he be¬
came fo eminent in thofe fciences, that Picard was afto-
nilhed and delighted with him, when making obferva¬
tions in the north, by the order of Lewis XIV. Pie
was prevailed on to accompany Picard to France, and
being prefented to the king, he was chofen the dau¬
phin’s tutor in the ftudy of mathematics. He was after¬
wards united with Picard and Caflini in making aftrono-
mical obfervations, and became a member of the Acade¬
my of Sciences in 1672.
His difeoveries acquired him great reputation during
his ten years refidencc at Paris j and he did not fcruple
to affert, that Picard and Caflini took the merit of ma¬
ny things which belonged excluftvely to himfelf. Roe-
mer was the firfl: perfon who difeovered the velocity with
which light moves, by means of the eclipfes of Jupiter’s
fatellites, determining it to be about 7 or 8 minutes in
coming from the fun to the earth. This opinion was
oppofed by many, but it was afterwards demonftrated
in a moft ingenious manner by Dr Bradley.
Chriflian V. king of Denmark, recalled Roemer to
his native country in the year 1681, when he was ap¬
pointed profeffor of aftronomy at Copenhagen ; and he
was alfo employed in the reformation of the coin and
architecture of the country, in regulating the weights
and meafures, and in laying out the high roads through¬
out the kingdom, in the difeharge of which his conduct
was truly creditable to himfelf, and gave the greateft
fatisfaCfion to his royal employer. The confcquence
was, that the king beftowed many dignities upon him,
and among others appointed him chancellor of the ex¬
chequer. In fine, he was made counfellor of ftate
and burgomafter of Copenhagen, under Frederic IV.
who fucceeded Chriftian already mentioned.
While Roemer was engaged in preparing to publifh
the refult of his obfe-rvations, he was taken off by death
on the 19th of September 1710, when about 66 years
of age. Horrebow, his difciple, made up this lofs, by
publifhing in qto, in ] 753, when profeffor of aftronomy
at Copenhagen, various obfervations of Roemer, with his
method of obferving, under the title of Bafts Afironc*-
mice. He had alfo printed various aftronomical obfer¬
vations and pieces in feveral volumes of the Memoirs
of the Royal Academy of Sciences at Paris, of the in-
ftitution of 1666, particularly vols. ift and 10th of that
collection.
ROGA>
n o H [ 107 ] R O H
Roga ROGA, in antiquity, a prefent which the emperors
il made to the fenators, rnagiitrates, and even to the peo-
P^e > anc^ P°Pes anc^ patriarchs to their clergy. Thei'e
rogte were diltributed by the emperors on the firft day
oi the year, on their birth-day, or on the nata/is dies
of the cities } and by the popes and patriarchs in paflion-
week. Roga is alio ufed tor the common pay of the iol-
diers.
ROGATION, ROGATIO, in the Roman jurifpru-
dence, a demand made by the confuls or tiibunes of the
Roman people, when a law was propofed to be paiTed.
Rogatio is alio ufed for the decree itfelf made in confe-
quence of the people’s giving their affent to this demand ;
to diftingmih it from a fenatus confultum, or decree of
the lenate.
ROGATION-Week) the week immediately fucceeding
Whitfunday } fo called from the three featts therein, viz.
on Monday, Tuefday, and Wednefday.
ROGER DE Hoveden, a learned man of the 13th
century, was born in Yorkfhire, molt probably at the
town of that name, now called Howden, fome time in
the re'gn of Henry I. After he had received the firit
parts of education in his native country, he itudied the
civil and canon, law, which were then become the moll
faihionable and lucrative branches of learning. He be¬
came domeftic chaplain to Henry II. who employed him
to tranfaft feveral ecclefialtical affairs} in which he ac¬
quitted himfelf with honour. But his molt mei-itorious
work was, his Annals of England, from A. D. 731,
when Bede’s Ecclefiailical Hiltory ends, to A. D. 1202.
This work, which is one of the molt voluminous of our
ancient hiltories, is more valuable for the fincerity with
which it is written, and the great variety of fadts which
it contains, than for the beauty of its ityle, or the regu¬
larity of its arrangement.
ROGUE, in Law, an idle fturdy beggar j who by
ancient ftatutes is for the firft offence called a rogue
tfycjirj} degree, and pumlhed by whipping, and boring
through the griitle of the right ear with a hot iron ; and
for the fecond offence, is termed a rogue of the fecond de¬
gree, and if above 18 years of age, ordered to be execu¬
ted as a felon.
ROHAN, Peter DE, Chevalier de Gie, and mar-
fhal of France, better known by the name of Marjlml
de Gid, was the fon of Louis de Rohan, the firit of the
name, lord of Guemene and Montauban, and defeended
of one of the molt ancient and moil illuftrious families of
the kingdom. The family of Rohan, before the Revo¬
lution, held the rank of prince in France in confequence
of deriving its origin from the firit fovereigns of Brittany,
and clearly admitted by the dukes of Brittany them-
felves in the Hates general oi that province held in 1088.
The houfe of Rohan had ftill another advantage, which
was common to it with very few families, even the molt
diftinguilhed among the princes, namely, that inftead of
having been aggrandifed by the wealth procured from
alliances, it had held in itfelf for feven centuries the lar-
gelt poffeffions of any family in the kingdom.
One of the molt diftinguilhed branches of this family
was Peter, the fubjeft of the prefent article. Louis XI.
rewarded his bravery with the Itaff of marlhal of France
in 1475. Fie was one of the four lords who governed
the kingdom during the indifpofition of that prince at
Chinon in 1484. Two years afterwards he oppofed the
attacks of the archduke of Aultria upon Picardy. He Rohaa.
commanded the van-guard at the battle of Fornoue in
1495, and fignalized himfelf much in that engagement.
His bravery procured him the countenance and confidence
of Louis XII. who appointed him his prime counfellor,
and general of the army in Italy } but thele advantages
he loft, by incurring the difpleafure of Anne of Brittany
the queen.
The marfhal had flopped fome of her equipage or* the
road to Nantz j for which that vindictive princefs pre¬
vailed on her hulband to enter into a procefs againft him
before the parliament of Touloufe, at that time the molt
rigorous and fevere in the kingdom. He was on the 15th
ol February .1506 found guilty, banilhed from the court,
and deprived of the privileges and emoluments of his of¬
fice for five years. The expence of this profecution a*
mounted to more than 31,000 livres, and it did no hon¬
our either to the king or the queen. If indeed it be true,
that the queen was never fo much delighted as with the
humiliation of her enemies, Ihe had good reafon to be
fatisfied here. John of Author), who hath entered into
a pretty full detail of this affair, reports that Gie, being
removed to the Chateau de Dreux, became an object of
ridicule to the witneffes who had fworn againit him. He
wore a long white beard, and, quite full of the thoughts
of his difgrace, took it on one occafion in his hands and
covered his face with it. An ape, belonging to Alain
d’Albret, count of Dreux, jumped from a bed where
his mafter was repofing himfelf, and attacked the beard
of Gie, who, with fome difficulty, extricated himfelf.
This feene not only occafioned much laughter to the
whole company who were prefent, but likewife became
inftantly the fubjeCt of the farces and mummeries which
were then aCiing in France. Even the fchool-boys made
a reprefentation of it, where, alluding to the name of
the queen, they faid, that there was a marlhall who
wilhed to Ihoe an afs (//« ane), but that he received fuch
a blow with the foot, as threw him over the wall into
the garden. Marefchal de Gie died at Paris, the 22d
April 1513, perfectly dilgufted with courts and gran¬
deur.
Rohan, Henry duke of, peer of France, and prince
of Leon, was born at the Chateau de Blein in Brittany
m 1579. Heery IV. under whofe eyes he gave diftin¬
guilhed proofs of his bravery at the fiege of Amiens,
when only 16 years of age, loved him with as much af-
feCtion as if he had been his own fon. After the death
of Henry, he became chief of the Calvinifts in France •,
and was equally formidable for his genius as his fword.
In defence of the civil and religious rights of his party,
he maintained three wars againft Louis XIII. The firft,
which terminated to the advantage of the Proteftants
broke out when that prince wifhed to eftabliih the Ko-
mith religion in Le Bearn : the fecond, becaufe of the
fiege which Cardinal De Richlieu caufed to be laid to
Rochelle : and the third, when that place was befieged
a fecond time. The confequences of this war are fuffi-
ciently known : Rochelle furrendered ; and the duke de
Rohan perceiving, that after the taking of this place,
the majority of his party were endeavouring to make up’
matters with the court, fucceeded in procuring for them
a general peace in 1629, upon very honourable and ad¬
vantageous terms. The only facrifice of importance
which the Huguenots were obliged to make, was their
O 2 fortifications 5
R O H
[ 108 ] R O H
Rohan, fortifications j which put it out of their power to renew'
v " the rsTar, Some faflious perfons, diffatisfied with feeing
their fortreffes fall into their enemies hands, w'eve ready
to accufe their general of having fold them. This great
man, undeferving of fuch odious ingratitude, prefented
his bread to thefe enraged malcontents, and faid, “ Strike,
llrike! 1 with to die by your hands, after I have hazard¬
ed my life in your fervice.” The peace of 1629 having
extinguiflied the ilame of civil war, the duke de Rohan,
no longer of ufe to his party, and become diiagreeable at
court, retired to Venice. There is a very particular
anecdote of him, extradted from the Memoirs of the duchefs
of Rohan, Margaret of Rethune, daughter of the fa¬
mous Sully. Whiift the duke de Rohan was at Venice,
a propofal was made to him from the Porte, that for
200,000 crowns, and an annual tribute of 20,000, the
Grand Signior would give him the ifland of Cyprus, and
fully inveft him with the dignity and prerogatives of
king. The duke was warmly inclined to comply with
this propofal, and to fettle in the ifland the Proteftant
families of France and Germany. He negociated this
bufinefs at the Porte by means of the intervention of the
patriarch Cyril, wuth whom he had much correfpondence j
but different circumftances, and in particular the death
of the patriarch, occurred to break off the treaty. The
republic of Venice chofe Rohan for their commander in
chief againfl the Imperialifts 5 but Louis XIII. took him
from the Venetians, and fent him ambaffador into Swif-
ferland, and into the Grifons. He wifhed to affift thefe
people in bringing back La Valteline under their obe¬
dience, the revolt of wdiich the Spaniards and Imperia-
lifls encouraged. Rohan, being declared general of the
Grifons, after many victories, drove the German and
Spanifh troops entirely from La Valteline in 1633.
defeated the Spaniards again in 1636 at the banks of the
lake of Come. France, not thinking it proper to with¬
draw her troops, the Grifons rofe up in arms, and the
duke de Rohan, not fatisfied with the conduft of the
court, entered into a fpecial treaty with them the 28th
March 16This hero, fearing the refentment of
cardinal de Richlieu, retired to Geneva, with a view to
join his friend the duke of Saxe-Weimar, who wifhed
him to undertake the command of his army, then ready
to engage the Imperialiffs near Rhinfield. Although he
declined this honour, yet he took the command of the
regiment of Naffau, with which he threw the enemy into
confufion; butwras himfelfwounded, February 28. 1683,
and died of his wounds the 13th of April following, at
the age of 59. He w'as interred May 27. in the church
of St Pierre in Geneva, w'here there is a magnificent
monument of marble erefted to his memory, having
on it the mofl illuftrious aflions of his life. The duke
de Rohan was one of the greatefl generals of his time,
equal to the princes of Orange, and capable, like them,
of fettling a common',vealth; but more zealous than they
for religion, or at leaft appearing to be fo. Pie was
vigilant and indefatigable, not allowing himfelf any
pleafures which might take off his attention from his
neceffary employments, and well qualified for being the
head of a party ; a poll very difficult to retain, and
in which he had to fear equally from his enemies and
his friends. It is in this light that Voltaire has viewed
this illuftrious charafter, when he compofed the follow’-
ing verfe :
Avec tous les talcns le del I'avoit fait naitre :
II agit en Ileros ; cn Sage il ccrivit.
1!fit mane grand Homme en combattant fon Maitre,
Et plus grand lorfqu’ii lefervit.
Rohan-,
Rohault.
His military virtues were much heightened by the fweet-
nefs of his difpofition, his affable and courteous manners,
and by a generofity which had few examples. Neither
ambition, pride, nor a view of gain, could ever be traced
in his charadter. He was wunt to fay, that “ true glory
and a zeal for the public good never dwelt where felf-
intereft reigned.” Rohan had always a particular re¬
gard for Henry the Fourth : “ Truly (faid he, fome-
times after the death of that prince) wrhen I think of
him, my heart is ready to break. A wound received
in his prefence would have afforded me more fatisfadtion
than now to gain a battle. I would have valued an
encomium from him in this art, of which he was the
greateft mailer of his time, more than the united praifes
of all the commanders now living.” He wrote feveral
interefting performances : 1. The Interefts of Princes,
printed at Cologne in 1666, in 1 2mo : in which work
he fully examines the public interefts of all the princes
of Europe. 2. The Perfedt General, or an abridge¬
ment of the wars from Caefar’s Commentaries, in 12mo.
In this he makes it appear, that a knowledge of the
tadlics of the ancients might be of much ufe to the
moderns. 3. A Treatife on the Corruption of the An¬
cient Militia. 4. A Treatife on the Government of the
Thirteen Provinces. 5. Memoirs *, the beft edition of
which is in 2 vols 12mo. They contain the hiftory of
France from 1610 to 1629. 6. A Colledlion of fome
Political Difcourfes on State Affairs, from 1612 to 1629,
8vo, Paris, 1644, J693, 1755 ; with the Memoirs and
Letters of Henry Duke de Rohan relative to the wTar of
La Valteline, 3 vols i2mo, Geneva, 1757. This was
the firft edition which appeared of thele curious me¬
moirs : We owe it to the great attention and diligence
of M. le Baron de Zurlauben, who publifhed them from
different authentic manuferipts. He likewife ornament¬
ed this edition with geographical, hiftorical, and genea¬
logical notes, and a preface, which contains an abridged,
but highly interefting life, of the duke de Rohan, author
of the memoirs. The Abbe Perau has alfo written a
life of him, which occupies the 21ft and 22d volumes of
the Hiftory of the Illuftrious Men of France. Some
want of fpirit might be excufed in the detail of w'ars
finilhed upwards of 140 years ago ; yet the memoirs of
the duke de Rohan ftill afford conliderable pleafure in
the perufal. He tells his ftory with humour, with fuf-
ficient exaftnefs, and in fuch a ftyle as procures the con¬
fidence of the reader.
ROHAULT, James, a celebrated Cartefian phi-
lofopher, w'as the fon of a merchant of Amiens, where
he w'as born in 1620. He became well {killed in the
mathematics, and taught them at Paris, where he be¬
came acquainted with M. Clerfelier, an advocate, who
gave him his daughter in marriage. Rohault alfo taught
philofophy in the fame city with uncommon applaufe.
He there improved the arts, and gave excellent lectures
to the artifls and workmen. He died at Paris in 1675.
He wrote, in French, I. A Treatife on Natural Philo-
fophy. 2. The Elements of the Mathematics. 3. A
Treatife on Mechanics, which is very curious. 4. Phi-
lofophieal
R O L r I
Rolandra lofophical Converfations ", and other works. His Phyfics
II have been tranflated into Latin, by Dr Samuel Clarke,
with notes, in which the Cartefian errors are corretted
upon the Newtonian fyllem.
ROLANDRA, a genus of plants belonging to the
fyngenefia clafs; and in the natural method ranking un¬
der the 49th order, Compofitce. The common calyx con-
fids of didimft Jlofculi, between each of which are fiiort
fquamce, the whole forming a round head. The partial
calyx is bivalved. The corolla is fmall and funnel-
fhaped, the tube fmall as a thread, the lacinice fhort and
acute. The damina are five ; the dyle bifid. It has
no other feed-veffel except the partial calyx, which con¬
tains a long three-fided feed. Of this there is only one
fpecies, viz. the Argentea •, a native of the Wed Indies,
and found in copfes and wafte lands.
ROLL, in manufa&ories, fomething wound and fold¬
ed up in a cylindrical form.
Few duffs are made up in rolls, except fatins, gaufes,
and crapes ; which are apt to break, and take plaits
not eafy to be got ©ut, if folded otherwife. Ribbons,
laces, gallons, and paduas of all kinds, are alfo thus rol¬
led.
A roll of tobacco, is tobacco in the leaf, twided on
the mill, and wound twid over twid about a ftick or
roller. A great deal of tobacco is fold in America in
rolls of various weights 5 and it is not till its arrival in
England, Spain, France, and Holland, that it is cut.
A roll of parchment, properly denotes the quantity
of 60 {kins.
The ancients made all their books up in the form of
lolls ; and in Cicero’s time the libraries confided wholly
of fuch rolls.
Roll, in Law, fignifies a fchedule or parchment
which may be rolled up by the hand into the form of a
pipe.
In thefe fchedules of parchment, all the pleadings,
memorials, and aRs of court, are entered and filed by
the proper officer 5 w’hich being done, they become re¬
cords of the court. Of thefe there are in the exchequer
leveral kinds, as the great wardrobe roll, the cofferer’s
roll, the fubfidy-roll, &c.
Roll is alfo ufed for a lid of the names of perfons of
the fame condition, or of thofe who have entered into
the fame engagement. Thus a court-roll of a manor, is
that in which the names, rents, and fervices, of each
tenant are copied and enrolled.
Calves-head ROLL, a roll in the two temples in which
every bencher is taxed yearly at 2S. every barrider at
is. 6d. and every gentleman under the bar at 1 s. to
the cook and other officers of the houfe, in confidera-
tion of a dinner of calves-heads provided in Eader-
term.
Mujler Roll, that in which are entered the foldiers
of every-troop, company, regiment, &c. As foon as a
foldier’s name is written down on the roll, it is death
for him to defert.
RoLLS-Office, is an office in Chancery-lane, London,
appointed for the cudody of the rolls and records in
chancery.
Majler of the ROLLS. See MASTER of the Rolls.
Rider ROLL, a fchedule of parchment frequently few-
cd or added to fome part of a roll or record.
ROLLS of Parchment, are the manufcript regiders
or rolls of the proceedings of our ancient, parliaments.
09 ] it o L
which before the invention of printing were all engrofs- Roll
ed on parchment, and proclaimed openly in every coun- H
ty. In thefe rolls are alfo contained a great many de-, Ro11''
cifions of difficult points of law, which were frequent¬
ly in former times referred to the decifion of that high
court.
Roll, or Roller, is alfo a piece of wood, iron, brafs,
&c. of a cylindrical form, ufed in the condruRion of
feveral machines, and in feveral works and manufac¬
tures.
Thus in the glafs manufaRure they have a running-
roll, which is a thick cylinder of cad brafs, which ferves
to conduR the melted glafs to the end of the table on
which large looking-glaffes, &c. are cad.
Founders alfo ufe a roll to work the fand which they
ufe in making their mould.
The preffes called calendars, as ferving to calendar
duffs withal, confid, among other effential parts, of two
rollers. It is alfo between the two rollers that the waves
are given to filks, mohairs, and other duffs proper to be
tabbied.
Impreffions from copper-plates are alfo taken by paf-
fing the plate and paper between two rollers. See Rol-
ling-prefs PRINTING.
Rolls, in datting-mills, &c. are two iron indruments
of a cylindrical form, which ferve to draw or dretch out
plates of gold, filver, and other metals.
Rolls, in fugar-w'orks, are two large iron barrels
which ferve to bruife the canes, and to exprefs the
juice. Thefe are caff hollow, and their cavities are fill¬
ed up with wood, the cylinders of which are properly
the rollers.
ROLLER, in Surgery, a long and broad bandage,
ufually of linen-cloth, rolled round any part of the body,,
to keep it in, or difpbfe it to a date of health.
ROLL I, Paul, an Italian poet, was born at Rome in
1687. He was the fon of an architeR, and a pupil of
the celebrated Gravina, who infpired him with a tade
for learning and poetry. An intelligent and learned
Engliih lord having brought him to London, introdu¬
ced him to the royal family as a mader of the Tufcan
language. Rolli remained in England till the death of
Queen Caroline his proteRor, and the patronefs of lite¬
rature in general. He returned to Italy in 1747, where
he died in 1767, in the 80th year of his age, leaving
behind him a very curious colleRion in natural hidory,
&c. and a valuable and well chofen library. His prin¬
cipal works fird appeared in London in 1735, in 8vo.
I hey confid of Odes in blank verfe, Elegies, Songs,
&c. after the manner of Catullus, and a ColleRion of
Epigrams, printed at Florence in 1776, in 8vo, to which
is prefixed an account of his life by the Abbe Fondini.
What Martial faid of his own ColleRion may be faid of
this, “ That there are few good, but many indifferent
or bad, pieces in it.” Rolli, however, bore the charac¬
ter of one of the bed Italian poets of his age. During
his day in London, he procured editions of feveral au¬
thors of his own country. The principal of thefe were,
the Satires of Ariodo, the Burlefque Works of Bernq
Varchi, &c. 2 vols, in 8vo, which poffefs confiderable
merit. The Decameron of Boccace, 1727, in 410 and
folio ; in which he has faithfully copied the celebrated
and valuable edition pubhlhed by the Juntos in 1J27 :
and, lallly, of the elegant Lucretia of Marchetti, which,
after the manufcript was revifed, was printed at London
in
R O L [ no ] ROE
in 1717, in 8vo, through the influence and attention of
Kolii. This edition is beautiful} but the work is thought
to be of a pernicious tendency, lie likewife tranflated
into Italian verfe the Paradife Loft of Milton, printed
at London in folio in 1735 and the Odes of Anacreon,
London 1739, in 8vo.
ROLL IN, Charles, a juftly celebrated French
Writer, was the fon of a culler at Paris, and was born
there on the 30th of January 1661. He ftudied at
the college .Du Pleflis, in which he obtained a burfary
through the intereft of a Benediftine monk of the White
Mantle, whom he had ferved at table, and who difco-
vered in him fome marks of genius. Here he acquired
the regard of M. Gobinet, principal of that college,
who had a particular efteem for him. After having
ftudied humanity and philofophy at the college of Du
Pleflis, he applied to divinity three years at the Sor-
bonne ; but he did not profecute this ftudy, and never
rofe in the church higher than to the rank of a tonfured
prieft. He afterwards became protcflbr of rhetoric in
the fame college •, and, in 1688, fucceeded Horfan, his
mafter, as prolefibr of eloquence, in the royal college.
No man ever exercifed the funclior.s of it with greater
eclat: he often made Latin orations, to celebrate the
memorable events of the times j and frequently accom¬
panied them with poems, which were read and efteemed
by every body. In 1694, he was chofen rcftor of the
univerfity 5 and continued in that office two years, which
was then a mark of diftinclion. By virtue of his office,
he fpoke the annual panegyric upon Louis XIV. Pie
made many very ufelul regulations in the univerfity ;
and particularly revived the ftudy of the Greek lan¬
guage, which was then much neglefted. He fubftituted
academical exercifes in the place of tragedies ; and in¬
troduced the praflice which had been formerly obferved,
of caufing the ftudents to get by heart paflages of Scrip-
tures. He was a man of indefatigable attention •, and
trained innumerable perfons, who did honour to the
church, the flate, and the army. The full prefident
Portail was pleafed one day to reproach Rcllin in a jo¬
cular ftrain, as if he exceeded even himfelf in doing bu-
finefs : to whom Rollin replied, with that plainnefs and
fincerity which was natural to him, “ It becomes you
well, Sir, to reproach me with this : it is this habit of
labour in me which has diftinguiftied you in the place of
advocate-general, which has raifed you to that of firft
prefident : you owe the greatnefs of your fortune to
me.”
Upon the expiration of the refiorfhip, Cardinal No-
ailles engaged him to fuperintend the ftudies of his
nephews, who were in the college of Laon j and in this
office he was agreeably employed, when, in 1699, he
was with great reluftance made coadjutor to the prin¬
cipal of the college of Beauvais. This college was then
a kind of defert, inhabited by very few ftudents, and
without any manner of difcipline : but Rollin’s great
reputation and induftry foon re-peopled it, and made
it that flourifhing fociety it has ever fince sontinued.
In this fituation he continued till 17125 when the war
between the Jefuits and the Janfenifts drawing towards
a crifis, he fell a facrifice to the prevalence of the for¬
mer. Father le Tellier, the king’s confeflbr, a furious
agent of the Jefuits, infufed inlo his mafter prejudices
againft Rollin, whofe connexions with Cardinal de No-
aillcs would alone have fufficed to have made him a
3
Janfenift 5 and on this account he loft his {hare in the Rollin.
principality of Beauvais. No man, however, could
have loft lefs in this than Rollin, who had every thing
left him that was neceffary to make him happy 5 re¬
tirement, books, and enough to live on. He now be¬
gan to be employed upon (JuinHilian 5 an author he
juftly valued, and law negledfed not without uneafinefs.
He retrenched in him whatever he thought rather cu¬
rious than ufeful for the inilruXion of youth 5 he pla¬
ced fummaries or contents at the head of each chapter 5
and he accompanied the text with fhort feleX notes.
His edition appeared in 1715, in 2 vols 12mo, with an
elegant preface, felting forth his method and views.
In 1710, the univerfity of Paris, willing to have a
head fuitable to the importance of their interefts in a
very critical conjunXure of affairs, chofe Rollin again
reXor : but he was difplaced in about two months by
a lettre de cachet. The univerfity had prefented to the
parliament a petition, in which it protefled againft ta¬
king any part in the adjuftment of the late dlfputes j
and their being congratulated in a public oration by
Rollin on this Itep, occafioned the letter which ordered
them to choofe a reXor of more moderation. What¬
ever the univerfity might fuffer by the removal of Rol¬
lin, the public was probably a gainer 5 for he now ap¬
plied himfelf to compofe his Treatife upon the Manner
of Studying and Teaching the Belles Lettres, which
was publifhed, two volumes in 1726, and two more in
1728, 8vo.
This work has been juftly efteemed for the fentiments
of religion which animate its author, whofe zeal for the
public good prompted him to feleX the choiceft paf-
fages of Greek and Latin authors. The ftyle is fuffi-
ciently elegant, but the language on feme occafions is
not remarkable for delicacy ; and in the book altogether
there is neither much order nor depth. The author has
indeed fpoken of common things agreeably, and has
fpoken as an orator on fubjeXs which demanded the in-
veftigation of the philofopher. One can fcarcely re¬
duce any thing in him to principles.-^—For example, the
three fpecies of eloquence j the fimple, the temperate,
and the fublime, can fcarcely be underftood from him 1
when we read that the one refembles a frugal table 5
the feccnd a beautiful ruin, with green wood growing
on its banks 5 and the third thunder and an impetuous
river which overthrows every thing that oppofes it.
The work, however, has been exceedingly fuccefsful,
and juftly fo ; and its fuccefs encouraged its author to
undertake another work of equal ufe and entertainment j
his Hi/Icire Antienne, &c. or “ Ancient Hiftory of the
Egyptians, Carthaginians, Affyrians, Babylonians, Medes
and Perfians, Macedonians, and Greeks,” which he fi-
nifhed in 13 vols 8vo, and publiftied between 1730 and
1738. M. Voltaire, after having obferved that Rollin
was “ the firft member of the univerfity of Paris who
WTote French with dignity and correXnefs,” fays of
this work, that “ though the laft volumes, which were
written in too great a hurry, are not equal to the firft,
it is neverthelefs the beft compilation that has yet ap¬
peared in any language 5 becaufe it is feldom that com¬
pilers are eloquent, and Rollin was remarkably fo.”
This is perhaps faying too much. There are indeed in
this work fome paffages very well handled ; but they
are only fuch as he had taken from the ancient authors,
in doing juftice to whom he was always very happy.
The
R O L [ i
RoIHn, The reader will eafily difcover in this work the fame
—v n‘ ■ ' attachment to religion, the fame deflre for the public
good, and the fame love of virtue, which appears in that
on the belles lettres. But it is to be lamented that
his chronology is neither exaft nor correfponding ; that
he Hates fadls inaccurately j that he has not fufficiently
examined the exaggerations of ancient hiftorians ; that
he often interrupts the moft folemn narrations with mere
trifles 5 that his ilyle is not uniform ; and this want of
uniformity arifes from his borrowing from writers of a
modern date 40 or 30 pages at a time. Nothing can
be more noble and more refined than his retleftions } but
they are ft re wed with too fparing a hand, and want that
lively and laconic turn on account of which the hifto¬
rians of antiquity are read with fo much pleafure. He
tranfgrefles the rule which he himlelf had eftablifhed in
his Treatife on Studies. “ The precepts which have a
refpedl to manners (fays he) ought, in order to make
an impreftion, to be fhort and lively, and pointed like a
dart. That is the moft certain method of making
them enter and remain on the mind.” There is a vi-
ftble negligence in his diftion with regard to grammati¬
cal cuftom, and the choice of his expreftions, which he
does not choofe at all times with fufficient tafte, al¬
though, on the whole, he writes well, and has preferved
himfelf free from many of the faults of modern authors.
While the laft volumes of his Ancient Hiftory were print¬
ing, he publiftied the firft of bis Roman Hiftory ; which
he lived to carry on, through the eighth and into part
of the ninth, to the war agalnft the Cimbri, about 70
years before the battle of A6lium. Mr Crevier, the
worthy difciple of Rollin, continued the hiftory to the
battle of Actium, which clofes the tenth volume ; and
has fince completed the original plan of Rollin in 16
vols i2mo, which was to bring it down from the foun¬
dation of the city to the reign of Conftantine the Great.
This hiftory had not fo great fuccefs as his Ancient
Hiftory had. Indeed it is rather a moral and hiftorical
difcourfe than a formal hiftory *, for the author does
little more than point out fome more remarkable events,
while he dwells with a fort of prolixity on thofe parts
which furnifti him a free field for moralizing. It is al¬
ternately diffufe and barren ; and the greateft advantage
of the work is, that there are feveral pafiages from T.
Livy tranflated with great elegance into French. He
alfo publilhed A Latin Tranflation of moft of the The¬
ological Writings relative to the difputes of the Times
in which he lived. Rollin was one of the moft zealous
adherents of Deacon Paris; and before the inclofure of
the cemetery of St Medard, this diftinguilhed chara&er
might have been often feen praying at the foot of his
tomb. This he confeffes in his Letters. He pub¬
liftied alfo LelTer Pieces *, containing different Letters,
Latin Harangues, Difcourfes, Complimentary Addrefles,
&c. Paris 1771, 2 vols, i2mo. A colleftion which
might have been contained in one volume, by keeping
in only the bed pieces. It is notwithftanding valuable
for fome good pieces which it contains, for the favour¬
able opinion which it exhibits of folid probity, found
reafon, and the zeal of the author for the progrefs of
virtue and the prefervation of tafte. The Latin of
Rollin is very corre£l, and much after the Ciceronian
ftyle, and embellhhed with moft judicious thoughts and
agreeable images. Full of the reading of the ancients,
from which he brought quotations with as much pro-
11 ] R o L
priety as plenty, he cxpreffed himlelf with much fpirit Rollin,
and excellence. His Latin poems deferve the fame eulo- Roliing.
gium.
This excellent perfon died in 1741. He had been
named by the king a member of the academy of in-
fcriptions and belles lettres in 1701 : but as he had not
then brought the college of Beauvais into repute, and
found he had more bufinefs upon his hands than was
confident with a decent attendance upon the functions
of an academician, he begged the privileges of a veteran,
which were honourably granted him. Neverthelefs, he
maintained his connections with the academy, attended
their affemblies as often as he could, laid the plan of his
Ancient Hiftory before them, and demanded an acade¬
mician for his cenfor. Rollin was a man of an admir¬
able compofition •, very ingenious, conlummate in polite
learning, of rigid morals, and eminently pious. He was
rather too religious •, his religion carrying him into the
territories of fuperftition ; and he wanted nothing but a
mixture of the philofophic in his nature to make him a
very perfedl charadter. Nothing could be more benign,
more pacific, more fweet, more moderate, than Robin’s
temper. He fhowed, it muft be owned, fome zeal for
the caufe of Janfenifm •, but in all other refpedts he was
exceedingly moderate. The celebrated poet Roufleau
conceived fuch a veneration for him, that he came out
of banifhment incognito to Paris, on purpofe to vifit him
and pay his refpects to him. He looked upon his hi-
ftories, not only as the beft models of the hiftoric kind,
but as a complete fyftem of politics and morals, and a
moft inftrudlive fchool for princes as well as fubjefts to
learn all their duties in.
Inftead of bluftiing at the lownefs of his birth, Rollin
on no occafion hefitated to fpeak of it. “ It is from
the Cyclops’s ihop (fays he, in a Latin epigram to one
of his friends, to whom he had fent a fmall iword) that
1 have taken my flight towards Parnaffus.” Fie was
not, however, without fome lhare of vanity, efpecially
at hearing mention made of his writings, of which the
well-timed praifes of his adherents had given him a very
high opinion. He fpoke without any diflimulation
what he thought j and his opinions were lefs the effeft
of prefumption than of opennefs of heart. He was one
of thofe men who are vain without any mixture of pride.
Rollin fpoke pretty well •, but he had a greater read!-
nefs of writing than fpeaking ; and much more fatisfac-
tion might be derived from his works than from his con-
verfation. His name became famous throughout Eu¬
rope ; feveral princes fought the honour of his friend-
ftiip. The duke of Cumberland and the prince-royal of
.Pruflia (afterwards king) were among the lift of his ad¬
mirers. This monarch honoured with him feveral let¬
ters 5 in one of which he pays him the following com¬
pliment, “ Men of your charafter are fit companions
for kings.” As to the literary merit of this author, it
was, we fufpe£t, too much extolled in his own time, and
has been too much undervalued in ours.
ROLLING, the motion by which a fhip rocks from
fide to fide like a cradle, occafioned by the agitation of
the waves.
Rolling, therefore, is a fort of revolution about an
imaginary axis pafling through the centre of gravity
of a {hip : fo that the nearer the centre of gravity is to
the keel, the more violent will be the rolling motion j
becaufe the centre about which the vibrations are made
is v
R O L [ i
is placed fo low in the bottom, that the refinance made
by the keel to the volume of water which it difplaces
in rolling, bears very little proportion to the force of
the vibration above the centre of gravity, the radius of
which extends as high as the malt-heads.
But if the centre of gravity is placed higher above
the keel, the radius of vibration will not only be dimi-
nilhed, but an additional force to oppoie the motion of
rolling will be communicated to that part of the (hip’s
bottom which is below the centre of gravity.
So far as relates to the effeift of rolling, when pro¬
duced by the quality or ftowage of the ballad, and to
the manner by which it may be prevented, viz. a
change of the quantity or difpofition of the ballad, we
diall endeavour to explain under the article Trim. It
may, however, be neceflary to remark, that the con-
drudlion of the drip’s bottom may alio contribute to
diminilh this movement confiderably.
Many fatal difaders have happened to diips arifing
from violent rollings ; as the lofs of the mads, loofen-
ing of the cannon, and draining violently on the decks
and fides, fo as to weaken the drip to a great degree.
See Pitching.
ROLLING-Vrefs. See Rolling PRESS.
ROLLING-Tockle, a pulley or purchafe fadened to
that part of a fail-yard which is to the windward of the
mad, in order to confine the yard clofe down to tha
leeward when the fail is furled.
It is ufed to prevent the yard from having a great
friftion againd the mad in a high fea, which would be
equally pernicious to both.
ROLLO, the conqueror of Normandy, was a Nor¬
wegian duke, banifhed from his country by Harold
Harfager, who conquered Norway in 870, on account
of the piracies he exercifed. He fird retired with his
fieet among the idands of the Hebrides to the north-
wTed of Scotland, whither the fiow’er of the Norwegian
nobility had ded for refuge ever fince Harold had be¬
come mader of the whole kingdom. Pie was there re¬
ceived with open arms by thofe warriors, who, eager
for conqued and revenge, waited only for a chief to
Undertake fome glorious enterprife. Rollo fetting
himfelf at their head, and feeing his porver formidable,
failed towards England, wdiich had been long as it
were a field open on all fides to the violence of the
northern nations. But the great Alfred had fome
years before eltablidied fuch order in his part of the
idand, that Rollo, after feveral fruitlefs attempts, de-
fpaired of forming there fuch a fettlement as diould
make him amends for the lofs of his own country. He
pretended, therefore, to have had a fupernatural dream,
which promifed him a glorious fortune in France, and
which ferved at lead to fupport the ardour of his fol¬
lowers. The weaknefs of the government in that
kingdom, and the confufion in which it was involved,
were ftill more perfuafive reafens to infure them of
fuccefs. Having therefore failed up the Seine to
Rouen, he immediately took that capital of the pro¬
vince, then called Neujli'ia, and making it his maga¬
zine of arms, he advanced up to Paris, to wdrich he
laid fiege in form. This war at length ended in the
entire ceffion of Neuftria, wdwch Charles the Simple
was obliged to give up to Rollo and his Normans in
order to purchafe a peace. Rollo received it in perpe¬
tuity to himfelf and his pofterity, as a feudal duchy de-
4
2 ] R O L
pendant on the crown of France. A defcription of the Rollo,
interview between Charles and this new duke gives us Rollock.
a curious picture of the manners of thefe Normans (as   ^—
they were called by foreigners) ; for the latter would
not take the oath of fealty to his fovereign lord any
other way than by placing his hands within thofe of the
king ; and abfolutely refuted to kifs his feet, as cuftcm
then required. It was with great difficulty he was pre¬
vailed on to let one of his warriors perform this ceremo¬
ny in his Head •, but the officer to whom Rollo deputed
this fervice, fuddenly raifed the king’s foot fo high, that
he overturned him on his back ; a piece of rudenefs
which was only laughed at : to fuch a degree were the
Normans feared, and Charles defpifed.
Soon after, Rollo was perfuaded to embrace Chrilti-
anity, and he was baptized with much ceremony by the
archbiffiop of Rouen in the cathedral of that city. As
foon as he law himfelf in full polfeltion of Normandv,
he exhibited fuch virtues as rendered the province hap¬
py, and deferved to make his former outrages forgotten.
Religious, wife, and liberal, this captain of pirates be¬
came, after Alfred, the greatelt and moll humane prince
of his time.
ROLLOCK, Robert, the firll principal of the uni-
verfity of Edinburgh, was the fon of David Rollock of
Powis, in the vicinity of Stirling. He was born in the
year 1555, and was taught the rudiments of the Latin
tongue by a perfon then eminent in his profeffion. He
was fent from fchool to the univerfity of St Andrew's,
where his progrefs wras fo rapid, that he was made pro-
feffor of philofophy foon after he obtained the degree of
mailer of arts.
The magillrates of Edinburgh having petitioned the
king to found a univerfity in that city, they obtained a
charter under the great feal, by which they were al-
knved all the privileges of a univerfity, which was built
in 1582, and Mr Rollock was chofen principal and
profeflbr of divinity. He was foon famous in the uni¬
verfity on account of his lectures, and among his coun¬
trymen at large for his perfuafive mode of preaching. In
the year 1593, Principal Rollock and others were ap¬
pointed by parliament to confer wfith the popilh lords ;
and in the following year he wras one of thofe made
choice of by the general afiembly, to prefent his majefty
witli a paper, entitled, the dangers which, through the
impunity of excommunicated papi/ls, traffickers with the
Spaniards, and other enemies of the religion and efate,
are imminent to the true religion profeff'ed within this
realm, his majefy's perfon, crown, and liberty of this our
native country. His zeal againll popery was carried to
excefs, and he feems to have been of opinion, that it w7as
incumbent on the civil magillrate to puniffi idolatry
with death. In the year 1595, he was empowered,
along with others, to vifit the different univerfities in
Scotland, with a view to enquire into the dodlrine and
praftice of the different mailers, the difeipline adopted
by them, and the Hate of their rents and living, which
they were ordered to report to the next general affem-
bly.
He was chofen moderator of the general affembly in
the year 1597, at which period he w'as fortunate enough
t» obtain the redrefs of feveral glaring abufes. The
greater part of his life w*as fpent in conducing the af¬
fairs of the church, yet Spottifwood affures us that he
would rather have preferred retirement and iludy. In¬
deed,
ROM
Rollock deed, tlie feeblenefs of his conftitution was not equal to
1! the hurry and buftle of public life, which he did not
Romance. jove efjua| to the retirement of lludy. He was very
v_ much affefted with the Hone, the pains of which he
bore with the fortitude and refignation of a Chriftian.
He died at Edinburgh on the laft day of February
1598, in the 43d year of his age', befeeching his bre¬
thren, in his lalt moments, to be more dutiful and obe-.
dient to their gracious fovereign.
Short as his life was, he publiihed many works, of
which the following is a fummary. A Commentary on
the firft book of Beza’s Queftions 5 on St Paul’s Epiftle
to the Ephefians j on the prophet Daniel •, a Logical
Analylis of St Paul’s Epillle to the Romans; fome
Queftions and Anfwers concerning the Covenant of Grace
and the Sacraments } a treatife of Effeftual Calling ; a
Commentary on the Epiftles of Paul to the Theffalo-
nians and Philemon j on fifteen feledl pfalms $ on the
Gofpel of St John, with a harmony of the four Evange-
lifts upon the death, refurredlion, and afcenfion of Jefus
Chrift; certain Sermons on feveral places of St Paul’s
epiftles j a Commentary on the Epiftle to the Colof-
fians ; a Logical Analyfis of the Epiftle to the He¬
brews *, of the Epiftle to the Galatians; a Commentary
upon the firft twTo chapters of the firft Epiftle of St Pe¬
ter 5 a Treatife of Juftification, and another of Excom¬
munication. All thefe, except the fermons, were writ¬
ten in Latin. The following epitaph feems to prove
that Rollock was much efteemed in the univerfity over
which he prefided.
Te Rolloce, extin&o, urbs'mcefta, academia mcefta eft j
Et tota exequiis Scotia moefta tuis.
Uno in te nobis dederat Deus omnia, in uno
Te Deus eripuit omnia quae dederit.
ROMAN, in general, fomething belonging to the
city of Rome. See Rome.
King of the ROMANS, in Modern HiJiorrj, is a
prince elefted to be fucceifor to the reigning emperor
of Germany.
ROMANCE, in matters of literature, a fabulous re¬
lation of certain adventures defigned for the entertain¬
ment and inftruftion of the readers, and differing from
the novel as it always exhibits actions great, dangerous,
and generally extravagant. Many authors of the firft
name have written on the ancient romance. It has ex-
ercifed the pen of Hurd, of Warburton, and of fome
ladies, who have not thought it any derogation to the
fenfibility of their fex to unite antiquarian refearch
with the cultivation of the belles lettres. We have not,
however, feen anywhere lb concife, juft, and elegant
an account of the origin and progrefs of romances as in
DTfraeli’s Curiofities of Literature. “ Romance (fays
this writer) has been elegantly defined the offspring of
fi£lion and love. Men of learning have amufed them-
Vol. XVIII. Part I.
ROM
felves with tracing the epocha of romances. In tins Romance,
refearch they have difjftayed more ingenuity than judge-' “"'v'™ ^
ment j and fome have fancied that it may have exifted
as far back as the time of Ariftotle j Dearchus, one of
his difciples, having written feveral works of this amu-
fing fpecies.
“ Let us, however, be fatisfied in deriving it from the
Theagenes and Chariclea of Heliodorus, a bifliop who
lived in the 4th century, and whofe work has been lately
tranflated. This elegant prelate was the Grecian Fene-
lon (a). Beautiful as thefe compofitions are wdien
the imagination of the writer is fufficiently ftored with
accurate obfervations on human nature, in their birth,
like many of the fine arts, they found in the zealots of
religion men who oppofed their progrefs. However
Heliodorus may have delighted thofe wdio were not in-
fenfible to the felicities of a fine imagination, and to
the enchanting elegancies of ftyle, he raifed himfelf,
among his brother ecclefiaftics, enemies j who at length
fo far prevailed, that it was declared by a fynod, that
his performance was dangerous to young perfons, and
that if the author did not fupprefs it, he muft refign his
' bilhopric. We are told he preferred his romance to
his bifhopric. Even fo late as in Racine’s time, it wras
held a crime to perufe thefe unhallowed pages. He in¬
forms us, that the firft effufions of his mufe were in con-
fequence of ftudying that ancient romance, which his
mafter obferving him to devour with the keennefs of a
familhed man, he fnatched it from his hands and flung
it in the fire ; a fecond copy experienced the fame fate.
What could Racine do ? He bought a third, and took
the precaution of devouring it fecretly till he got it by
heart j after which he offered it to his mafter with a
fmile to burn, if he chofe, like the others.
The decifion of thefe bigots was founded in their
opinion of the immorality of fuch works. They alleged,
that the waiters paint too wrarmly to the imagination,
addrefs themfelves too forcibly to the paflions, and, in
general, by the freedom of their reprefentations, hover
on the borders of indecency. This cenfure is certainly
wrell-founded. Many of the old romances, and even of
the dramas, afted in Scotland two centuries ago, are
fuch as common proftitutes would in this age think in¬
decent. But we are at prefent concerned w7ith the ori¬
gin of romance.
“ The learned Fleury thinks that they were not known
till the 12th century, and gives as their original the
hiftory of the dukes of Normandy. Verdier, w'hofe
opinion is of no great weight, fays the invention of ro¬
mance was owung to the Normans of France j and that
thefe fiblions being originally written in the old Nor¬
man language, they wrere entitled Normances ; the name
was afterwards altered to that of Romances. The Spa¬
niards, wdio borrow'ed them from the French, called
them Romances, which alfo did the Italians.
P “ Dorn
[ 113 ]
(a) An ingenious and learned friend inquires, ‘ Is not the romance of the Golden Afs, by Apuleius, to be con-
fidered as an earlier fpecimen than that of Heliodorus ?’ To this our author has no objection ; but he would not
warrant any romance to be the JirJl that ever was written. It is thus that fome writers, more learned than faga-
cious, have difeovered the firft inventor of epiftolary correfpondence. A lady receives this honour : fuch learning
is defperate ! From the Afiatic Refearches and other publications on Oriental literature, we are led to believe, that
the native country of romance is the eaft ; where it feems to have flourifned in all its extravagant grandeur from
time immemorial.
ROM
Romance. “ Dom Rivet, one of the learned afTociates of the con-
gregation of St Maur, authors of the Literary Hiitory
of France, fixes their origin in the 10th century. He
fays, that the moft ancient romance known was one
which appeared in the middle of that century, under
the title of Phi/omenc, or the Beloved. This romance
contains the pretended exploits of Charlemagne before
Narbonne. At Touloufe, he tells us, they have pre-
ferved a copy of the Philomena in its original language;
that is to fay, the Romaunt or poliihed ; fuch as was
then fpoken at court. They preferred this language
to the Latin, which was then that of the common
people, but vitiated with their corruptions.
“ So far have we travelled on the road of conjefture:
we fhall now turn into the path of fadt. It is certain
that thefe compofitions derive their name from the lan¬
guage in which they were firib written. Abbe Iraild
has given us the charafter of the earliefl romances,
which wTe fhall tranferibe ; for to add to what is well ex-
preffed, however it may pleafe the vanity of a writer,
feldom tends to the gratification of the reader.
* The firit romances were a monftrous aflemblage
of hiftories, in which truth and fiftion were equally
blended, hut all without probability ; a compofition of
amorous adventures, and all the extravagant ideas of
chivalry. The incidents are infinitely multiplied; defti-
tute of connexion, of order, and art. Thefe are the an¬
cient and miferable romances which Cervantes, in his
celebrated fatirical romance of Don Quixote, has cover¬
ed with an eternal ridicule.’
“ It is, however, from thefe preduftions rather in their
improved Hate, that poets of all nations have drawn their
richefl inventions. The agreeable wildnefs of that fan¬
cy which charaflerized the eaftern nations was caught
fry the crufaders. When they returned home, they
mingled in their own the cufloms of each country. rI he
Saracens, who were men like themfelves, becaufe they
were of another religion, and were therefore their ene¬
mies, were piflured under the tremendous form of Pay-
nim Giants. The credulous reader of that day followed
with trembling anxiety the Red-crofs Knight. It was
thus that fittion embellithed religion, and religion invi¬
gorated fiftion. Such incidents have enlivened the cantos
of Ariofto, and adorned the epic of Taflb. Spenfer is
the child of their creation ; and it is certain that we are
indebted to them for fome of the bold and ftrong touches
of Milton.”
Other circumftances however have been afiigned as
the fources of thefe extravagant fiftions. “ Caftles were
ere&ed to repulfe the vagrant attacks of the Normans ;
and in France (from the year 768 to 987) thefe places
became fatal to the public repofe. The petty defpots
who raifed thefe caftles, pillaged whoever pafled, and
carried off the females who pleafed them. Rapine, of
every kind, was the privilege of Lords ! Mezeray ob-
ferves, that it is from thefe circumftances romancers
have invented their tales of knights errant, monfters, and
giants.
“ De Saint Foix, in his Hiftorical Effays on this fub-
je£t, thus exprefles himfelf: ‘ Women and girls were
not in greater fecurity when they palled by abbeys.
The monks fuftained an aflault rather than relinquiih
their prey : if they faw themfelves lofing ground, they
brought to their walls the relics of fome faint. Then it
generally happened that the affailants, feized with aw-
ROM
ful veneration, retired, and dared not to purfue their R mance.
vengeance. This is the origin of the enchanters, of v"-—■
the enchantments, and of the enchanted caftles, defend¬
ed in romances.’
“ To thefe may be added what the author of Northern
Antiquities, vol. i. p. 243, writes, that ‘ as the walls
of the caftles ran winding round them, they often called
them by a name which fignified ferpents or dragons ; and
in thefe were commonly fecured the women and young
maids of diftindtion, who were i’eldom fafe at a time
when fo many bold warriors were rambling up and
down in fearch of adventures. It was this cuftom
which gave occafion to ancient romancers, who knew
not how to delcribe any thing {imply, to invent lo
many fables concerning princeffes of great beauty,
guarded by dragons.’
“ The Italian romances of the 14th century were
fpread abroad in great numbers. They formed the po¬
lite literature of the day. But if it is not permitied to
authors freely to exprels their ideas, and give full play
to the imagination, thele works mult never be placed
in the ftudy of the rigid moralift. They indeed puftied
their indelicacy to the verge of groflhefs, and leemed
rather to feek than to avoid feenes which a modern
would blufti to deferibe. They (to employ the expief-
fion of one of their authors) were not alhamed to name
what God had created. Cinthio, Bandello, and others
but chiefty Boccacio, rendered libertinilm agreeable, by
the fafeinating charms of a polilhed ftyle, and a luxuri¬
ant imagination.
“ This however mult not be admitted as an apology
for immoral works ; for poifon is ftill poiibn, even when
it is delicious. Such works were, and ftill continue
to be, the favourites of a nation which is ftigmatifed
from being prone to illicit pleafures and impure amours.
They are ftill curious in their editions, and are not par-
fimonious in their price for what they call an uncaftra-
ted copy. There are many Italians, not literal y men,
who are in polTelhon of an ample library of the old
novelifts.
“ If we pafs over the moral irregularities of thefe ro¬
mances, we may difeover a rich vein of invention, which
only requires to be reltal’ed from that rubbilh which
disfigures it to become of an invaluable price. The
Decamerons, the Hecatommiti, and the Novellas of thefe
writers, made no inconfiderable figure in the little li¬
brary of our Shakefpeare. Chaucer is a notorious imi¬
tator and lover of them ; his Knight’s Tale is little more
than a paraphrafe of Boccacio’s Tefeoide. Fontaine
has caught all their charms with all their licentioufnefs.
From fuch works, thefe great poets, and many of their
contemporaries, frequently borrowed their plots ; not
uncommonly kindled at their flame the ardour of their
genius ; but bending too fubmiffively to their own pe¬
culiar tafte, or that of their age, in extracting the ore,
they have not purified it of the alloy.
“ We muft now turn our contemplation to the French
romances of the laft century. They were then carried
to a point of perfection, which as romances they can¬
not exceed. To this the Aftrea of D’Urfe greatly
contributed. It was followed by the Illuftrious Bafia,
the Great Cyrus, Clelia, &c. which, though not adapt¬
ed to the prefent age, gave celebrity to their authors.
Their ftyle, as well as that of the Aftrea, is diflufe and
infipid. Zaide (attributed by fome to Segrais, but by
Huet
t 114 ]
ROM [ 115 ] R o M
Romance Huet to Madame La Fayette) and the princefs of
^ II ^ Cleves are tranflated, and though they are mafterpieces
_of the kind, were never popular in our country, and
are little adapted to its genius.
“ It is not furpriling that romances have been regard¬
ed as pernicious to good fenfe, morals, talle and lite¬
rature. It was in this light they were conlidered by
Boileau j becaufe a few had fucceeded, a crowd imita¬
ted their examples. Gomberville and Scudery, and a
few more were admired ; but the fatiriil diffolved the
illufion. This he did moft effe&ually by a dialogue,
in which he ridicules thole citizens of a certain diltridt,
whole charadlers were concealed in thel’e romances, un¬
der the names of Brutus, Horace Codes, Lucretius,
and Clelia. This dialogue he only read to his friends,
and did not give it for a long time to the public, as
he efteemed Mademoifelle de Scudery : but wdren at
length it was publilhed, it united all the romance wri¬
ters againll our fatiriil.
“ From romances, which had now exhaulfed the pa¬
tience of the public, fprung novels. They attempted
to allure attention by this inviting title, and reducing
their works from ten to two volumes. The name of
romance difgulfed ; and they fubllituted thofe of hillo-
ries, lives, memoirs, and adventures. In thefe works
(obferves Irail) they quitted the unnatural incidents,
the heroic projefts, the complicated and endlefs in¬
trigues, and the exertion of noble palhons ; heroes wTere
not now taken from the throne, they were fought for
even among!! the loweft ranks of the people. On this
fubjefl, I lhall juft obl'erve, that a novel is a very dan¬
gerous poifon in the hand of a libeitine ; it may be a
falutary medicine in that of a virtuous writer.” See
Novel.
ROMAGNA, a province of Italy, in the pope’s
territories, bounded on the north by the Ferrarefe, on
the fouth by Tufcany and the duchy of Urbino, on the
call by the gulf of Venice, and on the weft by the Bo-
lognefe and a part of Tufcany. It is fertile in corn,
wine, oil, fine fruits, and paftures. It has alfo mines,
mineral waters, and falt-works, which make its principal
revenue. Ravenna is the capital town.
ROMANIA, a province of Turkey in Europe,
bounded on the north by Bulgaria, on the eaft by the
Black fea, on the fouth by the Archipelago and the
fea of Marmora, and on the w’eft by Macedonia and
Bulgaria j being 200 miles in length and 1 50 in
breadth. It w^as formerly called Thrace, and is the
principal and largeft of all the provinces the Turks pof-
fefs in Europe. It is a fruitful country in corn and
paftures, and thefe are mines of filver, lead, and alum.
It is divided into three great governments or langia-
cates •, namely, Kirkel, of which Philipoli is the ca¬
pital ; Galipoli, w'hofe capital is of the fame name ;
and Byzantium, or Byzia, or Viza, of which Con-
ftantinople is the capital. The Turks bellow the
name of Rovielia on all the territories they poflefs in
Europe.
ROMANO, Giulto, a famous painter, was the
difciple of Raphael, who had fuch an affection for him,
that he appointed him, with John Francis Penni, his
heir. His conceptions were more extraordinary and
more elevated than even thofe of his mailer, but not
lb natural. He was wonderful in the choice of atti¬
tudes ; but did not perfectly underftand the lights and Romano,
(hades, and is frequently luirlh and ungraceful. The Rome*
folds of his draperies, fays Du Frefnoy, are neither " r "
beautiful nor great, eafy nor natural, but all extrava¬
gant, like the fantallical habits of comedians. He was,
howrever, fuperior to moft painters, by his profound
knowledge of antiquity ; and, by converfing with the
works of the moft excellent poets, particularly Homer,
he made himfelf mailer of the qualifications neceflarily
required in a great defigner. Julio Romano was allb
well ikilled in architedlure. He wras employed by Car¬
dinal de Medicis, who was afterwards pope under the
name of Clement VII.} and afterwards went to Mantua,
whither he was invited by Frederic Gonzaga, marquis
of that city, in order to avoid his being juitly punilhed
for his having drawn at Rome the defigns of 20 ob-
fcene plates, engraved by Mark Antony, to which A-
retine added the fame number of fonnets. Julio Ro¬
mano embellilhed the city of Mantua with many of his
performances both in painting and archite&ure ; and
died in that city in I545> at 45 years of age, much
regretted by the marquis, who had an extraordinary
friendlhip for him.
ROME, a very ancient and celebrated city of Ita¬
ly, fituated on the river Tiber, in E. Long. 130. N.
Lat. 41. 45. once the capital of the greateft empire in
the world 5 and famous in modern hiltory for being the
centre of an ecclefiallical tyranny, by which for many
ages the greateft part of the world was held in fubjec-
tion. T
The ancient Romans derived their origin from Hi,-Romans de-
neas the Trojan hero j and though fome hiftorians pre-rcen<led
tend to treat his voyage into Italy as a mere fable, yetfrom
no fuftrcient reafons for rejecting this account have been11'-15’
offered, nor has any more probable hiftory of the origin
of the Roman name been given ; fo that, without en¬
tering into the difpute, we lhall proceed to the hillory
of Hineas and his fucceffors as they are recorded by the
generality of Latin writers.
When the Greeks, by the treachery of the fons of
Antenor, or by whatever other means it happened,
were become mafters of Troy, ./Eneas with the forces
under his command retired into the fortrefs of the city,
and defended it bravely for fome time 5 but yielding at
length to neceftity, he conveyed away his gods, his fa- j£ne2S f|;es
ther, wife, and children, with every thing he had thatfromTro'yS
was valuable, and, followed by a numerous crowd ofto Mount
J rojans, fled to the flrong places of Mount Ida. Hi-^*
ther all thole of his countrymen, who were more an¬
xious than the reft to preferve their liberty, flocked to
him from the feveral towns of Troas. His army thus
augmented and advantageoufly polled, he continued
quiet, waiting for the departure of the Greeks, who
it was imagined, would return home as foon as they
had pillaged the country. But thefe, after they had
enriched themfelves with the fpoils of Troy and of the
neighbouring towns, turned their arms againll the fu¬
gitives, refolving to attack them in their ftrong-holds
upon the mountain. ./Eneas, to avoid the hazard of
being forced in his laft refuge, had recourfe to nego-
ciation 5 and, by his heralds, intreated the enemy not Makes
to conllrain him to a battle. Peace was granted him, peace with
on condition that he with his followers quitted the Tro-‘he Greek%
jan territories j and the Greeks, on their part, pronfi-hjf
P 2 fed try.
ROM [n
Rome, fed not to moleft him in his retreat, but to let him
—fafely pafs through any country within the extent of
their domination.
Upon this affurance ^.neas equipped a fleet, in or¬
der to feek a fettlement in feme foreign land. We are
told, that at his departure he left his eldeft fon Afca-
nius with the Dafylites, a people of Bithynia, who de-
lired to have him for their king ; but that the young
prince did not remain long with them : for when Sca-
mandrius (Aftyanax), with the reft of the Heftoridae
whom Neoptolemus permitted to return home from
Greece, repaired to him, he put himfelf at their head,
and led them back to their native country.
^ The Trojan, having crofled the Hellefpont, arrived
in the peninfula of Pallene, where he built a city, call¬
ed from him JEneia, and left in it a part of that mul¬
titude which had followed him. From thence he fail¬
ed to Delos ; and thence to Cythera, where he eredled
a temple to Venus. He built another to the fame god-
defs in Zacynthus, in which ifland he likewife inftitu-
ted games, called the races of JEneas and Venus : the
ftatues of both, fays Dionyfius, are Handing to this
day. In Leucas, where the Trojans landed, was to be
feen, in the fame author’s time, a temple eredled to Ve¬
nus the mother of ./Eneas. Nor were Adtium and Am-
bracia without monuments that teftified his arrival in
thofe places. At Dodona were found brazen vafes,
upon which the name of the Trojan hero, who had
made an offering of them to Jupiter, was engraven in
old charafters. Not far from Buthrotos, in Epirus, a
Trojan camp which had efcaped the injuries of time,
retained the name of Troja. All thefe antiquities, ftill
fubfifling in the reign of Auguftus, were then looked
upon as indifputable proofs of /Eneas’s voyage to Epi¬
rus : “ and that he came into Italy (adds the fame
Dionyfius) we have the concurrent teftimony of all the
Romans j the ceremonies they obferve in their facri-
fices and feftivals bear witnels to it, as alfo the Sibyl¬
line books, the Pythian oracles, and many other things
which nobody can reafonably rejedl as invented merely
for ornament.”
The firft land of Italy which ./Eneas made, after
crofting the Ionian fea, was Cape Minerva, in lapygia ;
and here he went on ftiore. Sailing afterwards from
hence, and coafting along the fouth-eaft of Italy and
the eaft and fouth fides of Sicily, he arrived with his
fleet either by choice or by ftrefs of weather at the port
of Drepanum in that iiland. Elymus and yEgeftus, who
had efcaped from Troy a little before him, had brought
a Trojan colony to this place. /Eneas augmented it
by a good number of his followers, whom, pleafed to
have found a fafe refting place after many dangers and
fatiguing voyages, he -willingly left behind him at their
requeft j though certain authors pretend that he was
conftrained to it by the difficulty of tranfporting them,
becaufe fome Trojan women, weary of the fea, had
burnt a confiderable part of his {hips.
/Eneas, leaving Drepanum, fleered his courfe for I-
t.aly acrofs the Tyrrhenian lea. To the cape where he
firft landed, he gave the name Pa/inurus, from one of
his pilots who died there. The little ifland of Leuca-
fia, not far diftant, whither he failed next, got its name
in like manner from a daughter of /Eneas’s filter, who
there ended her days. The port of Mifenum, the ifland
©f Prochyta, and the promontory of Cajeta, where he
6 ] ROM
fucceflively arrived, were fo called from being the bu- Rome,
rial places, the firft of a noble Trojan his companion,l—
the fecond of his kinfwoman, and the third of bis
nurfe. At length the Trojan prince and his chofen
band finilhed their tedious and painful voyages on the ^
coaft of the fince famous Latium. This was a fmall Lands in
territory on the eaft fide of the river Tiber, contain-Italy,
ing a part of the prefent Campagna di Roma : Latinus
was the king of it j his capital town, Laurentum his
fubjefts, a people who, till his time called Aborigines,
had from him taken the name of Latins. Here, far re¬
moved from their implacable enemies the Greeks, /E-
neas and his followers undertook to raife a fecond Troy:
they fortified a camp near the mouth of the Tyber, gave
it the name of Troy, and flattered themfelves with the
hopes of a quiet fettlement, and a period to all their un¬
happy adventures.
When /Eneas arrived in Italy, Latinus was engaged
in a war with the Rutuli, a neighbouring people, in
which he was attended but with very indifferent fuccefs,
when news was brought him that a foreign army had
made a defeent on his coafts, pillaged the maritime part
of his dominions, and were fortifying themfelves in a
camp at a fmall diftance from the fea. Hereupon he
marched againft them with all his forces, hoping to ob¬
lige them to reimbark and abandon his dominions, with¬
out meeting with any great refiftance from a band of va¬
gabonds, as he fuppofed, or pirates, come only to feek for
plunder : but finding them, as he drew near, well-armed,
and regularly drawn up, he thought it advifable to for¬
bear engaging troops that appeared fo well difeiplined j
and, inftead of venturing a battle, to defire a parley. In
this conference Latinus underftanding who they were,
and being at the fame time ftruck with terror, and
touched with compaflion for thofe brave but unfortunate
men, entered into a treaty with them, and afligned them
a trafl of land for a fettlement, on condition that they
ftiould employ their arms atid exert their valour in de¬
fence of his dominions, and look upon the Rutuli as a
common enemy. This condition /Eneas readily accept- Ente^s jnto
ed ; and complied with his engagement fo faithfully, an au;ance
that Latinus came at length to repofe an entire confi- with Lati-
dence in the Trojan •, and in proof of it gave him La-1™5, ancl .
vinia, his daughter and only child, in marriage, fecur-
ing to him by that means the fucceflion to the throne of ‘
Latium. /Eneas, to teftify his gratitude to Latinus,
and affe&ion for Lavinia, gave her name to the camp
he had pitched ; and inftead of Troy called it Lavi-
nium. The Trojans followed the example of their
leader ; and by making alliances with Latin families, be¬
came, in a Ihort time, one and the fame people with the
Latins.
In the mean time Turnus, the queen’s nephew, who
had been brought up in the palace under the eye of
Latinus, and entertained hopes of marrying Lavinia
and fucceeding to the throne, feeing the princefs be¬
llowed on a ftranger, and all his views defeated, went
over to the Rutuli j and by ftirring them up, brought
on a battle between them and the Latins, in which
both he and Latinus were killed. Thus /Eneas, by the
death of his father-in-law, and by that of a troublefome
rival, came into the quiet poffeflion of the kingdom of
Latium, which he governed with great wifdom, and
tranfmitted to his pofterity.
/Eneas is faid to have reigned three years j during
which
ROM
r i
Rome.
His death.
Succeeded
by his fon
Afcanius,
S
who de¬
feats the
Rutuli.
which time he eftablifhed the worfhip of the gods of his
J own country, and to the religion of the Latins added
that of Troy. The two Palladiums, which had been
the proteftors of that city, became the tutelary deities
of Lavinium, and, in after ages, of the whole Roman
empire. The worlhip of Vefta was iikew'ife introduced
by ./Eneas j and virgins, from her called Ve/lals\ were
appointed to keep a fire continually burning in honour
of that goddefs. Jupiter, Venus, and many other deities
who had been revered in Troy, became in all likelihood,
known to the Latins by means of ./Eneas ; wdiich gave
occafion to the poets of reprefenting him under the cha-
raffer of a pious hero.
While j/Eneas was thus employed, the Rutuli, ancient
enemies of the Latin name, entering into an alliance wath
Mezentius king of the Tyrrhenians, took the field with
a defign to drive out thofe new-comers, of whofe power
they began to conceive no fmalljealoufy. ./Eneas march¬
ed out again!! them at the head of his Trojans and La¬
tins. Hereupon a battle enfued, which lafted till night j
when ./Eneas being pu!hed to the banks of the Numicus,
which ran clofe by Lavinium, and forced into that river,
wTas there drowned. The Trojans concealed his body ;
and pretending that he had vanifhed awray on a hidden,
made him pafs for a deity among his credulous fubjedls,
who accordingly erefted a temple to him under the title
of Jupiter Indiges.
Upon the death of ./Eneas, his fon Euryleon, called
alfo Afcanius and lu/us, afcended the throne *, but as
the young king did not think it advifable to venture
a battle in the very beginning of his reign, with a for¬
midable enemy, who promifed himfelf great fuccefs
from the death of /Eneas, he had the prudence to con¬
fine himfelf within the walls of Lavinium, and to try
whether he could, by an honourable treaty, put an end
to fo dangerous a wrar. But the haughty Mezentius
demanding of the Latins, as one of the conditions of
a peace, that they fiiould pay him yearly, by way of
tribute, all the wine produced in the territory of La-
tium, Afcanius rejected the propofal with the utmoft
indignation •, and having caufed all the vines through¬
out his dominions to be confecrated to Jupiter, and by
that means put it out of his pow7er to comply with the
enemy’s requeft, he refolved to make a vigorous fally,
and try whether he could, by force of arms, bring the
infulting Tyrrhenian to more reafonable terms. The
main body of the enemy’s army wras encamped at fome
diftance from Lavinium 5 but Laufus, the fbn of Me¬
zentius, wdth the flower of their youth under his com¬
mand, lay entrenched at the very gates of the city.
The Trojans, who had been long accuftomed to make
vigorous faliies, marching out in the night, attacked
the poft where Laufus commanded, forced his entrench¬
ments, and obliged the troops he had with him to fave
themielves by flying to the main body of the army en¬
camped on the plain j but the unexpecfed arrival and
overthrow of their advance-guard flruck them with fuch
terror, that, inftead of flopping the flight of their com¬
panions, they fled with them, in great diforder, to the
neighbouring mountains. The Latins purfued them,
and in the purfuit-Laufus was killed: wdiofe death fo
difcouraged Mezentius, that he immediately fued for
peace ; which was granted him, upon condition, that
for the future the Tiber fliould be the boundary be-,
tween the Latin and Hetrurian territories.
17] ROM
In the mean time Lavinia, who had been left with Rome.
child by /Eneas, entertaining a ftrong jealoufy of the' 
ambition of her fon-in-law, retired to the woods, and^. ^ ^
was there peaceably delivered of a fon, who, from his ^ t*nj ^
father, was named JEneas, and, from the place of his vinia and
birth, had the furname of Sy/vius : but as the queen’s her fon.
flight, who had difappeared on a hidden, raifed fufpi-
cions at Lavinium prejudicial to the reputation of Af¬
canius, he ufed all poffible means to remove them, cau¬
fed diligent fearch to be made after Lavinia, calmed
her fears, and prevailed upon her to return to the town
with her fon, whom he ever after treated as a brother.
Lavinium grew every day more populous ; but as it
was in reality the patrimony of Lavinia, and the inhe¬
ritance of her fon Sylvius, Afcanius refolved to refign
it to them, and build elfewhere another city for him¬
felf. This he made the place of his refidence, and the to
capital of his new kingdom, calling it- Alba Lon^a ; Refigns the
Alba, from a white fow, which we are told A/neaskinS^orR*
had found in the place where it was built j and Longa, Alba Lou3
to diftinguifli it from another town of the fame name ga.
in the country of the Marfi j or rather, becaufe it ex¬
tended, without having much breadth, the whole length
of a lake near which it was built. It was 30 years af¬
ter the building of Lavinium that Afcanius fixed his
abode at Alba 5 and there he died, after a reign of
about 38 years, 12 of which he had reiided at his new
fettlement. He left a fon called lulus ; fo that between
him and Sylvius lay the right of fucceflion to the La¬
tin throne 5 the latter being the fon, and the former the
grandfon, of /Eneas.
The Latins not thinking it their intereft to continue
divided, as it were, into tw-o ftates, refolved to unite
Alba and Lavinium into one fovereignty j and as Syl¬
vius w'as born of Lavinia the daughter of Latinus, and
had thereby an undoubted title to the kingdom of his ir
grandfather, wdiereas the other was but the fon of a ®oth ftate?
flranger, the Latins beftowed the crown on Sylvius j un^te^*
and, to make lulus fome amends, decreed to him the
fovereign power in affairs of religion ; a power wdiich
thenceforth continued in his family. Sylvius was fuc-
ceeded by 13 kings of the fame race, wrho for near 400
years reigned at Alba \ but wre fcarce know any thing
of them befides their names, and the years of their re-
fpe&ive reigns. /Eneas Sylvius died, after a reign of
29 years. His fon, called alfo JEneas Sylvius, govern¬
ed Latium 31 years. Latinus Sylvius, w'ho fucceeded
him, fwayed the fceptre for the fpace of 51 years. 
Alba reigned 39 5 Capetus, by Livy named yJtys, 26 j
Capis, 28 j and Capetus, 13. Tiberinus, who fuc¬
ceeded him, engaged in a wrar which proved fatal to
him j for in a battle which was fought on the banks of
the Albula, he was forced into that river and drowned.
From him the river took the name of Tiber, which it Origiif of
has borne ever fince. Agrippa fucceeded Tiberinus the name
after a reign of eight years j and left the throne, vrhich Tiber'
he had held 41 years, to Alladius who reigned 19, and
wms fucceeded by Aventinus, who left his name to the
hill Aventinus, where he was interred. Procas, who
fucceeded him, and reigned 23 years, was the father of
Numitor and Amulius •, and at his death bequeathed
the throne to his elder fon Numitor. But Amulius,
who furpaffed his brother in courage and underffanding,
drove him from the throne; and to fecure it to himfelf,
murdered /Egeffus, Numitor’s only fon, and confe¬
crated.
ROM r II
Rome, crated lus daughter Rhea Sylvia to the worfhip of
Vefta, by which fhe was obliged to perpetual virginity.
Adventures t'1*s precaution proved ineffe&ual 5 for as the Vel-
ofRhea tal was going to a neighbouring fpring to fetch water
Sylvia. for the performance of a facrifice to Mars, (lie wTas met
and ravifhed by a man in a military habit, like that in
wdiich the god Mars is reprelented. Some authors
think that this counterfeit Mars was a lotrer come thi¬
ther by her appointment ; others charge Amulius him-
felf with ufing this violence to his niece, not fo much to
gratify his luft, as to have a pretence to deftroy her.—
For ever after he caufed her to be carefully watched,
till flie was delivered of twTo fons j and then exaggerat¬
ing her crime in an affembly of the people, he prevailed
upon them to fentence her to death, and to condemn
14 the fruit of her criminal amour to be thrown into the
OfRomu- 'f'Jber. The fentence againft Rhea was, according to
rnusai1 ^ome authors, changed by Amulius, at the requeft of
his daughter Antho, into perpetual confinement, but
executed againft the twins •, who being laid in a wooden
trough, and carried to the foot of Mount Palatine, were
there turned adrift on the Tiber, which at that time
overflowed its banks. But the wind and ftream proved
both fo favourable, that at the fall of the water the twro
infants were left fafe on the ftrand, and wrere there hap¬
pily found by Fauftulus, the chief of the king’s ftiep-
herds, and fuckled by his wife Acca Laurentia, wrho
for her diforderly life was called Lupa ; and this proba¬
bly gave rife to the fabulous miracle of their being nur-
fed by a wolf.
As Fauftulus wras probably well acquainted wuth the
birth of the twins, he took more than ordinary care of
their education, and fent them to Gabii to be inftrufted
there in Greek literature. As they grew up, they ap¬
peared to have fomething great in their mien and air
which commanded refpeft •, and the afcendant rvhich
they aflumed over the other ftiepherds made them dread¬
ed in the forefts, where they excrcifed a fort of empire.
A quarrel happening between the herdfmen of Amulius
and thofe of Numitor, the two brothers took the part
of the former againft the latter ; and fome blood being
fhed in the frav, the adverfe party, to be revenged on
Romulus and Remus (for fo the twins were called), on
the feftival of Lupercaiia, furprifed Remus, and carried
him before Numitor, to be puniflied according to his
deferts. But Numitor feeling himfelf touched in the
prifoner’s favour, allied him where he was born, and
who w’ere his parents. His anfwer immediately ftruck
Numitor with a lively remembrance of his two- grand-
fons; their age, which was about 18 years, agreed with
the time wdien the two infants were expofed upon the
Tiber; and there needed no more to change his anger
into tendernefs.
In the mean time Romulus, eager to refcue his bro¬
ther, and purfue thofe who had carried him off, wras
preparing to be revenged on them ; but Fauftulus dif-
fuaded him from it •, and on that occafion, difclofing to
him his birth, awakened in his breaft fentiments worthy
of his extra£lion. He refolved, at all adventures, to at¬
tempt the delivering of his mother and grandfather from
oppreflion. With this view he affembled the country
people, over whom he had affumed a kind of fovereign-
ty, and engaged them to come to the city on an ap¬
pointed day, and enter it by different gates, provided
with arms, which they were to conceal. While Romu-
2
8 ] ROM
lus wras thus difpofing every thing for the execution Rome,
of his defign, Numitor made the fame difcovery to Re- Y'““
mus concerning his parents, and the oppreffions they
groaned under j which fo fired him, that he was ready
to embark in any enterprife. But Numitor took care
to moderate the tranfports of his grandfon, and only
defired him to acquaint his brother with what he had
heard from him, and to fend him to his houte. Romu¬
lus foon came, and was followed by Fauftulus, who
took with him the trough or Ikiffin which the twins had
been expofed, to ftiow it to Numitor: but, as the Ihep-
herd betrayed an air of concern and earneftnefs in bis
looks, he was flopped at the gate of the city, led before
Amulius, and examined concerning his burden. It
was eafily known by its make and infcription, which
was ftill legible ; and therefore Fauftulus owned what it
was, and confeffed that the twins were living •, but, in
order to gain time, pretended that they were feeding
flocks in a remote defert. In the mean time, the
ufurper’s death being refolved on, Remus undertook to
raife the city, and Romulus to in veil the king’s palace.
The country people came at the time appointed, and
formed themfelves into companies each confiftHg of 100
men. They had no other enfigns but bundles of hay
hanging upon long poles, which the Latins at that time
called manipuli; and hence came the name of manipu-
/aresy originally given to troops raifed in the country.
With this tumultuous army Romulus befet the avenues
of the palace, forced the guard, and having killed the
tyrant, after he had reigned 42 years, reftored his
grandfather Numitor to the throne. x $
Affairs being thus fettled at Alba, the two brothers, They re-
by the advice of Numitor, undertook the founding of alc,lve to
new colony. The king beftowed on them thofe lands a
near the Tiber where they had been brought up, fup-C0011''
plied them with all manner of inftruments for breaking
up ground, with flaves, and beafts of burden, and grant¬
ed full liberty to his fubjedts to join them. Hereupon
moft of the Trojans, of whom there ftill remained 50
families in Auguftus’s time, chofe to follow the fortune
of Romulus and Remus, as did alfo the inhabitants of
Pallantium and Saturnia, two fmall towns. For the
more fpeedv carrying on of the wTork, it was thought
proper to divide thofe who were to be employed in the
building of the city into two companies, one under the
command of Romulus, the other of Remus ; but this di-
vifion, which was defigned purely with a view to the
public welfare, and that the two parties might work by
way of emulation, gave birth to two faclions, and pro¬
duced a jealcufy between the two brothers, which broke
out when they came to cboofe a place for the building
of their new city j for Remus was for the Aventine, and
Romulus for the Palatine mount. Upon which, the
matter being referred to their grandfather, he advifed
the contending parties to have recourfe to the gods, and
to put an end to the difpute by augury, to which he
was himfelf greatly addidled. The day appointed for
the ceremony being come, the brothers ported them¬
felves each upon his hill ; and it was agreed, that who¬
ever fhould fee the firft flight, or the greateft number,
of vultures, fliould gain bis caufe. After the twTo rivals
bad waited fome time for the appearance of a favourable
omen, Romulus, before any bad appeared, fent to ac¬
quaint his brother that he had feen fome vultures; but
Remus, having actually feen fix, while his brother’s
xneiTengers
R O M
Rome.
[
t6
Death of
Remus.
.
Foundation
of Rome.
meiTengers were yet on their xvay, haftened, on their ar¬
rival, to Mount Palatine, to examine the truth of what
they had told him. He had no fooner got thither, than
by an unexpected good fortune twelve vultures appear¬
ed to Romulus. Thefe he immediately thowed to his
brother ; and, tranfported with joy, defired him to
judge himfelf of the truth of what his meffengers had
told him. However, Remus difcovered the deceit j
and, being told that Romulus had not feen the twelve
vultures till after he had feen fix, he infilled on the time
of his feeing them, and the other on the number of
birds he had feen. This widened the breach between
tire two brothers ; and, their parties beiirg divided,
while each man efpoufed the caufe of his leader, the
difpute grew fo warm, that, from words they came at
length to blows. The fhepherd Faultulus, who was
equally dear to both the brothers, endeavouring to
part the combatants, was, by an unknown hand, laid
on the fpot. Some writers tell us, that Remus
likewife loit his life in the fray 5 but the greater num¬
ber place his death later, and fay that he was killed by
one Fabrus, for having, in derifion, leaped over the
wall of the new city : but Livy fays, the more com¬
mon report was, that Remus fell by the hand of his
brother.
Romulus, being now head of the colony, by having
got the better of his brother’s party in the late engage¬
ment, applied his thoughts wholly to the building of
the city, which he propofed to call after his own name.
He chofe Mount Palatine for its lituation, and perform¬
ed all thofe ceremonies which the fuperftition of the
Hetrurians had introduced. He firft offered facrifices
to the gods, and ordered all the people to do the fame :
and from that time decreed, that eagles fhould be the
aufpices of his new colony. After this, great fires were
kindled before their tents, and all the people leaped
through the flames to purify themfelves. When this
ceremony was over, they dug a trench round the fpot
where the affemblies of the people were afterwards
held, and threw into it the firft-fruits of whatever they
were allowed to make ufe of for food : every man of
the colony was ordered to caff into the fame trench an
handful of earth, brought either from his own or fome
neighbouring country. The trench they called Mundus,
that is, the world, and made it the centre round which
the city was to be built. Then Romulus, yoking an
ox and a cow to a plough, the coulter whereof was
brafs, marked out, by a deep furrow, the whole compafs
of the city. . Thefe two animals, the fymbols of mar-
riage, by which cities are peopled, were afterwards flain
upon the altar. All the people followed the plough,
throwing inwards the clods of earth which the plough-
fhare fometimes turned outwards. Wherever a gate was
to be made, the plough was lifted up, and carried 5
and hence came the Latin word porta, “ a gate,” de-
rived. from the verb portare, “ to carry.” As Mount
Palatine flood by itfelf, the whole was inclofed within
the line made by the plough, which formed almoft the
figure of a fquare *, whence, by Dionyfius Halicarnaf-
fenfis, it is called Roma Quadrat a.
. As t0 thf year of the foundation of Rome, there
is a great difagreement among hiflorians and chronolo-
gers. Fabius Pi&or, the mofl ancient of all the Roman
writers, places, it in the end of the feventh Olympiad ;
that is, according to the computation of Ufher, in the
19 J ROM
year of the world 3256, of the flood 1600, and 748 Rome,
before the Chriffian era. The Romans, if we may fo ' *r~"'—’
call them, began to build, as Plutarch and others in¬
form us, on the 2ill of April j which day was then con-
fecrated to Pales, goddefs of the fnepherds whence the
feftival of Pales, and that of the foundation of the city,
were afterwards jointly celebrated at Rome. s
\\ hen Rome had received the utmolf perfection which At firft but
its poor and rude founder could give it, it confided of a poor vd-
about 1000 houfes, or rather huts j and was, properly lagc*
fpeaking, a beggarly village, whereof the principal in¬
habitants followed the plough, being obliged to culti¬
vate with their own hands the ungrateful foil of a bar¬
ren country which they had (hared among themfelves.
Even the walls of Romulus’s palace were made of rufh-
es, and covered with thatch. As every one had chofen
his ground to build upon, without any regard to the re¬
gularity and beauty of the whole, the ffreets, if we may
fo call them, were both crooked and narrow. In fhort,
Rome, till it was rebuilt after the burning of it by the
Gauls, was rather a diforderly heap of huts, than a city
built with any regularity or order.
As foon as the building of the city was finifhed, Ro- Romuks-
mulus aflembled the people, and defired them to choofeele^ed
what kind of government they would obey. At thatking'
time monarchy was the unanimous voice of the Romans,
and Romulus was defied king. Eefore he afcended the*
throne, however, he confulted the wall of the gods by
augury ; and having received a favourable anfwer, it
thence became an eilablifhed cuflom to have recourfe to
augury before the raifing any one to the dignity of king,
priefl, or any public employment. After this he ap¬
plied himfelf to the eflablifhment of good order and fub-
ordination among his fubjeds. Pie put on a habit of
diflinflion for himfelf, appointed 12 liflors to attend
him as guards, divided his fubjefls, who at this time
confided only of 33,000 men, into curiae, decurice, pa¬
tricians, plebeians, patrons, clients, &c. for an account
of which, fee thefe articles as they occur in the order of
the alphabet. After this he formed a fenate confiding
of 100 perfons, chofen from among the patricians; and
a guard of 300 young men called cel eves, who attended
the king, and fought either on foot or on horfeback as •
occafion required. The king’s office at home was to
take care of religious affairs, to be the guardian of laws
and cuftoms ; to decide the weightier caufes between
man and man, referring thofe of fmaller moment to the
fenate ; to call together the fenators, and affemble the
people,. firft delivering his own opinion concerning
the affair he propofed, and then ratifying by his confent
what, was agreed on by the majority. Abroad, and in
the time of war, he was to command the army with ab-
folute authority, and to take care of the public money.
The fenate were not only to be judges in matters of
fmall importance, but to debate and refolve upon fuch
public affairs as. the king propofed, and to determine
them by a plurality of voices. The people were allow¬
ed to create magiilrates, enadl laws, and refolve upon.,
any war which the king propofed; but in all thefe
things the confent of the fenate was neceffary.
Romulus next proceeded to fettle the religious affairs
of his people. Many of the Trojan and Phrygian del--
ties were added to thofe whom the Aborigines or Ita¬
lian natives already worfhipped. He chofe priefts, in¬
tituled feftivals, and laid the foundation of a regular
fyftemn
Rome.
ROM [ i
fyflem of religion j after which, as his colony was ftill
thinly peopled, he opened an afylum for fugitive Haves,
homicides, outlaws, and debtors. Xhefe, however, he
did not: at firft receive within the walls, but appointed
for their habitation the hill Saturnius, called afterwards
Capitohmis, on which he erefted a temple to a divinity
of his own invention, W'hom he named the Afylean god,
under whofe proteftion all criminals wrere to live fe-
curely. But afterwards, when the city was enlarged,
the afylum was inclofed within the w'alls, and thofe
20 wh° dwelt in it included among the citizens of Rome.
Rape of the When Romulus had thus fettled every thing relating
Sabine wo- to his new colony, it was found that a fupply of women
fnen was wanting to perpetuate its duration. This occafion-
ed fome difficulty ; for the neighbouring nations refufed
to give their daughters in marriage to fuch a crew of
vagabonds as had fettled in Rome j wherefore Romulus
at lafl refolved on the following expedient. By the ad¬
vice of his grandfather Numitor, and with the confent
of the fenate, he proclaimed a folemn feaft and public
^games in honour of the Equeftrian Neptune called Con-
fus. This occafioned a great concourfe of people, wffio
flocked from the adjacent parts to behold thefe pompous
ffiows, together with the new- city. But, in the midfl:
of the folemnity, the Romans, rufliing in with their
fwords drawn, feized all the young women, to the num¬
ber of 683, for whom Romulus chofe huffiands. Among
all thofe who were thus feized, only one married wo¬
man, named Herjilia, was found ; and Romulus is faid
21 to have kept her for himfelf.
waTwith violence foon brought on a war with the neigh-
th^neigh- ^ou”nS nations. Acron, king of Caenina, a city on
bouring na- confines of Latium, having entered into a league
» with the inhabitants of Cruftuminum and Antemnae, in¬
vaded the Roman territories. Romulus marched againit
them rvithout delay, defeated the confederate army, kil¬
led their king in Angle combat, decreed himlelf a tri¬
umph, and confecrated the fpoils of Acron to Jupiter
Feretrius, under the name of Opima Spolia. The city
of Casnina was razed to the ground, and the inhabitants
transplanted to Rome, where they were admitted to the
privileges of citizens. The king then marched with
one legion (confining at this time of 3000 foot and 300
horfe) againfl: the Cruftumini and Antemnates, both of
whom he defeated in battle, and tranfplanted the inha¬
bitants to Rome j which being incapable of holding fuch
a number, Romulus took in the hill Saturnius above
mentioned, on the top of which he built a citadel, com¬
mitting the care of it to a noble Roman named Tarpeius.
The citadel was furrounded on all fides wfith ramparts
and torvers, which equally commanded the city and
country. From the foot of the hill Saturnius a wall AAras
carried on quite to the Tiber, and a gate opened in it
named Carmentalis, from Carmenta the mother of E-
vander, who either lived there, or had fome chapel or
altar erected to her.
Romulus had now become fo formidable to his neigh¬
bours, and had lo wTell eftabliffied his reputation for
clemency, that feAreral cities of Hetruria voluntarily fub-
mitted to him. Coelius, an Hetrurian general, led the
troops under his command to Rome, and fettled on a
hill near the city, Avhich from him took the name of
Mount CgeIius. Fhe Sabines, howrever, not in the leaf!
difmayed at this increafe of the Roman forces, fent a de¬
putation to Romulus, demanding reftitution of the young
lions.
22
Rome en ¬
larged.
20 ] ROM
women Avho had been carried off j and, upon his refu* Rome.
fal, marched to Rome wfith an army of 25,000 foot and ' v—^
1000 horfe, under the command of their king Titus ^
i atius. Romulus, having received fupplies from Nu- the Sabine^
mitor and from Hetruria, likewife took the field, with
20,000 foot and 800 horfe, Avith Avhom he feized an ad¬
vantageous poll, and fortified himfelf fo ftrongly, that
he. could not be attacked. The Sabine monarch, per¬
ceiving the military Ikill of Romulus, began to be ap-
prehenfive of the event; but was extricated out of his . 2.
difficulties by the treachery ofTarpeia daughter to the The citadel
governor of the citadel, who agreed to betray that im-behegcd.
portant fortrefs to the enemy, on condition of being re¬
warded with the bracelets which the Sabines wore on
their left arms. But when once they became mailers of
this important place, they are faid to have cruffied Tar-
peia under the weight of their bucklers, pretending that
thus they difcharged their promife, as they ivore then:
bucklers alfo on their left arms. The poffeffion of the
citadel enabled the Sabines to carry on the wrar with
more fuccefs ; but, at laft, in a general engagement,
they had the misfortune to be driven back into the cita¬
del, whither they Avere purfued by the Romans, who
expedfled to have retaken that important poll ; but the
enemy, rolling doAvn great Hones from the top of the
hill, Avounded Romulus on the head, fo that he wTas
carried infenfible out of the field of battle, while, in the
mean time, his troops Avere repulfed, and purfued to the
very gates of Rome. HoAvever, the king foon recover¬
ing himfelf, encouraged his routed troops, and drove the
enemy back into the citadel. But while the tvA-o na¬
tions wTere thus fiercely contending, the women, for
wffiofe caufe the w>ar had been commenced, undertook
the office of mediators 5 and having obtained leaA'e from
the fenate, marched in a body to the camp of the Sa¬
bines, where they pleaded the caufe of their hulhands
fo effedually, that a treaty of union between the tivo
nations was fet on foot, and a peace Avas at lafl: con- 2 -
eluded, on the following terms. 1. That the two Peace^con-
kings ffiould refide and reign jointly at Rome. 2. That eluded, and
the city ffiould ftill, from Romulus, be called Rome ; t!ie two.na'
but the inhabitants a name till then peculiar UtU'
to the Sabines. 3. That the twTo nations fliould be¬
come one ; and that the Sabines fliould be made free in
Rome, and enjoy all the privileges of Roman citizens.
As Rome was chiefly indebted for this increafe of her
poW'er and fplendor to the Sabine Avomen, honourable
privileges and marks of diftindtion Avere allowed them.
Eirery one w^as commanded to give way to them •, in
capital caufes they were exempted from the jurifdiftion
of the ordinary judges; and their children were alloAved
to Avear a golden ball hanging from their necks, and a
particular kind of robe called preetexta, to diftinguilh
them from the vulgar.
The tAvo kings reigned with great harmony for the
fpace of five years 5 during wffiich time the only military
exploit they accompliftied wTas the redudion of the city
of Cameria, at a fmall diflance from Rome. Four t.hou-
fand of the Camerini Avere tranfplanted to Rome, and a
Roman colony fent to repeople Cameria ; foon after
which the Sabine king Avas murdered by the Lavinians, Tatiusmur.
on account of his granting protedion to fome of his tiered,
friends Avho had ravaged their territories. The Lavini¬
ans, fearing the refentment of Romulus, delivered up
the affaflins into his hands; but he fent them back un-
punifhed,
ROM [ 121 ] HO M
fcoms. putiifhsd, which gave eccafion to {ufpe»5l that he was
■~V—' not difpleafed with the death of his colleague.
Soon after the death of Tatius, Rome was affli&ed
with famine and peitilence, which encouraged the Ca-
merini to revolt; but Romulus marching againft them
fuddenly, defeated them with the lofs of 6000 men.
After which he attacked the Fidenates, whofe city
Hood about five miles from Rome, took their capital,
and made it a Roman colony. This drew upon him
the refentment of the Veientes, a powerful nation in
the neighbourhood, who claimed Fidenae as within
their jurifdiclion j but their fo*ces being defeated in
two engagements, and a great number of them taken
prifoners, they were obliged to fue for peace. Romulus
granted them a truce for 100 years, on condition that
they delivered to him feven fmall towns on the Tiber,
together with fome falt-pits near the mouth of that ri¬
ver, and fent 50 of their chief citizens as hoftages to
Rome. The prifoners taken in this war were all fold
for Haves.
The remaining part of the life of Romulus Was fpent
in making laws for the good of his people j but towards
the latter end of his reign, being elated with fuccefs, he
began to enlarge the bounds formerly fet to his prero¬
gative, and to behave in an arbitrary manner. He
paid no longer any regard to the voice of the fenate,
but affembled them only for form’s fake to ratify his
commands. The fenate therefore confpired to deftroy
him, and accomplilhed their purpofe while he was re¬
viewing his troops. A violent ftorm of hail and thun¬
der difperfed the army j and the fenators taking this op¬
portunity, when they w'ere left alone with the king, in-
ftantly killed him, and conveyed his body out of fight.
Some writers tell us, that, the better to conceal the
fa<£!, they cut his body in pieces, each of them carrying
away a part under his robe j after which they told the
multitude, that their king was on a hidden furrounded
by flame, and fnatched up into heaven. This Hrata-
gem, however, did not fatisfy the foldiery, and violent
difturbances were about to enfue, when Julius Proculus,
a fenator of great difiindtion, having alfembled the cu¬
riae, told them that Romulus had appeared to him, and
enjoined him to acquaint the people, that their king
was returned to the gods from whom he originally
came, but that he would continue to be propitious to
them under the name of ^uirinus ; and to the truth of
this ftory Julius fwore.
Romulus reigned, according to the common computa¬
tion, 37 years : but fome hiflorians reduce the length
of his reign to little more than 17 ; it being very un¬
likely, as they obferve, that a prince of fuch an aflive
difpofition Ihould perform nothing worthy of record du-
ring a period of 20 years. Be this as it will, however,
followed by the death of Romulus was followed by an interregnum,
an interreg- during which the fenators, to prevent anarchy and con-
fufion, took the government into their own hands. Ta¬
tius added another hundred to that body j and thefe
200 /enators divided themfelves into decuries or tens.
Thefe decuries drew lots which fliould govern firfl:; and
the decury to whofe lot it fell enjoyed the fupreme au¬
thority for five days j yet in fuch a manner, that one
perfon only of the governing decury had the enfigns of
fovereignty at a time. To thefe another decury fuc-
ceeded, each of them fitting on the throne in his turn,
&c. But the people foon growing weary of fuch fre-
Vol. XVIII. Parti.
*7
and like-
wife Ro¬
mulus.
a*
His death
xmm.
quent change of mailers, obliged the fenate to refolve Rome,
on the eledion of a king. The fenate referred the elec- —v—«
tion to the people, and the people to the fenate, who at
laft undertook the talk. Some difficulties, however, oc¬
curred : the Romans did not choofe to be fubjed to a
Sabine j and the Sabines, as they had been fubjed to
Romulus after the death of Tatius, infilled that the king
fliould be chofen out of their nation. At lalt it was
agreed, that the king Ihould be a Sabine, but that the
Romans Ihould make the choice.
In confequence of this determination, the Romans Numa
eleded Numa Pompilius, an aullere philofopher, wffio Pompifi*13
had married Tatia, the daughter of Tatius the latetlie fecont*
king. After the death of his wife, he gave himfelf en-kinS'
tirely up to philofophy and fuperllition, wandering from
folitude to folitude, in fearch of facred woods and fc \i~
tains, which gave the people a great opinion of his
fandity. The philofopher at firll rejeded the offer of
the kingdom j but being at lalt prevailed upon, he fet
out for Rome, where he was received with loud accla¬
mations, and had his eledion unanimoully confirmed by
the fenate.
The reign of Numa is by no means memorable for
battles or conquelts. He was averfe to xvar j and made
it his ftudy to foften the manners of the Romans, ra¬
ther than to exalt them to fuperiority over their neigh¬
bours. He difmifled the celeres, encouraged agricul¬
ture, and divided the citizens into diitind bodies of
tradefmen. This lalt meafure he took on purpofe to
aboliffi the diflindion between Romans and Sabines,
which had hitherto rent the city into two fadions 5
and this effedually anfwered his end : for now all of
each particular profeffion, whether Romans or Sabines,
were obliged to affociate together, and had each their
refpedive courts and privileges. In this divifion the
muficians held the firft rank, be«aufe they were em¬
ployed in the offices of religion. The goldfmiths, car¬
penters, curriers, dyers, tailors, &c. formed alfo dillind
communities; and w^ere allowed to make byelavs among
themfelves, to have their own feltivals, particular facn-
fices, &c.
Though Numa himfelf is faid by Plutarch to have
had pretty juft notions of the Supreme Being, he ne-
verthelefs added innumerable fuperftitions to thofe he
found in Rome. He divided the minifters of religion
into eight claffes, appointing to each their office with
the greateft precifion ; he ereded a temple to Janus,
the fymbol of prudence, which was to remain open in
time of wrar, and to be ffiut in time of peace. Another
temple was ereded to Bona Tides; and he invented a
new kind of deities called Dn Termini, cr boundaries,
which he caufed to be placed on the borders of the Ro¬
man ftate, and of each man’s particular lands.—The
laft reformation which Numa undertook, was that of
the kalendar. Romulus had divided his year into ten
months, which, according to Plutarch, had no certain
or equal number of days; fome confifting of 20, fome
of 35, &c. However, by other hiftorians, we are in¬
formed that he allotted to March, May, Quintilis, and
Odober, 31 days; to April, June, Sextilis, November,
and December 30 ; making in all 304 days. But Nu¬
ma being better acquainted with the celeftial motions,
added to thefe the two months of January and February.
To compofe thefe twro months he added 50 days to the
304 J and thus made the year anfwer to the courle of
Q the
3°
Succeeded
hy Tullus
Hoftiiius.
ROM [12
Rcme. [lie moon. He then took fix more from the months
that had even days; and added one day merely out of
fuperftition, that the year might prove fortunate ; for
the pagans looked upon even numbers as- unlucky, but
imagined odd numbers to be fortunate. However, he
could make out no more than *28 for February, and
therefore that month was always reckoned unlucky
among the Romans. Beiides this, he obferved the dif¬
ference between the folar and lunar year to be 11 days;
and to remedy the inequality, he added an intercalary
month named Mercedinus or Mercedonius, of 22 days
every two years : but as he knew alfo that the folar
year confifted of 365 days 6 hours, he ordered that every
fourth year the month Mercedinus Ihould confift of 23
days. The care of thefe intercalations was left to the
pi:efts, who left out or put in the intercalary day or
month as they imagined it to be lucky or unlucky j and
by that means created fuch confufion, that the feflivals
came in procefs of time to be kept at a feafon quite op-
pofite to what*they had been formerly'.
Thefe are all the remarkable tranfaftions of the reign
of Numa, which is faid to have continued 43 years 5
though fome think that its duration could not be above
15 or 16. His death was followed by a (hort interreg¬
num ; after which Tullus Hoftiiius, the fon or grandfon
of the famous Herfilia, was unanimoufly chofen king.
Being of a bold and fiery temper, he did not long con¬
tinue to imitate his peaceful predeceftbr. The Albans,
indeed, foon gave him an opportunity of exercifing his
martial difpofition. Ccelius, or, as he is called by Li¬
vy, Cluilius, rvho was at the head of the Alban repub¬
lic, jealous of the growing greatnefs of Rome, privately
commiflioned fome of the moft indigent of his fubjefts
to wafte the Roman territory ; in confequence of which,
a Roman army entered the territories of Alba, engaged
the robbers, killed many, and took a great number pri-
foners. A war foon commenced, in confequence of
this, between the two nations •, but when the armies
came in fight of each other, their ardour cooled, neither
of them feeming inclined to come to an engagement.
This inaftion raifed a great difcontent in the Alban ar¬
my againft Cluilius ; infomuch that he came to a refo-
lution of giving battle to the Romans next morning, or
of ftorming their trenches if they Ihould decline it.
Next morning, however, he was found dead in his bed ;
after w’hich the Albans chofe in his ftead one Mettus
Fuffetius, a man remarkable for his hatred to the Ro¬
man name, as Cluiiius'had been before him. Fuftetius,
however, continued in the fame ftate of ina&ivity as his
predeceffor, until he received certain intelligence that
the Veientcs and Fidenates had relblved to deftroy both
Romans and Albans when they fhould be weakened by
a battle. FuftVtius then refolved to come to an accom¬
modation with the Romans •, and, having obtained a
conference with Tullus, both feemed equally defirous of
avoiding the calamities of war. But, in order to efta-
blilh the peace on the moft perfect foundation, Tullus
propofed that all, or at leaft the chief families in Alba,
fhould remove to Rome \ or, in cafe they were unwil¬
ling to leave their native city, that one common coun¬
cil fhould be eftabliftied to govern both cities, under the
diredlion of one of the two fovereigns. Fuftetius took
afide thofe who attended him,- to confult with them
about this propofal •, but they, though willing to come
to an accommodation with* Rome, abfolutely refufed to
Rome.
2*
His war
with the
Albans.
2 ] ROM
leave Alba. The only difficulty remaining, then, was
to fettle which city fhould have the fuperioiity 5 and, '■*
as this could not be determined by argument, Tullus
propofed to determine it by fingle combat betwixt him-
felf and Fuffetius. This propofal, however, the Alban
general thought proper to decline } and it was at lafi:
agreed, that three champions fhould be chofen out of
each camp to decide the difference. This produced the
famous combat between the Horatii and Curiatii, by
which the fovereignty was decided in favour of Rome.
See Horatii.
Tullus now refolved to call the Fidenates to an ac¬
count for their treacherous behaviour during the war
with Alba, and therefore cited them to appear before
the fenate} but they, confcious of their guilt, refufed
to appear, and took up arms in conjunftion with the
V*ientes. Fuffetius, in obedience to the orders of
Tullus, joined him with the Alban troops 5 but the
day before the battle, he acquainted the principal
officers with his defign, wffiich was to ftand neuter till
fortune had declared for one fide, and then to join
with the conqueror. This defign being approved,
Fuffetius, during the engagement, retired with his forces
to a neighbouring eminence. Tullus perceived his
treachery •, but diffembling his uneafinefs, told his men
that Fuffetius had poffeffed himfelf of that hill by his
order, and that he was from thence to ruffi down upon
the enemy. The Veientes, in the mean time, who
had expelled that Fuffetius was to join them, were
difmayed, and the Romans obtained the viftory. After
the battle, Tullus returned privately to Rome in the
night; and having confulted with the fenate about the
treachery of Fuffetius, returned to the camp by break
of day. He then detached Horatius, who had con¬
quered the three Curiatii, with a chofen body of horfe
and foot, to demoliffi Alba, as had been concerted at
Rome. In the mean time, he commanded both the
Roman and Alban troops to attend him unarmed, but
gave private orders to the Romans to bring their fwords
concealed under their garments. When they were af-
fembled, he laid open the treachery of Fuffetius, and
ordered him to be torn in pieces by horfes. His ac¬
complices were all put to the fword ; and the inhabi- mollified,
tants of Alba carried to Rome, where they wTere ad- ^4^°'
mitted to the privileges of citizens, and fome of them tranfporte(j
even admitted to the fenate. to Rome.
Tullus now turned his arms againft: Fidenae, which
he again reduced under the Roman yoke , and took
Medulia, a ftrong city of the Latins; after which he
waged a fuccefsful war with the Sabines, whofe union
with the Romans feems to have ceafed with the time of
Numa. This was the laft of his martial exploits ; after
which we hear no more of him, but that he became
extremely fuperftitious in his advanced years, giving
ear to many foolifh ftories, as that it rained ftones, that
miraculous voices were heard from heaven, See. and
for this he appointed nine days expiatory facrifices j
whence it became a cuftom to appoint nine days to ap-
peafe the wrath of the gods as often as men were
alarmed with prodigies. As to the manner of his death ^
authors are not agreed. Some tell us that he was kill- Death of
ed by lightning, together with his wife, children, and Tullus,
his whole family; while others are of opinion that he f“c*
was murdered with his wife and children by Ancus y
Martins who fucceeded him. He died after a reign of^artlus>
33
33
Alba de.
ROM . ft
Rome. years, leaving the city greatly increafed, but the do-
/ mjnjons much fame as tjley iiacj been in t}ie tjrae Qc
Romulus.
After a ftiort interregnum, Ancus Martius, the
grandfon of Numa by his daughter Pompilia and Mar¬
cus his relation, was unanimoufly chofen by the people
and fenate. Though naturally inclined to war, he be¬
gan his reign with attempting to reilore the ceremonies
of Numa, which had been negle£led under Tullus Ho-
flilius. He endeavoured alfo to draw the attention of
his people to hulhandry and the peaceful arts; advifing
them to lay afide all forts of violence, and to return to
their former employments. This gained him the af-
feftions of his fubje£ts, but brought upon him the con¬
tempt of the neighbouring nations. The Latins pre-
'34 tending that their treaty with Rome was expired, made
His warlike inroads into the Roman territories. Ancus, after ufing
exploits the ceremonies dire&ed by Numa, took the field with an
an eat 1. army confiding entirely of new-levied troops, and re¬
duced the cities of Politorium, Tillena, and Ficana,
tranfplanting the inhabitants to Rome. A new colony
of Latins repeopled Politorium but Ancus retook the
place next year, and entirely demolifhed it. Fie then
laid liege to Medulia 3 which, though it had been ruin¬
ed by Tullus Hoitilius, was now Itronger than ever. It
fubmitted after a liege of four years, when Ancus
found himfelf obliged to undertake a fecond expedition
againft Ficana, which he had before reduced, as we
have already related j and it was not without the ut-
moft difficulty that he reduced it a fecond time. After
this he defeated the Latins in a pitched battle ; van-
quilhed the Fidenates, Veientes, and Sabines ; and ha¬
ving taken in the hill Janiculum to be included within
the walls, and built the port of Oflia, he died in the
24th year of his reign.
Ancus Martius left two fons behind him, one an
infant, and the other about 15 years of age. Both
of thefe he put under the tuition of Tarquin, the fon of
a rich merchant in Corinth, who had fled from that city
to fecure his wealth from Cypfelus tyrant of the place.
He fettled in Tarquinii, one of the principal cities in
bvTar-'' Hetruria ; but finding that he could not there attain
v. 35
His fons
quin I.
3*5
Tarquin’s
fuccefs in
to any of the principal polls in the city on account of his
foreign extra&ion, he removed to Rome, where he
had been gradually raifed to the rank of patrician and
fenator. Ihe death of Ancus Martius gave him an
opportunity of afluming the regal dignity, and felting
afide his pupils; and in the beginning of his reign he
took care to ftrengthen his party in the fenate by add¬
ing another hundred to that body. Thefe were called
fenatores minorum gentium, becaufe they were chofen
out of the plebeians ; however, they had” the fame au¬
thority in the fenate as the others, and their children
were called patricians.
I arquin was not inferior to any of his predeceflbrs
either in his inclination or abilities to carry on a war.
As foon as he afeended the throne, he recommenced
hoftilities with the Latins •, from whom he took the ci¬
ties oi Apiolae, Cruftuminum, Nomentum, and Colla-
tia. J he inhabitants of Apiolae were fold for (laves ;
but thofe of Cruftuminum and Nomentum, who had
fuomitted afler their revolt, were treated with great
clemency. The inhabitants of Collatia were difarmed,
and obliged to pay a large fum of money 5 the fove-
reignty of it, in the mean time, being given to Egerius,
23 1 .ROM
the fon of Arunx, Tarquin’s brother j from whence he Rome,
took the name of Collatinus, which he tranfmitted to his * v y
pofterity. Corniculum, another city of Latium, was
taken by ftorm, and reduced to afhes. This progrefs
having greatly alarmed the Latins, feveral of them join¬
ed their forces in order to oppofe fuch a formidable
enemy ; but being defeated in a bloody battle near Fi-
denae, they were obliged to enter into an alliance with
Rome \ upon which the Latins having held a national
conference, entered into a league with the Hetrurians,
and again took the field with a very numerous army.
But 1 arquin, having defeated the confederate armies
in two very bloody battles, obliged the Latin cities
to fubmit to a kind of dependence on Rome 5 and,
having entered the city in triumph, built the circus
maximus with the Ipoils which he had taken from the
enemy.
I he war with the Latins was fcarcely ended, when
another commenced with Helruria. This was account¬
ed the moft powerful nation in Italy, and was at that
time divided into 12 tribes or lucomonies. Thefe ap¬
pointed a national aflembly, in which was decreed that
the whole force of Hetruria flrould be employed againft:
l arquin j and if any city prefumed only to (land neuter,
ft (hould be for ever cut off from the national alliance.
Thus a great army was raifed, with which they ravaged
the Roman territory, and took Fidenge by the treachery
of fome of its inhabitants. Tarquin, not being in a
condition to oppofe them at firft, was obliged to fubmit
to the lofs occafioned by their ravages for a whole year;
after which he took the field with all the forces he
could raife. The Roman army was divided into two
bodies, one under the king himfelf, the other command¬
ed by his nephew Collatinus. The latter, having
divided his forces in order to plunder the country, was
defeated ; but Tarquin, in two engagements vanquifhed
the army which oppofed him. Fie then marched againft
Fidenaj, where he gained a third battle ; after which he
took the city. Such of the citizens as were fufpefled
to have been concerned in betraying it to the enemy
were whipped to death ; the reft were fent into banifti-
ment, and their lands divided by lot among the Roman
foldiers. X arquin now haflened to oppofe the new army
of the Hetrurians before their forces could be properly
colle&ed } and having come up with them at Eretum, a
place about xo miles from Rome, defeated them with
great (laughter, for which vi&ory he was decreed a
triumph by the fenate ; while the enemy, diftieartened
by (b many misfortunes, were glad to "fue for peace 3
which Tarquin readily granted, upon the foie condi- 27
tion of their owning his fuperiority over them. InEr%nsof
compliance with this, the Hetrurians fent him all the ro>'alt)' fent
enfigns of royalty which were in ufe among them, viz. fx™ by-th,e
a crown of gold, a throne of ivory, a (ceptre with* ttluliai‘ ”
an eagle on the top of it, a tunic embroidered with
gold, and adorned with figures of palm branches, to¬
gether with a purple robe enriched with flowers of
feveral colours. Tarquin, however, would not wear
thefe magnificent ornaments till fuch lime as the fenate
and people had confented to it by an exprefs law.
He then applied the regalia to the decoration of his
triumph, and never afterwards laid them afide. In
this triumph he appeared in a gilt chariot, drawn by
four horfes, clothed in a purple robe, and a tunic em¬
broidered with gold, a crown on his head, and a feeptre
& 2 in
ROM [ 124 T ROM
Kom<*. -]n his hand, attended by 12 li6lors with their axes and
1 fafces.
Tarquin, having now obtained Tome refpite from war,
applied himfelf to the beautifying and ornamenting
the city. He built the walls of Rome with hewn Rone,
and ere&ed thofe famous common fewers which have
defervedly been accounted one of the wonders of the
rvorld. Rome at this time contained four hills within
its compafs, viz. the Palatinus, Tarpeius, Quirinalis,
and Coelius. In the valleys between thefe hills, the
rain-water and fprings uniting, formed great pools
.3 which laid under water the ftreets and public places.
Builds the The mud likewife made the way impaffable, infedted
common the air, and rendered the city unhealthy. Tarquin
fewers, and unciert00k to free the city from this nuifance, by con-
- “ veying off thefe waters by fubterraneous channels into
‘ the Tiber. In doing this, it was neceffary to cut through
hills and rocks a channel large enough for a navigable
dream, and covered with arches ftrong enough to bear
the weight of houfes, which were frequently built upon
them, and Hood as firm as on the mod folid founda¬
tions. All thefe arches were made of hard done, and
neither trouble nor expence were fpared to make the
work durable. Their height and breadth w?ere fo con-
dderable, that a cart loaded with hay could eafily pafs
through them under ground. The expence of con-
dru&ing thefe fewers was never fo thoroughly under-
dood as when it became neceffary to repair them j for
then the cenfors gave no lefs than 1000 talents to the
perfon appointed tor this purpofe.
Betides thefe great works, Tarquin adorned the fo¬
rum, furrounding it with galleries in which were (hops
for tradefmen, and building temples in it for the youth
of both fexes, and halls for the adminiftration of pu¬
blic judice. He next engaged in a war with the Sa¬
bines, on pretence that they had adided the Hetru-
rians. Both armies took the field, and came to an
engagement on the confines of Sabinia, without any
confiderable advantage on either fide j neither was any
thing of confequence done during the whole campaign.
Tarquin then, confidering with himfelf that the Ro¬
man forces were very deficient in cavalry, refolved to
add {bme new bodies of knights to tbofe already in-
dituted by Romulus. But this projea met with great
oppofition from the fuperditious augurs, as the ori¬
ginal divifion of horfe into three bodies had been de¬
termined by auguries ; and AiRius Naevius, the chief of
the diviners at that time, violently oppofed the king’s
Adventure will. On this Tarquin, defirous to expofe the deceit
of Naeyius 0f thefe people, fummoned Neevius before an affembly
the augur. of t]ie pe0ple, and defired him to fhow a fpecimen of
his art, by telling the king if what he thought of at
that time could be done or not. The augur replied,
after confulting his birds, that the thing was very pof-
fible. On which Tarquin told him, that he had been
thinking whether it was poffible to cut a flint with a
razor, pulling at the fame time a razor and flint from
below his robe. This fet the people a-laughing ; but
Naevius gravely defiring the king to try it, he was fur-
prifed to find that the flint yielded to the razor; and
that with fo much eafe as to draw blood from his hand.
The people teftified their furprife by loud acclamations,
and Tarquin himfelf continued to have a great venera¬
tion for augurs ever after. A ftatue of brafs was ereft-
ed to the memory of Naevius, which continued till the
time of Auguflus j the razor and flint were buried near Rsaw.
it, under an altar, at which witneffes were afterwards—y—
fworn in civil caufes.
This adventure, whatever was the truth of it, caufed
Tarquin to abandon his defign of increafing the number
of bodies of horfe, and content himfelf with augment¬
ing the number in each body. He then renewed the
war with the Sabines, ravaged their country, defeated
them in three pitched battles, obliging them at lafl: to
fubmit to him and put him in poffeffion of their country.
In the decline of life he employed himfelf in further de- AO
corating the city, building temples, &.c. He was affaf-Afiaflinated
finated in his palace, in the 80th year of liis age, by the by the fons
fons of Ancus Martius, whom he had originally de-^Antus
pnved of the kingdom.
After the death of Tarquin I. his wife Tanaquil
preferved the kingdom to her fon-in-law Servius Tul¬
lius, by artfully giving out that the king was only
flunned, and would foon recover ; upon which the fens
of Ancus went voluntarily into banithment. The fecond
day after his deceafe, Servius Tullius heard caufes from
the throne in the royal robes and attended by the lie-
tors ; but as he pretended only to lupply the king’s
place till he fhould recover, and thought it incumbent
on him to revenge the wicked attempt upon his life,
he fummoned the fons of Ancus to appear before his
tribunal ■, and on their non-appearance, caufed them to
be declared infamous, and their eftates to be confifcated. 4I
After he had thus managed manners for fome time in Servius
fuch a manner as to engage the affeftions of the people, T'^111115 fuc-
the death of Tarquin was publiflied as a thing thatcttds'
had newdy happened, and Servius Tullius affumed the
enfigns of royalty, having none to difpute the honour
with him.
The new- king (howled himfelf every way worthy of
the throne. No fooner were the Hetrurians informed
of Tarquin’s death, than they fhook off the yoke j but
Servius quickly reduced them to obedience, depriving
them of their lands, w'hich he lhared among the poor
Roman citizens who had none. For this he was de¬
creed a triumph by the people, in fpite of the oppofition
of the fenate, who could never be brought to approve of
his eleftion to the kingdom, though he was foon after
legally chofen by the tribes.
After Servius had obtained the fanftion of the po¬
pular voice, he marched a fecond time againft the re¬
volted Hetrurians; and having again vanquifhed them, ^
was decreed another triumph. He then applied him-£n]argej
felf to the enlarging and adorning the city. To the the city,
hills Palatinus, Tarpeius, Quirinalis, Coelius, and Aven-and adds a
tinus, he added the Efqmlinus and Viminalis, fixing
his owrn palace on the Efquilinus, in order to draw in-rea(jy ;n.
habitants thither. Fie likewife added a fourth tribe, ftituted.
which he called Tribus E/quilina, to thofe inftituted
by Romulus. He divided alfo the whole Roman ter¬
ritory into diftinft tribes, commanding that there fhould
be at lead one place of refuge in each tribe, fituated
on a rifing ground, and ftrong enough to fecure the
effe&s of the peafants in cafe of a hidden alarm. Thefe
ftrong-holds he called fiagi, that is, “ villages and
commanded that each of them fhould have their pecu¬
liar temple, tutelary god, and magiftrates. Each of
them had likewife their peculiar feftival, called paga-
na/ia ; w hen every perfon was to pay into the hands of
thofe who prefixed at the facrifices_ a piece of money,
ROM [ i
Rome.
Reforms
Ihe ftate.
the men of one kind, the women of another, and the
children of a third. By this means an exa6t computa¬
tion was made of the men, women, and children, in each
tribe.
In the mean time, his two wards, Lucius Tarquinius
and Arunx, the grandchildren of Tarquin, being grown
up, in order to fecure their fidelity, he married them to
his two daughters. And thougli the elder of thefe
daughters, who was of a mild and traftable difpofition,
refembled in character the younger of his pupils, as
the elder of his pupils did the younger of his daugh¬
ters, who was of a violent and vicious temper, yet he
thought it advifable to give his elder daughter to Tar¬
quin, and the younger to Arunx; for by that means
he matched them according to their ages, and at the
fame time hoped that the elder Tullia’s fweet difpofition
would temper Tarquin’s impetuofity, and the younger
Tullia’s vivacity roufe the indolence of Arunx.
During the public rejoicing for this double marriage,
the twelve lucumonies of Hetruria uniting their forces,
attempted to duke off the Roman yoke ; but were in
feveral battles defeated by Servius, and obliged to fub-
mit to him on the fame conditions on which they had
fubmitted to his predeceffor. For this fuccefs Servius
was honoured with a third triumph.
The king being thus difengaged from a troublefome
war, returned to the purfuit of his political fchemes •,
and put in execution that mafferpiece of policy which
Rome made ufe of ever after, and which eftablifhed a
perpetual order and regularity in all the members of
the ftate, with refpeft to wars, to the public revenues,
and the fuffrages of the comitia. The public fupplies
had hitherto been raifed upon the people at fo much
a head, without any diftin&ion of rich and poor whence
it likewife fol!ov/ed, that when levies were made for
the war, the rich and poor were equally obliged to take
the field, according to the order of their tribe ; and as
they all ferved at their own expence, the poorer fort
could hardly bear the charges of a campaign. Befides,
as the moft indigent of the people faw themfelves bur¬
dened with the fame taxes as the rich, they pretended
to an equal authority in the comitia : fo that the elec¬
tion of kings and magiftrates, the making of peace or
war, and the judging of criminals, were given up into
the hands of a populace who -were eafily corrupted, and
had nothing to lofe. Servius formed a project to reme¬
dy thefe evils, and put it in execution, by enafting-a
law, enjoining all the Roman citizens to bring in an ac¬
count in writing of their own names and ages, and of
thofe of their fathers, wives, and children. By the
fame law, all heads of families were commanded to de¬
liver in upon oath a juft eftimate of their effe&s, and
to add to it the places of their abode, whether in town
or country. Whoever did not bring in an account of
his effefts, was'to be deprived of his eftate, to be beat
with rods, and publicly fold for a Have. Servius, from
thefe particular accounts, which might be pretty well
relied on, undertook to eafe the poor by burdening the
rich, and at the fame time to pleafe the latter by increa-
44 fins' their power.
His dwifion To this end, he divided the Roman people into fix
pt into60" claffes : the c1ak confift£d of thofe whofe eftates
claims.0 an(:1 cffe&s amounted to the value of 10,000 drachma;,
or 100,000 afes of brafsj the firft way of computing be-
25 ] ROM
ing ufed by the Greeks; and the latter by the Latins,
ihis clafs was fubdivided into 80 centuries, or com¬
panies of foot. To thefe Servius joined 18 centuries
of Roman knights, who fought on horfeback; and ap¬
pointed this confiderable body of horfemen to be at
the head of the firft clafs, becaufe the eftates of thefe
knights, without all doubt, exceeded the fum neceffary
to be admitted into it. However, the public fupplied
them with hoifes 5 for which a tax was laid upon wi¬
dows, who were exempt from all other tributef. This
firft clafs, including infantry and cavalry, confifted of
98 centuries. Ihe fecond clafs comprehended thofe
whofe eftates were valued at 5700 drachmae, or 75,000
afes of brafs. It was fabdivided into 20 centuries, all
foot. To thefe were added two centuries of carpen¬
ters, fmiths, and other artificers. In the third clafs
were thofe who were efteemed worth 5000 drachma;,
or 50,000 afes. This clafs was fubdivided into 20 cen¬
turies. Ihe fourth clafs was of thofe whofe effedls
were rated at the value of 500 drachmae, or 25,000
afes, and was divided into 20 centuries ; to which were
added two other centuries of trumpets and blowers of
the horn, who lupplied the whole army with this mar¬
tial mufic. The fifth clafs included thofe only whofe
whole fubftance did not amount to more than 1250
drachmae, or 12,500 afes; and this clafs was divided
into 30 centuries. The fixth clafs comprehended all
thofe who were not worth fo much as thofe of the fifth
clafs: they exceeded in number any other clafs, but ne-
verthelefs were reckoned but as one century.
The king drew from thefe regulations all the ad¬
vantages he had expe&ed. Levies for the army were
no longer raifed by tribes, nor were taxes laid at fo
much a-head as formerly, but all was levied by centu¬
ries. When, for inftance, an army of 20,000 men, or
a large fupply of money, was wanted for the w^ar, each
century furnifhed its quota both of men and money ;
fo that the firft clafs, which contained more centuries,
though fewer men, than all the others together, furnifh-
ed more men and more money for the public fervice
than the whole Roman ftate befides. And by this
means the Roman armies confifted for the moft part
of the rich citizens of Rome ; who, as they had lands
and effefls to defend, fought with more refolution,
while their riches enabled them to bear the expencc
of a campaign. As it was but juft the king fhould
make the firft clafs amends for the weight laid on it,
he gave it almoft the whole authority in public affairs;
changing the comitia by curiae, in which every man
gave his vote, into comitia by centuries, in which the
majority was not reckoned by fingle perfons, but by
centuries, how few foever there might be in a century.
Hence the firft clafs, which contained more centuries
than the other five taken together, had every thing at
its difpofal. The votes of this clafs were firft taken ;
and if the 98 centuries happened to agree, or only 97
of them, the affair was determined ; becaufe thefe made
the majority of the 193 centuries which compofed the
fix claffes. If they difagreed, then the fecond, the third,
and the other claffes in their order, were called to vote,
though there was very feldom any occafion to go fo
low as the fourth clafs for a majority of votes ; fo that
by this good order Servius brought the affairs of the
ftate to be determined .by the judgement of the moft
confiderable.;
Rome.
Rome
The cen-
fus at d la-
ftrum.
46
The treed*
men.
47
Reforms
the royal
power.
ROM [ 126 ] ROM
considerable citizens, who underflood tire public interefl:
much better than the blind multitude, liable to be im-
pofed upon, and ealily corrupted.
And now the people being thus divided into feveral
orders, accordir g to the cenfus or valuation of their
eilates, Servius refolved to folemnize this prudent regu¬
lation by fome public add of religion, that it might be
the more refpedled and the more lafting. Accordingly,
all the citizens were commanded to appear, on a day ap¬
pointed, in the Campus Martins, which was a large plain,
lying between the city and the Tiber, formerly confe-
crated by Romulus to the god Mars. Here the centuries
being drawn up in battalia, a folemn luftration or expia¬
tory facrifice was performed in the name of all the people.
The facrifice confifted of a fow, a fheep, and a bull,
whence it took the name of fuovetauri/ia. The whole
ceremony was called lujlrum, a luendo ; that is, from
paying, expiating, clearing, or perhaps from the goddefs
Lua, who prefided over expiations, and to whom Servius
had dedicated a temple. This wife king confidering,
that in the fpace of five years there might be fuch altera¬
tions in the fortunes of private perfons as to entitle fbme
to be raifed to an higher clafs, and reduce others to a
lower, enjoined that the cenfus Should be renewed every
five years. As the cenfus was ufually clofed by the iui-
trum, the Romans henceforth began to compute time by
luftrums, each luftrum containing the fpace of five years.
However, the luftrums were not always regularly obferved,
but often put off, though the cenfus had been made in
the fifth year. Some writers are of opinion, that Ser¬
vius at this time coined the firft money that had ever
appeared at Rome ; and add, that the circumftances
of the luftrum probably led him to ftamp the figures of
the animals there flain on pieces of braf’s of a certain
weight.
The government of the city being thus eftabliflied in
fo regular a manner, Servius, touched with compaffion
for thofe whom the misfortunes of an unfuccefsful war
had reduced to flavery, thought that fuch of them as
had by long and faithful fervices deferved and obtained
their freedom, were much more worthy of being made
Roman citizens, than untraclable vagabonds from fo¬
reign countries, who were admitted without diitindfion.
He therefore gave the freedmen their choice, either to
return to their own country, or continue at Rome. Thofe
who chofe to continue there, he divided into four tribes,
and fettled them within the city *, and though they were
dilfinguifhed from the plebeians by their old name of //-
berti, ox freedmen, yet they enjoyed all the privileges of
free citizens. The fenate took offence at the regard
which the king fhowed to fuch mean people, who had
but lately ftiaken off their fetters ; but Servius, by a
moll humane and judicious difeourfe, entirely appeafed
the fathers, who paffed his inftitutton into a law, which
fubfifted ever after.
The wife king, having thus eftabliflied order among
the people, undertook at laft to reform the royal power
itfelf $ his equity, which was the main fpring of all his
refolutions, leading him to acl contrary to his orvn in-
tereft, and to facrifice one half of the royal authority to
the public good. His predeceffors had referved to themfelves
the cognizance of all caufes both public and private •, but
Servius, finding the duties of his office too much for one
man to difeharge well, committed the cognizance of cr-
4
dinary fuits to the fenate, and referved that only of ftate* Rome,
crimes to himfelf. 1 v
All things being now regulated at home, both in the F ^^ours
city and country, Servius turned his thoughts abroad, t0 attach
and formed a fcheme for attaching the Sabines and La-the Sabine”,
tins to the Romans, by fuch focial ties as ftiould be and Latins
ftrengthened by religion. He fummoned the Latin andtol!ie K‘°*
Sabine cities to fend their deputies to Rome, to confult
about an aft'uir of great importance. When they were
come, he propofed to them the building of a temple in
honour of Diana, where the Latins and Sabines ihould
meet once a year, and join with the Romans in offering
facrifices to that goddeis \ that this feftival would be fol¬
lowed by a council, in which all ddputes between the
cities ihould be amicably determined) that there proper
meafures ihould be taken to purine their common intereft j
and, laftly, in order to draw the common people thi¬
ther, a fair ihould be kept, at which every one might
furriih himfelf with what he wanted. The king’s de-
fign met with no oppofition : the deputies only added to
it, that the temple ihould be an inviolable afylum for
the united nations j and that all the cities ihould contri¬
bute towards the expence of building it. It being left
to the king to choofe a proper place for it, he pitched
upon the Aventine hill, where the temple was built,
and affemblies annually held in it. The laws which
were to be obferved in thefe general meetings, were en¬
graved on a pillar of brafs, and were to be feen in
Auguftus’s time, in the Latin tongue, but in Greek
charafters.
But now Servius was grown old j and the ambition of Wicked in-
Tarquin his fon-in-law revived in proportion as the king trigue; of
advanced in years. His wife ufed her utmoft endeavours ^
to check the ralhnefs and fury of her hulband, and toinjaw<
divert him from all criminal enterprifes } while her
younger fifter was ever mitigating Arunx, who placed
all his happinefs in a private life, to the moft villanous
attempts. She wTas continually lamenting her fate in
being tied to fuch an indolent hufband, and wifliing fhe
had either continued unmarried, or were become a wi¬
dow. Similitude of temper and manners, formed, by de¬
grees, a great intimacy between her and Tarquin. At
length ihe propofed nothing lefs to him than the murder¬
ing of her father, fifter, and hufband, that they two
might meet and afeend the throne together. Soon after,
they paved their way to an inceftuous marriage, he by
poifoning his wife, and fhe her hufband ; and then had
the affurance to afk the king’s and queen’s confent to
their marriage. Servius and Tarquinia, though they
did not give it, were filent, through too much indul¬
gence to a daughter in whom now was their only hope
of pofterity. But thefe criminal nuptials were only the
firft ftep towards a yet greater iniquity. The wicked
ambition of the new-married couple firft fhowed itfelf a-
gainit the king : for they publicly declared, that the
crown belonged to them j that Servius was an ufurper,
who, being appointed tutor to Tarquin’s grandchildren,
had deprived his pupils of their inheritance ; that it was
high time for an old man, who was but little able to fup-
port the weight of public affairs, to give place to a prince
who was of a mature age, &x.
The patricians, whom Servius had taken great plea-
fure in humbling during the whole time of his reign,
were eafily gained over to Tarquin’s party ; and, by the
help
ROM [ i
Rome, help of money, many of the poorer citizens were alfo
brought over to his intereft. The king, being informed
of their treafonable practices, endeavoured to difluade his
daughter and fon-in-law from fuch proceedings, which
might end in their ruin 5 and exhorted them to wait for
the kingdom till his death. But they, defpifing his coun-
fels and paternal admonitions, refolved to lay their claim
before the fenate} which Servius was obliged to fummon :
fo that the affair came to a formal procefs. Tarquin
reproached his father-in-law with having afcended the
throne without a previous interregnum ; and with hav¬
ing bought the votes of the people, and defpifed the fuf-
frages of the fenate. He then urged his own right of
inheritance to the crown, and injuftice of Servius, who,
being only his guardian, had kept poffeflion of it, when
he himfelf was of an age to govern. Servius anfwered,
that he had been lawfully elefted by the people 5 and
that, if there could be an hereditary right to the king¬
dom, the fons of Ancus had a much better one than the
grandfons of the late king, who mull himfelf have been
an ufurper. He then referred the whole to an affembly
of the people ; which being immediately proclaimed all
over the city, the forum was foon filled ; and Servius
harangued the multitude in fuch a manner as gained all
their affeftions. They all cried out with one voice, Let
Servius reign ; let him continue to make the Romans hap¬
py. A.midft their confufed clamours, thefe words were
likewife heard : Let Tarquin perifh ; let him die ; let us
kill him. This language frightened him fo, that he re¬
tired to his houfe in great halte } while the king was
conduced back to his palace with the acclamations of
the people.
The ill fuccefs of this attempt cooled Tarquin’s ar¬
dent defire of reigning ; but his ambition made him aft
a new part. He undertook to regain the favour of his
father-in-law by careffes, fubmiffions, and proteflations
of a fincere regard and affeftion for him 5 infomuch
that the king, who judged of the policy of others from
his own, was fincerely reconciled to him, and tranquil¬
lity re-eftablilhed in the royal family. But it was not
long, ere Tarquin, roufed by the continual reproaches
of his wife, began to renew his intrigues among the
fenators ; of whom he had no fooner gained a confider-
able party, than he clothed himfelf in the royal robes,
and caufing the fafces to be carried before him by fome
of his domeflics, crofled the Roman forum, entered the
temple where the fenate ufed to meet, and feated him¬
felf on the throne. Such of the fenators as were in
the faftion he found already in their places (for he had
given them private notice to be there early) 5 and the
reft, being fummoned to afiemble in Tarquin’s name,
made what hafte they could to the appointed place,
thinking that Servius was dead, fince Tarquin aflumed
the title and funftions of king. When they wrere all
affembled, Tarquin made a long fpeech, reviling his
father-in-law, and repeating the inveftives againft him,
which he had fo often uttered, calling him a Have, an
ufurper, a favourer of the populace, and an enemy to
the fenate and patricians. When he wras yet fpeaking,
Servius arrived \ and, rafhly giving w-ay to the motions
of his courage, without confidering his ftrength, drew
near the throne, to pull Tarquin down from it. This
raifed a great noife in the affembly, which drew the
people into the temple; but nobody ventured to part
.he two rivals. Tarquin, therefore, being more ftrong
27 ] Pt O M
and vigorous, feized the old man by the waift, and Rome.
hurrying him through the temple, threw7 him down from
the top of the fteps into the forum. The king, wdio
was grievoufly wounded, raifed himfelf up with fomc
difficulty : but all his fiiends had abandoned him j only-
two or three of the people, touched with compaffion,
lent him their arms to conduft him to his palace.
As .they wrere leading him on flowly, the cruel
1 ullia appeared in the forum, whither ffie had haften-
td in her chariot on the firft report of what had paffed
in the fenate. She found her hufband on the top of
the fteps of the temple j and, tranfported with joy, was
the firft who faluted him king. The example was im¬
mediately followed by the fenators of Tarquin’s party.
Nor was this enough for the unnatural daughter : ftie
took afide her hulband, and fuggefted to him, that he
would never be fafe fio long as the ufurper of his crown ro
was alive. Hereupon Tarquin inftantly difpatchcd fome Servius
of his domeftics to take away the remains of the un- Tullius
fortunate king’s life. The orders for the wicked par-munJcred’
ricide were no fooner given than Tullia mounted her
chariot again, with an air of triumph, to return home.
The way to heR houfe was through a narrow ftreet,
called vicus cyprius, or the goodJlreet. There the affaf-
fins had left the king’s body, which wTas ftill panting.
At this fight, the charioteer, ftruck with horror, check¬
ed his horfes, and made a flop : but Tullia forced him
to go on ; and the blood of the father is faid to have
dyed the wheels of the chariot, and even the clothes of
the inhuman daughter, whence the ftreet was called
ever after vicus feeler at us.
The new king proved a moft defpotic and cruel ty. Tarquin II.
rant; receiving, in the very beginning of his reign, the a cme* t>’'
furname of proud, on account of his capricious humour rant*
and haughty behaviour. All controverfies whatever
were decided by himfelf and his friends; and he ba-
nilhed, fined, and even executed, whom he pleafed.
The cenfus and luftrum, the divifion of citizens into
claffes and centuries, were aboliftied 5 and all kinds of
affemblies, even thofe for amufement and recreation,
were prohibited, both in town and country. Nay, to
fuch a height did Tarquin carry his infolence and ty¬
ranny, that the moft virtuous of the fenators went into
voluntary baniftiment; while many of thofe who remain¬
ed were cut off on various pretences, that the king
might enjoy their eftates.
i arquin could not but be fenfible of the extreme dan¬
ger in which he flood by lofing the affeftions of his
people in fuch a manner. He therefore provided a fuf-
ficient number oi foldiers, by way of guard, to prevent
attempts upon his perfon ; and gave his daughter to
Oftavius Marmlius, one of the moft confiderable men
among the Latins, in order to ftrengthen his intereft:
by this foreign alliance, iu cafe of a revolt among his
fubjefts. Mamilius accordingly procured many friends
to his father-in-law, but he had like to have loft them
agam by his haughty behaviour. He had defired the
Latins to call a national council at Ferentinum, where
he would meet them on a day appointed by himfelf.
The Latins accordingly met; but after waiting for fe-
veral hours, Tarquin did not appear. On this, one
i urnus Herdonius, an enterprifing and eloquent man,
who hated 1 arquin, and was jealous of IVIamilius, made
a fpeech, in which he inveighed againft the haughty
behaviour of Tarquin, fet forth the contempt which he
had
Uime.
His infa¬
mous ftra-
tagem to
deftroy
Herdonius.
.53
Inftitutes
the Feriae
•Latin se.
54
Reduces
Gabii by
treachery,
ROM [12
liad put upon the Latins, and concluded with defiring
the council to break up and return home without ta¬
king any further notice of him. Mamilius, however,
prevailed upon them to return the day following 5 when
Tarquin made his appearance, and told the aflfembly
that his defign in calling them together was to claim
his right of commanding the Latin armies, wdiich he
faid was derived from his grandfather, but which he
defired to be confirmed to him by them. Thefe w'ords
were fcarce out of his mouth, when Herdonius, riling
up, entered into a detail of Tarquin’s tyranny and ar¬
bitrary behaviour at Rome, which, he faid, the Latins
would foon feel in an equal degree, if they complied
with Tarquin’s demand. To this fpeech the king
made no reply at that time, but promifed to anfw;er him
next day. In the mean time, however, he bribed the
domsflics of Herdonius to admit among his baggage a
large quantity of arms ; and then, telling the Latins
that Herdomus’s oppofrtion proceeded only from Tar¬
quin’s having refufed him his daughter in marriage, ac-
cufed him of having laid a plot to cut off all the depu¬
ties there prefent, and to ufurp a jurifdidlion over the
Latin cities j as a proof of which he appealed to the
arms hid among the baggage of Herdonius. The ac-
cufed, confcious of his innocence, defired that his bag¬
gage might be fearched j which being accordingly done,
and the arms found, he was hurried away without be¬
ing allowed to make any defence, and thrown into a
bafon at the head of the fpring of Ferentinum, where a
hurdle being laid upon him, and ftones laid upon the
hurdle, he was preffed down into the v/ater and drowm-
ed.
In confequence of this monftrous treachery, Tarquin
was looked upon by the Latins as their deliverer, and
declared general of the Latin armies; foon after which,
the Hernici and two tribes of the Volfci entered into
an alliance with him on the fame terms. In order to
keep thefe confederates together, Tarquin, with their
confent, eredled a temple to Jupiter Latialis on a hill
near the ruins of Alba, where he appointed certain
feafts called Fence Latince to be held on the 27^
April, where the feveral nations were to facrifice toge¬
ther, and on no account to commit any hoftilities againfl
each other during their continuance. The king then
proceeded to make war on the reft of the Vollci who
had refufed to enter into an alliance with him. Some
depredations which they had committed in the territo¬
ries ©f the Latins ferved for a pretence to begin the
war j but as Tarquin had no confidence in the Romans,
his army was compoied only of a fmall body of them
who were incorporated among the Latin auxiliaries.
However, he defeated the enemy, took one of their ci¬
ties by ftorm, and gave the booty to his foldiers. He
next turned his arms againft the Sabines, whom he en¬
tirely defeated in two engagements, and made the
whole nation tributary : for which exploits he decreed
himfelf two triumphs, and on his return to Rome he
employed the populace in finifhing the fewers and
circus wThich had been begun by his grandfather Tar¬
quin I.
In the mean time, the perfecutions of Tarquin a-
gainft his own fubjefts daily drove fome of the moft
confiderable into banifhment. A great number of pa¬
tricians took refuge in Gabii, a city of Latium about 13
auks from Rome; where the inhabitants, touched with
3
8 ] ROM
compaffion for their misfortunej, not only received them
with kindnefs, but began a war with Tarquin on their V“—*
account. The Gabini feem to have been the moft for¬
midable enemies whom the Romans had hitherto met
with j fince Tarquin was obliged to raife a prodigious
bulwark to cover the city on the fide of Gabii. The
war lafted feven years j during which time, by the mu¬
tual devaflations committed by the two armies, a great
fcarcity of provifions took place in Rome. The people
foon grew clamorous j and Tarquin being unable either
to quiet them, or to reduce the Gabini, fell upon the
following dithonourable and treacherous expedient. His
fon Sextus Tarquinius pretended to be on very bad
terms with his father, and openly inveighed againft him
as a tyrant 5 on which he was proclaimed a rebel, and
publicly beaten in the forum. This being reported at
Gabii, by perfons fent thither on purpofe, the inhabi¬
tants became very defirous of having Sextus among
them j and accordingly he foon went thither, having
previoufly obtained a folemn promife from the inhabi¬
tants never to deliver him up to his father. Here he
made frequent inroads into the Roman territories, and
always came back laden with fpoil, his father fending
againft him only fuch weak parties as muft infallibly be
worfted. By this means he foon came to have fuch a
high degree of credit among the Gabini, that he was
chofen general of their army, and was as much mafter
at Gabii as Tarquin was at Rome. Finding then that
his authority was fufficiently eftablilhed, he difpatched
a ftave to his father for inftruftions j but the king, un¬
willing to return an explicit anfwer, only took the mef-
fenger into the garden, where he ftruck off the heads
of the tailed: poppies. Sextus underftood that by this
hint the king defired him to put to death the leading
men in the city of Gabii, wdiich he immediately put in
execution ) and while the city was in confufion on ac¬
count of this rnaffacre, he opened the gates to his fa¬
ther, who took poffeftion of the city with all the pride
of a conqueror.—The inhabitants dreaded every thing
from the haughty tyranny of the Roman monarch ;
however, on this occafion he confulted his policy rather
than his revenge j granted them their life, liberty, and
eftates, and even entered into a treaty of alliance with
them. The articles were written on the hide of an ox,
w hich was ftill to be feert in the time of Auguftus, iu
the temple of Jupiter Fidius. After this, however, he
made his fon Sextus king of Gabii j fending off alfo
his other two fons, Titus and Arunx, the one to build
a city at Signia, the other at Circseum, a promontory
of the Tyrrhene fea, and both thefe to keep the Vollci
in awe.
For fome time Tarquin now enjoyed a profound
peace 5 the Romans, being accuftomed to oppreffion
and the yoke of an imperious mafter, making no op-
pofition to his will. During this interval Tarquin
met with the celebrated adventure of the Sibyl * j * See Sibyl.
whofe books were ever afterwards held in high eftima- 55
tion at Rome, and Tarquin appointed two perfons of
diftinftion to take care of them. Thefe were called
Duumviri: but their number was afterwards increafed
to 10, when they were called Decemviri; and then to
15, when they were termed ^uindecemvin. At this
time alfo the written civil law had its origin among the
Romans ; all the ftatutes ena&ed by the kings being
collected into one body ; which, from Papirius the name
■ROM r I
Rome, of the collector, was called the Papinan law. The
'“""“'v ‘ temple of the Capitol was alfo finifhed j for which pur-
pofe the moft fkilful architefts and workmen were
brought from Hetruria, the populace being obliged to
ferve them in the moft laborious parts.
Downfal now come to t^e imPortant revolution which put
of the regal an end to the regal power at Rome, and introduced a
power. new form of government, to which this city is allowed
to owe the greateft part of her grandeur. Tarquin, as
we have already feen, had left himfeif no friends among
the rich citizens, by reafon of the oppreflion under
wThich he made them labour j and the populace w’ere
equally difaffe£ted on account of their being obliged to
labour in his public works. Among the many perfons
of diftindtion who had been facrificed to the avarice or
fufpicions of Tarquin, was one M. Junius, who had
married the daughter of Tarquin I. This nobleman
had a fon named L. Junius Brutus, who efcaped the
cruelty of the tyrant by pretending to be an idiot,
wftiich part he had ever fince continued to aft. Soon
after the finifhing of the works abovementioned, a vio¬
lent plague happening to break out at Rome, Tarquin
fent his fons Titus and Arunx to confult the oracle of
Delphi j and the princes took Brutus along with them,
to divert themfelves with his pretended tolly by the
way. Brutus chofe for his offering to the Delphic A-
pollo a (tick of elder, which occafioned much laugh¬
ter. However, he had the precaution to inclofe a rod
of gold w-ithin the flick ; and to this probably it wras
owing, that the prieftefs gave the princes the following
riddle, that he who fhould firft kifs his mother fhould
fucceed Tarquin in the government of Rome. This
anfwer had been given to their inquiries concerning the
fucceflion ; upon which the two brothers either drew
lots which of them fhould kifs their mother at their re¬
turn, or agreed to do it at once, that both might reign
jointly : but Brutus, imagining the oracle had another
meaning, fell down and kiffed the earth, the common
mother of all living. This, in all probability, the
prieftefs had meant; and had given the anfwrer on pur-
pofe to have another proof of Brutus’s ingenuity, which
had already difcovered itfelf, by his offering the elder
flick.
On the return of the princes to Rome, they found
their father engaged in a war wdth the Rutuli. The
treafury being exhaufted by the fums wftiich Tarquin
had expended in his public works, he had marched to
Ardea, the capital of that nation, which lay about 20
miles from Rome, in hopes of taking it wftthout op-
pofition. Contrary to his expeftation, however, he
was obliged to befiege it in form : and this conftrained
him to lay a heavy tax upon his fubjefts, which increa-
fed the number of malcontents, and difpofed every thing
for a revolt. As the fiege was carried on very flowly,
the general officers frequently made entertainments for
one another in their quarters. One day, when Sextus
Tarquinius was entertaining his brothers, the conver¬
sation happened to turn upon their wives : every one
extolled the good qualities of his own ; but Collatinus
bellowed fuch extravagant praifes on his Lucretia,
that the difpute ended in a kind of quarrel. It w7as
then refolved that they fhould mount their horfes and
furprife their wives by their unexpefted return. The
king’s daughters-in law w'ere employed in feafting and
diverfion, and feemed much difcpncerted by the ap-
Vol. XVIIL Part I.
Rome.
57
.-quinms,
“ k.lls her-
29 ] R O M
pearance of their hufbands ; but Lucretia, though the
night was far advanced, was found, with her maids
about her, fpinning and w'orking in wrool. She wras
not at all difcompofed by the company whom her
hulband brought with him, and they were all pleafed
wftth the reception fhe gave them. As Lucretia was
very beautiful, Sextus Tarquinius conceived a paffion
for her, which refolving to fatisfy at all events, he
foon returned to Collatia in the abfence of Lucretia’s Lucretia,
hufband, and was entertained by her with great civility ravifhed by
and refpeft. In the night time he entered LucretiaVs xtus T‘u*
apartment, and threatened her with immediate death
fhe did not yield to his defires. But finding her not felf.
to be intimidated with this menace, he told her, that,
if flie Hill perfifled in her refufal, he would kill one of
her male Haves, and lay him naked by her when Hie
was dead, and then declare to all the world that he had
only revenged the injury of Collatinus. On this the
virtuous Lucretia (who, it feems, dreaded proilitution
lefs than the infamy attending it) fubmitted to the de¬
fires of Sextus $ but refolved not to outlive the violence
which had been offered her. She dreffed herfelf in
mourning, and took a poniard under her robe, having
previoufly written to her hufband to meet her at her fa¬
ther Lucretius’s houfe, where Hie refufed to difcover
the caufe of her grief except in a full affembly of her
friends and relations. Here, addrefling herfelf to her
hufband Collatinus, fhe acquainted him with the whole
affair •, exhorted him to revenge the injury $ and pro-
tefted that fhe would not outlive the lofs of her honour.
Every one prefent gave her a folemn promife that they
would revenge her quarrel ; but while they endeavoured
to comfort her, fhe fuddenly Habbed herfelf to the heart
with the dagger which fhe had concealed under her robe.
See Chastity.
This extravagant aftion inflamed beyond meafure the
minds of all prefent. Brutus, laying afide his pretend¬
ed folly, drew the bloody dagger out of Lucretia’s bo¬
dy ; and, fhowing it to the affembly, fwore by the blood
upon it that he wnuld purfue Tarquin and his family
with fire and fword: nor would he ever fuffer that or
any other family to reign in Rome. The fame oath
was taken by all the company, who were fo much fur-
prifed at the apparent tranfition of Brutus from folly
to wftfdom, that they did whatever he defired them 
By his advice the gates of the city were fhut, that no¬
body might go out of it to inform Tarquin of what
was going forward; which, as Lucretius had been left
governor of the city by Tarquin, was put in execution
wftthout difficulty. The corpfe of Lucretia w7as then
expofed to public view : and Brutus having made a
fpeech to the people, in which he explained the myffe-
ry of his conduft in counterfeiting folly for many years
paft, proceeded to tell them that the patricians were
come to a refolution of depofing the tyrant, and ex- .
horted them to concur in the fame defign. The people Tarqirw
teHified their approbation, and called out for arms $ but deputed,
Brutus did not think proper to truH them with arms
till he had firft obtained a decree of the fenate in fa¬
vour of the defign. This was eafily procured : the fe¬
nate enafted that Tarquin had forfeited all the prero¬
gatives belonging to the regal authority, condemned
him and all his pofterity to perpetual baniffunent, and
devoted to the gods of hell every Roman who fliould
hereafter, by word or deed, endeavour his reftoration j
R and
1
Romp, and this
gfcd
60
Tullia
leaves
Rome.
ROM [
decree was unanimoufiy confirmed by the
v " ‘ curiae.
The lorm Tarquin being thus depofed, the form of government
of govern- became the next objeft. Lucretius was for the prefent
ment chan- declared Inter rex ; but Brutus being again confulted,
declared, that though it was by no means proper for
the ftate to be without fupreme magiftrates, yet it was
equally neceflary that the power thould not be centered
in one man, and that it fliould not be perpetual. For
this reafon, he propofed, that two magiilrates, called
confuls, Ihould be elefted annually; that the bale fhould
thenceforth have the name of republic ; that the enfigns
of royalty fhould be abolifhed •, and that the only en¬
figns of confular dignity fliould be an ivory chair, a
white robe, and 12 lictors for their attendants. How¬
ever, that he might not utterly aboiifli the name of
Ltff, he propofed that this title fliould be given to him
who had the fuperintendency of religious matters, who
ihould thenceforth be called rex facrorum, or king of fa-
cred things.
The fcheme of Brutus being approved of, Brutus and
Collatinus were propofed by Lucretius as the two firfl:
confuls, and unanimoufly accepted by the people, who
thought it was impoflible to find more implacable ene¬
mies to the Tarquins. They entered on their office
in the year 508 B. C.; and Tullia, perceiving that now
ail was loft, thought proper to leave the city, and re¬
tire to her hufband at Ardea. She was fuffered to de¬
part with'out moleftation, though the populace hooted
at her, and curfed her as fhe went along. Tarquin, in
the mean time, being informed by fome who had got
out of Rome before the gates were fliut, that Brutus
was raifing commotions to bis prejudice, returned in
hafte to the city, attended only by his fons and a few
friends ; but, finding the gates ftiut, and the people in
arms on the walls, he returned again to the camp : but
here again, to his furprife, he found that the confuls
had taken the opportunity of gaining over the army to
their intereft ; fo that, being refufed admittance into
the camp alfo, he was forced to fly for refuge, at the
age of 76, with his wife and three fons, to Gabii, where
Sextus had been made king. Here he continued for
fome time : but not finding the Latins very forward to
revenge his caufe, be retired into Hetruria ; where, be¬
ing the country of his mother’s family, he hoped to
find more friends, and a readier afliftance for attempting
-j the recovery of his throne.
State ofthe The Romans now congratulated themfelves on their
Roman cm-happy deliverance from tyranny. However, as Tar-
pue at this qUJn ]-,acl p>y his policy procured himfelf many friends
abroad, thefe now became enemies to the Roman name 5
and, by the defeftion of their allies, the Roman domi¬
nions were left in much the fame ftate as they had been
in the time of Romulus. The territory of Rome had
always been confined to a very narrow' compafs. Though
almoft conftantly vi&orious in war for 243 years, they
had not yet gained land enough to fupply their city
wdth provifions. The main ftrength of the ftate lay in
the number of the citizens of Rome •, which the cuftom
of tranfplanting the inhabitants of the conquered cities
thither had fo prodigioufly increafed, that it put the
Romans in a condition of ufurping the authority over
Other nations, the moft inconfiderable of which had an
extent of territory far exceeding theirs. By frequent
depredations and incurfions they fo harafied the petty
62
Tarquin
o J R O M
Rates of Latium and Hetruria, that many of them were P. me.
conftrained to enter into treaties with Rome, by which -y—
they obliged themfelves to furnifti her with auxiliaries
whenever flie fhould be pleafed to invade and pillage the
lands of her other neighbours. Submiftions of this kind
the Romans called making alliances with them, and thefe
uleful alliances fupplied the want of a larger territory j
but now, upon the change of her government, all the
allies of Rome forfook her at once, and either flood neu¬
ter, or efpoufed the caufe of the banifhed king ; fo that
flie w'as now obliged to maintain her liberties as fine bell;
might.
The new'confuls in the mean time took the moft ef¬
fectual methods they could for fecuring the liberties of
the republic. The army which had been employed in
the fiege of Ardea marched home under the condufit
of Herminius and Horatius, wdio concluded a truce
W'ith the Ardeatcs for 15 years. The confuls then,
again affembled the people by centuries, and bad the
decree of Tarquin’s banifhment confirmed ; a rexJacro-
rum w'as eleCted to prefide at the facrifices, and many
of the laws of Servius Tullius w'ere revived, to the great
joy of the people, who were thus reftored to their an¬
cient right of voting in all important affairs. Tarquin,
however, refolvtd not to part with his kingdom on luch
eafy terms. Having wandered from city to city in or¬
der to move compaffion, he at length made Tarquinii
the feat of his refidence ; where he engaged the inhabi¬
tants to fend an embaffy to Rome, with a modeft, fub-
miflive letter from himfelf, dire&ed to the Roman peo¬
ple. The ambafladors reprefented in fuch ilrong terms,
to the fenate how reafonahle it wras to let tfie king be writes to-
heard before he was condemned, and the danger which tl.e Roman
threatened the ftate from the neighbouring powers if people,
that common juftice were refufied, that the confuls in¬
clined to bring thefe agents before the people, and to
leave the decifion thereof to the curiae 5 but Valerius,
who had been very aclive in the revolution, ftrenuoufly
oppofed this, and by bis influence in the fenate got it
prevented. As that illuftrious body had been greatly
thinned by the murders committed by Tarquin, new
members were elcfted from among the knights, and the
ancient number of 300 again completed. The old fe-
nators had been called patres or “ fathers j” and as
the names of the newr ones were now written on the fame
roll, the whole body received the name of patres con-
feripti.
The old king was not to be foiled by a fingle at¬
tempt. He prevailed on the inhabitants of Tarquinii
to fend a fecond embafly to Rome, under pretence of
demanding the eftates of the exiles, but with private
inftrublions to get the confuls affaflinated. The refto-
ration of the eftates of the exiles was oppofed by Bru¬
tus, but Collatinus was for complying with it •, where¬
upon Brutus accufed his colleague of treachery, and of
a defign to bring back the tyrant. The matter was
then referred to the people, where it was carried by one
vote in favour of the Tarquins. But whilft the people A ccrifpi-
were employed in loading carriages with the effc&s of racy formed
the exiles, and in felling what could not be carried off, in his fa-
the ambaffadors found means to draw fome of the near-'0’”*
eft relations of the coniuls into a plot with them. Thefe
were three young noblemen of the Aquilian family (the
fons of Collatinus’s fifter), and two of the Vitellii
(whofe fifter Brutus had married) 5 and thefe laft cn-
gaged
R O M [ iji ] R O M
Rome gaged Titus and Tiberius, the two Ions of Brutus, in
the fame conspiracy. They all bound themfelves by
folemu oaths, with the dreadful ceremony of drinking
the blood of a murdered man and touching his entrails.
They met at the houfe of the Aquilii, where they
wrote letlers to Tarquin and gave them to the ambaf-
fadors. But though they ufed all imaginable precau¬
tion, their proceedings were overheard by one Vindi-
cius a have, who immediately communicated the whole
^ to Valerius: upon which all the criminals were appre-
Brutus hended. Brutus Hood judge over his own fons ; and,
cauft-s two notwithilaading the interceflion of the whole aflembly,
of his own ancj t|le tears and lamentations of his children, com-
belw d'd mandcd them to be beheaded *, nor would he depart
till he faw the execution of the fentence. Having per¬
formed this piece of heroic barbarity, be quitted the tri¬
bunal and left Collatinus to perform the reil. Col-
latinus, however, being inclined to ipare his nephews,
allowed them a day to clear themfelves; and caufed
Vindicius, the only witnefs againlf them, to be deliver¬
ed up to bis mailers. This roufed the indignation of
the people in general, efpecially of Valerius, who had
promifed to protebl the witnefs, and therefore he re-
fufed to deliver him up to the lictors. The multitude
called aloud for Brutus to return *, which when he had
done, he told them that he had executed his two fons
in coniequence of his own paternal authority over them,
but that it belonged to the people to determine the
fate of the reft. Accordingly, by a decree of the curia;,
all the delinquents fuffered as traitors except the am-
baiTadors, who were fpared out of refpeft to their cha-
rafler. The Have Vindicius had his liberty granted
him ; and was prefented with 25,000 afes of brafs, in
value about Sol. 14s. yd. of our money. The decree
for reftoring the eftates of the exiled Tarquins was an¬
nulled, their palaces were dellroyed, and their lands di¬
vided among the indigent people. The public only
retained a piece of ground, near the Campus Martius,
which the king had ufurped. This they confecrated
to Mars, and it afterwards became a common field
where the Roman youth exercifed themfelves in run¬
ning and wreftling. But after this confecration, the
fuperftitious Romans fcrupled to ufe the corn which
they found there ready reaped to their hands : fo that,
with fome trees, it was thrown into the Tiber ; and the
water being low, it Hopped in the middle of the river,
and began to form a fine ifland named afterwards Infula
Sacra.
The behaviour of Brutus towards his Uvo fons ftruck
fuch a terror into the Romans, that fcarce any perfon
durft oppofe him ; and therefore, as he hated Collatinus,
he openly accufed him before the people, and without
ceremony depofed him from the confulftiip, banifhing
Depofes his ^'ra at the fame time from Rome. The multitude ac-
colleague quiefeed in every thing he faid, and refufed to hear
t'oilatinus. Collatinus fpeak in his own defence ; fo that the con-
ful was on the point of being driven out with ignominy
and di(grace, when Lucretius interpofed, and prevailed
upon Brutus to allow his colleague quietly to refign the
fafees, and retire of his own accord from the city. Bru¬
tus then, to remove all fufpicions of perfonal enmity,
procured him a prefent of 20 talents out of the public
treafury, to which he added five of his own. Collati¬
nus then retired to Lavinium, where he lived in peace,
and at laft died of old age.
After the abdication of Collatinus, Valerius was cho F.orne.
fen in his room ; and as his temper agreed much better v*
with Brutus than that of Collatinus, the two confuls li¬
ved in great harmony. Nothing, however, could make
the dethroned king forego the hope of recovejing his 65
kingdom by force. He fir ft engaged the Volfci andThe Yo'nli
Tarquinienfes to join their forces in order to lupport hisaml lai'.‘
rights. The coniuls marched out without delay to meet
them. Brutus commanded the horfe and Valerius thefavourof
foot, drawn up in a fquare battalion. The two armies Tarquin.
being in fight of each other, Brutus advanced with his
cavalry, at the fame time that Arunx, one of Tarquin’s
fons, was coming forward with the enemy’s horie, the
king himfelf following with the legions. Arunx no
fooner difeovered Brutus, than he made towards him ^
with all the fury of an enraged enemy. Brutus ad-Brutus and
vanced towards him with no lefs fpeed 5 and as both Arunx kill
were abhiated only by motives of hatred, w,ithouteac^1 ct^er'
thoughts of lelf-prefervation, both of them were pierced
through with their lances. The death of the two ge¬
nerals ferved as a prelude to the battle, which continued
with the utmoft fury till night, when it could not be
known which fide had got the vi&ory, or which had
loft the greateft number of men. A report was fpread,
however, that a voice had been heard out of a neigh¬
bouring wood, declaring the Romans conquerors j and
this, probably a ftratagem of Valerius, operated fo
powerfully on the fuperftitious minds of the Volfci, that
they left their camp in confufion, and returned to their
own country. It is faid that Valerius, having caufed
the dead to be numbered, found that the Volfci had loft
11,300 men, and the Romans only one ftiort of that
number.
Valerius being left without a colleague in the con-
fullhip, and having for fome reafons delayed to choofe
one, began to be fufpefted by the people of afpiring
at the fovereignty j and thefe fufpicions were in fome
meafure countenanced by his building a fine houfe on
the fteep part of the hill Paladnus, which overlooked
the forum, and was by them confidered as a citadel.
But of this Valerius was no fooner informed, than he
caufed this houfe to be pulled down, and immediately *
called an affembly of the people for the ele&ion of a
conful, in which he left them entirely free. They chofe
Lucretius •, and, being afhamed of having fufpedled Va¬
lerius, they complimented him with a large ground-plot
in an agreeable place, w7here they built him a houfe.
The new conful died a few days after his promotion, fo
that Valerius was once more left foie governor. In the
interval betwixt the death of Lucretius and the choice
of another conful, Valerius gave the people fo many
ftriking proofs of his attachment to their intereft, that
they bellowed upon him the furname of Poplicola, or
“ popular nor was he ever called by another name
afterwards.
When Poplicola’s year of confullhip expired, the Ro¬
mans thought fit, in confequence of the critical fitua-
tion of affairs, to elect him a fecond time, and joined
wilh him T. Lucretius, the brother of the famous Lu-
cretia. They began with reftoring the cenfus and lu-
ftrum *, and found the number of Roman citizens, at or
above the age of puberty, to amount to 130,000. As
they apprehended an attack from the Latins on ac¬
count of Tarquin, they wTere at great pains to fortify
Sinquirinum or Singliuria, an important poll on that
R 2 fide.
n o m
[ ]
R O M
P.onie.
69
and tie-
feats their
armj.
7°
Bravery of
Horatius
Codes.
fide. Contrary to their expeftations, however, the La¬
tins remained quiet ; but an haughty embaffy was re¬
ceived from Porfena king of Clufmm in Hetruria, com¬
manding them either to take back the Tarquins to
Rome, or to reftore them their eftates. To the firft
of thefe demands the confuls returned an abfolute re-
fufal} and, as to the fecond, they anfwered, that it was
impracticable ; a part of thofe eftates having been con-
fecrated to Mars, and the reft divided among indigent
people, from whom they could not be recovered. 1 he
imminent danger wdrich now threatened the city, pro*
cured Valerius the honour of a third confuhhip ; and
with him was joined Horatius Pulvilius, who had en¬
joyed the dignity for a few months before in the inter¬
val betwixt the death of Lucretius and the expiration of
the firft confulate.
While the Romans were making the moft vigorous
preparations for defence, Porfena, attended by his fon
Arunx and the exiles, marched towards the city at the
head of a formidable army, which w*as quickly joined
by a confiderable body of Latins under Mamilius, the
fon-in-law of Tarquin. ’I he confuls and the lenate
took all imaginable care to fupply the common people
with provifions, left famine ftrould induce them to open
the gates to Tarquin ; and they defired the country
people to lodge their effeCls in the fort Janiculum,
which overlooked the city, and which was the only for¬
tified place poffefled by the Romans on that fide the
Tiber. Porfena, however, foon drove the Romans out
of this fort j upon which the confuls made all their
troops pafs the river, and drew them up in order of
battle to defend the bridge, while Porfena advanced to
engage them. The victory was a long time doubtful 5
but at laft the Romans fled. Horatius Codes, nephew
to the conful, with Sp. Lartius and T. Herminius, who
had commanded the right wing, polled themfelves at
the entrance of the bridge, and for a long time bravely
defended it : but at laft, the defenfive arms of Lartius
and Herminius being broken, they retired ; and then
Horatius defiring them to advife the confuls from him
to cut the bridge at the other end, he for a while fu-
ftained the attack of the enemy alone. At laft, being
wounded in the thigh, and the fignal given that, the
bridge was almoft broken down, he leaped into the river,
and fwam acrofs it through a Ihower of darts. The
Romans, in token of gratitude for this eminent fervice,
ereCted a ftatue to him in the temple of Vulcan, gave
him as much land as he himfelf wuth one yoke of oxen
could plough in one day ; and each of the inhabitants,
to the number of 300,000, gave him the value of as
much food as each confumed in a day. But notwith-
ftanding all this, as he had loft one eye, and from his
wounds continued lame throughout the remainder of
duS) with the confent of the fenate and confuls, under¬
took to afl'aflinate Porfena. He got accefs to the He-
trurian camp, difguifed like a peafant, and made his
Rome.
71
way to the king’s tent. It happened to be the day on Attempt of
which the troops were all reviewed and paid ; and Por-MutiusCor-
fena’s fecretary, magnificently dreffed, was fitting on
the fame tribunal with the king. Mutius, miitaking
him for Porfena, inftantly leaped upon the tribunal and
killed him. He then attempted to make his elcape j
but being feized and brought back, he owned his de-
fign and with a countenance expreflive of defperate
rage and difappointment, thruft his hand wdrich had
miffed the blow into a pan of burning coals which flood
by, and there held it for a confiderable time. On this,
Porfena, changing his refentment into admiration, grant¬
ed him his life and liberty, and even reftored him the
dagger wuth which he intended to have ftabbed him¬
felf. Mutius took it wuth his left hand, having loft the
ufe of the other 5 and from this time had the name of
Sccevola, or “ left-handed.” He then, in order to in*
duce Porfena to break up the fiege, invented a ftory that
300 young Romans, all of them as refolute as himfelf,
had fworn to take away the life of the king of Hetruria,
or to perith in the attempt. This had the defired ef-
feCl} Porfena fent deputies to Rome, whofe only de¬
mands wTere, that the Romans fhould reftore the eftates
of the Tarquins, or give them an equivalent, and give
back the feven fmall towns which had been formerly-
taken from the Veintes. The latter of thele demands
was cheerfully complied wuth •, but the former wras ftill
refufed, until Porfena fhould hear the ftrong reafons they
had to urge againft it. A truce being agreed on, de¬
puties wTere fent to the Hetrurian camp to plead the
Roman caufe againft the Tarquins, and wuth them ten
young men, and as many virgins, by way of hoftages for
performing the other article.
The reception which Porfena gave the deputies rail¬
ed the jealoufy of the Tarquins; wdio ftill retaining
their ancient pride, refufed to admit Porfena for a judge-
between them and the Romans. But the king, with¬
out any regard to their oppofition, refolved to fatisfy
himfelf, by an exa£t inquiry, -whether the proteftion he
had given the Tarquins w7as juft. But wdfile the caufe
wTas ready to be opened before the Roman deputies, news
wTere brought that the young wmmen w7hom the Romans
had fent as hoftages had ventured to fwim acrofs the
Tiber, and wrere returned to Rome. They had gone to Adventure
bathe in the river, and Claelia happening to turn her of Clselia-
eyes towards her native city, that fight raifed in her a
defire of returning'to it. She therefore ventured to
fwim acrofs the river ; and having encouraged her com¬
panions to follow her, they all got fafe to the oppofite
fhore, and returned to their fathers houfes. The return
his life, thefe defefts prevented his ever being raifed of the hoftages gave the conful Poplicola great uneafi-
to the confulate, or invefted with any military com- nefs •, he w’as afraid left this raftt aftion might be imput-
mand.
The city w?as not yet fully invefted ; but as it was
very difficult to find provifions for fuch a multitude,
the inhabitants foon began to be in wrant. Porfena
being informed of their difficulties, told them that he
would fupply them with provifions if they would take
back their old mailers; but to this they replied, that
hunger wTas a lefs evil than flavery and oppreflion. The
eonftancy of the Romans, however, wTas on the point
q£ failing, when a young patiician, named Mutius Cor-
ed to want of fidelity in the Romans. To remove there¬
fore all fufpicions, he fent a deputation to the Hetrurian
camp, alluring the king that Rome had no {hare in the
foolifti attempt of the young women ; and promifing to
fend them immediately back to the camp from whence
they had fled. Porfena w7as eafily appeafed 5 but the Treachery
news of the fpeedy return of the hoftages being known of the Tar-
in the camp, the Tarquins, without any regard to the quins,
truce, or refpedf to the king their proteftor, lay in am-
bufli on the rpad to furprife them. Poplicola having
put
ROM [ 13,? ] ROM
Rome.
^ 74
rorfena
abandons
their caufe
75
Concludes
a peace
with the
Romans,
and re¬
lieves them
put liimfelf at the head of the Roman troops who efcort-
ed them, furtained the attack of the Tarquins, though
fudden and unexpected, till his daughter Valeria rode
full fpeed to the Hetrurian camp, and gave notice of the
danger her father and companions were in 5 and then
Arunx, the king’s fon, flying with a great body of ca¬
valry to their relief, put the aggreflbrs to the rout.
This notorious piece of treachery in the Tarquins
gave Porfena ftrong fufpicions of the badnefs of their
caufe. He therefore affembled the chief commanders
of the Hetrurians ; and having heard in their prefence
the complaints of the Romans, and the juftification of
their proceedings again!! the Tarquins, he was fo ftruck
with horror at the recital of the crimes the Tarquins
were charged with, that he immediately ordered them
to leave his camp 5 declaring, that he renounced his al¬
liance with them, and would no longer continue the
hofpitality he had fliown them. He then commanded
the ten young virgins to be brought before him, and in¬
quired who was the nrfl: author and chief manager of the
enterprife. They all kept lilence, till Claelia herfelf,
with an air of intrepidity, confeffed, that Are alone was
guilty, and that flie had encouraged the others by her
advice. Upon this the king, extolling her refolution
above the bravery of Horatius and the intrepidity of
Mutius, made her a prefent of a fine horfe, with fumptu-
ous furniture. After this he concluded a peace with
the Romans, and reftored to them all their holfages j
declaring, that their bare wmrd was to him a fufficient
fecurity for the performance of the articles.
And now Porfena being about to return to Clufium,
'gave, before his departure, a further teftimony of his re-
fpecl and friendlhip for the Romans. He knew that
Rome w^as greatly diftrefled for want of provifions; but
being afraid to offend the inhabitants by relieving them
in a direct manner, he ordered his foldiers to leave be¬
hind them their tents and provifions, and to carry no¬
thing with them but their arms. As his camp abound¬
ed with all forts of provifions, Rome was hereby much
relieved in her wants. The moveables and corn of the
Hetrurians were fold by auflion to private perfons ;
and on this occafion the Romans took up the cuftom
of making a proclamation by an herald, whenever any
efiefts belonging to the public were to be fold, in the
following words, Thefe are Forfena's goods. The de-
fign of this wTas to preferve the memory of that prince’s
kindnefs. The fenate, not fatisfied with this, eredled a
ftatue of the king near the comitium, and fent an em-
bafly to him with a prefent of a throne adorned with
ivory, a fceptre, a crown of gold, and a triumphal
robe.
Thus the Romans efcaped the greateff danger they
had hitherto been in. However, they did not yet enjoy
tranquillity. The Sabines revolted, and continued the
war for fome time with great obftinaey : but being de¬
feated in feveral engagements, they wrere at laft obliged
to fubmit 5 and fcarce was this war ended, wrhen ano-
*-5 ^er kegan with the Latins, who now declared for King
The Latins Karquin. Before they began this wrar, however, an em-
declare for bafly was fent to Rome, the purport of which was, that
Tarquin. the Romans fliould raife the fiege of Fidenae which had
revolted, and receive the Tarquins ; who, on their part,
fhould grant a general amnefty. The ambaffadors were
to allow the Romans a whole year to confider on thefe
overtures j and to threaten them with a war in cafe
they refufed to comply with them. The chief view of Rome.
Tarquin and his partifans in promoting this embaffy v—^
was, to lay hold of that opportunity to raife a fedition
in the city. To the ambalfadors, therefore, of the La¬
tins, he joined fome of his own emiffaries, who, on their
arrival in the city, found two forts of people difpofed to
enter into their meafures j to wit, the flaves, and the
meaner citizens.
The flaves had formed a confpiracy the year before A dln^e-
to feize the Capitol, and fet fire to the city in feveral rous con-
quarters at the fame time. But the plot being difco- fpiracy
vered, thofe who were concerned in it had been all cm- a£air,ft the
cified, and this execution had highly provoked theIt?‘te’
whole body of flaves. As to the meaner citizens, who
were for the moft part overwhelmed with debt, and
cruelly ufed by their creditors, they were well appri-
fed that there could happen no change in the govern¬
ment but to their advantage. Thefe were the confpi-
rators pitched upon, and to them were given the fol¬
lowing parts to aft : the citizens were to make them-
felves mailers of the ramparts and gates of the city, at
an appointed hour of the night; and then to raife a
great fhout as a fignal to the flaves, who had engaged
to maflfacre their mailers at the fame inllant; the gates
of the city were thten to be opened to the Tarquins,
who were to enter Rome while it was yet reeking with
the blood of the fenators. The confpiracy was ripe for
execution, when Tarquin’s principal agents, Publius and
Marcus, both of his own name and family, being terri¬
fied with frightful dreams, had not courage enough to
proceed in their defign till they had confulted a diviner.
However, they did not difcover to him the confpiracy j
but only alked him in general terms, what fuccefs they
might expeft in a projeft they had formed ? The footh-
fayer, without the leaft hefitation, returned the follow¬
ing anfwer : ICour projcEl will e7id in your ruin ; difbur- 7s
/ rt r r 1 r j Ft \ */ “ how difco*
den yourjelves oj Jo heavy a load. Hereupon the Tar- Vered.
quins, fearing lell fome of the other confpirators Ihould
be beforehand with them in informing, went immediate¬
ly to S. Sulpitius, the only conful then at Rome, and
difcovered the whole matter to him. The conful great¬
ly commended them, and detained them in his houle,
till, by private inquiries, he was affiired of the truth of
their depofitions. Then he aflembled the fenate, and
gave the Latin ambafladors their audience of leave, with
an anfwer to their propofals; which was, that the Ro¬
mans would neither receive the Tarquins, nor raife the
fiege of Iridenas, being all to a man ready to facrifice
their lives in defence of their liberties, and willing to
undergo any dangers rather than fubmit to the govern¬
ment of a tyrant.
The ambafladors being difmifled with this anfwer,.
and condufted out ot the city, Sulpitius laid open to the
fathers the dreadful confpiracy. It llruck them with
horror: but they were all at a lofs in what manner they
ftiould apprehend and puniih the guilty ; fince, by the
law of Poplicola, there was an appeal to the people in
all capital cafes j and the two witnefles, who were
11 rangers, might be excepted againlt by Roman citizens.
In this perplexity they left the whole conduft of this
critical affair to Sulpitius; who took a method which
he thought would equally ferve to prove the guilt and-
punilh the guilty.. He engaged the two informers to.
aflemble the confpirators, and to appoint a rendezvous-
at midnight in the forum, as if they defigned to take,-
the-
Rome.
79
The confpi
rators p«.
niflied.
So
Difturban.
ces at
Rome.
ROM [ i:
the laft meafures for the execution of the enterprife. In
the mean time he ufed all proper means to fecure the
city, and ordered the Roman knights to hold themfelves
ready, in the hoiifes adjoining to the forum, to execute
the orders they Ihould receive. The conlpirators met
at the time and place appointed by the two larquinsj
and the knights, upon a lignal agreed on beforehand,
in vetted the forum, and blocked up all the avenues to it
to clolely, that it was impoffible for any ot the confpira-
tors to make their efcape. As foon as it was light, the
two confuls appeared with a ftrong guard on the tribu¬
nal ; for Suhiitius had fent to his colleague Manius, who
was belieging Fidenae, defiring him to haiten to the city
with a chofen body of troops. The people were con¬
vened by curiae, and acquainted with the confpiracy
which had been formed agarnft the common liberty.
The accufed were allowed to make their defence, if
they had any thing to offer againft the evidence; bftt
not one of them denying the fa£t, the confuls repaired
to the fenate, where fentence of death was pronounced
againfi: the confpirators, in cafe the people approved it.
" This decree of the fenate being read to and approved
by the affembly, the people were ordered to retire, and
the confpirators were delivered up to the foldiers, who
put them all to the fword. The peace of Rome was
thought fufficiently fecured by this ftroke ol feverity }
and therefore, though all the confpirators were not pu-
nilhed with death, it was judged proper not to make
any further inquiries. The two informers were reward¬
ed with all the privileges of Roman citizens, 100,000
ales, and 20 acres of land. Three fedival days were
appointed for expiations, facrifices, and public games,
by way of thankfgiving to the gods. But the general
joy was diflurbed by a melancholy accident} as the peo¬
ple were conducing Manius Tullius the conl'ul from the
circus to his houfe, he fell from his chariot, and died
three days after.
The city of Fidence was not yet reduced : it held
out during the following confuldiip of T. /Ebutius and
P. Veturius ; but was taken the next year by ! . Lar-
lius, who, together with Q. Claelius, was raided to the
eonfular dignity. The Latins, enraged at the lofs of
this town, began to complain of their leading men •,
which opportunity Tarquin and Mamilius improved fo
far, as to make all the Latin cities, 24 in number, enter
into an alliance againft Rome, and to bind themfelves
by oath never to violate their engagements. The La¬
tins made vaft preparations, as did likewife the Romans ;
but the latter could procure no affiftance from their
neighbours. As the Latin nation was much fuperior
to them in ftrength, they fent deputies to folicit fuc-
cours from the feveral Hates with which they were lur-
rounded : but their negociations proved every where
unfuccefsful •, and, what was worfe than all, the republic
bad rebellious fons in her own bofom, who refufed to
lend their aid in defence of their country. The poorer
fort of people, and the debtors, refufed to take the mili-
■ tary oaths, or to feive 5 alleging their poverty, and the
fruitlefs hazards they ran in fighting for the defence of
a city, where they were oppreffed and ervflaved by their
creditors. This fpirit of mutiny fpread among the in¬
ferior claffes, moft of them rtfufing to lift themfelves,
unlefs their debts were all remitted by a decree of the
fenate •, nay, they began to talk of leaving the qity, and
fettling elfewhere.
4 ] R O M
The fenate, apprehending a general infurre&ion, af- Rome,
fembled to deliberate on the means of quieting thole '
domeftic troubles. Some were for a free remitiion of
all debts, as the fafeft expedient at that juncture •, others
urged the dangerous confequences ot fuch a condetcen-
fion, advifing them to lift inch only as were willing to
ferve, not doubting but thoie who refuied their al-
fiftance would offer it of their own accord when it was
no longer defired. Several other expedients were pro-
pofed : but at length this prevailed 3 to wit, that all
adtions for debts Ihould be luipended till the conclufion
of the war with the Latins. But this the indigent
debtors thought only a fofpenfion of their mifery 3 and
therefore it had not the intended effedt on the minds
of the unruly multitude. The fenate might indeed
have profecuted the ringleaders of the fedition 3 but
the law of Poplicola, called the Valerian law, which
allowed appeals to the aflembly of the people, was a
protedrion for the feditious, who were fure of being
acquitted by the accomplices of their rebellion. Ihe
fenate, therefore, to elude the effedt of a privilege that
put fuch a reftraint upon their power, refolved to create
one fupreme magiftrate, who, with the title of diclatory
ftiould have an abfolute power for a time : but as this
could not be done without ftriking at the law of Po¬
plicola, and transferring the power of the people in cri¬
minal cafes to a magiftrate fuperior to all laws, it was
neceffary to ufe artifice, in order to obtain the con fent
of the curiae. They therefore reprefented to them in
a public affembly, that, in fo difficult a conjunaure,
when they had their domeftic quarrels to decide, and
at the fame time a powerful enemy to repulfe, it would gr
be expedient to put the commonwealth under a fingle a didtator
governor, who, fuperior to the confids themfelves, fhculd created,
be tbe arbiter of the laws, and as it were the father cf
his country 3 that his power thould have no limits : but,
however, left he ffiould abufe it, they ought not to truft
him with it above fix months.
The people, not forefeeing the confequences of this
change, agreed to it 3 but the greateft difficulty was to
find a man duly qualified in all refpedls for fo great a
truft. T. Lartius, one of the conluls, feemed to he
of all men the moft unexceptionable 3 but the fenate,
fearing to offend his colleague by an invidious prefe¬
rence, gave the coniuls tbe power of choofing a dnfta-
tor, and obliged them to name one of themfelves, not
doubting but Cloelius would yield to the fuperior ta¬
lents of \is colleague 3 nor were they difappointed in
their expeftations. But Lartius, with the fame readi-
nefs, named Cloelius 3 and the only conteft was, which
of the two ffiould raife the other to the fupreme autho¬
rity. Each perfifted obftinately in remitting the dig¬
nity to his colleague, till Cloelius, darting up on a hid¬
den, abdicated the confulfhip, and, after the manner
of an interrex, proclaimed Titus Lartius diftator, who
thereupon was obliged to take upon him the government
of the republic. < Si
Lartius indeed took as much ftnte upon him, after he He choofes
had entered upon his office, as he had ffiown modefty in a general
refufing it. Fie began by creating, without the partici-0*
nation either of the fenate or people, a general of the Ro¬
man horfe 3 an office which lafted only during the didla-
torfh’p, and which all fubfequent dictators revived imme¬
diately after their election. Sp. Caffius, formerly conful,
and honoured with a triumph, was the perfbn he advan¬
ced
2
ROM [ )
Rome, ced to this fecond ftation in the republic. Lartius, hav-
u——y—jv,g Vjy ^his means fecured the Roman knights, rclolved,
in the next place, to make the people refpeft and fear
him. With this view he never appeared in public, with¬
out being attended by 24 libtors, to whole fafces he a-
gain added the axes which Popiicola had caufed to be
taken from them. The novelty of this light was alone
fufficient to awe the feditious, and, without executions,
to fpread confternation throughout Rome. The murmurs
of the inferior claffes being by this means hlenced, the
dictator commanded a cenlus to be taken, according to
the inftitution of King Servius. Eveiy one, without ex-
S3 ception,- brought in his name, age, the particulars ot his
Number of ellate, &c. and there appeared to be in Rome 150^700
the Ro- men who were paft the age of puberty. Out ot thd'e
mans. dictator formed four armies : the tirft he command¬
ed himfelf; the fecond he gave to Cioelias his late col¬
league 5 the third to Sp. Caflius his general ot the horfej
and the fourth he left in Rome, under the command
of his brother Sp. Lartius, who was to guard the city.
The Latins not being fo forward in their preparations
as was expected, all their hoftilities againit Rome this
campaign amounted to no more than the fencing a de¬
tachment into the Roman territory to lay it watte. The
di&ator gained feme advantage over that party ; and
the great humanity with which he treated the priton-
ers and wounded, difpofed the Latins to liften the more
readily to the overtures which he at the fame time made
them for a fufpenfion of holtilities. At length a truce
was agreed on for a year and then Lartius, feeing
the republic reftored to its former tranquillity, religned
the diclatorlliip, though the time appointed for its du¬
ration was not yet expired.
The following confulfliip of Sempronius Atratinus
and Minutius Angurinus, produced nothing memor¬
able. But the next year the truce expired, when
Aulus Pofthumius and T. Virginius took poilefTion of
the confulfliip. Both Romans and Latins were bufied
in making the neceflary preparations for war. The
nobility of Latium, who were for the moll part in the
intereil of the Tarquins, having found means to ex¬
clude the citizens from the Latin diets, carried all
before them in thofe affemblies : whereupon many of
the citizens removed with their families to Rome, where
they were well received. The Latins being bent up¬
on war, the fenate, notwithilanding the perfect har¬
mony that reigned between them and the people,
thought it expedient to create a dictator. The two
confuls were therefore impowered to name one of them-
felves to that dignity •, whereupon Virginius readily
yielded it to his colleague Pofthumius, as the more able
commander. The new diblator, having created ^Ebu-
tius Elva his general of the liorfe, and divided his army
into four bodies, left one of them, under the command
of Sempronius, to guard the city *, and with the other
three, commanded by himfelf, Virginius, and iEbu-
tius, marched out againft the Latins, who, with an
army of 40,000 foot and 3000 horfe, under the com¬
mand of Sextus Tarquinius, Titus Tarquinius, and
Mamilius, had already made themfelves mafters of Cor-
bio, a ftrong-hold belonging to the republic, and put
„ the garrifon to the fword. Pofthumius encamped in
Battle of tf16 night on a fteep hill near the lake Regillus, and
Regillus. Virginius on another hill over-againft him. iEbutius
was ordered to march lilently in the night, with tire
35 1 bo M
cavalry and light-armed infantry, to take pofleflion of R
a third hill upon the road, by which proviftons mull be ’
brought to the Latins.
Before Axbutius had fortified his new camp, he was
vigoroufly attacked by Lucius Tarquinius, whom he
repuiied thiee times with great lois, the dictator hav¬
ing lent him a timely reinforcement. After this, JE-
butius intercepted two couriers fent by the Voilci to
the Latin generals, and, by letters found upon them,
difeovered, that a conftderable army of the Volici and
Hernici were 1o join the Latin forces in three days.
Upon this intelligence, Polihumius drew his three bo¬
dies of tioops together, which amounted in all to no
more than 24,000 foot and xooo horfe, with a defign
-• to engage the enemy before the arrival of the fuccpurs
they expected. Accordingly he encouraged his men,
and, with his army in battle-array, advanced to the
place where the enemy was encamped. The Latins,
who were much fuperior to the Romans in numbers,
and hefides began to want proviflons, did not decline the
engagement. Titus Tarquinius, at the head of the
Roman exiles and deferlers, was in the centre, Mami-
Jtus in the right wing, and Sextus Tarquinius in the
left. In the Roman army the diftator commanded in
the centre, ALbutius in the left wing, and Virginius in
the right.
The firft body which advanced was that of the dic¬
tator *, and, as foon as it began to march, T. Tar¬
quinius, Angling out the di&ator, ran full fpeed againft
him. The dictator did not decline the encounter, but,
flying at his adverfary, wounded him with a javelin in
the right fide. Upon this, the firft; line of the Latins
advanced to cover their general ; but he being carried
out of the field, they made but a faint refiftance when
charged by the troops of the dictator. They were de-
fiilute of a leader *, and therefore began to retire, when
Sextus Tarquinius, taking the place of his brother,
brought them back to the charge, and renewed the
fight with fuch vigour, that the vidtory in the centre
was ftill doubtful. On the fide of Mamilius and A’bu-
tius, both parties, encouraged by the example of their
leaders, fought with incredible bravery and refolution.
After a long and bloody conteft, the two generals
agreed to determine the doubtful vidfory by a Angle
combat. Accordingly the champions puflied on their
hones againft each other. AEbutius with his lance
wounded Mamilius in the breaft ; and Mamilius with
his Avoid iLbutius in the right arm. Neither of the
wounds -were mortal j but, both generals falling from
their horfes, put an end to the combat. Marcus Va¬
lerius, the brother of Poplicola, fupplying the place of
iEbutius, endeavour-d, at the head of the Roman
horfe, to break the enemy’s battalions *, but wras re-
pulfed by the cavalry of the Roman royalifts. At the
fame time Mamilius appeared again in the van, with a
confiderable' body of horfe and light-armed infantry.
Valerius, with the affiftance of his two nephews, the
fons of Poplicola, and a chofen troop of volunteers,
attempted to break through the Latin battalions, in
order to engage Mamilius •, but being furrounded by
the Roman exiles, he received a mortal wound in his
fide, fell from his horfe, and died. The dead body
was carried off by the two fons of Poplicola, in fpite
of the utmoft efforts of the exiles, and delivered to Va¬
lerius’s fervants, who conveyed it to the Roman camp $
R O M
[ 136 1
ROM
Rome.
SS
llie Latins
entirely de¬
feated, and
their camp
taken.
86
The whole
•nation fub-
mits.
87 r
Death of
Tarejuin.
but tbe young heroes being aftertvards invefted on all
fides, and overpowered by numbers, were both killed
on the fpot. Upon their death, the left wing of the
Romans began to give ground, but wrere foon brought
back by Polthumius } who, with a body of Roman
knights, flying to their aflittance, charged the royalifts
with fuch fury, that they were, after an obftinate re-
liftance, obliged to give way, and retire in the utmoll
confufion. In the mean time Titus Horminius, one
of the diftator’s lieutenants, having rallied thofe who
had fled, fell upon fomc clofe battalions of the enemy’s
left wing, which dill kept their ground under the
command of Mamilius, killed him with his own hand,
and put that body to flight. But while he was buly
in dripping the body of his enemy, he received him-
felf a wound, of which he died foon after.
Sextus Tarquinius in the mean time maintained the
fight with great bravery, at the head of the left wing,
againft the conful Virginius } and had even broke
through the right wing of the Roman army, when
the diftator attacked him unexpeftedly with his vifto-
rious fquadrons. Then Sextus,, having loft at once all
hopes of vidtory, threw himfelf, like one in defpair,
into the midft of the Roman knights, and there funk
under a multitude of wounds, after he had diftinguifti-
ed himfelf in a moft eminent manner. The death
of the three generals was followed by the entire de¬
feat of the Latin army. Their camp was taken and
plundered, and moft of their troops cut in pieces ; for,
of the 43,000 men who came into the field, fcarce
10,000 returned home. The next morning the Vol-
fci and Hernici came, according to their agreement, to
aflift the Latins ; but finding, upon their arrival, how
matters had gone, fome of them were for falling upon
the Romans before they could recover from the fatigue
of the preceding day ; but others thought it more fafe
to fend ambafladors to the didlator, to congratulate
him on his victory, and affure him that they had left
their own country with no other defign than to aflift
Rome in fo dangerous a war. Pofthumius, by produ¬
cing their couriers and letters, gave them to underftand
that he was well apprifed of their defigns and treach¬
erous proceedings. However, out of a regard to the
law of nations, he fent them back unhurt, with a
challenge to their generals to fight the next day j
but the Volfci, and their confederates, not ca:c’ng
to engage a viftorious army, decamped in the night,
and returned to their refpedlive countries before break
of day.
The Latins having now no remedy but an entire fub-
miflion fent ambaffadors to folicit a peace at Rome, yield¬
ing themfelves abfolutely to the judgement of the fenate.
As Rome had long fince made it a maxim to fpare the
nations that fubmitted, the motion of Titus Lartius, the
late didlator, prevailed *, and the ancient treaties with
the Latins were renew7ed, on condition, however, that
they flmuld reftore the prifoners they had taken, deliver
up the deferters, and drive the Roman exiles out of La-
tium. Thus ended the laft war which the Romans wa¬
ged with their neighbours on account of their baniflred
king •, who, being now abandoned by the Latins, He-
trurians, and Sabines, retired into Campania, to Arifto-
demus tyrant of Cumte, and there died, in the 90th
year of his age and iqth of his exile.
The Romans were no fooner freed from thefe dan-
I '
gerous wars, than they began to opprefs one another ; Rome,
and thofe domeftic feuds took place which continued
more or lefs during the whole time of the republic. ss
The firft difturbances wyere occafioned by the oppref- New di-
fion of the plebeians who were debtors to the patri-^urbance3
cians. The fenate, who wrere at the head of the patri-at
cians, chofe to the confulate one Appius Claudius, who
violently oppofed the pretenfions of the plebeians ; but
gave him for his colleague one P. Servilius, w'ho was
of a quite contrary opinion and difpofition. The con-
fequence of this was, that the confuls difagreed 5 the
fenate did not know what to determine, and the people
were ready to revolt. In the midft of thefe diftur¬
bances, an army of the Volfci advanced towards Rome $
.the people refufed to ferve •, and had not Servilius
procured fome troops who ferved out of a perfonal af-
fedlion to himfelf, the city would have been in great
danger.
But though the Volfci were for this time driven
back, they had no intention of dropping their defigns j
they engaged in an alliance with them the Hernici and
Sabines. In the mean time, the difputes at Rome con¬
tinued wdth as much violence as ever. Nay, though they
w^ere exprefsly told that the Volfcian army wras on its
way to befiege the city, the plebeians abfolutely refufed
to march againft them j faying, that it was the fame
thing whether they were chained by their own country¬
men or by the enemy. In this extremity Servilius
promifed, that when the enemy were repulfed the fe¬
nate wrould remit all the debts of the plebeians. This
having engaged them to ferve, the conful marched out
at their head, defeated the enemy in a pitched battle,
and took their capital, giving it up to be plundered
by his foldiers, without referving any part for the pub¬
lic treafury.
Whatever might have been the reafons of Servilius
for this ftep, it furniflied Appius wdth a pretence for
refufing him a triumph, as a man of a feditious difpo¬
fition, w'ho aimed at popularity by an exceflive indul¬
gence and profufenefs to his foldiers. Servilius, incen-
fed at this injuftice, and encouraged by the acclama¬
tions of the people, decreed himfelf a triumph in fpite
of Appius and the fenate. After this he marched
againft the Aurunci, who had entered Latium ; and, in
conjunction with Pofthumius Regillens, he utterly de¬
feated them, and obliged them to retire into their own
country. But neither the fervices of the general nor
his foldiers could mollify the fenate and patrician party.
Appius even doubled the feverity of his judgements,
and imprifoned all thofe wdio ‘ had been fet at liberty
during the wTar. The prifoners cried for relief to Ser¬
vilius ; but he could not obtain the accompliflnnent of
thofe promifes which the fenate never had meant to
perform •, neither did he choofe to quarrel openly with
the whole patrician body •, fo that, ftriving to preferve
the friendfhip of both parties, he incurred the hatred
of the one and the contempt of the other. Perceiving
therefore that he had loft all his intereft with the ple¬
beians, he joined with the patricians againft them ;
but the plebeians milling tumultuoufly into the forum,
made fuch a noife, that no fentence pronounced by the
judges could be heard, and the utmoft confufion pre¬
vailed through the w'hole city. Several propofals were
made to accommodate matters; but through the obfti-
nacy of Appius and the majority of the fenators, they
all
J
'ROM
[ 137 ]
ROM
creating
tribunes of
the people.
Rome, all came to nothing. In the mean time it was necef-
' — fary to raile an army again!! the Sabines, who had in¬
vaded the territories of the republic } but the people
refufed to ferve. Manius Valerius, however, brother
to the celebrated Poplicola, once more prevailed upon
them to march out again!! the common enemy 5 having
previoufiy obtained ailurances from the fenate that their
grievances fliould be redrefied. But no fooner had
viflory declared in favour of the Romans, than the fe¬
nate, apprehending that the foldiers at their return
would challenge Valerius, who had been nominated dic¬
tator, for the performance of their promifes, defired
him and the two confuls to detain them Hill in the
field, under pretence that the war was not quite finifh-
ed. The confuls obeyed j but the didator, whofe au¬
thority did not depend on the fenate, diibanded his
army, and declared his foldiers free from the oath which
they had taken ; and as a further proof of his attach¬
ment to the plebeians, he chofe out of that order 400,
whom he inverted with the dignity of knights. After
this he claimed the accomphihment of the promifes
made by the fenate : but inltead of performing them,
he had the mortification to hear himfelf loaded with
reproaches 5 on which he refigned his office as di£la-
89 tor, and acquainted the people with his inability to ful-
^volt^but™ ^1 engagements to them. No fooner were thefe
all the tranfaftions known in the army, than the foldiers, to a
troubles are man, deferted the confuls and other officers, and reti-
ended by red to a hill called afterwards Moris Sneer, three miles
from Rome, where they continued to obferve an exa£!
difeipline, offering no fort of violence whatever. The
fenate, after taking proper mealures for the defence of
the city, fent a deputation to the malcontents; but
it was anfwered with contempt. In ffiort, all things
tended to a civil war, when at laft matters were com-
promifed by the inftitution of tribunes of the people,
who had power to prevent the palling of any law that
might be prejudicial to the people, and whofe perfons
were declared facred, infomuch that whoever offered
the leal! violence to the perfon of a tribune was declar¬
ed accurfed, his effefts were to be confecrated to Ceres,
and he himfelf might be killed with impunity ; and all
the Romans were to engage themfelves, in their own
name and that of their pofterity, never to repeal this
law. The people, after thefe regulations, ere£fed an
altar to Jupiter the Terrible, on the top of the hill
where their camp had flood $ and when they had offer¬
ed facrifices to the god, and confecrated the place of
their retreat, they returned to Rome, led by their new
magiftrates and the deputies of the fenate.
Thus the Roman conlfitution, which had originally
been monarchic, and from thence had parted into an
ariftocracy, began now to verge towards a democracy.
The tribunes immediately after their eledlion obtained
permiffion from the fenate to ele£l two perfons as their
minillers or affiftants, who ihould eafe them a little in
the great multiplicity of their affairs. They were call¬
ed plebeian cediles ; and afterwards came to have the in-
fpe^lion of the public baths, aquedu£ls, with many
other offices originally belonging to the confuls, after
which they were called fimply a-diles.
All oppofition to the making of regular levies be¬
ing now at an end, the conful Comiuius led an army
again!! the Volfci. He defeated them in battle, and
took from them Longula and Polufca ; after which he
Vol. XVIII. Part I.
befieged CotioH, a city ftrongly fortified, and which Rome,
might be called their capital. He carried this place,' ^
and gained a viftory over the Antiates, the fame day ; gravfr° 0f
but Caius Marcius, an eminent patrician, had all the caius Mar-
glory of both adlions. The troops detached by the cius Corio-
conful to fcale the walls of Corioli being repulfed inlanuS'
their fir!! affault, Marcius rallied the runaways, led
them on afreffi to the charge, drove back the enemy
within their wralls, and, entering the city wdth them,
made himfelf mafter of it. This exploit atchieved, he
with all expedition put himfelf in the foremoft ranks of
the conful’s main army, that was juft going to engage
with the Antiates, who were come to the relief of the
place •, and there he behaved with equal bravery, and
had equal fuccefs.
The next day, the conful, having eredled his tribunal
before his tent, called the foldiers together. His whole
fpeech to them wras little more than a panegyric upon
Marcius. He put a crown upon his head } affigned
him a tenth part of all the fpoil ; and, in the name of
the republic, made him a prefent of a fine horfe with
ftatcly furniture, giving him leave at the fame time to
choofe out any ten of the prifoners for himfelf; and
luftly, he allotted him as much money as he could carry
away. Of all thefe offers Marcius accepted only the
horfe, and one captive of the ten, an old friend of his
family, that he might give him his liberty. To add
to the glory of the brave tvarrior, the conful beftowed
on him the furname of Coriolarius, transferring thereby
from himfelf to Mareius all the honour of the conquelt
of Corioli. Cominius, at his return to Rome, difband-
ed his army ; and war was fucceeded by works of reli¬
gion, public games, and treaties of peace. A cenfus
and a luftrum doled the events of this memorable con-
fulfhip. There appeared to be in Rome at this time no t;cn ot ^
more than 110,000 men fit to bear arms ; a number by power of
many thoufands lefs than at the laft enrollment. Doubt- the Ro-
lefs great numbers had run away to avoid being flavesman5*
to their creditors.
Under the following adminiftration of T. Geganius
and P. Minucius, Rome was terribly aftfided by a fa¬
mine, occafioned chiefly by the negledl of ploughing
and fowing during the late troubles ; for the fedition
had happened after the autumnal equinox, about fow-
ing-time, and the accommodation was not made till
juft before the winter folftice. The fenate difpatched A famine
agents into Hetruria, Campania, the country of thein ft16 rity.-
Volfci, and even into Sicily, to buy corn. Thofe who
embarked for Sicily met with a tempeft which retarded
their arrival at Syracufe ; where they were conftrained
to pafs the winter. At Cumae, the tyrant Ariftode-
mus feized the money brought by the commiffaries ;
and they themfelves with difficulty faved their lives by
flight. The Volfci, far from being difpofed to luccour
the Romans, would have marched again!! them, if a
fudden and moft deftrmElive peftilence had not defeated
their purpofe. In Hetruria alone the Roman commiffa-
ries met with fuccefs. They fent a confiderable quanti¬
ty of grain from thence to Rome in barks : but this was
in a fliort time confumed, and the mifery became excef-
five : the people were reduced to eat any thing they
could get; and nature in fo great extremity loathed no-
tWnS* . . .93
During this diftrefs a deputation came from Velitrge A colony
a Volfcian city, where the Romans had formerly plant-jf’11110 Ve-
S ed ,tr8e*
*
ROM [ 13S ] ROM
Rome. ed a colony, reprefenting that nine parts in ten of
its inhabitants had been fwept away by a plague,
and praying the Romans to fend a new colony to
re-people it. The confcript fathers without much hefi-
tation granted the requeft, prefled the departure of the
colony, and without delay named three leaders to con-
du6t it.
The people at firft were very well pleafed with the
propofal, as it gave them a profpeft of relief in their
hunger: but when they refle6ted on the terrible havoc
the plague had made among the old inhabitants of Ve-
litrae, they began to fear that the place might be ftill
infedted 5 and this apprehenfion became fo univerfal,
that not one of them would confent to go thither. Ne-
verthelefs the fenate at length publilhed a decree that all
the citizens Ihould draw lots j and that thofe to whofe
lot it fell to be of the colony Ihould inftantly march for
Velitrae, or fuffer the fevereft punilhments for their dif-
obedience : fear and hunger made the people comply ;
and the fathers, a few days after, fent away a fecond
colony to Norba, a confiderable city of Latium. But
the patricians were difappointed as to the benefit they
expedted from thefe meafures. The plebeians who re¬
mained in Rome being more and more prefled by hunger
and want, grew daily more angry with the fenate. At
firft they aflembled in fmall companies to vent their
wrath in abufive complaints; and at length, in one great
body, rufhed all together into the forum, calling out up-
94 on their tribunes for fuccour.
Difturban- The tribunes made it their bufinefs to heighten the
b^the^’ £eneral difcontent. Having convened the people, Spu-
bunes * r^us Icdius, chief of the college of tribunes, inveighed
moft bitterly againft the fenate *, and when he had end¬
ed his harangue, exhorted others to fpeak freely their
thoughts *, particularly, and by name, calling upon Bru¬
tus and Sicinius, the ringleaders of the former fedition,
and now aediles. Thefe men, far from attempting to
extinguifti the fire, added frelh fuel to it: And the more
to inflame the fpirits of the multitude, they enumerated
all the paft infults which the people had fuffered from
the nobles. Brutus concluded his harangue with loudly
threatening, that if the plebeians would follow his ad¬
vice, he would foon oblige thofe men who had caufed
the prefent calamity to find a remedy for it; after which
the aflembly was difmifled.
The next day, the confuls, greatly alarmed at this
commotion, and apprehending from the menaces of
Brutus fome very mifehievous event, thought it advi-
fiable to convene the fenators, that they might confider
of the beft means to avert the impending evil. The fa¬
thers could not agree in opinion. Some were for em¬
ploying foft words and fair promifes to quiet and gain
over the moft turbulent. But Appius’s advice prevail¬
ed : which was, that the confuls (hould call the people
together, aflure them that the patricians had not brought
upon them the miferies they fuffered, and promife, on
the part of the fenate, all poflible care to provide for
their neceflities ; but at the fame time Ihould reprove
the difturbers of the public peace, and threaten them
with the fevereft punilhments if they did not amend their
behaviour.
When the confuls, towards the clofe of the day,
having aflembled the people, would have fignified to
them the difpofition and intention of the fenate, they
were interrupted by the tribunes. A difpute enfued,
in which no order or decency was obferved on either Rome,
fide. Several fpeaking at the fame time, and with —
great vociferation, no one could be well underftood
by the audience. The confuls judged, that being the
fuperior magiftrates, their authority extended to all af-
femblies of the citizens. On the other fide, it was
pretended, that the aflemblies of the people were the
province of the tribunes, as the fenate was that of the
confuls.
The difpute grew warm, and both parties were ready
to come to blows j when Brutus having put fome que- ^
ftions to the confuls, ended it for that time. Next day The pow*
he propofed a law which was carried, that no perfonoftlie
whatever ftiould interrupt a tribune when fpeaking in PeoP}e m"
an affembly of the people 5 by which means the influ-C ea eS*
ence and power of the popular party was confiderably
increafed, and the tribunes became formidable oppo¬
nents to the confuls and patricians. An opportunity
foon offered for both parties to try their ftrength. A
great fleet of Ihips laden with corn from Sicily, a great
part of which was a prefent from Gelon the king of
that country to the Romans, and the reft purchafed by
the fenate with the public money, raifed their fpirits
once more.
But Coriolanus incurred their refentment, by infilling
that it Ihould not be diftributed till the grievances of the
fenate were removed. For this, the tribunes fummoned
him to a trial before the people, under pretence that he
afpired at the fovereignty.
When the appointed day was come, all perfons were Ooriolanus
filled with the greateft expeftations, and a vaft concourfe banlflie‘i'
from the adjacent country aflembled and filled up the
forum. Coriolanus, upon this, prefented himfelf before
the people with a degree of intrepidity that merited bet¬
ter fortune. His graceful perfon, his perfuafive elo¬
quence, the cries of thofe whom he had faved from the
enemy, inclined the auditors to relent. But being con¬
founded with a new charge w-hich he did not expedt, of
having embezzled the plunder of Antium, the tribunes
immediately took the votes, and Coriolanus was con¬
demned to perpetual exile.
This fentence againft their braveft defender ftruck
the wdiole body of the fenate with forrow, confternation,
and regret. Coriolanus alone, in the midft of the tu¬
mult, feemed an unconcerned fpedlator. He returned
home, followed by the lamentations of hundreds of the
moft refpedlable fenators and citizens of Rome, to take
a lafting leave of his wife, his children, and his mother
Veturia. Thus recommending his little children to
their care, he left the city, without followers or fortune,
to take refuge with Tullus Attius, a man of great power
among the Volfcians, who took him under his protec¬
tion, and efpoufed his quarrel. ^
The firft thing to be done, was to induce the Volfci He leaves
to break the league which had been made with Rome j the city,
and for this purpofe 'Julius fent many of his citizens thi-.
ther, in order to fee fome games at that time celebrat-11C 0‘v*’
ing ; but at the fame time gave the fenate private infor¬
mation, that the ftrangers had dangerous intentions of
burning the city. This had the defired effedl 5 the fe¬
nate iffued an order that all ftrangers, whoever they
were, fhould depart from Rome before funfet. This
order Tullus reprefented to his countrymen as an infrac¬
tion of the treaty, and procured an embafly to Rome,
complaining of the breach, and demanding back all the
territories
ROM
[ i
over the
Romans
Rome, territories belonging to the Volfcians, of which they had
11 v 1 J been violently difpoffeffed j declaring war in cafe of a
refufal: but this meffage was treated by the fenate with
contempt.
Gains great War being thus declared on both fides, Coriolanus
advantages and Tullus were made generals of the Volfcians: and
accordingly invaded the Roman territories, ravaging
and laying wafte all fuch lands as belonged to the ple¬
beians, but letting thofe of the fenators remain un¬
touched. In the mean time, the levies went on very
flowly at Rome; the two confuls, who were re-ele£ted
by the people, feemed but little Ikilled in war, and even
feared to encounter a general whom they knew to be
their fuperior in the field. The allies alfo (bowed their
fears, and (lowly brought in their fuccours; fo that
Coriolanus continued to take their towns one after the
other. Fortune followed him in every expedition ; and
he was now fo famous for his victories, that the Volfci
left their towns defencelefs to follow him into the field.
The very foldiers of his colleague’s army came over to
him, and would acknowledge no other general. Thus
finding himfelf unoppofed in the field, and at the head
99 of a numerous army, he at length invefted the city of
Inverts the Rome itfelf, fully refolved to befiege it. It was then
that the fenate and the people unanimoufly agreed to
fend deputies to him, with propofals of reftoration, in
cafe he flrould draw off his army. Coriolanus received
their propofals at the head of his principal officers, and,
with the (lernnefs of a general that was to give the law,
refufed their offers.
Another embafly was now fent forth, conjuring him
not to exaft from his native city aught but what be¬
came Romans to grant. Coriolanus, however, dill per-
fifted in his former demands, and granted them but
three days in which to finiffi their deliberations. In this
exigence, all that wfas left was another deputation dill
more folemn than either of the former, compofed of the
pontiffs, the prieds, and the augurs. Thefe, cloathed
in their habits of ceremony, and with a grave and mourn¬
ful deportment, iflued from the city, and entered the
camp of the conqueror : but all in vain, they found him
fevere and inflexible as before.
When the people fawT them return ineffectually, they
began to give up the commonwealth as lod. Their
temples were filled w'ith old men, with women and chil¬
dren, who, prodrate at their altars, put up their ardent
prayers for the prefervation of their country. Nothing
was to be heard but anguifh and lamentation, nothing
to be feen but feenes of affright and didrefs. At length
it was fuggeded to them, that W'hat could not be ef¬
fected by the interceffion of the fenate or the adjuration
of the prieds, might be brought about by the tears of
his wife, or the commands of his mother. This depu¬
tation feemed to be relidied by all j and even the fenate
itfelf gave it the fanftion of their authority. Veturia,
the mother of Coriolanus, at fird made fome hefitation
of his mo- to undertake fo pious a work : however, die at lad un-
ther. dertook the embafly, and fet forward from the citv, ac¬
companied by many of the principal matrons of Rome,
with Volumnia his wife, and his two children. Corio¬
lanus, who at a diflance, difeovered this mournful train
of females, w'as refolved to give them a denial, and
called his officers round him to be wdtnefs of his refo-
lution } but, wffien told that his mother and his rvife
were among the number, he inffantly came down from
ISO
But aban¬
dons the
enterprife
at the in¬
terceffion
39 ] ROM
his tribunal to meet and embrace them. At fird, the Rome,
women’s tears and embraces took away the power of "
words j and the rough foldier himfelf, hard as he was,
could not refrain from draring in their didrefs. Co¬
riolanus now feemed much agitated by contending paf-
fions •, while his mother, who faw him moved, (econded
her words by the mod perfuafive eloquence, her tears:
his wife and children hung round him, intreating for
protection and pity j while the fair train, her compa¬
nions, added their lamentations, and deplored their own
and their country’s didrefs. Coriolanus for a moment
wras filent, feeling the drong conlliCt between honour
and inclination : at length, as if rouzed from his dream,
he dew to take up his mother, who had fallen at his
feet, crying out, “ O my mother, thou had faved
Rome, but lod thy fon.” He accordingly gave orders
to draw off the army, pretending to the officers that
the city was too drong to be taken. Tullus, who had
long envied his glory, was not remifs in aggravating the
lenity of his conduCt to his countrymen. Upon their Ior
return, Coriolanus was dain in an in fur reft ion of the
people, and afterwards honourably buried, with Ute andthey0ifae
ineffectual repentance.
The year following, the twTo confuls of the former
year, Manlius and Fabius, wrere cited by the tribunes
to appear before the people. The Agrarian law, which
had been propofed fome time before, for equally divid-fturbance?.
ing the lands of the commonwealth among the peo¬
ple, was the objeft invariably purfued, and they were
accufed of having made unjudifiable delays in putting
it off.
It feems the Agrarian law wTas a grant the fenate
could not think of giving up to the people. The con¬
fuls, therefore, made many delays and excufes, till at
length they were once more obliged to have recourfe
to a diftator j and they fixed upon Quintus Cincinna-
tus, a man who had for fome time given up all views of
ambition, and retired to his little farm, where the de¬
puties of the fenate found him holding the plough, and
dreffed in the mean attire of a labouring huffiandman.
He appeared but little elevated w'ith the addreffes of
ceremony and the pompous habits they brought him j
and, upon declaring to him the fenate’s pleafure, he te-
ftified rather a concern that his aid (hould be wanted.
However, he departed for the city, w'here both parties
were ftrongly inflamed againft each other : but he was
refolved to fide with neither ; only, by a drift attention
to the intereffs of his country, inftead of gaining the
confidence of faftion, to obtain the efteem of all.
Thus, by threats and well-timed fubmiffion, he pre¬
vailed upon the tribunes to put off their law for a time,
and carried himfelf fo as to be a terror to the multitude
whenever they refufed to enlift ; and their greateff en- IOj
courager whenever their fubmiffion deferved it. Thus, Quelled by
having reftored that tranquillity to the people which he Gincmna-
fo much loved himfelf, he again gave up the fplendorstuS’
of ambition, to enjoy it with a greater reliffi in his little
farm.
Cincinnatus was not long retired from his office when
a frefh exigence of the date once more required his af-
fiffance. The iEqui and the Volfci, who, though (till
W'orfted, (till were tor renewing the war, made new in¬
roads into the territories of Rome. Minutius, one of ■
the confuls whoffucceeded Cincinnatus, was fent to op-
pefe them ; but being naturally timid, and rather more
S 2 afraid
ROM f-140] ROM
Ron-.e. afraid of being conquered tVian defirous of vi&ory, his
' 'r“ ' army was driven into a defile between two mountains,
who'i'aves ^rorn which, except through the enemy, there was no
a corsfular egrefs. This, however, the ^Tiqui had the precaution
army from to fortify } by which the Roman army was fo hemmed
deftiu&ion jn on ev-ery fide, that nothing remained but fubmiflion
to the enemy, famine, or immediate death. Some
knights, who found means of getting away privately
through the enemy’s camp, were the firft that brought
the account of this difafter to Rome. Nothing could
exceed the conifernation of all ranks of people when in¬
formed of it. The fenale at firft thought of the other
conful ; but not having fufficient experience of his abi¬
lities, they unanimoufly turned their eyes upon Cincin-
natus, and refolved to make him dictator. Cincinnatus,
the only pcrfon on whom Rome could now place her
whole dependence, was found, as before, by the meffen-
gers of the fenate, labouring in his little field wfith
cheerful induftry. He was at firft aftoniftied at the en-
figns of unbounded power with which the deputies
came to inveit him •, but ftill more at the approach of
the principal of the fenate, who came out to meet him.
A dignity fo unlooked for, however, had no effedl
upon the fimplicity or the integrity of his manners ;
and being now pofiefled of abfolute power, and called
upon to nominate his mafter of the horfe, he chofe a
poor man named Tarquitius, one who, like himfelf,
defpifed riches when they led to difhonour. Upon
entering the city, the didlator put on a ferene look,
and intreated all thofe who wTere able to bear arms to
repair before funfet to the Campus Martins (the place
where the levies were made) with neceffary arms, and
provifions for five days. He put himfelf at the head of
thefe •, and, marching all night with great expedition,
he arrived before day within fight of the enemy. Up¬
on his approach, he ordered his foldiers to raife a loud
fhout, to apprize the conful’s army of the relief that
was at hand. The iEqui were not a little amazed
when they faw themfelves between two enemies ; but
Itill more when they perceived Cincinnatus making the
ftrongeft entrenchments beyond them, to prevent their
efcape, and inclofing them as they had inclofed the con-
v fur. To prevent this, a furious combat enfued ; but
the ALqui, being attacked on both fides, and unable to
refill: or fly, begged a ceffation of arms. They offered
the diflator his owu terms : he gave them their lives ;
but obliged them, in token of fervitude, to pafs under
the yoke, which was two fpears fet upright, and ano¬
ther acrofs, in the form of a gallows, beneath which
the vanquilhed were to march. Their captains and ge¬
nerals he made prifoners of war, being referved to adorn
his triumph. As for the plunder of the enemy’s camp,
that he gave entirely up to his own foldiers, without re-
ferving any part for himfelf, or permitting thofe of the
delivered army t© have a lhare. Thus, having refcued
a Roman army from inevitable deftruftion, having de¬
feated a powerful enemy, having taken and fortified
their city, and, ftill more, having refufed any part of
the fpoil, he refigned his diftatorlhip, after having en¬
joyed it but 14 days. The fenate would have enriched
him 5 but he declined their proffers, choofing to retire
once more to his faim and his cottage, content with tem¬
perance and fame.
But this repofe from foreign invafion did not leffen
the tumults of the city withii. The clamours for the
Agrarian law ftill continued, and ftill more fiercely, Rome,
when Sicinfos L’enthtus, a plebeian, advanced in years, 'r~~
but of an admirable perlon and military deportment, Bra 0f
came forward, to enumerate his hardftiips and his me- Sicinius
rits. This old foldier made no fcruple of extolling the Deatatus.
various merits of his youth } but indeed his atchieve-
ments fopported oftentation. He had ferved his coun¬
try in the wars 40 years ; he had been an officer 30,
firft a centurion, and then a tribune : he had fought
1 20 battles, in which, by the force of his fingle arm,
he had faved a multitude of lives : he had gained 14 ci¬
vic, three mural, and eight golden crowns, befides 83
chains, 60 bracelets, 18 gilt fpears, and 23 horfe-trap-
pings, whereof nine were for killing the enemy in fingle
combat: moreover, he had received 45 wounds, all be¬
fore, and none behind. Thefe were his honours : yet,
notwithftanding all this, he had never received any
fhare of thofe lands which were won from the enemy,
but continued to drag on a life of poverty and con¬
tempt ) while others were poffeffed of thofe very terri¬
tories which his valour had won, without any merit to
deferve them, or ever having contributed to the con- I0(j
queft. A cafe of fo much hardfhip had a ftrong effefl Violent di.
upon the multitude} they unanimoufly demanded that fturbances.
the law might be paffed, and that fuch merit ftrould not
go unrewarded. It was in vain that fome of the fena-
tors rofe up to fpeak againft it; their voices were
drowned by the cries of the people. When reafon,
therefore, could no longer be heard, paflion, as ufual,
fucceeded ; and the young patricians, running furioufly
into the throng, broke the ballotting urns, and difper-
fed the multitude that offered to oppofe them. For this
they were fome time after fined by the tribunes; but
their refolution, neverthelefs, for the prefent, put off the
Agrarian law.
The commonwealth of Rome had now' for near 60
years been fluftuating between the contending orders
that compofed it, till at length, each fide, as if weary,
were willing to refpire a while from the mutual exer¬
tions of their claims. The citizens, now, therefore,
of every rank, began to complain of the arbitrary de-
cifions of their magiftrates, and wiflied to be guided
by a written body of law's, which being known might I07
prevent wrongs as wTell as punifti them. In this both Ambafia-
tke fenate and the people concurred, as hoping thatdors to
fuch laws would put an end to the commotions that fo to
long had haraffed the ftate. It was thereupon agreed, i^ham
that ambaffadors fhould be font to the Greek cities in thence.
Italy, and to Athens, to bring home fuch law's from
thence as by experience had been found moft eqitable
and ufeful. For this purpofe, three fenators, Pofthu-
mius, Sulpicius, and Manlius, were fixed upon, and
galleys afligned to convoy them, agreeable to the ma-
jefty of the Roman people. While they w'ere upon this
commiflion abroad, a dreadful plague depopulated the
city at home, and fupplied the interval of their abfence
with other anxiety than that of wifhes for their return.
In about a year the plague ceafed, and the ambaffadors
returned, bringing home a body of laws, colle&ed from
the moft civilized Hates of Greece and Italy, which be¬
ing afterwards formed into ten tables, and two more be¬
ing added, made that celebrated code called the Laws
of the Twelve Tables, many fragments of which remain
to this day. lo8
The ambaffadws were no fooner returned, than the Decemviri
' " - - tribunes eletftei
ROM [ 141 3 ROM
Romp.
109
They be¬
come abfo-
lute.
no
Invafion of
the JEqui
and Volfci.
in
The Ro¬
mans de¬
feated.
tribunes required that a body of men fliould be chofen
* to digeft their new laws into proper form, and to give
weight to the execution of them. After long debates
whether this choice fhould not be partly made from
the people as well as the patricians, it was at laif agreed
that 10 of the principal fenators Ihould be elected,
whofe power, continuing for a year, fhould be equal to
that of kings and confuls, and that without any ap¬
peal. The perfons chofen were Appius and Genutius,
who had been elefted confuls for the enfuing year;
Poithumius, Sulpicius, and Manlius, the three ambaf-
fadors ; Sextus and Romulus, former confuls; with
Julius Veturius, and Horatius, fenators of the firit con-
flderation.
The decemviri being notv inveffed with'abfolute power,
agreed to take the reins of government by turns, and that
each fhould difpenfe juflice for a day.
Thefe magilfrates, for the firft year, wrought with
extreme application j and their work being finiihed, it
was expefled that they would be contented to give
up their offices; but having known the charms of
power, they were now unwilling to refign it : they
therefore pretended that feme laws were yet wanting
to complete their defign, and intreated the fenate for
a continuance of their offices j to which that body af-
fented.
But they foon threw off the mafk of moderation *,
and, regardlefs either of the approbation of the fenate or
the people, refolved to continue themfelves, againil all
order, in the decemvirate. A conducl fo notorious pro¬
duced difeontents •, and thefe were as fure to produce
freffi a£ls of tyranny. The city was become almoff a
defert, with refpedl to all who had any thing to lofe ;
and the decemvirs rapacity was then only difeontinned,
when they wanted freffi objefts to exercife it upon. In
this hate of flavery, profeription, and mutual diftruft,
not one citizen was fov.f.d to llrike for his country’s free¬
dom ; thefe tyrants continued to rule without controul,
being conflantly guarded, not with their lidlors alone,
but a numerous crowd of dependents, clients, and even
patricians, whom their vices had confederated round
them.
In this gloomy fituation of the flate, the iEqui and
Volfci, thofe conftant enemies of the Romans, undertook
their incurhons, refolved to profit by the inteftine divi-
hons of the people, and advanced within about 10 miles
of Rome.
But the decemviri, being put in poffeffion of all the
military as well as of the civil power, divided their ar¬
my into three parts ; whereof one continued with Ap¬
pius in the city, to keep it in awe \ the other two
were commanded by his colleagues, and were led, one
againft the ALqui, and the. other againft the Sabines.
The Roman foldiers had now got into a method of pu-
niffiing the generals whom they difliked, by fuffering
themfelves to be vanquiffied in the field. They put it
in pradlice upon this occafion, and ffiamefully aban¬
doned their camp upon the approach of the enemy.
Never was the news of a vidlory more joyfully recei¬
ved at Rome than the tidings of this defeat : the ge¬
nerals, as is always the cafe, were blamed for the
treachery of their men: feme demanded that they
ffiould be depofed ; others cried out for a dilator to
lead the troops to conqueft : but among the reft, old
Sicinius Dentatus the tribune fpoke his fentiments
with his ufual opennefs \ and treating the generals Rome,
with contempt, ffiowed all the faults of their difeipline "y——
in the camp, and of their conduft in the field. Appius,
in the mean time, was not remifs in obferving the dif-
pofition of the people. Dentatus, in particular, was
marked out for vengeance, and, under pretence of do¬
ing him particular honour, he was appointed legate,
and put at the head of the fupplies which were fent
from Rome to reinforce the atmy. The office of le¬
gate was held facred among the Romans, as in it were
united the authority of a general, with the reverence o
due to the priefthood. Dentatus, no way fufpefting jviiirdfr of
his defign, went to the camp with alacrity, where he Sicinius
was received with all the external marks of refpeft. But ^)eritatus*
the generals foon found means of indulging their de¬
fire of revenge. He was appointed at the head of 100
men to go and examine a more commodious place for
encampment, as he had very candidly allured the com¬
manders that their prefent fituation was wrong. The
foldiers, however, who ^vere given as his attendants,
wTere affaffins 5 wretches who had long been minifters of
the vengeance of the decemviri, and who now engaged
to murder him, though with all thofe apprehenfions
which his reputation, as he was called the Roman A-
chil/es, might be fuppofed to infpire. With thefe de-
figns, they led him from the way into the hollow bo-
fom of a retired mountain, where they began to fet up¬
on him from behind. Dentatus, now too late, percei¬
ved the treachery of the decemviri, and was refolved to
fell his life as dearly as he could ; he therefore put his
back to a rock, and defended himfelf againft thofe who
preffed molt clofely. Though now grown old, he had
ftiil the remains of his former valour, and killed no lefs
than 15 of the affailants, and wounded 30. The affaffins
now therefore, terrified at his amazing bravery, ffiower-
ed in their javelins upon him at a dillance ; all which
he received in his ffiield with undaunted refolution.
The combat, though fo unequal in numbers, was ma¬
naged for fome time with doubtful fuccefs, till at length
his affailants bethought themfelves of afeending the
rock againft which he flood, and thus poured down
ftones upon him from above. This fucceeded } the old
foldier fell beneath their united efforts, after having
Ihown by his death that he owed it to his fortitude,
and not his fortune, that he had come off fo many
times victorious. The decemviri pretended to join in
the general furrow for fo brave a man, and decreed
him a funeral, with the firft military honours : but the
greatnefs of their apparent diftrefs, compared with their
known hatred, only rendered them ftill more deteftable
to the people.
But a tranfadtion ftill more atrocious than the former.
ferved to infpire the citizens with a refolution to break ft0ry
all meafures of obedience, and at laft to reftore freedom. Virgiaia.
Appius, who ftill remained at Rome, fitting one day on
his tribunal to difpenfe juftice, faw a maiden of exquifite
beauty, and aged about 15, palling to one of the public
fchools, attended by a matron her nurfe. Conceiving a
violent paffion for her, he refolved to obtain the gratifi¬
cation of his defire, whatever Ihould be the confequence,
and found means to inform himfelf of her name and fa¬
mily. Her name was Virginia, the daughter of Virgi-
nius a centurion, then with the army in the field ; and
Ihe had been contracted to Icilius, formerly a tribune of
the people, who had agreed to marry her at the end of
ROM [ 142 ] ROM
the prefent campaign. Appius, at firft, refolved to break
this match, and to efpoufe her himfelf: but the laws of
the Twelve Tables had forbidden the patricians to inter¬
marry with the plebeians j and he could not infringe
thefe, as he was the enatter of them. Nothing there¬
fore remained but a criminal enjoyment 5 which, as he
was long ufed to the indulgence of his paflions, he refol¬
ved to obtain. After having vainly tried to corrupt the
fidelity of her nurfe, he had recourfe to another expedi¬
ent, Hill more guilty. He pitched upon one Claudius,
who had long been the minifter of his pleafures, to aflfert
the beautiful maid was his Have, and to refer the caufe
to his tribunal for decifion. Claudius behaved exa&ly
according to his inftrudtions ; for entering into the fchool,
where Virginia was playing among her female compan¬
ions, he feized upon her as his property, and was going
to drag her away by force, but was prevented by the
people drawn together by her cries. At length, after
the firft heat of oppofition was over, he led the weeping
virgin to the tribunal of Appius, and there plaufibly ex-
pofed his pretenfions. He aflerted, that (he was born in
his houfe, of a female {lave, who fold her to the wife of
Virginius, who had been barren. That he had feveral
credible evidences to prove the truth of what he faid ;
but that, until they could come together, it was but rea-
fonable the Have Ihould be delivered into his cuftody,
being her proper mailer. Appius feemed to be ftruck
with the juftice of his claims. He obferved, that if the
reputed father hirafelf were prefent, he might indeed be
willing to delay the delivery of the maiden for fome
time ; but that it was not lawful for him, in the prefent
cafe, to detain her from her mailer. He therefore ad¬
judged her to Claudius, as his Have, to be kept by him
till Virginius Ihould be able to prove his paternity. This
fentence was received wnth loud clamours and reproaches
by the multitude : the women, in particular, came round
Virginia, as if willing to protedl her from the judge’s
fury 5 while Icilius, her lover, boldly oppofed the decree,
and obliged Claudius to take refuge under the tribunal
of the decemvir. All things now threatened an open in-
furredtion •, when Appius, fearing the event, thought
proper to fufpend his judgment till the arrival of Virgi¬
nius, who was then about 11 miles from Rome, with
the army. The day following was fixed for the trial 5
and, in the mean time, Appius fent letters to the gene¬
rals to confine Virginius, as his arrival in town might
only ferve to kindle fedition among the people. Thefe
letters, however, xvere intercepted by the centurion’s
friends, who fent him down a full relation of the defign
laid againlt the liberty and the honour of his only daugh¬
ter. Virginius, upon this, pretending the death of a
near relation, got permiffion to leave the camp, and flew
to Rome, infpired with indignation and revenge. Ac¬
cordingly, the next day he appeared before the tribunal,
to the aftonilhment of Appius, leading his weeping
daughter by the hand, both habited in the deepeft mourn¬
ing. Claudius, the accufer, was alfo there, and began
by making his demand. Virginius next fpoke in turn :
he reprefented that his wife had many children ; that
fhe had been feen pregnant by numbers 5 that, if he had
intentions of adopting a fuppofititious child, he Would
have fixed upon a boy rather than a girl •, that it was
notorious to all, that his wife had herfelf fuckled her
own child ; and that it was furprifing filch a claim
Ihould be now revived, after a 15 years difcontlnuance. Rcme.
While the father fpoke this with a Hern air, Virginia ’■V'""'-1
flood trembling by, and, ivith looks of perfuafive inno¬
cence, added weight to all his remonftrances. The peo¬
ple feemed entirely fatisfied of the hardlhip of his cafe,
till Appius, fearing what he faid might have dangerous
effects upon the multitude, interrupted him, under a
pretence of being fufficiently inftrufted in the merits of
the caufe, and finally adjudged her to Claudius, order¬
ing the lidtors to carry her off. The liftors, in obedience
to his command, foon drove off the throng that preffed
round the tribunal ^ and now they feized upon Virginia,
and were delivering her up into the hands of Claudius,
when Virginius, -who found that all was over, feemed
to acquielce in the fentence. He therefore mildly intreat-
ed Appius to be permitted to take a laft farewell of one
whom he had long confidered as his child •, and fo fatif-
fied, he would return to his duty with frelh alacrity.
With this the decemvir complied, but upon condition
that their endearments Ihould pafs in his prefence. Vir¬
ginius, with the molt poignant anguilh, took his almoft
expiring daughter in his arms, for a while fupported her
head upon his breaft, and wiped away the tears that rol¬
led down her lovely vifage : and happening to be near
the Hi ops that furrounded the forum, he fnatched up a
knife that lay on the lhambles, and buried the weapon
in her breaft; then holding it up, reeking with the blood
of his daughter, “ Appius (he cried) by this blood of
innocence, I devote thy head to the infernal gods.”
Thus faying, with the bloody knife in his hand, and
threatening deftruftion to whomfoever Ihould oppofe
him, he ran through the city, wildly calling upon the
people to ftrike for freedom, and from thence went to
the camp, in order to fpread a like flame through the
army.
He no fooner arrived at the camp, followed by a num¬
ber of his friends, but he informed the army of all that
was done, ftill holding the bloody knife in his hand.
He alked their pardon, and the pardon of the gods, for
having committed fo ralh an aftion, but afcribed it all
to the dreadful neceflity of the times. The army, already
predifpofed, immediately with Ihouts echoed their appro¬
bation ; and decamping, left their generals behind, to
take their ftation once more upon Mount Aventine,
whither they had retired about 40 years before. The
other army, which had been to oppofe the Sabines, feem-
ed to feel a like refentment, and came over in large par¬
ties to join them. 1I4
Appius, in the mean time, did all he could to quell The deccm-
the difturbances in the city •, but finding the tumult in-v‘rale
Capable of controul, and perceiving that his mortal ene-'1^^1
mies, Valerius and Horatius, were the moft adlive in op¬
pofition, at firft attempted to find fafety by flight •, ne-
verthelefs, being encouraged by Oppius, wdio was one
of his colleagues, he ventured to affemble the fenate,
and urged the punilhment of all deferters. The fenate,
however, were far from giving him the relief he fought
for •, they forefaw the dangers and miferies that threat¬
ened the Hate, in cafe of oppofing the incenfed army;
they therefore difpatched meffengers to them, oft'ering
to reftore their former mode of government. To this
propofal all the people joyfully affented, and the army
gladly obeyed. Appius, and Oppius one of his col¬
leagues, both died by their own hands in prifon. The
ROM
Rome.
Ji5
New diflur
bailees.
116
Military
tribunes
eletfled.
217
The office
of cenfor
inftituted.
118
Diftur-
bances by
Madius a
knight,
other eight decemvirs went into voluntary exile •, and
Claudius, the pretended matter of Virginia, was driven
out after them.
The tribunes now grew more turbulent : they propo-
fed two laws 5 one to permit plebeians to intermarry
with patricians j and the other, to permit them to be
admitted to the confulthip alfo. The fenators received
thefe propofals with indignation, and feemed refolved to
undergo the utmoft extremities rather than fubmit to
enaft them. However, finding their refiftance only in-
creafe the commotions of the ifate, they at laft confent-
ed to pafs the law concerning intermarriages, hoping
that this conceflion would fatisfy the people. But they
were to be appeafed but for a very (hort time : for, re¬
turning to their old cuftom of refufing to enlifl upon
the approach of an enemy, the confuls were forced to
hold a private conference with the chief of the fenate ;
where, after many debates, Claudius propofed an expe¬
dient as the moft probable means of fatisfying the peo¬
ple in the prefent conjundfure. This was, to create fix
or eight governors in the room of confuls, whereof one
half at leaf! fhould be patricians. This projedf was ea¬
gerly embraced by the people ; yet fo fickle were the
multitude, that though many of the plebeians flood, the
choice wholly fell upon the patricians who offered them
felves as candidates. Thefe new7 magiftrates were call¬
ed military tribunes ; they were at firft but three, after¬
wards they w^ere increafed to four, and at length to fix.
They had the powder and enfigns of confuls ; yet that
power being divided among a number, each fingly was
of lefs authority. The firft that were chofen only con¬
tinued in office about three months, the augurs hav¬
ing found fomething amifs in the ceremonies of their
. election.
The military tribunes being depofed, the confuls once
more came into office ; and, in order to lighten the
weight of bufinefs which they were obliged to fuftain, a
new office was eredfed, namely, that of cenfors, to be
chofen every fifth year. Their bufinefs was to take an
eftixnate of the number and eftates of the people, and to
diftribute them into their proper daffies ; to infpedt into
the lives and manners of their fellow’-citizens; to de¬
grade fenators for mifeondudt 5 to difmount knights ;
and to turn down plebeians from their tribes into an in¬
ferior, in cafe of mifdemeanour. The tivo firft cenfors
were Papirius and Sempronius, both patricians 5 and
from this order they continued to be eledied for near
100 years.
This new creation ferved to reftore peace for fome
time among the orders ; and the triumph gained over
the Volfcians, by Geganius the conful, added to the uni-
verfal fatisfadfion that reigned among the people.
This calm, hoxvever, was but of fhort continuance :
for, fome time after, a famine preffing hard upon the
poor, the ufual complaints againft the rich w'ere renew¬
ed ; and thefe, as before, proving ineffedtual, produced
new’ feditions. I he confuls xvere accufed of negledt in
not having laid in proper quantities of corn : they, how¬
ever, difregarded the murmurs of the populace, content
with exerting alt their care in attempts to fupply the
preffing neceffities. But though they did all that could
be expedted rrom adtive magiftrates, in providing and
diftributing provifions to the poor; yet Spurius Mselius,
a rich knight, who had bought up all the corn of Tuf-
cany, by far outfhone them in liberality. This dema-
[ ?4J ]
ROM
gogue, inflamed with a fecret defire of becoming power- Rome,
ful by the cententions in the ftate, diftributed corn in 1"" v™—
great quantities among the poorer fort each day, till his
houfe became the afylum of all fuch as wifhed to ex¬
change a life of labour for one of lazy dependence.
When he had thus gained a fufficient number of parti-
zans, he procured large quantities of arms to be brought
into his houfe by night, and formed a confpiracy, by
which he was to obtain the command, while fome of
the tribunes, whom he had found means to corrupt,
wrere to adt under him, in feizing upon the liberties of
his country. Minucius foon difeovered the plot; and
informing the fenate thereof, they immediately formed
the refolution of creating a didfator, w'ho fhould have
the power of quelling the confpiracy without appealing
to the people. Cincinnatus, who was now 80 years
old, wras chofen once more to refeue his country from
impending danger. He began by fummoning Maelius
to appear; who refufed to obey. He next fent Ahala,
his mafter of the horfe, to force him ; who, meeting
him in the forum, and preffing Maelius to follow him to
the didlator’s tribunal, upon his refufal Ahala killed killed,
him upon the fpot. The didlator applauded the refolu¬
tion of his officer, and commanded the confpirator’s
goods to be fold, and his houfe to be demolifhed, diftri¬
buting his ftores among the people.
The tribunes of the people were much enraged at
the death of Maelius; and, in order to punifh the fe¬
nate, at the next eledtion, inftead of confuls, infifted
upon reftoring their military tribunes. With this the
fenate were obliged to comply. The next year, how¬
ever, the government returned to its ancient channel,
and confuls were chofen. r2Q
The Veientes had long been the rivals of Rome ; The de-
they had ever taken the opportunity of its internal ^ru<fti°n
diftreffies to ravage its territories, and had even threat-°f1Ve1" re*
ened its ambaffiadors, fent to complain of thefe injuries/0 'CC"
w’ith outrage. In w’ar they had been extremely for¬
midable, and had cut off almoft all the Fabian family;
who, to the number of 306 perfons, had voluntarily
undertaken to defend the frontiers againft their incur-
fmns. It feemed now therefore determined, that the
city of Veii, whatever it fhould coft, w’as to fall; and
the Romans accordingly fat regularly down before it,
prepared for a long and painful refiftance. The
ftrength of the place, or the unlkilfulnefs of the befie-
gers, may be inferred from the continuance of the fiege,
which lafted for 10 years; during which time the army
continued encamped round it, lying in winter under
tents made of the Ikins of beafts, and in fummer dri¬
ving on the operations of the attack. Various was the
fuccefs, and many were the commanders that diredfed
the fiege : fometimes all the befiegers works were de-
ftroyed, and many of their men cut off by fallies from
the town ; fometimes they were annoyed by an army
of Veians, who attempted to bring affiftance from
without. A fiege fo bloody feemed to threaten de¬
population to Rome itfelf, by draining its forces con¬
tinually away ; fo that a law was obliged to be made
for all I he bachelors to marry the widows of the fol-
diers who were flain. In order to carry it on with
greater vigour, Furius Camillus was created diftator,
and to him was intrufted the foie power of managing
the long protracted war. Camillus, who, without im
trigue or any folicitation had raifed himfelf to the firft
eminence
ROM
[ 144 1
R O M
fRomr.
121
eminence in tlie ftate, had been made one of the cen-
fors fome time before, and was confidered as- the head
of that office ; he was afterwards made a military tri¬
bune, and had in this poll gained feveral advantages
over the enemy. It was his great courage and abilities
in the above offices that made him thought moil; worthy
to ferve his country on this preffing occafion. Upon
his appointment, numbers of the people flocked to his
ftandard, confident of fuccefs under fo experienced a
commander. Confcious, however, that he was unable
to take the city by itorm, he fecretly wrought a mine
into it with vail labour, which opened into the midfl; of
the citadel. Certain thus of fuccefs, and finding the city
incapable of relief, he fent to the fenate, defiling that
all who chofe to fhare in the plunder of Veii fliould im¬
mediately repair to the army. Then giving his men
direftions how to enter at the breach, the city was in-
ftantly filled with his legions, to the amazement and
confternation of the befieged, who, but a moment be-
Is taken by fore, had reffed in perfecf fecurity. Thus, like a fecond
Camillas. Troy, was the city of Veil taken, after a ten years
fiege,, and with its fpoils enriched the conquerors;
while Camillus himfelf, tranfported with the honour of
having fubdued the rival of his native city, triumphed
after the manner of the kings of Rome, having his
chariot drawn by four milk-white horfes } a diftinftion
which did not fail to difguft the majority of the fpefta-
tors, as they confidered thofe as facred, and more proper
gr for doifig honour to their gods than their generals.
His genero- His ufual good fortune attended Camillus in^ another
fity to the expedition againft the Faliici 5 he routed their army,
Falifci. an(j befieged their capital city Falerii, which threatened
a long and vigorous refiftance. Here a fchoolmafter,
who had the' care of the children belonging to the
principal men of the city, having found means to de¬
coy them into the Roman camp, offered to put them
into the hands of Camillus, as the fureft means^ of in¬
ducing the citizens to a fpeedy furrender. 1 he ge¬
neral was ft ruck with the treachery of a wretch whofe
duty it was to proteft innocence, and not to betray
it} and immediately ordered him to be ftripped, his
hands tied behind him, and in that ignominious man¬
ner to be whipped into the town by his own fcholars.
This generous behaviour in Camillus effeffed more
than his arms could do : the magiftrates of the town
immediately fubmitted to the fenate, leaving to Ca-
raillus the conditions of their furrender; who only
fined them in a fum of money to fatisfy his army, and
received them under the protection and into the alliance
of Rome. . ,. , , . r
Notwithftanding the veneration which the virtues of
Camillus had excited abroad, they feemed but little
adapted to bring over the refpeCt of the turbulent tri¬
bunes at home, as they raifed fome freffi accufation
againft him every day. To their other charges they
( added that of his having concealed a part of the plun¬
der of Veil, particularly two brazen gates, for his own
ufe; and appointed him a day on which to appear be*
fore the people. Camillus, finding the multitude ex-
afperated againft him upon many accounts, detefting
their ingratitude, refolved not to wait the ignominy
of a trial ; but, embracing his wife and children, pre¬
pared to depart from Home. He had already palled
as far as one of the gates, unattended on his way, and
uniaruenfed. There he could fupprefs his indignation
Rome.
no longer ; but, turning his face to the capitol, and t
lifting up his hands to heaven, intreated all the gods 1
that his country might one day be fenfible of their He gocs in-
injuftice and ingratitude; and fo faying, he paffed for-tovolun-
ward to take refuge at Ardea, where he afterwards tary exile,
learned that he had been fined 1500 afes by the tri¬
bunes at home.
The Romans iodeed foon had reafon to repent their
ufage of Camillus ; for now a more formidable enemy
than ever they had met with threatened the republic .
an inundation of Gauls, leaving their native woods, un- 114
der the command of one Brennus, wafted every thing
with fire and fword. It is faid that one Coeditius, a Jaulsy
man of the loweft rank, pretended to have heard a mi¬
raculous voice, which pronounced diftin&ly thefe words:
“ Go to the magiftrates, and tell them that the Gauls
draw near.” The meannefs of the man made his warn¬
ing defpifed ; though, when the event ffiowed the truth
of Ins prediaion, Camillus ereaed a temple to the un¬
known Deity, and the Romans invented for him the
name of Aius Locutius. MeiTenger after meffenger ar¬
rived with the news of the progrefs and devaftations of
the Gauls ; but the Romans behaved with as much fe¬
curity as if it had been impoffible for them to have felt
the effeas of their depredations. At laft envoys ar¬
rived at Rome, imploring the affiftance of the republic
againft an army of Gauls, which had made an irruption 115
into Italy, and now befieged their city. The occafion Occafion of
of the irruption and fiege was this : Arunx, one of the^11 mva-
chief men of Clufium in Hetruria, had been guardian
to a young lucumo, or lord of a lucumony, and had
educated him in his houfe from his infancy, f he lu- ,
cumo, as foon as he was of an age to feel the force of
paffion, fell in love with his guardian’s wife; and,
upon the firft difeovery of their intrigue, conveyed her
away. Arunx endeavoured to obtain reparation for the
injury he had received ; but the lucumo, by his intereft
and money, gained over the magiftrates: fo that the in¬
jured guardian, finding no protectors in Hetiuria, relol-
ved to make his application to the Gauls. The people
among all the Celtic nations, to whom he chofe to ad-
drefs himfelf, were the Senones ; and, in order to en¬
gage them in his quarrel, he acquainted them with the
great plenty of Italy, and made them tafte of fome Ita¬
lian wines. Upon this the Senones refolyed to follow
him ; and a numerous army was immediately formed,
which palling the Alps, under the condu£! of their He-
trurian guide, and leaving the Celtae in Italy unmolefted,
fell upon Umbria, and poffeffed themfelves of all the
country from Ravenna to Picenum. They were about
fix years in fettling themfelves in their new acquifitions,
while the Romans were carrying on the fiege of Veii.
At length Arunx brought the Senones before Clufium,
in order to befiege that place, his wife and her lover
having Ihut themfelves up there. _
The fenate, being unwilling to engage m an open The Ro-
war with a nation which had never offended them, fent mans fend
an embaffy of three young patricians, all brothers andanembafly
of the Fabian family, to bring about an accommodation
between the two nations. Thefe ambaffadors, being ar¬
rived at the camp of the Gauls, and conduced into the
council, offered the mediation of Rome ; and demanded
of Brennus, the leader of the Gauls, What injury the
Clufini had done him ; or what pretenfions any people
from a remote country could have upon Hetruna r
o
Rome.
imprudent
conduct of
ROM [ i
Brennus anfwered proudly, that his right lay in his
fword, and that all things belonged to the brave} but
that, without having recourfe to this primitive law of
nature, he had a juft complaint againft the Clufians,
who, having more lands than they could cultivate, had
refufed to yield to him thofe they left unfilled : And
what other motives had you yourfelves, Romans (faid
he), to conquer fo many neighbouring nations ? You
have deprived the Sabines, the Albans, the Fidenates,
the iEqui, and the Volfci, of the beft part of their ter¬
ritories. Not that we accufe you of injuftice ; but it
is evident, that you thought this to be the prime and
moft ancient of all laws, to make the weak give w ay to
the ftrong. Forbear therefore to intereft yourfelves for
the Clufini, or allow us to take the part of the people
you have fubdued.”
The Fabii were highly provoked at fo haughty an
anfwer ; but, dilfembling their refentment, defired leave
the ambaf- to go into the town, under pretence of conferring wnth
fadors. (}le magiftrates. But they were no fooner there, than
they began to ftir up the inhabitants to a vigorous de¬
fence ; nay, forgetting their character, they put them-
felves at the head of the befieged in a fally, in w’hich
Fabius, the chief of the ambaffadors, flew with his
own hand one of the principal officers of the Gauls.
Hereupon Brennus, calling the gods to witnefs the per-
fidioufnefs of the Romans, and their violating the law
of nations, immediately broke up the fiege of Clufium,
ia8 and marched leifurely to Rome, having fent a herald
The Gauls before him to demand that thcfe ambafladors, who had
require fo manifeftly violated the law of nations, ftiould be de-
rH'™ red^6 ^vere<^ UP The Roman fenate was greatly
up to them, PerP^exed between their regard for the law of nations
but are re-’ and their affeftion for the Fabii. The wifeft of the
fenate thought the demand of the Gauls to be but juft
and reafonable : however, as it concefned perfons of
great confequence and credit, the confcript fathers re¬
ferred the affair to the people affembled by curiae. As
the Fabian family was very popular, the curiae were fo
far from condemning the three brothers, that, at the
next election of military tribunes, they wTere chofen the
firft. Brennus, looking upon the promotion of the Fa¬
bii as a high affront on his nation, haftened his march to
Rome.
As his army was very numerous, the inhabitants of
the towns and villages through which he paffed left
their habitations at his approach j but he flopped no¬
where, declaring that his deflgn v'as only to be reven¬
ged on the Romans. The fix military tribunes, to wit,
Q. Fabius, Csefo Fabius, Caius Fabius, Q. Sulpitius,
Q. Servilius, and Sextus Cornelius, marched out of
Rome at the head of 40,000 men, without either facri-
ficing to the gods or confulting the aufpices ; effential
ceremonies among a people that drew their courage and
confidence from the propitious figns which the augurs
declared to them. As moil of the military tribunes
Were young, and men of more valour than experience,
they advanced boldly againft the Gauls, wffiofe army w’as
70,000 ftrong. The twro armies met near the river
Alii a, about 60 furlongs from Rome. The Romans
that they might not be furrounded by the enemy, ex¬
tended their wings fo far as to make their centre very
thin. Their beft troops, to the number of 24,000
men, they polled between the river and the adjoining
hills; the reft they placed on the hills. The Gauls firft
VOL. XVIII. Part I.
fufed.
lap
The Ro¬
mans en¬
tirely de¬
feated.
45 1 ROM
attacked the latter, who being foon put into confufxori, Rx'rtiift.
the forces in the plain were ftruck with fuch terror ‘
that they fled without drawing their fwords. In this
general diforder, moft of the foldiers, inftead of return¬
ing to Rome, fled to Veii: fome were drowned as they
endeavoured to fwim acrofs the Tiber $ many fell in
the purfuit by the fword of the conquerors j and fome
got to Rome, which they filled with tfcrror and confter-
nation, it being believed there that all the reft were cut
off. The day after the battle, Brennus marched his
troops into the neighbourhood of Rome, and encamped
on the banks of the Anio. Thither his fcouts brought
him word, that the gates of the city lay open, and that
not one Roman was to be feen on the ramparts. This
made him apprehenfive of fome ambufeade, it being un-
reafonable to fuppofe that the Romans would abandon
their city to be plundered and facked without making
any refiftance. On this confideration he advanced flowT-
ly, which gave the Remans an opportunity to throw
into the Capitol all the men who were fit to bear arms. !-0
They carried into it all the provifions they could get j They retire
and, that they might laft the longer, admitted none into l!}t0 the Ca“
the place but fuch as wrere capable of defending it. Pltol‘
As for the city, they had not fufficient forces to de¬
fend it; and therefore the old men, women, and chil¬
dren, feeing themfelves abandoned, fled to the neigh¬
bouring towns. The Vellals, before they left Rome,
took care to hide every thing appropriated to the gods
which they could not carry off. The twro palladiums,
and the facred fire, they took with them. When they
Came to the Janiculus, one Albinius, a plebeian, who
wTas conveying his wife and children in a carriage to a
place of fafety, feeing the facred virgins bending under
their load, and their feet bloody, made his family alight,
put the priefteffes and their gods into the carriage,
and condu&ed them to Caere, a city of Hetruna,
where they met with a favourable reception. The
Veftals remained at Caere, and there continued to per¬
form the ufual rites of religion ; and hence thofe rites
were called ceremonies. But while the reft of the citi-n TP1 ,
zens at Rome were providing for their fafety, about 80 the§word
of the moft illuftrious and venerable old men, rather ceremonies.
than fly from their native city, chofe to devote them¬
felves to death by a vowq which Fabius the high pon¬
tiff pronounced in their names. The Romans believed,
that, by thefe voluntary devotements to the infernal
gods, diforder and confufion was brought among the
enemy. Of thefe brave old men fome were pontifices,
others had been confuls, and others generals of armies,
who had been honoured with triumphs. To complete
their facrifice wfith a folemnity and pomp becoming the
magnanimity and corftancy of the Remans, they dreffed
themfelves in their pontifical, confular, and triumphal
robes; and repairing to the forum, feated themfelves
there in their curule chairs, expeding the enemy and
death with the greateft conftancy. r^2
At length Brennus, having fpeht three days in ufe-pil-
lefs precautions, entered the city the fourth day after and
the battle. He found the gates open, the walls with- burnt‘
out defence, and the houfes without inhabitants. Rome
appeared m him like a mere defert j and this folitude
increafed his anxiety. He could not believe, either
that all the Romans were lodged in the Capitol, or that
fo numerous a people ftioidd abandon the place of their
nativity. On the other hand, he could nowhere fed
T ary
Rume.
ROM [ 14
any armed men but on the walls of tbe citadel. How-
ever, having firlt fecured all the avenues to the Capitol
with ftrong bodies of guards, he gave the relt ct his
foldiers leave to difperfe themlelves ail over the city and
plunder it. Brennus himfelf advanced into the forum
with the troops under his command, in good order }
and there he was liruck with admiration at the unex¬
pected fight of th* venerable old men who had devoted
themfelves to death. Their magnificent habits, the
majefty of their countenances, the filence they kept,
their modefty and conltancy at the approach of his
troops, made him take them for fo many deities ; for
they continued as motionlel's as ftatues, and favv the
enemy advance without Ihowing the leail concern. The
Gauls kept a great while at an awful diftance from
them, being afraid to come near them. But at length
one foldier bolder than the refi, having out of curiofity
touched the beard of M. Papirius, the venerable old
man, not being ufed to fuch familiarity, gave him a
blow on the head with his ivory fiaff. The foldier in
revenge immediately killed him ; and the refi of the
Gauls following his example, flaughtered all thofe ve¬
nerable old men without mercy. ^
After this the enemy let no bounds to their rage
and fury. They plundered all places, dragging fuch
of the Romans as had fiiut themfelves up in their houfes
into the ftreets, and there putting them to the fword
without diftinftion of age or fex. Brennus then in-
TheyTuvelt^fted the Capitol j but being repulfed with great lofs,
the Capitol, in order to be revenged of the Romans for their refifi¬
ance, he refolved to lay tlie city in alhes. According¬
ly, by his command, the foldiers fet fire to the houfes,
demolifhed the temples and public edifices, and rafed
the walls to the ground. Thus was the famous city of
Rome entirely deftroyed } nothing was to be feen in
the place where it fiood but a few little hills covered
with ruins, and a wide wafte, in which the Gauls who
invefted the Capitol were encamped. Brennus, finding
he fhould never be able to take a place which nature
had fo well fortified otherwife than by famine, turned
the fiege into a blockade. But, in the mean time, his
army being diftrefled for want of provifions, he fent
out parties to pillage the fields, and raife contributions
in the neighbouring cities. One of thefe parties ap¬
peared before Ardea, where the great Camillus had
now fpent two years in a private life. Notwithstand¬
ing the affront he had received at Rome, the love he
bore his country was not in the leaft diminished. The
fenate of Ardea being met to deliberate on the mea-
fures to be taken with relation to the Gauls, Camillus,
more afflidted at the calamities of his country than at
his own banishment, defired to be admitted into the
council, where, with his eloquence, he prevailed upon
the Ardeates to arm their youth in their own defence,
and refufe the Gauls admittance into their city.
Hereupon the Gauls encamped before the city •, and
as they defpifed the Ardeates after they had made
themfelves mafters of Rome, they preferved neither or-
A great der nor difeipline in the camp, but fpent whole days in
number of drinking. Hereupon Camillus, having eafily perfuaded
them cut oft yOUqh of the city to follow him, marched out of
Ardea in a very dark night, furprifed the Gauls drown¬
ed in wine, and made a dreadful Slaughter of them.
Thofe who made their efcape under the Shelter of the
night fell next day into the hands of the peafants, by
6 1
R O M
by Camil¬
las.
whom they were rnaffacred without mercy. This de- Rome,
feat of the enemy revived the courage ot the Romans •’"-"-'v J*
fealtered about the country, eSpecially of thole who
had retired to Veii after the unfortunate battle of Al-
lia. There was not one of them who did not condemn
himfelf for the exile of Camillus, as if he had been the
author of it 5 and looking upon that great man as their
lafi refource, they refolved to choofe him for their lead¬
er. Accordingly, they lent without delay ambaffadors
to him, befeeching him to take into his proiecfion the
fugitive Romans, and the wrecks of the defeat at Alba.
But Camillus would not accept of the command of the
troops till the people affembled by curiae had legally con¬
ferred it upon him. He thought the public authority
was lodged in the hands of thole who w ere Shut up in the
citadel, and therefore would undertake nothing at the
head of the Roman troops till a ccmmifTion was brought
him from thence.
To do this was very difficult, the place being invefted
on all Sides by the enemy. However, one Pontius Co-
minius, a man of mean birth, but bold, and very ambi¬
tious of glory, undertook it. He put on a hght habit,
and, providing himfelf with cork to keep the longer
above water, threw himfelf into the '] iber above Rome
in the beginning of the night, and fufiered himltif to
be carried down with the Stream. At length he came
to the foot of the capilol, and landed at a Sleep place
where the Gauls had not thought it nectffary to poSt
any centinels. There he mounted with great difficuliy
to the rampart of the citadel j and having made himleif
known to the guards, he was admitted into the place,
and condudled to the magiftrates. ft he fer.ate being idcbAcn
immediately aifimbled, Pontius gave them an accountchftator.
of Camillus’s viftory j and in the name of all the Ro¬
mans at Veil demanded that great captain for their ge¬
neral. Therewas not much time fpent in debates : the
curiae being called together, the aft of condemnation
which had been ppffed on Camillus was abrogated, and
he named dictator with one voice. Pontius was imme¬
diately di(patched with the decree *, and the fame good
fortune which had attended him to the Capitol accom¬
panied him in his return. Thus was Camillus, from the
ilate of banishment, railed at once to be fovereign ma-
giftrate of his country. His promotion to the com¬
mand was no fooner known, but Soldiers flocked from
all parts to his camp j infomuch that he foon law him¬
felf at the head of above 40,000 men, partly Romans
and partly allies, who all thought themfelves invincible
under So great a general. _ j,6
While he was taking proper meafures to raife the TjiC Qaufs
blockade of the citadel, fome Gauls rambling round theenft eavour
place, perceived on the fide of the hill the print of Pon-to ftu pi iie
tius’s hands and feet. They obferved likewife, that the’^ ^b1"
mofs on the rocks was in Several places torn up. From ’
thefe marks they concluded, that fomebedy had lately
gone up to and returned from the Capitol. The Gauls
immediately made their report to Brennus of what they,
had obferved j and that experienced commander hud a.
defign, which he imparted to nobody, of furprifing the
place by the fame way that the Roman had afeended.
With this view' he chofe out of the army fuch foldieis
as had dwelt in mountainous countries, and been accu¬
stomed from their youth to climb precipices. Thefe
he ordered, after he had well examined the nature of
the place, to afeend in the night the fame way that was
marked
ROM [ 147 1 ROM
Rome, marked out for them *, climbing two abreaft, that one
^ ~ v '' might fupport the othiir in getting up the lleep parts
of the precipice. By this means they advanced with
much diihculty from rock to rock, till they arrived at
the foot of the wall. They proceeded with fuch filence,
that they were not difeovered or heard, either by the
centinels who were upon guard in the citadel, or even
by the dogs, that are ufually awaked and alarmed at
the lead noife. But though they eluded the fagacity
of the dogs, they could not efcape the vigilance of the
geefe. A flock of thefe birds was kept in a court of
the Capitol in honour of Juno, and near her temple.
Notwithflanding the want of provifions in the garrifon,
they had been fpared out of religion *, and as thefe
creatures are naturally quick of hearing, they were
alarmed at the fird approach of the Gauls ; fo that
running up and down, with their cackling and beating
of their wings, they awaked Manlius, a gallant foldier,
who fome years before had been conful. He founded
an alarm, and was the fird man who mounted the ram¬
part, where he found two Gauls already upon the wall,
di ■ One of thefe offered to difeharge a blow at him with
covered and his battle ax; but Manlius cut off his right hand at one
repulfecl. blow, and gave the other fuch a puth with his buckler,
that he threw him headlong from the top of the rock
to the bottom. He, in his fall, drew many others with
him •, and, in the mean time, the Romans crowding to
the place, prefled upon the Gauls, and tumbled them
one over another. As the nature of the ground would
not fuft'er them to make a regular retreat, or even to fly,
mod of them, to avoid the fwords of the enemy, threw
themfelves down the precipice, fo that very few got
fafe back to their camo.
As it was the cudom of the Romans at that time
not fuflfer any commendable a&ion to go unreward¬
ed, the tribune Sulpitius aflembled his troops the next
morning, in order to beftow the military rewards on
thofe who, the night before, had deferved them. Among
thefe Manlius was fird named-, and, in acknowledgment
of the important fervice he had juft rendered the date,
every foldier gave him part of the corn which he recei¬
ved fparingly from the public dock, and a little mealure
of wine out ofhisfcanty allowance-, an inconfiderable
prefent indeed in itfelf, but very acceptable at that time
to the perfon on whom it was bedowed. The tribune’s
next care was to punilh the negligent: accordingly the
captain of the guard, who ought to have had an eye
over the centinels, was condemned to die, and, purfuant
to his fentence, thrown down from the top of the Capi¬
tol. The Romans extended their punifhments and re¬
wards even to the animals. Geefe were ever after had
in honour at Rome, and a flock of them always kept
at the expence of the public. A golden image of a
goofe was ereefed in memory of them, and a goofe every
year carried in triumph upon a foft litter finely adorn¬
ed ; whilft dogs were held in abhorrence by the Ro¬
mans, who every year impaled one of them on a branch
of elder.
The blockade of the Capitol had already laded feven
months; fo that the famine began to be very fenfibly
felt both by the belieged and befiegers. Camillus,
fince his nomination to the di&atorfliip, being mader
of the country, had pofted flrong guards on all the
roads fo that the Gauls dared not dir out for fear
of being cut to pieces. Thus Brennus, who befieged
the Capitol, was befieged himfelf, and fullered the fame Rome,
inconveniences which he made the Romans undergo. ~
Befides, a plague raged in his camp, which was placed
in the midd of the ruins of the demolilhed city, his men
lying confufedly among the dead carcafes of the Ro¬
mans, whom they had (lain, and not buried. So great
a number of them died in one quarter of the city, that
it was afterwards called Bujla Gal/ica, or the place
where the dead bodies of the Gauls were burnt. But,
in the mean time, the Romans in the Capitol were
more pinched with want than the Gauls. :*They were
reduced to the lad extremity, and at the fame time ig¬
norant both of the lamentable condition to which the
enemy’s army w-as brought, and of the fteps Camillus
was taking to relieve them. That great general only
waited for a favourable opportunity to fall upon the
enemy ; but, in the mean time, fulFered them to pine
away in their infedled camp, not knowing the extreme
want the Romans endured in the Capitol, where they
wrere fo deftitute of all forts of provifions, that they
could no longer fubfift. Matters being brought to this"
fad pafs on both fides, the centinels of' the Capitol, and
thole of the enemy’s army, began to talk to one ano¬
ther of an accommodation. Their difeourfes came at
length to the ears of their leaders, who were not averfe
to the defign.
The fenate, not know-ing what was become of Camil¬
las, and finding themfelves hard pinched by hunger, re-
folved to enter upon a negotiation, and empowered Sul¬
pitius, one of the military tribunes, to treat with the
Gauls j who made no great difficulty in coming to
terms, they being no lefs defirous than the Romans to
put an end to the war. In a conference, therefore, be¬
tween Brennus and Sulpitius, an agreement w-as made, r,3
and fworn to. The Romans were to pay to the Gauls The Ro-
IOOO pounds weight of gold, that is, 45,000!. fterling jmans agree
and the latter were to raife the fiege of the Capitol,t0 Pay loco
and quit all the Roman territories. On the day ^p-
pointed, Sulpitius brought the fum agreed on, andtheirran-
Brennus the feales and weights ; for there were no goldfom.
or filver coins at that time, metals paffing only by
weight. We are told, that the weights of the Gauls
w-ere falfe, and their feales untrue } which Sulpitius
complaining of, Brennus, inftead of redrefling the in-
juftice, threw his fword and belt into the fcale where
the weights were ; and when the tribune alked him the
meaning of fo extraordinary a behaviour, the only an-
fwer he gave was, Vce victis ! “ Wo to the conquered !”
Sulpitius was fo dung with this haughty anfwer, that
he was for carrying the gold back into the Capitol, and
fuftaining the fiege to the lad extremity -, but others
thought it advifable to put up the affront, fince they had
fubmitted to a far greater one, which was to pay any
thing at all.
During thefe difputes of the Roman deputies among
themfelves and with the Gauls, Camillus advanced with
his army to the very gates of the city; and being there
informed of what was doing, he commanded the main
body to follow him flowly and in good order, while he,
with the choiceft of his men, haftened to the place of
the parley. The Romans, overjoyed at his unexpefted
arrival, opened to make room for him as the fupreme
magiftrate of the republic, gave him an account of the
treaty they had made with the Gauls, and complained
of the wrong Brennus did them in the execution of it.
T 2 They
ROM [ 148 ] ROM
Rome. They had fcarce done fpcaking, when Camillus cried
out> « Carry back this gold into the Capitol j and you,
CamiUus Gauls, retire with your fcales and weights. Rome
drives away mail not be redeemed with gold, but with iteel. Bren-
the Gauls, nus replied, That he contravened a treaty which was
concluded and confirmed with mutual oaths. “ Be it
fo (anfwered Camillus) •, yet it is of no force, having
been made by an inferior magiflrate, without the privi¬
ty or confent of the di&ator. I, who am inverted with
the fupreme authority over the Romans, declare the
contraft void.” At theie words Brenr.us Hew into a
rage ; and both fides drawing their [words, a confuied
fcuffle enfued among the ruins of the houfes, and in the
narrow lanes. The Gauls, after an inconiiderable lofs,
thought fit to retire within their camp ; wdiich they
abandoned in the night, not caring to engage Camil-
lus’s whole army, and, having marched eight miles, en¬
camped on the Gabinian way. Camillus purfued them
as foon as it was day, and, coming up with them, gave
them a total overthrow,. The Gauls, according to Li¬
vy, made but a faint refiftance, being diflieartened at the
*40 lofs they had furtained the day before. It w’as not,
The Gauls fays that author, fo much a battle as a flaughter. Ma-
entirely cut ny Qf Gauls were flain in the action, more in the
^ purfuit •, but the greater number were cut off, as they
wrandered up and down in the fields, by tbe inhabitants
of the neighbouring \’illages. In fhort, there wras not
one fingle Gaul left to carry to his countrymen the
news of this fatal cataftrophe. The camp of the barba¬
rians wras plundered } and Camillus, loaded with fpoils,
returned in triumph to the city, the foldiers in their
fongs ftvling him, Romulus, Rather of his country, and
Second founder of Rome.
As the houfes of Rome were all demolifhed, and the
walls razed, the tribunes of the people renewed, wdth
more wTarmth than ever, an old projeft which had occa-
fiioned great difputes. They had formerly propofed a
f 1 law for dividing the fenate and government between
Difputes the cities of Veii and Rome. Now this lawr wras revi-
about re- ved ; nay, moft of the tribunes wTere for entirely aban-
moying to ^on;ng t>,e}r old ruined city, and making Veii the foie
Tei1' feat of the empire. The people were inclined to favour
the projeft, Veii offering them a place fortified by art
and nature, good houfes ready built, a wholefome air,
and a fruitful territory. On the other hand, they had
no materials for rebuilding a whole city, were quite
• exhaufted by misfortunes, and even their ftvength was
greatly diminifhed. This gave them a reluftance to fo
great an undertaking, and emboldened the tribunes to
litter feditious harangues againft Camillus, as a man
too ambitious of being tbe rertorer of Rome. They
even infinuated that the name of Romulus, which had
been given him, threatened the republic with a new
king. But the fenate took the part of Camillus, and,
being defirous to fee Rome rebuilt, continued him,
contrary to cuftom, a full year in the office of diftator ;
during which time he made it his whole bufinefs to fup-
prefs the ffrong inclination of the people to remove
to Veii. Having affembled the curice, he expollulated
with them upon the matter ; and, by arguments drawn
from prudence, religion, and glory, prevailed upon them
to lay afide all thoughts of leaving Rome. As it w’as
■eceffary to have the refolution of the people confirmed
bV the lenate, the di&ator reported it to the confcript
father«j leaving every one at full liberty to vote as he
pleafed. While L. Lucretius, who was to give his Hoine.
opinion the firft, was beginning to ipeak, it happened
that a centurion, who with his company had been upon
guard, and wras then marching by the fenate houfe,
cried out aloud, “ Plant your colours, enfign j this is
the bert place to ftay in.” Thefe words were confider-
ed as dictated by the gods themfelves ; and Lucretius,
taking occafion from them to Vxrge the necertity of [lay¬
ing at Rome, “ An happy omen, (cried he) 5 I adore
the gods who gave it.” The whole fenate applauded
his words ^ and a decree was parted W'ithout oppefition
for rebuilding the city.
Though the tribunes of the people were defeated
by Camillus in this point, they refolved to exercife their
authority againft another patrician, who had indeed de-
ferved punilhment. This was (f. Fabius, who had vio¬
lated the law's of nations, and thereby provoked the
Gauls, and occafioned the burning of Rome. His
crime being notorious, he wTas fummoned by C. Mar¬
tins Rutilus before the affembly of the people, to an-
fwer for his conduft in his embaffy. The criminal had
reafon to fear the fevereft punifhment: but his relations
gave out that he died luddenly ; which generally hap¬
pened wrhen the accufed perfon had courage enough to
prevent his condemnation, and the fhame of a public T^2
punifhment. On tbe other hand, the republic gave Marcus
an houle fituated on the Capitol to M. Manlius, as a Manlius
monument of his valour, and of the gratitude of hisrewar^e<^*
fellow-citizens. Camillus clofed this year by laying
down his di&atorfhip : whereupon an interregnum en¬
fued, during which he governed the ftate alternately
wdth P. Cornelius Scipio j and it fell to his lot to prefide
at the eleftion of new magiftrates, when L. Valerius
Poplicola, .L. Virginius Tricoftus, P. Cornelius CofTus,
A. Manlius Capitolinus, L. iEmilius Mamercinus, and
L. Pofthumius Albinus, were chofen. The firit care
of thefe newT magirtrates wras to colleft all the ancient
monuments of the religion and civil laws of Rome
which could be found among the ruins of the demolilh-
ed city. The law's of the twelve tables, and fome of
the laws of the kings, had been written on brafs, and
fixed up in the forum ; and the treaties made with fe-
veral nations had been engraved on pillars erefted in
the temples. Pains were therefore taken to gather up
the ruins of thefe precious monuments ; and what could
not be found was fupplied by memory. The ponti-
fices, on their part, took care to re-eftablifti the reli¬
gious ceremonies, and made alio a lift of lucky and un¬
lucky days. _ _
And now the governors of the republic applied them- Clty
felves wholly to rebuild the city. Plutarch tells us, rebuilt,
that as the workmen were digging among the ruins of
the terqple of Mars, they found Romulus’s augural ftaff
untouched by the flames j and that this was looked
upon as a prodigy, from whence the Romans inferred
that their city would continue for ever. The expence
of building private houfes was partly defrayed out of
the public treafure. The sediles had the direction of tbe
works ; but they had fo little tafte for order or beauty,,
that the city, w'hen rebuilt, was even lefs regular than in
the time of Romulus. And though in Augufhis’s time,
when Rome became the capital of the known world,
the temples, palaces, and private houfes, were built in
a more magnificent manner than before ; yet even then
thefe new decorations did not re&ify the faults of the
Rome
the Ro
mans.
*45
Camillus
defeats the
ROM [i
plan upon which the city had been built after its firft
demolition.
\ ^e$rat Rome was fcarce reftored, v.7hen her citizens were
combina- alarmed by the news that all her neighbours were cona¬
tion againft bining to her deftruftion. The ^Equi, the Volfci, the
Hetrurians, and even her old friends the Latins and
the Hernici, entered into an alliance againlt her, in
hopes of opprefling her before flie had recovered her
ftrength. Thr republic, under this terror, nominated
Camillus didlator a third time. This great commander,
having appointed Servilius to be his general of horfe,
fummoned the citizens to take arms, without excepting
even the old men. He divided the new7 levies into three
bodies. The firit, under the command of A. Manlius,
he ordered to encamp under the walls of Rome ; the
fecond he fent into the neighbourhood of Veii 5 and
marched himfelf at the head of the third, to relieve the
tribunes, who w7ere clofely befleged in their camp by
the united forces of the Volfci and Latins. Finding the
enemy encamped near Lanuvium, on the declivity of the
hill Marcius, he ported himfelf behind it, and by light¬
ing fires, gave the diftrefled Romans notice of his arri¬
val. The Volfci and Latins, when they underftood that
Camillus was at the head of an army newly arrived,
were fo terrified, that they (hut themfelves up in their
camp, which they fortified with great trees cut down in
hafte. The diftator, obferving that this barrier was of
^oTfciVnd6 Sreeri wooch and that every morning there arofe a great
Latins wind, wrtiich blew full upon the enemy’s camp, formed
the defign of taking it by fire. With this view he or¬
dered one part of his army to go by break of day with
fire-brands to the windward fide of the camp, and the
other to make a brilk attack on the oppofite fide. By
this means the enemy were entirely defeated, and their
camp taken. Camillus then commanded his men to ex¬
tin guifh the flames, in order to fave the booty, with
which he rewarded his army. He then left his fon in
the camp to guard the prifoners •, and, entering the
country of the ALqui, made himfelf mafter of their capi¬
tal city Bola. From thence he marched againft the
Volfci-, whom he entirely reduced, after they had waged
w7ar with the Romans for the fpace of 107 years. Hav¬
ing fubdued this untra&able people, he penetrated into
Hetruria, in order to relieve Sutrium, a town in that
country in alliance with Rome, and befieged by a nu¬
merous army of Hetrurians. But, notwithflanding all
the expedition Camillus could ufe, he did not reach the
place before it had capitulated. The Sutrini, being
greatly diflrefled for -want of provifions, and exhaufted
with labour, had furrendered to the Hetrurians, who
had granted them nothing but their lives, and the
clothes on their backs. In this dertitute condition
they had left their own countrv, and were going in
fearch of new habitations, when they met Camillus lead¬
ing an army to their relief.
The unfortunate multitude no looner faw the Ro-
Hetruriats. mans, but they threw themfelves at the didlator’s feet,
who, moved at this melancholy fight, defired them to
take a little reft, and refrefh themfelves, adding, that
he would foon dry up their tears, and transfer their
forrows from them to their enemies. He imagined,
that the Hetrurians would be wholly taken up in plun¬
dering the city, without being upon their guard, or
obferving any difcipline. And herein he was not mif-
taken. The Hetrurians did not dream that the dic-
146
and the
49 ] R C M
tator could come fo fpeedily from fuch a diftance to Rome,
furprife them j and therefore were wholly employed in '—"■v—
plundering the houfes and carrying off the booty, or
tcafting on the provifions they had found in them.
Many of them were put to the fword, and an incredible
number made prifoners} and the city was reftored to its
ancient inhabitants, who had not waited in vain for the
performance of the dictator’s promife. And now, after
thefe glorious exploits, which were finiftied in fo (hort
a time, the great Camillus entered Rome in triumph a
third time.
Camillus having refigned his di£tatorrtiip, the repub¬
lic chofe fix new military tribunes, Q. OuinCtius, (^.
Servius, L. Julius, L. Aquilius, L. Lucretius, and Ser.
Sulpitius. During their adminiftration the country of
the jffiqui was laid wafte, in order to put it out of their
power to revolt anew ; and the two cities of Cortuofa
and Contenebra, in the lucumony of the Tarquinienfes,
were taken from the Hetrurians, and entirely demolilh-
ed. At this time it was thought proper ta repair the
Capitol, and add new works to that part of the hill
where the Gauls had endeavoured to fcale the citadel.
Thefe works were efteemed very beautiful, as Livy in¬
forms us, even in the time of Auguftus, after the city
was embelliftied with moft magnificent decorations.
And now7 Rome being reinftated in her former
flourirtiing condition, the tribunes of the people, who
had been for fome time quiet, began to renew their fe-
ditious harangues, and revive the old quarrel about the
divifion of the conquered land. The patricians had
appropriated to themfelves the Pomptiu territory lately
taken from the Volfci, and the tribunes laid hold of this
opportunity to raife new difturbances. But the citi¬
zens being fo drained of their money that they had not
enough left to cultivate new farms and ftock them with
cattle, the declamations of the tribunes made no impref-
fion upon their minds; fo that the project vanilhed.
As for the military tribunes, they owned that their
election had been defective j and, left the irregularities
of the former comitia fhould be continued in the fuc-
ceeding ones, they voluntarily laid down their office.
So that, after a fhort interregnum, during which M.
Manlius, Ser. Sulpitius, and L. Valerius Potitus, go¬
verned the republic, fix new military tribunes L. Papi-
rius, C. Sergius, L. JEmilius, L. Menenius, L. Vale¬
rius, and C. Cornelius, were chofen for the enfuing
year, which was fpent in works of peace. A temple,
which had been vowed to Mars during the war with
the Gauls, was built, and confecrated by T. Quincnus,
who prefided over the aftairs of religion. As there had
hitherto been but few Roman tribes beyond the Tiber
which had a right of fuffrage in the comitia, four new
ones were added, under the name of the Siel/aiina^ Tra-
montina, Sabatina, and Arnienjis; fo that the tribes were
now7 in all 25, which enjoyed the fame rights and privi¬
leges.
The expectation of an approaching war induced the Unbonded-
centuries to choofe Camillus one of the military tribunes power con¬
fer the next year. His colleagues were Ser. Cornelius ferred on]
£>. Servilius. L. Quinftius, L. Horatius, and P. Va-Camlllus,'
lerius. As all thefe were men of moderation, they
agreed to invert Camillus with the foie management of
affairs in time of war; and accordingly in full fenate
transferred all their power into his hands; fo that he
became in effeCl didator. It had been already deter¬
mined.
148
who gives
the Anti-
ates, &c. a
great de¬
feat.
149
His other
fuccefles.
R O M f 15.
mined in the fenate to turn the arms of the republic
againft the Hetruriap.s j but, upon advice that the An-
tiates had entered the Pomptin territory, and obliged
the Romans who had taken poffeflion of it to retire, h
was thought neceffary to humble them before the re¬
public engaged in any other enterprife. The Antiates
had joined the Latins and Hernici near Satiicum j fo
that the Romans, being terrified at their prodigious
numbers, (hewed themfelves very backward to engage :
which Camillus perceiving, he inifantly mounted his
horfe, and riding through all the ranks of the army,
encouraged them by a proper fpeech ; alter which he
difmounted, took the next llandard-bearer by the hand,
led him towards the enemy, and cried out, Soldiers, ad¬
vance. The foldiery were alhamed not to follow a ge¬
neral wrho expofed himfelf to the firft attack ; and there¬
fore, having made a great fhout, they fell upon the
enemy wdth incredible fury. Camillus, in order to in-
creafe their eagernefs dill more, commanded a ftandard
to be thrown into the middle of the enemy’s battalions;
which made the foldiers, who were fighting in the firft
ranks, exert all the refolution they could to recover it.
The Antiates, not being able any longer to make head
againft the Romans, gave way, and were entirely de¬
feated. The Latins and Hernici feparated from the
Volfci, and returned home. The Volfci, feeing them¬
felves thus abandoned by their allies, took refuge in the
neighbouring city of Satricum } which Camillus imme¬
diately invefted, and took by affault. The Volfci threw
down their arms, and furrendered at diferetion. He
then left his army under the command of Valerius; and
returned to Rome to folicit the confent of the fenate,
and to make the neceffary preparations for undertaking
the fiege of Antium.
But, while he was propofing this affair to the fe¬
nate, deputies arrived from Nepet and Sutrium, two ci¬
ties in alliance with Rome in the neighbourhood of He-
truria, demanding fuccours againft the Pletrurians,
who threatened to befiege thefe two cities, which were
the keys of Hetruria. Hereupon the expedition againft
Antium was laid afide, and Camillus commanded to
haften to the relief of the allied cities, with the troops
which Servilius had kept in readinefs at Rome in cafe
of an emergency. Camillus immediately fet out for the
new war \ and, upon his arrival before Sutrium, found
that important place not only befieged, but almoft ta¬
ken, the Hetrurians having made themfelves mafters of
tome of the gates, and gained poffeffion of all the ave¬
nue’s leading to the city. However, the inhabitants no
fooner heard that Camillus was come to their relief, but
they recovered their courage, and, by barricadoes made
in the ftreets, prevented the enemy from making them-
ielves mafters of the whole city. Camillus in the mean
time having divided his army into two bodies, ordered
Valerius to march round the walls, as if he defigned to
fcale them, while he with the other undertook to charge
the Hetrurians in the rear, force his wray into the city,
and tliut up the enemy between the befieged and his
troops. The Romans no fooner appeared but the He¬
trurians betook themfelves to a diforderly flight through
a gate which was not invefted. Camillus’s troops made
a dreadful flaughter of them within the city, while Va¬
lerius put great numbers of them to the fword without
the walls. From reconquering Sutrium, Camillus haf-
tened to the relief of Nepet. But that city being bet-
]
11 o M
ter affedfed to the Hetrurians than to the Remans, had
voluntarily fubmitted to the former. Wherefore Ca- v
millus, having invefted it with his whole army, took it
by affault, put all the Hetrurian foldiers without dif-
tindfion to the fword, and condemned the authors of
the revolt to die by the axes of the lidfors. Thus end¬
ed Camillus’s military tribunefhip, in which he acquired
no lei’s reputation than he had done in the moft glori¬
ous of his didfatoiftiips. ICO
In the following magiftracy of fix military tribunes, Ambition
a dangerous fedltion is laid to have taken place through
the ambition of Marcus Manlius, who had faved the '
capitol from the Gauls in the manner already related.
Though this man had pride enough to defpife all the
other great men in Rome, yet he envied Camillus, and
took every opportunity of magnifying his own exploits
beyond thofe of the didlator. But not finding fuch a
favourable reception from the nobility as he detired, he
concerted meafures with the tribunes of the people, and
ftrove to gain the affedtions of the multitude. Not con¬
tent with renewing the propofal for the diftfibution of
conquered lands, he alfo made himlelf an advocate for
infolvent debtors, of whom there was now a great num¬
ber as moft of the lower clafs had been obliged to
borrow money in order to rebuild their houfes. The
fenate, alarmed at this oppofition, created A. Cornelius
Ccffus didlator, for which the war with the Voitci af¬
forded them a fair pretence. Manlius, however, full
continued to inflame the people againft the patricians.
Befides the moft unbounded perfonal generofity, he held
affemblies at his own heufe (in the citadel), where he
confidently gave out that the fenators, not content with
being the poffeffors of thofe lands which ought to have
being equally divided among all the citizens, had con¬
cealed, with an intent to appropriate it to their own
ufe, all the gold which was to have been paid to the
Gauls, and which would alone be fnfficient to difeharge
the debts of all the poor plebeians ; and he moreover
promifed to (how in due time where this treafure was
concealed. For this affertion he was brought before
the didlator ; who commanded him to difeover where
the pretended treafure was, or to confels openly before
the whole affembly that he had tlandered the ienate.-—
Manlius replied, that the didlator himfelf, and the prin¬
cipal perfons in the fenate, could only give the proper
intelligence of this treafure, as they had been the moft
adlive in fecuring it. Upon this he was committed to
prifon j but the people made fuch difturbance, that the
fenate were foon after fain to releafe him. By this he
was emboldened to continue his former pradlices ; till at
laft the fenate gave an order to the military tribunes to
take care that the commonwealth fuffered no detriment
from the pernicious projedls of Marcus Manlius, and
even gave them authority to affaffmate him, if they
found it neceffary to to do. At la 11, however, he was
publicly accufed of afpiring to be king j however, the
people, it is faid, xvere fo ilruck with gratitude, on ac¬
count of his having delivered the capitol from the Gauls,
that they could not refolve to condemn him. But the
military tribunes, who, it feems, were bent on his de-
ftrudlion, having appointed the affembly to be held 151
without the city, there obtained their w ith. Manliusw!10 bron-
was thrown headlong- from the capitol itfelf: it was<ierfr,eci
o s B hiki execvi*
thenceforth decreed that no patrician thculd dwell mte(^
the capitol or citadeland the Manlian family refolved
that
Rom?.
152
War with
the Sam¬
mies.
It O M r 1
that no member of it Hiould ever afterwards bear the
^ prsenomen of Marcus. No fooner was Manlius dead,
however, than the people lamented his fate; and becauie
a plague broke out foon after, they imputed it to the
anger of the gods on account of the deftruftion of the
hero who had faved the i'tate (a).
The Romans, having notv triumphed over the Sabines,
the Etrurians, the Latins, the Heruici, the ./Equi, and
the Volfcians, began to look for greater conquefts.
They accordingly turned their arms agamil the Sam-
nites, a people about 100 m'les eaft from the city, de-
feended from the Sabines, and inhabiting a large tract
of foulhern Italy, which at this day makes a contider-
able part of the kingdom of Naples. Valerius Corvus
and Cornelius were the two confuls, to whofe care it
firlt fell to manage this dreadful contention between the
rival Rates.
Valerius was one of the greateft commanders of his
time he was furnamed Corvus, from a Itrange cir-
curaitance of being affiited by a crow in a bugle com¬
bat, in which he fought and ki-led a Gaul of a gigan¬
tic ftature. To his colleague’s care it was configned to
lead an army to Samnium, the enemy’s capital; while
Corvus was lent to relieve Capua, the capital of the
Campanians. The Samnites were the braveft men the
Romans had ever yet encountered, and the contention
between the two nations was managed on both fides
with the moft determined refolution. But the fortune
of Rome prevailed j the Samnites at length fled, aver¬
ring, that they were not able to withfland the fierce
looks and the fire darting eyes of the Romans. The
other conful, however, was not at firil io fortunate ;
for having unwarily led his army into a defile, he rvas
in danger of being cut off, had not Decius, a tribune
of the army, poffefied himfelf of a hill which com¬
manded the enemy : fo that the Samnites, being at¬
tacked on either fide, were defeated with great daugh¬
ter, no lefs than 30,000 of them being left dead upon
the field of battle.
Some time after this viclory, the foldiers -who were
Rationed at Capua mutinying, forced Quintius, an old
and eminent foidier, "who was then refiding in the coun¬
try, to be their leader ^ and, conduced by their rage
more than their, general, came within eight miles of
the city. So terrible an enemy, almoft at the gates,
not a little alarmed the fenate ; who immediately created
Valerius Corvus dictator, and fent him forth with ano¬
ther army to oppofe them. The two armies were now
drawn up againfl each other, while fathers and fons be¬
held themfelves preparing to engage in oppofite caufes;
but Corvus, knowing his influence among the foldiery,
inftead of going forward to meet the mutineers in an
hoftile manner, went with the moft cordial friendftiip
to embrace and expoftulate with his old acquaintances.
His conduft had the defired effeft. Quintius, as their
fpeaker, only defired to have their defeftion from their
duty forgiven j and as for himfelf, as he was innocent
5r ] R O M
of their confpiracy, he had no reafon to folicit pardon Rome;
for his offences. u—•v—
A war between the Romans and the Latins followed
foon after j but as their habits, arms, and language,
were the fame, the moil exact difeipline was necefi’ary
to prevent confufion in the engagement. Orders,
therefore, were illued by Pvlanlius the conful, that no
loldier fhould leave his ranks upon whatever provoca¬
tion j and that he thould be certainly put to death who
fhould offer to do otherwife. With thefe injunctions,
both armies were drawn out in array, and ready to be¬
gin } when Metius, the general of tire enemy’s cavalry,,
pufhed forward from his lines, and challenged any
knight in the Roman army to fingie combat. For fome-
time th re was a general paufe, no foidier offering to
difobey ins orders, till Titus Manlius, the conful’s own
fon, burning with flaame to fee the whole body of the
Romans intimidated, boldly tallied out againlt his ad-
verfaty. The ioldiers on both fides for a while fufpend-
ed the general engagement to be fpeClators of this.,
fierce encounter. Manlius killed his adverfary ; and
then defpoiling him of his armour, returned in triumph
to his father’s tent, where he was preparing and giving;
orders relative to the engagement. Howfoever he
might have been applauded by his fellow-foldiers, being
as yet doubtful of the reception he thould find from his
father, he came, with hefitalion, to lay the enemy’s
fpoils at his feet, and with a modeft air infinuated, that
what he did was entirely from a fpirit of hereditary vir¬
tue. But he was foon dreadfully made fenfible of his
error, when his father, turning away, ordered him to
be led publicly forth before the army, and there to
have his head ftruck off on account of his difobeying
orders. The whole army was ftruck with horror at
this unnatural mandate : fear for a while kept them in
fufpenfe j but when they faw their young champion’s
head ftruck off, and his blood ffreaming upon the
ground, they could no longer contain their execrations
and their groans. His dead body was carried forth
without the camp, and being adorned with the fpoils of
the vanquifhed enemy, was buried with all the pomp of
military diffrefs.
In the mean time, the battle joined with mutual ^ b'^c|v
fury; and as the two armies had often fought under battle with,
the fame leaders, they combated with all the animo- the Latins,
fity of a civil war. The Latins chiefly depended on
their bodily flrength ; the Romans, on their invincible
courage and conduCl. Forces fo nearly matched feem-
ed only to require the proteCb’on of their deities to turn .
the fcale of viClory ; and, in faCl, the augurs had fore¬
told, that whatever part of the Roman army {hould be
diftreffed, the commander of that part fhould devote
himfelf for his country, and die as a facrifice to the im¬
mortal gods. Manlius commanded the right wing, and
Decius led on the left. Both fides fought for fome time
with doubtful fuccefs, as their courage was equal; but,
after a time, the left wing of the Roman army began to.
give
(a) The above accounts are exa£lly conformable to what is to be found in the beft Latin hiflories ; neverthelefs-
they are far from being reckoned univerfally authentic. Mr Hooke, in his annotations on the death of M. Man--
Jius, has given very ftrong reafons againfl; believing either that Camillus refeued the gold from the Gauls, or that-
Manlius was condemned. See Hooke's Roman Hiftory, vol. ii. p. 3-26, et feq.
Rome.
TS4
who are
-totally de¬
feated and
ftibdued.
ROM [ 152 ] ROM
give ground. It. was then that Deems, who command¬
ed there, refolved to devote himfelf for his country, and
to oiler his own life as an atonement to fave his army.
Thus determined, he called out to Manlius with a loud
voice, and demanded his initruftions, as he was the chief
pontiff, how to devote himfelf, and the form of the
words he fhould ufe. By his diredtioils, therefore, be¬
ing clothed in a long robe, his head covered, and his
arms llretched forward, Handing upon a javelin, he de*
voted himfelf to the celeftial and infernal gods for the
fafety of Rome. Then arming himfelf, and mounting
on horfeback, he drove furioufly into the midlt of the
enemy, carrying terror and conflernation wherever he
came, till he fell covered with w7ounds. In the mean
time, the Roman army confidered his devoting himfelf
in this manner as an affurance of fuccefs; nor was the
fuperftition of the Latins lefs powerfully influenced by
his refolution ; a total rout began to enfue : the Ro¬
mans prefled them on every fide 5 and fo great was the
carnage, that fcarce a fourth part of the enemy furvived
the defeat. This w'as the lafl: battle of any confequence
that the Latins had with the Romans : they were forced
to beg a peace upon hard conditions j and two years
after, their ftrongeft city, Paedum, being taken, they
were brought under an entire fubmiflion to the Roman
powrer.
A fignal difgrace which the Romans fuftained about
this time in their conteft with the Samnites, made a
paufe in their ufual good fortune, and turned the fcale
for a while in the enemy’s favour. The fenate having
denied the Samnites peace, Pontius their general was
refolved to gain by ftratagem wflrat he had frequently
loft by force. Accordingly, leading his army into a
defile called Claudium, and taking pofleflion of all its
outlets, he fent 10 of his foldiers, habited like (hepherds,
with dire&ions to throw themfelves in the way the Ro¬
mans were to march. The Roman conful met them,
and taking them for what they appeared, demanded the
route the Samnite army had taken j they, wfith feeming
indifference, replied, that they were gone to Luceria, a
town in Apulia, and W'ere then aftually befieging it.
The Roman general, not fufpe&ing the ftratagem that
wras laid againft him, marched dire&ly by the fhorteft
road, w’hich lay through the defiles, to relieve the city *,
and was not undeceived till he faw his army furrounded,
and blocked up on every fide. Pontius thus having the
Romans entirely in his power, firft obliged the army to
pafs under the yoke, having been previoufly ftvipped of
all but their garments j he then ftipulated that they
fhould wholly quit the territories of the Samnites, and
that they fhould continue to live upon terms of former
confederacy. The Romans wrere conftrained to fubmit
to this ignominious treaty, and marched into Capua dif-
armed and half naked. When the army arrived at
Rome, the whole city was moft furprifingly afftiffed at
their fhameful return •, nothing but grief and refentment
Wras to be feen, and the whole city was put into mourning.
But this was a tranfitory calamity : the w’ar was car¬
ried on as ufual for many years ; the power of the
Samnites declining every day, w'hile that of the Ro¬
mans continually increafed. Under the conduct of Pa-
pirius Curfor, who wTas at different times conful and
dictator, repeated triumphs were gained. Fabius Maxi¬
mus alfo had his fhare in the glory of conquering them •,
and Decius, the fon of that Decius whom we faw de-
1
voting himfelf for lus country about 40 years before, Rome,
followed the example of his father, and ruftied into theu^vr*w
midft of the enemy, imagining that he could lave the
lives of his countrymen w ith the lofs of his own.
The fuccefs of the Romans againft the Samnites Pyrrj,us
alarmed all Italy. The Tarentines in particular, whoging of
had long plotted underhand againft the republic, now Epirus in-
openly declared themfelves j and invited into Italy j'ltoi ^
Pyrrhus king of Epirus, in hopes of being able by
his means to fubdue the Romans. The offer was rea¬
dily accepted by that ambitious monarch, who had no¬
thing lefs in view than the conqueft of all Italy 
Their attibaffadors carried magnificent prefents for the
king, with inftruftions to acquaint him, that they only
W'anted a general of fame and experience •, and that, as
for troops, they could themfelves furnilh a numerous
army of 20,000 horfe and 350,000 foot, made up of
Lucanians, Meflapians, Samnites, and Tarentines. As
foon as the new s of this deputation were brought to the
Roman camp, ALmilius, who had hilherto made war on
the Tarentines but gently, in hopes of adjufling mat-
ters by way of negociation, took other meafures, and
began to commit all forts of hoftilities. He took ci¬
ties, ftormed caftles, and laid the whole country w'afte,
burning and deftroying all before him. The Taren-
tincs brought their army into the field ; but ALmilius
foon obliged them to take refuge within their walls.
How'ever, to induce them to lay afide the defign of re¬
ceiving Pyrrhus, he ufed the prifoners he had taken
with great moderation, and even font them back with¬
out ranfom. Thefe highly extolled the generofity of
the conful, infomuch that many of the inhabitants were
brought over to the Roman party, and they all began
to repent of their having rejefted a peace and fent for
Pyrrhus.
But, in the mean time, the Tarentine ambaffadors;
arriving in Epirus, purfuant to the powers they had
received, made an abfolute treaty with the king; who
immediately fent before him the famous Cyneas, wfith
3000 men, to take poffeflion of the citadel of Taren-
tum. This eloquent minifter foon found means to de-
pofe Agis, whom the Tarenlines had chofen to4be their
general and the governor of the city, though a fincere
friend to the Romans. He likewife prevailed upon the
Tarentines to deliver up the citadel into his hands *,
which he no fooner got poffeflion of, than he difpatched
meffengers to Pyrrhus, foliciting him to haften his de¬
parture for Italy. In the mean time, the conful Ai-
milius, finding that he could not attempt any thing with
fuccefs againft the Tarentines this campaign, refolved
to put his troops into winter quarters in Apulia, which
was not far from the territory of Tarentum, that was
foon to become the feat of the war. As he was obli¬
ged to pafs through certain defiles, w'ith the fea on one
fide and high hills on the other, he was there attacked
by the Tarentines and Epirots from great numbers of
barks fraught with balifise (that is, engines for^throw¬
ing ft ones of a vaft weight), and from the hills, on
which were polled a great many archers and flingers.
Hereupon AEmilius placed the Tarentine prifoners be¬
tween him and the enemy \ which the Tarentines per¬
ceiving, foon left off molefling the Romans, out of com-
paftion to their own countrymen 5 fo that the Romans
arrived fafe in Apulia, and there took up their winter-
quarters.
The
Home.
*56
Pyrrhus
ROM [ ;
The next year Emilias was continued in the com¬
mand of his own troops, with the title ofproconful; and
was ordered to make war upon the Valentines, who had
declared for the Tarentines. The prelent exigence of
affairs obliged the Romans to enlilt the proletarii, who
were the meaneft ox the people, and therefore by way
of contempt called prole tarn, as being thought inca¬
pable of doing the date any other fervice than that of
peopling the city, and Rocking the republic with i’ubjects.
Hitherto they had never been fuffeted to bear arms ;
but were now, to their great fatisfaftion, enrolled as v eil
as others. In the mean time Pyrrhus arrived at Taren-
tum, having narrowly efcaped ihipwreck ; and bung
conducted into the city by his faithful Cyneas, was re
ceived there with loud acclamations.
The Tarentines, who were entirely devoted to their
Tirentines P^dires, expe&ed that he ihould take all the fatigues
to* learn the ^ the war on himfelf, and expofe only his Epirots to
art of war. danger. And indeed Pyrrhus for fome days diffembled
his defigo, and iuffered the Tarentines to indulge with¬
out reftraint in their ufual diverlions. But his fhips,
which had been difperfed all over the Ionian fea, arri¬
ving one after another, and With them the troops which
he had put on board at Epirus, he began to reform the
dilbrders that prevailed in the city. The theatre was
the place to wdrich the idle Tai-entines refolded daily in
great numbers, and where the incendiaries ftirred up the
people to fedition with their harangues : he therefore
caufed it to be fhut up, as he did likewife the public
gardens, porticoes, and places of exercife, -where the in¬
habitants ufed to entertain themfelves with news, and
fpeak with great freedom of their governors, cenfuring
their conduct, and fettling the government according to
their different humours, which occafioned great divi-
iions, and rent the city into various fa&ions. As they
were a very voluptuous and indolent people, they fpent
whole days and nights in feafls, mafquerades, plays, &.c.
Tbefe, therefore, Pyrrhus abfolutely prohibited, as no
ids dangerous than the alfemblies of prating politicians.
They were utter Grangers to military exercifes, and the
art of handling arms; but Pyrrhus having caufed an ex-
ad: regifter to be made of all the young men who were
fit for war, picked out the ftrongeft amongfl them, and
incorporated them among his own troops, faying, that
he would take it upon himfelf to give them courage.
He exercifed them daily for feveral hours ; and on that
occafion behaved with an inexorable feverity, infliding
exemplary punifhment on fuch as did not attend or fail¬
ed in their duty. By thefe wife meafures he prevented
feditions among the citizens, and inured their youth to
military difcipline *, and becaufe many, who had not been
accuftomed to fuch feve.rity and rigour, withdrew from
their native country, Pyrrhus, by a public proclamation,
declared all thofe capitally guilty who fliould attempt to
abandon their country, or abfent themfelves from the
common mufters.
The Tarentines, being now fenfible that Pyrrhus was
determined to be their mafter, began loudly to complain
of his conduft ; but he, being informed of whatever paf-
fed among them by his fpies, who infinuated themfelves
into all companies, privately difpatched the moft faftious,
and fent thofe whom he fufpefted, under various pre¬
tences, to his fon’s court in Epirus.
In the mean time, P. Valerius Laevinus, the Roman
conful, entering the country of the Lucanians, who
were in alliance with the Tarentines, committed great
Vol. XVIII. Part I.
S3 1 ROM
ravages there j and having taken and fortified one of Rr me.
their caftles, waited in that neighbourhood for Pyrrhus. —
The king, though he had not yet received any luccours
from tne Samnites, Meffapians, and other allies of the
Tarentines, thought it highly diihonuurable to continue
Ihut up in a city, while the Romans were ravaging the
country of his friends. He therefore took the field with
the troops he had brought with him from Epirus, lome
recruits oi Tarentum, and a imall numoer of Italians.
But before he oegan holtiluies, he wrote a letter to Lae-
vinus, commanding him to dilband his army j and on
his refufiii, immediately inarched towards thofe parts
where Lsevinus was waiting for him. The Romans were
encamped on the hither fide of the river Siris 5 and
Pyrrhus appearing on the oppofite bank, made it his firlt
bufinefs to reconnoitre the enemy’s camp in perfon, and
fee what appearance they made. With this view he
crofted the river, attended by Megacles, one of his offi¬
cer^ and chief favourites j and having obferved the con-
lul’s intrenchments, the manner in which he had polled
his advanced guard'-, and the good order of his camp,
he was greatly furprifed j and addrefling Megacles,
“ Thefe people (laid he) are not luch barbarians as we
take them to be : let us try them before we condemn
them.” On his return, he changed his refolution of at¬
tacking them *, and, (hutting himfelf up in his intrench¬
ments, waited for the arrival of the confederate troops.
In the mean time, he polled Itrong guards along the
river, to prevent the enemy from pafliug it, and conti¬
nually fent out fccuts to ditcover the deligns, and watch
the motions of the conful. Some of thele being taken
by the advanced guards of the Romans, the conful him¬
felf led them through his camp, and having (hewed
them his army, fent them back to the king, telling
them, that he had many other troops to ftiow them in
due time. ^
Laevinus being determined to draw the enemy to a His fiift
battle before Pyrrhus received the reinforcements he battle witlv
expected, having harangued his troops, marched to the t*ie
banks of the Siris ; and there drawing up his infantry lRans*
in battalia, ordered the cavalry to file oil', and march a
great way about, in order to find a pafiage at fome place
not defended by the enemy. Accordingly, they palled
the river without being obierved ; and falling upon the
guards which Pyrrhus had polled on the banks over-
againft the confular army, gave the infantry an oppor¬
tunity of crofling the river on bridges which Laevi us
had prepared for that purpofe. But before they got
over, Pyrrhus, hallening from his camp, which was at
fome dillance from the river, hoped to cut the Roman
army in pieces while they were difordered with the dif¬
ficulties of palling the river, and climbing up the deep
banks ; but the cavalry covering the infantry, and Hand¬
ing between them and the Epirots, gave them time to
form themfelves on the banks of the river. On the
other hand, Pyrrhus drew up his men as fall as they
came from the camp, and performed fuch deeds of va¬
lour, that the Romans thought him worthy of the great
reputation he had acquired.
As the cavalry alone had hitherto engaged, Pyrrhus,
who confided moll in his infantry, haftened back to the
camp, in order to bring them to the charge •, but took
two precautions before he began the attack : the firlt
was, to ride through the ranks, and fliow himfelf to the
whole army ; for his horfe having been killed under him
in the firft onfet, a report had been fu re ad that he was
U Ham;
II O M
,[ 154 ]
ROM
Home.
tsS
The Ro¬
mans de¬
le ate d.
flain: the iecond was, to change his habit and helmet
with Megacles •, for having been known in the engage¬
ment of the horfe by the richnefs of his attire and ar¬
mour, many of the Homans had aimed at him in par¬
ticular, fo that he was with the utmoft difficulty taken
and faved, after his horfe had been killed under him.
Thus difguifed, he led his phalanx* againft the Roman
legions, and attacked them with incredible fury. Lse-
vinus fuftained the fhock with great refolution, fo that
the victory was for many hours warmly difputed. The
Romans gave feveral times way to the Epirots, and the
Epirots to the Romans 5 but both parties rallied again,
and were brought back to the charge by their com¬
manders. Megacles, in the attire and helmet of Pyr¬
rhus, was in all places, and well fupported the charac¬
ter he had affumed. But his diiguife at laft proved
fatal to him : for a Roman knight, by name Dexter,
taking him for the king, followed him wherever he
went; and having found an opportunity of difcharging
a blow at him, ftruck him dead on the fpot, ftripped
him of his helmet and armour, and carried them in tri¬
umph to the conful, who, by ihowing to the Epirots the
fpoils of their king, fo terrified them, that they began
to give ground. But Pyrrhus, appearing bare-headed
in the firlt files of his phalanx, and riding through all
the lines, undeceived his men, and infpired them with
new courage.
The advantage feemed to be pretty equal on both
fides, when Lsevinus ordered his cavalry to advance j
which Pyrrhus obferving, drew up 20 elephants in the
front of his army, with towers on their backs full of
bowmen. The very fight of thofe dreadful animals
chilled the bravery of the Romans, who had never be¬
fore feen any. However, they Hill advanced, till their
horfes, not being able to bear the fmell of them, and
frightened at the ftrange noife they made, either threw
their riders, or carried them on full fpeed in fpite of
their utmoft efforts. In the mean time, the archers,
difcharging (bowers of darts from the towers, wounded
feveral of the Romans in that confufion, while others
were trod to death by the elephants. Notwithftanding
the diforder of the cavalry, the legionaries (till kept
their ranks, and could not be broken, till Pyrrhus at¬
tacked them in perfon at the head of the Theffalian
horfe. The onfet was fo furious, that they were forced
to yield, and retire in diforder. The king of Epirus
refirained the ardour of his troops, and w’ould not fuf-
fer them to purfue the enemy : an elephant, which had
been wrounded by a Roman foldier named Minucius,
having caufed a great diforder in his army, this acci¬
dent favoured the retreat of the Romans, and gave
them time to repafs the river, and take refuge in Apu¬
lia. The Epirot remained mafter of the field, and had
the pleafure to fee the Romans fly before him : but the
victory coft him dear, a great number of his beft offi¬
cers and foldiers having been flain in the battle; whence
lie was heard to fay after the aftion, that he was both
conqueror and conquered, and that if he gained fuch
another victory, he fliould be obliged to return to Epi¬
rus alone.
His firft care after the aftion was to bury the dead,
with which the plain was covered ; and herein he
made no diftimffion between the Romans and his own
Epirots. In viewing the bodies of the former, he ob-
ferved, that Rone of them had received diihonourable
wounds •, that they had all fallen in the pofls affigned Rome,
them, (till held their fwords in their hands, and (how-
ed, even after death, a certain martial air and fierce-
nefs in their faces; and on this occafion it was that he
uttered thofe famous words : “ O that Pyrrhus had the
Romans for his foldiers, or the Romans Pyrrhus for their
leader ! together, we (hould iubdue the whole world.”
The king of Epirus underftood the art ot war too pyrjpf15 r(N
w-ell not to reap what advantage he could from his vie- ducts leve-
tory. Pie broke into the countries in alliance with the raitowns.
Romans, plundered the lands of the republic, and made
incurfions even into the neighbourhood of Rome. Ma¬
ny cities opened their gates to him, and in a fliort time
he made himfelf mafter of the greateft part of Campa¬
nia. While he was in that fruitful province, fublitting
his troops there at the expence of the Romans, he was
joined by the Samnites, Lucanians, and Meffapians,
wbom he had (b long expebled. After having re¬
proached them for their delay, he gave them a good
(hare of the fpciis he had taken from the enemy j and
having by this means gained their affeftions, he march¬
ed without lols of time to lay fiege to Capua : but Las-
vinus, having already received a reinforcement of two
legions, threw fome troops into the city j which obliged
Pyrrhus to drop his defign, and, leaving Capua, to
march ftraight to Naples. Lsevinus followed him, ha-
raffing his troops on their march ; and at length, by
keeping his army in the neighbourhood, forced him to
give over all thoughts of making himlelf mafter of that
important city. The king then, all on a fudden, took
his route towards Rome by the Latin wray, furprifed
Fregellae, and, marching through the country of the
Hernici, fat down before Praenefte. There, from the
top of a hill, he had the pleaiure of feeing Rome j and
is faid to have advanced fo near the walls, that he drove
a cloud of duft into the city. But he was foon forced
to retire by the other conful T. Coruncanius, who,
having reduced Hetruria, was juft then returned with
his vidftorious army to Rome. The king of Epirus,
therefore, having no hopes of bringing the Hetrurians
into his intereft, and feeing two confular armies ready
to fall upon him, raifed the fiege of Praenefte, and
haftened back into Campania j where, to his great fur-
prife, he found Laevinus with a more numerous army
than that which he had defeated on the banks of the
Siris. The conful w7ent to meet him, with a defign
to try the fate of another battle ; which Pyrrhus be¬
ing unwilling to decline, drew up his army, and, to
ftrike terror into the Roman legions, ordered his men
to beat their bucklers with their lances, and the lead¬
ers of the elephants to force them to make a hideous
noife. But the noife was returned with fuch an univer-
fal (bout by the Romans, that.Pyrrhus, thinking fo much
alacrity on the part of the vanquished too fure a progno-
ftic of victory, altered his mind ; and, pretending that
the auguries wTere not favourable, retired to Tarentum,
and put an end to the campaign. 1(j0
While Pyrrhus continued quiet at Tarentum, he He inclines
had time to refleCk on the valour and conduft ©f the to peace.
Romans •, which made him conclude, that the war in
w'hich he was engaged muft end in his ruin and dif-
grace, if not terminated by an advantageous peace.
He was therefore overjoyed when he heard that the
fenate bad determined to fend an honourable embaffy
to him, not doubting but their errand was to propofe
terma
U O M [ 155 1 ROM
terms of peace. The ambafladors were three men of
diftinguiihed merit p to wit, Cornelius Dolabella, who
was famous for the iignal victory he had gained over
the Senones, Fabricius, and ^Emilius Pappus, who had
been his colleague in the confulate two years before.
When they were admitted to an audience, the only
thing they demanded was a furrender of the prifon-
ers, either by the way of exchange, or at fuch a ran-
fom as (hould be agreed on ; for Pyrrhus, in the late
battle, had made 1800 prifoners, moft of them Ro¬
man knights and men of diftinction in the republic.
They had fought with great bravery, till their horfes,
frightened with the roaring of the king’s elephants,
had either thrown them, or obliged them to difmount j
by which unforefeen accident they had fallen into the
enemy’s hands. The fenate, therefore, pitying the
condition of thofe brave men, had determined, con¬
trary to their cuttom, to redeem them. Pyrrhus was
greatly furprifed and difappointed when he found that
they had no other propofals to make $ but, concealing
his thoughts, he only anfwered, that he would confider
of it, and let them know his refolution. Accordingly,
he affembled his council : but his chief favourites were
divided in their opinions. Milo, who commanded in
the citadel of Tarentum, was for coming to no compo-
lition with the Romans ; but Cyneas, who knew his ma-
fier’s inclination, propofed not only fending back the
prifoners without ranfom, but difpatching an embaffy to
Rome to treat with the fenate of a lading peace. His
advice was approved, and he himfelf appointed to go on
that embaffy. After tbefe refolutions, the king ac¬
quainted the ambaffadors, that he intended to releafe
the prifoners without ranfom, fince he had already rich¬
es enough, and defired nothing of the republic but her
friendihip. Afterwards he had feveral conferences with
Fabricius, whofe virtue he had tried with mighty offers
of riches and grandeur *, but finding him proof againft
all temptations, he refolved to try whether his intrepi¬
dity and courage were equal to his virtue. With this
view, he caufed an elephant to be placed behind a cur¬
tain in the hall where he received the Roman ambaffa-
dor. As Fabricius had never feen one of thofe beafts,
the king, taking a turn or two in the hall with him,
brought him within the elephant’s reach, and then caufed
the curtain to be drawn all on a fudden, and that mon-
ftrous animal to make his ufual noife, and even lay his
trunk on Fabricius’s head. But the intrepid Roman,
without betraying the leaft fear or concern, “ Does the
great king (faid he, with furprifing calmnefs), who
could not ftagger me with his offers, think to frighten
me with the braying of a beaft ?” Pyrrhus, aftoniihed
at his immovable conftancy, invited him to dine with
him •, and on this occafion it was, that the converfation
turning upon the Epicurean philofophy, Fabricius made
that celebrated exclamation, “ O that Pyrrhus, both
for Rome’s fake and his own, had placed his happinefs
in the boafied indolence of Epicurus.”
Every thing Pyrrhus heard or faw of the Romans in-
creafed his earnelinefs for peace. He fent for the three
ambaffadors, releafed 200 of the prifoners without ran¬
fom, and fuffered the reft, on their parole, to return to
Rome to celebrate the Saturnalia, or feafts of Saturn,
in their own families. Having by this obliging behavi¬
our gained the good-will of the Roman ambaffadors, he
fent Cyneas to Rome, almoft at the fame time that they
left Tarentum. The inftru&ions he gave this faithful Rome,
minifter, were, to bring the Romans to grant tbefe three
articles : 1. That the Tarentines Ihould be included in
the treaty made with the king of Epirus. 2. That the
Greek cities in Italy fhould be fuffered to enjoy their
laws and liberties. 3. That the republic fhould reftore
to the Safnnites, Lucanians, and Bruttians, all the pla¬
ces ftie had taken from them. Upon thefe conditions/
Pyrrhus declared himfelf ready to forbear all further ho-
ftilities, and conclude a lafting peace. With thefe in-
ftru&ions Cyneas fet out for Rome ; where, partly by
his eloquence, partly by rich prefen ts to the fen atom
and their wives, he foon gained a good number of voices.
When he was admitted into the fenate, he made a ha¬
rangue worthy of a difciple of the great Demofthenes ;
after which, he read the conditions Pyrrhus propofed,
and, with a great deal of eloquence, endeavouring to
fliow the reaforaablenefs and moderation of his matter’s
demands, afked leave for Pyrrhus to come to Rome to
conclude and fign the treaty. The fenators were gene¬
rally inclined to agree to Pyrrhus’s terms 5 but never •
thelefs, as feveral fenators were abfent, the determina
tion of the affair was poftponed to the next day ; when
Appius Claudius, the greateft orator and moft learned
civilian in Rome, old and blind as he was, caufed himfelf ifVr
to be carried to the fenate, where he had not appeared The Ro-
for many years*, and there, partly by his eloquence,mansre!“
partly by his authority, fo prepoft'effed the minds of the101^'1'
fenators againft the king of Epirus, and the conditions
he offered, that, when he had done fpeaking, the con-
feript fathers unanimoufly paffed a decree, the fubftance
of which was, That the war with Pyrrhus ftiould be
continued 5 that his ambaffador fhould be fent back that
very day $ that the king of Epirus fliould not be per¬
mitted to come to Rome; and that they fhould ac¬
quaint his ambaffador, that Rome would enter into
no treaty of peace with his matter till he had left
Italy.
Cyneas, furprifed at the anfwer given him, left Rome,
the fame day, and returned to Tarentum, to acquaint
the king with the final refolution of the fenate. Pyr¬
rhus would have willingly concluded a peace with them
upon honourable terms ; but, as the conditions they of¬
fered were not by any means confiftent with the reputa¬
tion of his arms, he began, without iofs of time, to make
all due preparations for the next campaign. On the
other hand, the Romans having raifed to the confulate
P. Sulpicius Saverrio, and P. Decius Mus, difpatched
them both into Apulia, where they found Pyrrhus en¬
camped near a little town called Afculum. There the
confuls, joining their armies, fortified themfelves a't the
foot of the Apennines, having between them and the
enemy a large deep ftream which divided the plain.
Both armies continued a great while on the oppofite
banks, before either ventured to pafs over to attack the
other. The Epirots allowed the Romans to crofs the
ftream, and draw up on the plain. On the other hand,
Pyrrhus placed his men likewife in order of battle in the
fame plain ; and all the ancients do him the juftice to
fay, that no commander ever underftood better the art
of drawing up an army and direffing its motions. In l5i
the right wing he placed his Epirots and the "Samnites *,
in his left the Lucanians, Bruttians, and Salentines *,
and his phalanx in the centre. The centre of the Ro¬
man army confifted of four legions, which were to ■eft-
U 2 gage
ROM [ 156 ] ROM
Rome, gage the enemy’s phalanx on their wings <vere polled
  1 the light-armed auxiliaries and the Roman horle. The
confuls, in order to guard their troops againft the fury
of the elephants had prepared chariots, armed with
long points of iron in the drape of forks, and filled
with foldiers carrying firebrands, which they were di¬
rected to throw at the elephants, and by that means
frighten them, and fet their wooden towers on fire.
Thefe chariots were polled over-againft the king’s
elephants, and ordered net to ftir till they entered up¬
on aCtion. To this precaution the Roman generals add¬
ed another, which was, to direCt a body of Apulians to
attack Pyrrhus’s camp in the heat of the engagement,
in order to force it, or at lead: to draw off part of the
enemy’s troops to defend it. At length the attack be¬
gan, both parties being pretty equal in number 5 for
each of them confided of about 40,000 men. The pha¬
lanx fudained, for a long time, the furious onfet of the
legions with incredible bravery : but at length being
forced to give way, Pyrrhus commanded his elephants
to advance, but not on the dde where the Romans had
poded their chariots ; they marched round, and, falling
upon the Roman horfe, foon put them into confudon.
Then the phalanx, returning with fredi courage to the
charge, made the Roman legions in their turn give
ground. On this occadon Decius was killed, fo that
one conful only was left to command the two Roman
armies. But while all things feemed to favour Pyrrhus,
the body of Apulians which we have mentioned above,
falling unexpectedly on the camp of the Epirots, obli¬
ged the king to difpatch a drong detachment to defend
his intrenchments. Upon the departure of thefe tioops,
fbme of the Epirots, imagining that the camp was ta¬
ken, began to lofe courage, and retire ; thole who were
next to them followed their example, and in a drort
time the whole army gave w-ay. Pyrrhus having at¬
tempted feveral times in vain to rally his forces, return¬
ed to the charge with a fmall number of his friends and
i63 the mod courageous of his odicers. With thefe he fu-
defeated da'ned the fury of the victorious legions, and covered
and dan- ^ie retreat of his own men. But being, after a mod
geroufly gallant behaviour, dangeroudy wrounded, he retired at
wounded. lafj; with his fmall band in good order, leaving the Ro¬
mans matters of the field. As the fun "was near fetting,
the Romans, being extremely fatigued, and a great
number of them wounded, the conful Sulpicius, not
thinking it advifable to purfue the enemy, founded a re¬
treat, repaffed the dream, and brought his troops back
to the camp. Sulpicius appeared in the field of battle
the next day, with a defign to bring the Epirots to a
fecond engagement j but finding they had withdrawn
in the night to Tarentum, he likewife retired, and put
his troops into winter-quarters in Apulia.
Both armies continued quiet in their quarters during
winter *, but early in the fpring took the field anew.—
The Romans were commanded this year by two men of
great fame, whom they had raifed to the confulate the
fecond time : thefe were the celebrated C. Fabricius and
O. iEmilius Pappus j who no fooner arrived in Apulia,
than they led their troops into the territory of Taren-
tum. Pyrrhus, who had received confiderable rein¬
forcements from Epirus, met them near the frontiers,
and encamped at a fmall dittance from the Roman army.
While the confuls were waiting here for a favourable
opportunity to give battle, a meffenger from Nicias, the
king’s phyfician, delivered a letter to Fabricius 5 where- Rome,
in the traitor offered to take off his matter by poifon,t|rv—*
provided the cenful would promife him a reward proper- T, ^ ^ ,
tionable to the greatnefs of the fervice. The virtuous phyfician
Roman, being filled with horror at the bare propofal ofoftersto
fuch a crime, immediately communicated the affair toP0^011 h;tn,
his colleague j who readily joined with him in writingljut 15
a letter to Pyrrhus, wherein they warned him, without ^
difeovering the criminal, to take care of himfelf, and mans,
be upon his guard againrt the treacherous defigns of
thofe about him. Pyrrhus, out of a deep fenfe of gra¬
titude for fo great a benefit, releafed immediately, with¬
out ranfom, all the prifoners he had taken. But the
Romans, difdaining to accept either a favour from an
enemy, or a recompenfe for not committing the blackeft
treachery, declared, that they would not receive their
prifoners but by way of exchange ; and accordingly fent
to Pyrrhus an equal number of Samnite and Tarentine
prifoners.
As the king of Epirus grew every day more weary
of a war which he feared would end in his difgrace, he
fent Cyneas a fecond time to Rome, to try whether he
could, with his artful harangues, prevail upon the con-
feript fathers to hearken to an accommodation, upon
fuch terms as were confiftent with his honour. But
the ambaffador found the fenators fteady in their for¬
mer refolution, and determined not to enter into a trea¬
ty with his matter till he had left Italy, and withdrawn
from thence all his forces. This gave the king great
uneafinefs ; for he had already loft moil of his veteran
troops and heft officers, and w7as fenfible that he flrould J(..
lofe the reft if he ventured another engagement. While Pyrrhus
he w7as revolving thefe melancholy thoughts in his mind, goes inta
ambaffadors arrived at his camp from the Syracufans, Sicily.
Agrigentines, and Leontines, imploring the affiltance
of his arms to drive out the Carthaginians, and put an
end to the troubles wffiich threatened their refpeflive
ftates with utter deftru&ion. Pyrrhus, who wanted on¬
ly fome honourable pretence to leave Italy, laid hold of
this ; and appointing Milo governor of Tarentum, with
a ftrong garrifon to keep the inhabitants in awe during
his abfence, he fet fail for Sicily with 30,000 foot and
2500 horfe, on board a fleet of 200 ffiips. Plere he
was at firft attended with great fuccefs ; but the Sicili¬
ans, difgufted at the refolution he had ftaken of paffmg
over into Africa, and much more at the enormous ex¬
actions and extortions of his minifters and courtiers, had
fubmitted partly to the Carthaginians and partly to the
Mamertines. When Carthage heard of this change,
new troops wTere raifed all over Africa, and a numerous
army fent into Sicily to recover the cities which Pyrrhus
had taken. As the Sicilians daily deferted from him in
crowds, he w7as no way in a condition, with his Epirots
alone, to withftand fo powerful an enemy; and there¬
fore, when deputies came to him from the Tarentines,
Sammtes, Bruttians, and Lucanians, reprefenting to
him the Ioffes they had fuftained fince his departure, and
remonftrating, that, without his affittance, they mutt
fall a facrifice to the Romans, he laid hold of that op¬
portunity to abandon the ifland, and return to Italy. ^
His fleet was attacked by that of Carthage j and his ar-jje returm
my, after their landing, by the Mamertines. But Pyr-into Italy,
rhus having, by his heroic bravery, efcaped all danger,
marched along the fea-lhore, in order to reach Taren¬
tum that way. As he pxffed through the country of
the
R O M
Rome, the Locrians, wlso bad not long before maiTacred the
w—y——1 troops he had left there, he not only exercifed all forts
of cruelty on the inhabitants, but plundered the temple
of Proferpine to fupply the wants of his army. The im-
menfe riches which he found there, wTere, by his order,
fent to Tarentum by fea j but the fhips that carried
them being dallied againft the rocks by a tempeft, and
the mariners all loft, this proud prince wras convinced,
fays Livy, that the gods were not imaginary beings,
and caufed all the treafure, wdiich the fea had thrown
upon the Ihore, to be carefully gathered up, avid re¬
placed in the temple : nay, to appeafe the w7rath of the
angry goddefs, he put all thofe to death wdio had ad-
vifed him to plunder her temple. However, fuperfti-
tion made the ancients afcribe to this acf of impiety all
the misfortunes which afterwards befel that unhappy
prince.
Pyrrhus at length arrived at Tarentum ; but of the
army he had carried into Sicily, he brought back into
Italy only 2000 horfe and not quite 20,000 foot. He
therefore reinforced them with the belt troops he could
raife in the countries of the Samnites, Lucanians, and
Bruttians; and hearing that the two new confuls, Cu-
rius Hentatus and Cornelius Lentulus, had divided
their forces, the one invading Lucania and the other
Samnium, he likewife divided his army into tw-o bodies,
marching with the choice of his Epirots againft Den-
tatus, in hopes of furpriling him in his camp near Bene-
ventum. But the conful having notice of his approach,
went out of his intrenchments with a ftrong detachment
of legionaries to meet him ; repulfed his vanguard, put
many of the Epirots to the fword, and took fome of
their elephants. Curius encouraged with this fuccefs,
marched his army into the Taurafian fields, and drew it
up in a plain which w7as wide enough for his troops, but
too narrow7 for the Epirot phalanx, the phalangites be¬
ing fo crow7ded that they could not handle their arms
is Bv w’t',nout difficulty. But the king’s eagernefs to try his
defeated bv drcngth and Ikill with fo renowmed a commander, made
Curius Den-him engage at that great difadvantage. Upon the firrt
tatus. fignal the aftion began; and one of the king’s wings
giving wTay, the victory feemed to incline to the Ro¬
mans. But that w7ing where the king fought in perfon
repulfed the enemy, and drove them back quite to their
intrenchments. This advantage was in great part owing
to the elephants j which Curius perceiving, commanded
a corps de referve, which he had ported near the camp,
to advance and fall upon the elephants. Thefe carrying
burning torches in one hand, and their fwords in the
other, threw the former at the elephants, and with the
latter defended themfelves againft their guides 5 by which
means they were both forced to give w7ay. The ele¬
phants being put to flight broke into the phalanx, dole
as it was, and there caufed a general diforder; which
was increafed by a remarkable accident: for it is faid,
that a young elephant being wounded, and thereupon
making a dreadful noife, the mother quitting her rank,
and haftening to the afliftance of her young one, put
thofe who ftill kept their ranks into the utmoft confu-
iion. But, however that be, it is certain that the Ro¬
mans obtained at laft a complete vidtory. Orofius and
Eutropius tell us that Pyrrhus’s army confifted of 80,000
foot and 6000 horfe, including his Epirots and allies 5
whereas the confular army was fcarcely 20,000 ftrong.
Thofe who exaggerate the king’s lofs fay, that the num-
ROM
ber of the ilain on his fide amounted to 30,000 men ; Rome,
but others reduce it to 20,000. All writers agree, that »'
Curius took 1200 prifoners and eight elephants. This
viftory, which was the moft decilive Rome had ever
gained, brought all Italy under fubje£tion, and paved
the way for thofe vaft conquefts which afterwards made
the Romans mafters of the whole known world.
Pyrrhus being no way in a condition, after the great He aban>.
lofs he had fuftained, to keep the field, retired to Ta-dons his
rentum, attended only by a fmall body of horfe, leaving ahies,
the Romans in full poffeftion of his camp j which they
fo much admired, that they made it ever after a model
to form theirs by. And now the king of Epirus refol-
ved to leave Italy as fuon as poflible 5 but concealed his
defign, and endeavoured to keep up the drooping fpirits
of his allies, by giving them hopes of fpeedy luccours
from Greece. Accordingly he difpatched ambaffadors
into Aitolia, Illyricum, and Macedon, demanding fup-
plies of men and money. But the anfwers from thofe
courts not proving favourable, he forged fuch as might
pleafe thofe whom he was willing to deceive •, and by
this means fupported the courage of his friends, and
kept his enemy in play. When he could conceal his
departure no longer, he pretended to be on a hidden in
a great paftion at the dilatorinefs of bis friends in fend¬
ing him fuctours ; and acquainted the Tarentines, that
he muft go and bring them over himfelf. However, he
left behind him a ftrong garrifon in the citadel of Ta¬
rentum, under the command of the fame Milo who had
kept it for him during his ftay in Sicily. In order to
keep this governor in his duty, he is faid to have made
him a very ftrange prefent, viz. a chair covered with the
Ikin of Nicias, the treacherous phyfician, who had of¬
fered Fabricius to poifon his mafter. After all thefe
difguifes and precautions, Pyrrhus at laft fet fail for
Epirus, and arrived fafe at Acroceraunium with 8000
foot and 500 horfe ; after having fpent to no purpofe
fix years in Italy and Sicily.
Though, from the manner in which Pyrrhus took
his leave, his Italian allies had little reafon to expedt
any further afliftance from him, yet they continued to
amufe thefnlelves with vain hopes, till certain accounts
arrived of his being killed at the fiege of Argos, as has I(;n
been related under the article Epirus. This threw who are
the Samnites into defpair: fo that they put all to the hibdued,
iffue of a general battle ; in which they were defeated ^
with fuch dreadful {laughter, that the nation is faid to™^™^.
have been almoft exterminated. This overthrow was fters of all
foon followed by the fubmiflion of the Lucanians, Brut-Lao¬
tians, Tarentines, Sarcinates, Picentes, and Salentines j
fo that Rome now became miftrefs of all the nations
from the remoteft parts of Hetruria to the Ionian fea,
and from the Tyrrhenian fea to the Adriatic. All thefe
nations, however, did not enjoy the fame privileges.
Some were entirely fubjedt to the republic, and had no
laws but what they received from thence; others re¬
tained their old laws and cuftoms, but in fubjedfion to
the republic : fome were tributary 5 and others allies,
who were obliged to furnifti troops at their own ex¬
pence when the Romans required. Some had the pri¬
vilege of Roman citizenftiip, their foldiers being incor¬
porated in the legions ; while others had a right of fuf-
frage in the eledlions made by the centuries. Thefe dif¬
ferent degrees of honour, privileges, and liberty, were
founded on the different terras granted to the conquered
nations s
C 157 ]
Rome.
170
Othercon-
by
mans.
H O M [15
nations when they furrendered, and were afterwards in-
creafed according to their fidelity and the fervices they
did the republic.
„ , The Romans now became refpefted by foreign na-
Qucits made • • , * ^
by the Ro- tlons» an<i received ambafladors from Ptolemy Piriladel-
phus king of Egypt, and from Apollowia a city of Ma-
cedon. Senfible of their own importance, they now
granted protection to whatever nation requefted it of
them j but this not with a view of ferving one party,
but that they might have an opportunity of fubjeCting
both. In this manner they aflilted the Mamertines
againft Hiero king of Syracufe, which brought on the
wars with the Carthaginians, which terminated in the
total deibruCtion of that ancient republic, as has been
related under the article Carthage. The interval be¬
tween the firif and fecond Punic wars was by the Ro¬
mans employed in reducing the Boii and Ligurians, who
had revolted. Thefe were Gaulifh nations, who had al¬
ways been very formidable to the Romans, and now
gave one of their confuls a notable defeat. However,
he foon after fufficiently revenged himfelf, and defeated
the enemy with great daughter •, though it was not till
fome time after, and with a good deal of difficulty, that
they were totally fubdued. ^During this interval alfo,
the Romans feized on the iilands of Sardinia, Corfica,
and Malta •, and in the year 219 B. C. the two former
were reduced to the form of a province. Papirius, who
had fubdued Corfica, demanded a triumph j but not ha¬
ving intereit enough to obtain it, he took a method en¬
tirely new' to do himfelf juftice. He put himfelf at the
head of his victorious army, and marched to the tem¬
ple of Jupiter Latialis, on the hill of Alba, with all
the pomp that attended triumphant victors at Rome.
Pie made no other alteration in the ceremony, but that
of wearing a crown of myrtle inftead of a crown of
laurel, and this on account of his having defeated the
Corficans in a place where there was a grove of myr¬
tles. The example of Papirius was afterwards followed
by a great many generals to whom the fenate refufed
triumphs.
The next year, when M- Aimilius Barbula and M.
Junius Pera were confuls, a new' war fprung up in a
kingdom out of Italy. Illyricum, properly fo called,
which bordered upon Macedon and Epirus, was at this
time governed by a woman named Teuta, the widow
of King Agron, and guardian to her fon Pinreus, who
w7as under age. The fuccefs of her late hufband againfl:
the Attolians had flufhed her to fuch a degree, that
inftead of fettling the affairs of her ward in peace, fhe
commanded her fubjefts to cruife along the coaft, feize
all the ihips they met, take what places they could, and
fpare no nation. Her pirates had, purfuant to her or¬
ders, taken and plundered many (hips belonging to the
Roman merchants ; and her troops were then befieging
the ifland of Iffa in the Adriatic, though the inhabi¬
tants had put themfelves under the protection of the re¬
public. Upon the complaints therefore of the Italian
merchants, and to proteCl the people of Iffa, the fenate
lent two ambaffadors to the Illyrian queen, Lucius and
Caius Coruncanus, to demand of her that (he would
reftrain her fubjeCls from infefting the fea with pirates.
She anfwered them haughtily, that fhe could only pro-
mife that her fubjeCls fhould not for the future attack
the Romans in her name, and by public authority :
H but as for any thing more, it is not cuftomary with us
4
171
Illyricum
fubdued.
8 ] ROM
(faid (lie) to lay reftraints on our fubjeCls, nor will we Rome,
forbid them to reap thofe advantages from the fea which u“”-y—
it offers them.” “ Your cuftoms then (replied the young-
ell of the ambaffadors) are very different from ours.
At Rome we make public examples of thofe fubjeCts
who injure others, w'hether at home or abroad. Teuta,
we can, by our arms, force you to reform the abufes of
your bad government.” Thefe unfeafonable threaten-
ings provoked Teuta, who was naturally a proud and im¬
perious woman, to luch a degree, that, without regard
to the right of nations, fhe caufed the ambaffadors to be
murdered on their return home.
When fo notorious an infraction of the law of na¬
tions was known at Rome, the people demanded ven¬
geance and the fenate having firft honoured the manes
of the ambaffadors, by ereCting, as was ufual in fuch
cafes, ftatues three feet high to their memory, ordered
a fleet to be equipped, and troops raifed, with all pof-
fible expedition. But now Teuta, reflecting on the
enormity of her proceedings, fent an embaffy to Rome,
affuring the fenate that fhe had no hand in the murder
of the ambaffadors, and offering to deliver up to the
republic thofe who had committed that barbarous af~
faffination. The Romans being at that time threaten¬
ed with a war from the Gauls, were ready to accept
this fatisfaClion : but in the mean time the Illyrian fleet
having gained fome advantage over that of the Achae-
ans, and taken the ifland of Corcyra near Epirus, this
fuccefs made Teuta believe herfelf invincible, and for¬
get the promife fire had made to the Romans 5 nay, fhe
fent her fleet to feize on the ifland of Iffa, which the
Romans had taken under their proteClion.
Hereupon the confuls for the new year, P. Pofthti-
mius Albinus and Cn. Fulvius Centumalus, embarked
for Illyricum } Fulvius having the command of the fleet*
which confifled of 100 galleys j and Pofthumius of the
land forces, which amounted .to 20,000 foot, befides a
fmall body of horfe. Fulvius appeared with his fleet
before Corcyra in the Adriatic, and was put in pof-
feftion both of the ifland and city by Demetrius of
Pharos, governor of the place for Queen Teuta. Nor
was this all ; Demetrius found means to make the in¬
habitants of Apollonia drive cut the Illyrian garrifon,
and admit into their city the Roman troops. As Apol¬
lonia was one of the keys of Illyricum on the fide of
Macedon, the confuls, who had hitherto aCled jointly,
no fooner faw' themfelves in poffeffion of it than they
feparated, the fleet cruifing along the coaft, and the
army penetrating into the heart of the queen’s domi¬
nions. The Andyoeans, Parthini, and Atintanes, vo¬
luntarily fubmitted to Pofthumius, being induced by
the perfuafions of Demetrius to fhake off the Illyrian
yoke. The conful being now in poffeffion of moft of
the inland towns, returned to the coaft, where, with
the affiftance of the fleet, he took many ftrongholds,
among which wTas Nutria, a place of great ftrength, and
defended by a numerous garriion $ fo that it made a vi¬
gorous defence, the Romans having loft before it a great
many private men, feveral legionary tribunes, and one
quaeftor. However, this lefs was repaired by the taking
of 40 Illyrian veffels, which were returning home laden
with booty. At length the Roman fleet appeared be¬
fore Iffa, which, by Teuta’s order, was ftill clofely be-
fieged, notwithftanding the Ioffes fhe had fuftained..
However, upon the- approach of the Roman fleet, the
Illyrians'
Rome.
17a
The Gauls
ria fubdu-
ed.
HOM 1 1
Illyrians difperfed ; but the Pharians, who ferved among
them, followed the example of their countryman Deme¬
trius, and joined the Romans, to whom the Iffani rea¬
dily fubmitted.
In the mean time Sp. Corvilius and Q. Fabius Maxi¬
mus being raifed to the confulate a fecond time, Potb
humius was recalled from Illyricum, and refufed a tri¬
umph for having been too prodigal of the Roman blood
at the fiege of Nutria. His colleague Fulvius was ap¬
pointed to command the land forces in his room, in
quality of proconful. Hereupon Teuta, who had foun¬
ded great hopes on the change of the confuls, retired to
one of her ftrongholds called Rhixon. and from thence
early in the fpring fent an embafly to Rome. The fe-
nate refufed to treat with her •, but granted the young
king a peace upon the following conditions: 1. That
he fhould pay an annualtribute to the republic. 2. That
he fhould furrender part of his dominions to the Ro¬
mans. 3. That he fliould never fuffer above three of
his {hips of war at a time to fail beyond Lyffus, a towm
on the confines of Macedon and Illyricum. I he places
he yielded to the Romans in virtue of this treaty, v^ere
the iflands of Corcyra, Iffa, and Pharos, the cily of
Dyrrhachium, and the country of the Atintanes. Soon
after Teuta, either out of fhame, or compelled by a fe-
cret article of the treaty, abdicated the regency, and
Demetrius fucceeded her.
Before this war was ended, the Romans w’ere alarm-
oflnkibria ed by new motions of the Gauls, and the great progrefs
and Ligu- which the Carthaginians made in Spain. At this time
alfo the fears of the people were excited by a prophecy
faid to be taken out of the Sibylline books, that the
Gauls and Greeks fiiould one day be in pofleflion of
Rome. This prophecy, howTever, the fenate found means
to elude, as they pretended, by burying two Gauls and
two Greeks alive, and then telling the multitude that
the Gauls and Greeks were now in the poffedion of
Rome. The difficulties which fuperftition had raifed
being thus furmounted, the Romans made vaft prepara¬
tions againft the Gauls, whom they feem to have dread¬
ed above all other nations. Some fay that the number
of forces raifed by the Romans on this occafion amount¬
ed to no fewTer than 800,000 men. Of this incredible
multitude 248,000 foot and 26,000 horfe were Ro¬
mans or Campanians ; neverthelefs, the Gauls, with only
50,000 foot and 20,000 horfe, forced a naffage through
Hetruria, and took the road towards Rome. Here
they had the good fortune at firfl to defeat one of the
Roman armies; but being foon after met by two others,
they were utterly defeated, with the lots of more than
50,000 of their number. The Romans then entered
their country, which they cruelly ravaged ; but a plague
breaking out in their army, obliged them to return
home. This wras followed bv a new war, in which
thofe Gauls who inhabited Infubria and Liguria were
totally fubdued, and their country reduced to a Roman
province. Thefe conquefls w’ere followed by that of
Illria ; Dimalum, a city of importance in Illyricum 5
and Pharos, an ifland in the Adriatic fea.
• The fecond Punic war for fome time retarded the con-
qu'efts of the Romans, and even threatened their frate
with entire deftruflion ; but Hannibal being at laid re¬
called from Italy, and entirely defeated at Zama, they
made peace upon fuch advantageous terms as gave them
an entire fuperiority over that republic, which they not
59 ] ROM
long after entirely fubverted, as has been related in the Rome,
hiftory of Carthage. *
The fuccefsful ifiue of the fecond Punic war had-j-j^^^
greatly increafed the extent of the Roman empire, man empire
They were now mailers of all Sicily, the Mediterra-arrives at
nean iilands, and great part of Spain •, and, through *ts *u^ ex"
the diffenfions of the Afiatic Hates with the king of Ma-tent‘
cedon, a pretence was now found for carrying their
arms into thefe parts. The Gauls in the mean time,
however, continued their incurfions, but now ceafed to
be formidable •, while the kings of Macedon, through
mifconduft, were firll obliged to fubmit to a difadvan-
tageous peace, and at laft totally fubdued (fee Mace¬
don). The redudfion of Macedon was foon followed
by that of all Greece, either by the name of allies or
otherwife : while Antiochus the Great, to whom Han¬
nibal fled for protedlion, by an unfuccefsful war firfl
gave the Romans a footing in Afia (fee Syria). The
Spaniards and Gauls continued to be the moll oblfinate
enemies. The former, particularly, were rather exter¬
minated than reduced ; and even this required the ut«
moft care and vigilance of Scipio iTimilianus, the con¬
queror of Carthage, to execute. See Spain and Nu-
MANTIA.
Thus the Romans attained to a height of power fu-
perior to any other nation in the world j but now a fe-
dition broke out, which we may fay was never termi¬
nated but with the overthrow of the republic. This had
its origin from Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, defcen-gg^^ 0<?
ded from a family which, though plebeian, was as illu-theGracchis
Itrious as any in the commonwealth. His father had
been twice raifed to the confulate, was a great general,
and had been honoured with two triumphs. But he
was Hill more renowned for his domeftic virtues and pro¬
bity, than for his birth or valour. He married the
daughter of the fiifl: Africanus, faid to be the pattern
of her fex, and the prodigy of her age 5 and had by
her feveral children, of whom three only arrived at ma¬
turity of age, Tiberius Gracchus, Gains Gracchus, and
a daughter named Semprom'a, who was married to the
fecond Africanus. Tiberius, the eldeft, was deemed
the moft accomplilhed youth in Rome, with refpeft to
the qualities both of body and mind. His extraordina¬
ry talents were heightened by a noble air, an engaging
countenance, and all thofe winning graces of nature
which recommend merit. He made his firft campaigns
under his brother-in-law, and diftinguifhed himfelf on
all occafions by his courage, and by the prudence ofhis
con dub!. When he returned to Rome, he applied him¬
felf to the ftudy of eloquence •, and at 30 years old
was accounted the beft orator of his age. He married
the daughter of Appius Claudius, who had been for¬
merly conful and cenfor, and was then prince of the fe¬
nate. He continued for fome time in the fentiments
both of his own and his wife’s family, and fupported
the interefls of the patricians ; but without openly at¬
tacking the popular fablion. He was the chief author
and negociator of that fhameful neceflary peace with
the Numantines; which the fenate, with the utmofl: in-
juftice, difannulkd, and condemned the conful, the quee-
flor, and all the officers who had figned it, to be* de¬
livered up to the Numantines (fee Numantia). The
people, indeed, out of efteem for Gracchus, would not
fuffer him to be facrificed : but, however, he had juft
reafon to complain, both of the fenate and people,
foi
K O M [ 160 ] R O M
Rctne. for palTing fo fcandalous a decree againfl his general
' " v " and himfelf, and breaking a treaty whereby the lives of
fo many citizens had been faved. But as the lenate'
had chiefly promoted fuch bafe and iniquitous proceed¬
ings, he refolved in due time to fhow his refentment
againfl: the party which had contributed mofl: to his dif-
grace.
In order to this, he flood for the tribunefhip of the
people ; which he no fooner obtained, than he refolved
to attack, the nobility in the moll tender part. They
had ufurped lands unjultly j cultivated them by flaves,
to the great detriment of the public j and had lived for
about 250 years in open defiance to the Licinian law,
by which it was enadled that no citizen fliould poffefs
more than 500 acres. This law7 Tib. Gracchus refol¬
ved to revive, and by that means revenge himfelf on
the patricians. But it was not revenge ajone which
prompted him to embark in fo dangerous an attempt.
It is pretended, that his mother Cornelia animated him
to undertake fomething w7orthy both of his and her fa¬
mily. The reproaches of his mother, the authority of
fome great men, namely of his father-in-law Appius
Claudius, of P. Craflus the pontifex maximus, and of
Mutius Scaevola, the molt learned civilian in Rome, and
his natural thirft after glory, joined with an eager defire
of revenge, confpired to draw him into this molt unfor-
1^5 tunate fcheme.
A new law The law, as he firfl: drew it up, w7as very mild : for
propofed by jj. on|y jPaj thofe who pofleffed more than 500
race us. acres jancj {}lou}ci part with the overplus j and that
the full value of the faid lands fliould be paid them out
of the public treafury. The lands thus purchafed by
the public were to be divided among the poor citizens \
and cultivated either by themfelves or by freemen, who
were upon the fpot. Tiberius allowed every child of a
family to hold 250 acres in his own name, over and
above wdiat was allowed to the father. Nothing could
be more mild than this new law •, fince by the Licinian
he might have abfolutely deprived the rich of the lands
they unjuftly poffeffed, and made them accountable for
the profits they had received from them during their
long poffeflion. But the rich patricians could not fo
much as bear the name of the Licinian law, though
thus qualified. Thofe chiefly of the fenatorial and eque-
Itrian order exclaimed againfl: it, and wrere continually
mounting the roftra one after another, in order to dif-
fuade the people from accepting a law, which, they faid,
would raife difturbances, that might prove more dange¬
rous than the evils which Tiberius pretended to redrefs
by the promulgation of it. Thus the zealous tribune
was obliged day after day to enter the lifts w'ith irelh
adverfaries } but he ever got the better of them both in
point of eloquence and argument.
The people were charmed to hear him maintain the
caufe of the unfortunate w7ith fo much luccefs, and be¬
llowed on him the higheft commendations. The rich
therefore had recourfe to violence and calumny, in or¬
der to deftroy, or at leaft to diferedit, the tribune. It
is faid they hired affaflins to difpatch him *, but they
could not put their wicked defign in execution, Grac¬
chus being always attended to and from the roftra by
a guard of about 4000 men. His adverfaries therefore
endeavoured to ruin his reputation by the blackeft ca¬
lumnies. They gave out that he aimed at monarchy •,
and publilhed pretended plots laid for crowning him
3
king. But the people, without giving ear to fuch Rome,
groundlefs reports, made it their wmole bufinefs to en- ^T—
courage their tribune, who was hazarding both his life
and reputation for their fakes.
When the day came on w7hich this law was to be
accepted or rejedled by the people afiembled in the co-
mitium, Gracchus began with haranguing the mighty
crowd which an affair of fuch importance had brought
together both from the city and country. In his fpeech
he ihowed the juftice of the law w’ith fo much elo¬
quence, made fo moving a defeription of the miferies
of the meaner lort of people, and at the fame time fet
forth in fuch odious colours the ufurpation of the pub¬
lic lands, and the immenfe riches which the avarice
and rapacioufnefs ol the great had raked together,
that the people, tranlported with fury, demanded with
loud cries the billets, that they might give their fuf-
frages. Then Gracchus, finding the minds of the ci¬
tizens in that warmth and emotion which was necef-
fary for the fuccefs of his defign, ordered the law to be
read. I75
But unluckily one of the tribunes, by name Oppoied by
OBavius Ccecina, who had always profeffed a great t’^tnbune
friendftiip for Gracchus, having been gained over by avjus’
the patricians, declared againft the proceedings of his
friend and colleague •, and pronounced the wrord which
had been always awful in the mouth of a tribune of the
people, Veto, “ I forbid it.” As Oftavius was a man
of an unblameable charafter, and had hitherto been
very zealous for the publication of the law7, Gracchus
w7as greatly furprifed at this unexpedled oppofition from
his friend. Howrever, he kept his temper, and only de-
fired the people to affemble again the next day to hear
their two tribunes, one in defence of, the other in op¬
pofition to, the law propofed. The people met at the
time appointed 5 when Gracchus addrefling himfelf to
his colleague, conjured him by the mutual duties of
their function, and by the bonds of their ancient friend-
ftrip, not to oppofe the good of the people, whom they
were bound in honour to proledt againft the ufurpation
of the great: nay, taking his colleague afide, he addref-
fed him thus, “ Perhaps you are perfonally concerned
to oppofe this law \ if fo, I mean, if you have more
than the five hundred acres, 1 myfelf, poor as I am, en¬
gage to pay you in money what you will lofe in land.”
But Odlavius, either out of fhame, or from a principle
of honour, continued immoveable in the party he had
embraced.
Gracchus therefore had recourfe to another expe¬
dient ; w7hich was to fufpend all the magiftrates in Rome
from the execution of their offices. It w7as lawful for
any tribune to take this ftep, when the paffing of the
law which he propofed w7as prevented by mere chicane¬
ry. After this, he affembled the people anew, and made
a fecond attempt to fucceed in his defign. When all
things w7ere got ready for colledling the fuffrages, the
rich privately conveyed away the urns in which the ta¬
blets were kept. This kindled the tribune’s indignation,
and the rage of the people. The comitium was like to
become a field of battle, when two venerable fenators,
Manlius and Fulvius, very feafonably interpofed j and
throwing themfelves at the tribune’s feet, prevailed up¬
on him to fubmit his law to the judgment of the con-
feript fathers. This was making the fenators judges in
their own caufe : but Gracchus thought the law lb un¬
deniably
1\ O M [ I
Rome, denlably juft, that he could not perfuade himfelf that
j^gy VVOuld reject itand if they did, he knew that the
incenfed multitude would no longer keep any meafures
with them.
The fen ate, who wanted nothing but to gain time,
affected delays, and came to no refolution. There were
indeed fome among them, who, out of a principle of
Equity, were for paying fome regard to the complaints
of the tribune, and for facrificing their own intereft to
tire relief of the diftreffed. But the far greater part
would not hear of any compofition whatfoever. Here¬
upon Gracchus brought the affair anew before tfte people,
and earneftly intreated his colleague Oftavius to drop his
oppofftion, in compaffion to the many unfortunate people
for whom he interceded. He put him in mind of their
ancient friendfhip, took him by the hand, and affl-cfion-
ate'iy embraced him. But ftill Oftavius rvas indexible.
Hereupon Gracchus refolved to deprive Oclavius of his
tribunefhip, fmce he alone obftinately withftood the de¬
fires of the whole body of fo great a people. Having
therefore aifembled the people, he told them, that fince
his colleague and be were divided in opinion, and the
republic fuffered by their divifion, it was the province
of the tribes affembled in comitia to re-eftablifti con¬
cord among their tribunes. u If the caufe I maintain
(faid he) be, in your opinion, unjuft, I am ready to
give up my feat in the college. On the contrary, if
you judge me worthy of being continued in your fer-
vice in this ftation, deprive him of the tribunefhip who
alone obftrufls my wifhes. As foon as you (hall have
nominated one to fucceed him, the law will pafs with¬
out oppofition.” Having thus fpoken, he difmiffed the
affembly, after having fummoned them to meet again
the next day.
And norv Gracchus, being fbured with the oppofition
he had met with from the rich, and from his obftinate
colleague, and being well apprifed that the law wotild
pnfs in any form in which he (hould think fit to pro-
pofe it, refolved to revive it as it was at firit paffed,
without abating any thing of its feverity. There was
no exception in favour of the children in families •, or
reimburfement promifed to thofe who fhould part with
the lands they poffefied above 5000 acres. The next day
the people being affembled in vaft crowds on this ex¬
traordinary occafion, Gracchus made frefli applications
to Oflavins, but to no purpofe 3 he obftinately perfifted
in his oppofition. Then Gracchus turning to the people,
fi Judge you, (laid he), which of us deferves to be de¬
prived of his office.” At thefe words the firft tribe
voted, and'declaredTor the depofition of Oflavius. Up¬
on which Gracchus, fufpending the ardour of the tribes,
made another effort to bring over his opponent by gentle
methods. But all his endeavours proving ineffectual,
the other tribes went on to vote in their turns, and fol¬
lowed the example of the firft. Of 3 c tribes, had
already declared again ft Offavius, and the 18th was juft
going to determine the affair, when Gracchus, being
willing to try once more whether he could reclaim bis
colleague, fufpended the collecting of the fuffrages *, and
addreffing Oftavius in the moll: preffing terms, conjured
him not to expofe himfelf, by his obftinacy, to fo great
177 a difgrace, nor to give him the grief of having call a
l!e* blemifh upon his colleague and friend, which neither
theu’w™ t,'me nor mer't would ever wipe off. Oclavius, how-
paiied. ever, continuing obftinate, was depofed, and the law
Vol. XVIII. Part I.
6l ]
paffed
R O M
had proofed
as Gracchus had prcJpofed it the laft time. Romfe.
The depofed tribune was dragged from the roflra by ■“ ' "*
the incenfed multitude, who would have infulted him
further, had not the fenators and his friends facilitated
his efcape.
The Licinian law’ being thus revived with one con-
fent both by the city and country tribes, Gracchus
caufed the people to appoint triumvirs, or three com-
miffioners, to haften its execution. In this commiffion
the people gave Gracchus the firft place ; and he had
intereft enough to get his father-in-law Appius Clau¬
dius, and his brother Caius Gracchus, appointed his
colleagues. Thefe three fpent the whole fummer in
travelling through all the Italian provinces, to examine
what lands were held by any perfon above 500 acres, in
order to divide them among the poor citizens. When
Gracchus returned from his progrefs, he found, by the
death of his chief agent, that nis abfence had not aba¬
ted either the hatred of the rich, or the love of the poor,
toward him. As it plainly appeared that the deceafed
had been poifoned, the tribune took this occafion to
apply himfelf again to his protedfors, and implore their
affiffance againft the violence and treachery of his ene¬
mies. The populace, more attached after this accident
to their hero than ever, declared they would Hand by
him to the laft drop of their blood ; and thus their zeal
encouraged him to add a new claufe to the law, viz.
that the commiffioners fhould likewife inquire what
lands had been ufurped from the republic. This was
touching the fenators in a moft tender point; for molt
of them had appropriated to themfelves lands belonging
to the republic. After all, the tribune, upon a ftridl
inquiry, _found that the lands taken from the rich would
not be enough to content all the poor citizens. But
the following accident eafed hixn of this difficulty, and
enabled him ta flop the murmurs of the malcontents
among the people. 178
Attalus Philometer, king of Pergamus, having be- The trea-
queathed his dominions and effedls to the Romans, Eu-^ures A-t"
demus the Pehgamean brought his treafures fo Rome
at this time; and Gracchus immediately got a new law monc, the
paffed, enabling, that this money fhould be divided people by
among the poor citizens who could not have lands ; Gracchus,
and that the difpofal of the revenues of Pergamus
fhould not be in the fenate, hut in the comitia. By
thefe fleps Gracchus moft effedlually humbled the le-
nate ; who, in order to difertdit him among the people,
gave out that Eudemus, who had brought the king’s
will to Rome, had left with Gracchus the royal diadem
and mantle of Attalus, which the law-making tribune
was to ufe when he fliould be proclaimed king of
Rome. But thefe reports only ferved to put Gracchus
more upon his guard, and to inlpire the people with
an implacable hatred againft; the rich who were the
authors of them. Gracchus being now, by his power
over the minds of the multitude, abfolute mafter of their
fuffrages, formed a defign of raifing his father-in-law
Appius Claudius to the confulate next year, of promo¬
ting his brother Caius to the tribunefhip, and getting
himfelf continued in the fame office. The laft was
what molt nearly concerned him ; his perfon, as long
as he was in office, being facred and inviolable. As
the fenate was very aftive in endeavouring to get fuch
only defied into the college of tribunes as were enemies
to Gracchus and his fitftion, the tribune left no flone
X unturned
Rome.
ROM [ 162
unturned to fecure his »ele£lion. He told the peop’e,
that the rich had refolved to affafTmate him as foon as
he was out of his office 5 he appeared in mourning, as
was the cuftom in the greateft calamities j and bringing
his children, yet young, into the forum, recommended
them to the people in fuch terms, as fhowed that he
defpaired of his own prefervation. At this fight the
populace returned no anfwer, but by outcries and me¬
naces again!! the rich.
When the day appointed for the ele£lion of new
tribunes came, the people were ordered to affemble in
the capitol in the great court before the temple of Ju¬
piter. The tribes being met, Gracchus produced his
petition, intreating the people to continue him one year
longer in the office of tribune, in confideration of the
great danger to which he was expofed, the rich having
vowred his deftruftion as foon as his perfon fhould be no
more facred. This was indeed an unufual requeft, it
having been long cuflomary not to continue any tribune
in his office above a year. However, the tribes began
to vote, and the two firlf declared for Gracchus. Here¬
upon the rich made great clamours j wdiich terrified
Hubrius Varro, wTho prefided in the college of tribunes
that day, to fuch a degree, that he refigned his place to
Q.: Mummius, who offered to prefide in his room. But
this raifed a tumult among the tribunes themfelves j fo
that Gracchus wifely difmiffed the affembly, and order¬
ed them to meet again the next day.
In the mean time the people, being fenfible of what
importance it was to them to preferve the life of fo
powerful a prote£lor, not only conduced him home,
but w’atched by turns all night at his door. Next
morning by break of day, Gracchus having affem-
bled his friends, led them from his houfe, and pofted
one half of them in the comitium, while he w7ent up
himfelf with the other to the capitol. As foon as he
appeared, the people faluted him with loud acclama¬
tions of joy. But fcarcely w7as he placed in his tribunal,
wrhen Fulvius Flaccus a fenator, and friend to Grac¬
chus, breaking through the crowrd, came up to him,
and gave him notice, that the fenators, who were af-
fembled in the temple of Faith, which almoft touched
that of Jupiter Capitolinas, had confpired againft his
life, and w7ere refolved to attack him openly on his
very tribunal. Hereupon Gracchus tucked up his
racy againft robe, as it were, to prepare for a battle ; and, after
sus life. jjjg examplej fome of his party feizing the ftaves of
the apparitors, prepared to defend themfelves, and to
repel force by force. Thefe preparations terrified the
other tribunes ; w'ho immediately abandoned their
places in a cowardly manner, and mixed with the
crow7d 5 while the priefls ran to ffiut jhe gates of the
temple, for fear of its being profaned. On the other
hand, the friends of Gracchus, who were difperfed by
parties in different places, cried out, IVe are ready:
IV/iat mujl we do ? Gracchus, whofe voice could not
be heard by all his adherents on account of the tu¬
mult, the clamours, and the confufed cries of the dif¬
ferent parties, put his hand to his head which was
the fignal agreed on to prepare for battle. But fome
of his enemies, putting a malicious conftruffion upon
that gefture, immediately flew to the fenate, and told
the fathers, that the feditious tribune had called for
the crown to be put upon his head. Hereupon the
fenators, fancying they already faw the king of Perga-
170
A conlpi-
] ROM
mus’s diadem on the tribune’s head, and the royal
mantle on his fhoulders, refolved to give the conful^1
leave to arm his legions, treat the friends of Gracchus
as enemies, and turn the comitium into a field of
battle.
But the conful Mutius Scaevola, who was a pru¬
dent and moderate man, refufed to be the inflrument
of their raff revenge, and to dilhonour his confukte
wfith the maffacre of a difarmed people. As Calpur-
nius Pifo, the other conful, was then in Sicily, the
Ronse.
moft turbulent among the fenators cried out, “ Since
one of our confuls is abfent, and the other betrays
the republic, let us do ourfelves juftice } let us imme¬
diately go and demolifh with bur own hands this idol
of the people.” Scipio Nafica, who had been all
along for violent meafures, inveighed bitterly againfl:
the conful for refufing to fuccour the republic in her
greateft diftrefs. Scipio Nafica w7as the great-grand-
fon of Cneius Scipio, the uncle of the firft Africanus,
and confequently coufin to the Gracchi by their mother
Cornelia. But neverthelefs not one of the fenators be¬
trayed a more irreconcileable hatred again!! the tribune
than he. When the prudent conful refufed to arm his
legions, and put the adherents of Gracchus to death con¬
trary to the ufual forms of juftice, he fet no bounds to
his fury, but, rifing up from his place, cried out like
a madman, “ Since our conful betrays us, let thofe who
love the republic follow me.” Having uttered thefe
words, he immediately walked out of the temple, attend¬
ed by a great number of fenators. Igc>
Nafica threw his robe over his {boulders, and having A feuffle
covered his head with it, advanced with his followersm
into the crowd, where he was joined by a company °fQ^chus
the clients and friends of the patricians, armed with is
ftaves and clubs. Thefe, falling indifferently upon all
who flood in their way, difperfed the crowd. Many of
Gracchus’s party took to'their heels; and in that tu¬
mult all the feats being overturned and broken, Nafica,
armed with the leg of a broken bench, knocked down
all who oppofed him, and at length reached Gracchus.
One of his party feized the tribune by the lappet of his
robe : but he, quitting his gown, fled in his tunic;
and as he was in that confufion, which is infeparable
from fear, leaping over the broken benches, he had the
misfortune to flip and fall. As he was getting up again,
he received a blow on the head, which ftunned him:
then his adverfaries ruflring in upon him, with repeated
blows put an end to his life.
Rome was by his death delivered, according to Ci¬
cero, from a domeftic enemy, who was more formidable
to her than even that Numantia, w’hich had firft kindled
his refentments. Perhaps no man was ever born with
greater talents, or more capable of aggrandizing him¬
felf, and doing honour to his country. But his great
mind, his manly courage, his lively, eafy, and power¬
ful eloquence, wrere, fays Cicero, like a fword in the
hands of a madman. Gracchus, abufed them, not in
fupporting an unjuft caufe, but in condufling a good
one with too much violence. He went fo far as to
make fome believe that he had really fomething in view
befides the intereft of the people whom he pretended to
relieve; and therefore fome hiftorians have reprefented
him as a tyrant. But the moft judicious writers clear,
him from this imputation, and aferibe his firft defign ot
reviving the Licinian law to an eager defire of being re¬
venged
R.ome.
i8t
ttis friends
toaffkcred.
ROM [ tG;} ]
venged on tlie fenators for the affront they had very un-
juftly put upon him, and the conful Mancinus, as we
have hinted above. The law he attempted to revive
had an air of juflice, which gave a fandtion to his re¬
venge, without cafting any blemifh on his reputation.
The death of Gracchus did not put an end to the tu¬
mult. Above 300 of the tribune’s friends loft their
lives in the affray j and their bodies were thrown, with
that of Gracchus, into the Tiber. Nay, the fenate
carried their revenge beyond the fatal day which had
ftained the Capitol with Roman blood. They fought
for all the friends of the late tribune, and without any
form of law affaffmated fome, and forced others into
banifhment. Cains BilliuSj one of the moft zealous de¬
fenders of the people, was feized by his enemies, and
Ihut up in a calk with fnakes and vipers, where he mi-
ferably perifhed. Though the laws prohibited any ci¬
tizen to take away the life of another before he had
been legally condemned, Nafica and his followers were
acquitted by the fenate, who enafted a decree, juftify-
ing all the cruelties committed againft Gracchus and
tg2 his adherents.
The diftur- Thefe difturbances were for a fhort time interrupted
bances in- by a revolt of the (laves in Sicily, occalioned by the
create. cruelty of their mafters *, but they being foon reduced,
the contefts about the Semproman law, as it wras called,
again took place. Both parties were determined not
to yield *, and therefore the moft fatal effedls enfued.
The firft thing of confequence wTas the death of Sci-
pio Africanus the Second, who was privately ftrangled
in his bed by fome of the partifans of the plebeian par¬
ty, about 129 B. C. Caius Gracchus, brother to him
who had been formerly killed, not only undertook the
revival of the Sempronian law, but propofed a new one,
granting the rights of Roman citizens to all the Italian
allies, who could receive no (hare of the lands divided in
confequence of the Sempronian law. The confequences
of this were much wrorfe than the former; the flame
fpread through all Italy ; and the nations who had made
wTar with the republic in its infancy again commenced
enemies more formidable than before. Fregellae, a city
of the Volfci, revolted: but being fuddenly attacked,
was obliged to fubmit, and was rafed to the ground j
which 'quieted matters for the prefent. Gracchus,
however, ftill continued his attempts to humble the fe¬
nate and the reft of the patrician body: the ultimate
confequence of which was, that a price was fet on his
head, and that of Fulvius his confederate, no lefs than
1g2 their weight in gold, to any one who (hould bring them
The cultom to Opimius the chief of the patrician party. Thus the
of profcrip- cuftom Qf profcription was begun by the patricians, of
£10.1 begun, they themfelves foon had enough. Gracchus
and Fulvius were facrificed, but the diforders of the re¬
public were not fo eafily cured.
The inundation of the Cimbri and Teutones put a
(top to the civil difcords for fome time longer 5 but
they being defeated, as related under the article Crivt-
bri and Teutones, nothing prevented the troubles
from being revived with greater fury than before, ex¬
cept the war wit.h the Sicilian (laves, which had again
commenced with more dangerous circumftances than
ever. But this war being totally ended about 99 B. C.
no farther obftacle remained. Marius, the conqueror
of Jugurtha * and the Cimbri, undertook the caufe of
the plebeians againft the fenate and patricians. Ha-
ROM
* See Nu
nidia.
ving affociated himfelf with ApuletuS and Giaucia, twd Rotr.c.
faftious men, they carried their proceedings to fuch a'
length, that an open rebellion commenced, and Marius
himfelf WTas obliged to aft againft his allies. Peace,
however, was for the prefent reftored by the maffacre
of Apuleius and Giaucia, with a great number of their
followers j upon which Marius thought proper to leave
the city.
While faftious men thus endeavoured to tear the re¬
public in pieces, the attempts of well-meaning people
to heal thofe diviiions ferved only to involve the (late
in calamities ftill more grievous. The confuls obferved,
that many individuals of the Italian allies lived at
Rome, and falfely pretended to be Roman citizens.
By means of them, it was likevvife perceived, that the
plebeian party had acquired a great deal of its power }
as the votes of thefe pretended citizens were always at
the fervice of the tribunes. The confuls therefore got
a law paffed, commanding all thofe pretended citizens
to return home. This was fo much refented by the
Italian dates, that an univerfal dcfeftkm took place. A
fcheme was then formed by M. Livius Drufus, a tri¬
bune of the people, to reconcile all orders of men j but
this only made matters worfe, and procured his own af- lS;
faflination. His death feemed a fignal for war. TheThefocial
Marfi, Peligni, Samnites, Campanians, and Lucanians,war.
and in ftiort all the provinces from the river Liris to
the Adriatic, revolted at once, and formed themfelves
into a republic, in oppofition to that of Rome. The
haughty Romans were now made thoroughly fenfible
that they wTere not invincible : they wTere defeated in
almoft every engagement; and muft foon hare yielded,
had they not fallen upon a method of dividing their
enemies. A law was paffed, enafting, that all the
nations in Italy, whofe alliance with Rome was indif-
putable, (hould enjoy the right of Roman citizens.
This drew oflf feveral nations from the alliance j and at
the fame time, Sylla taking upon him the command of
the Roman armies, fortune foon declared in favour of
the latter.
The fuccefs of Rome againft the allies ferved only to
bring greater miferies upon herfelf. Marius and Sylla
became rivals j the former adhering to the people, and
the latter to the patricians. Marius affociated with one
of the tribunes named Sulpitius; in conjunftion with
whom he raifed fuch difturbances, that Sylla was for¬
ced to retire from the city. Having thus driven off
his rival, Marius got himfelf appointed general againft
Mithridates * king of Pontus j but the foldiers refufed * ^ee
to obey any other than Sylla. A civil war immediate-^’
ly enfued, in which Marius wras driven out in his turn,
and a price fet upon his head and that of Sulpitius,
with many of their adherents. Sulpitius was foon fei¬
zed and killed *, but Marius made his efcape. In the
mean time, however, the cruelties of Sylla rendered
him obnoxious both to the fenate and people ; and Cin-
na, a furious partifan of the Marian faftion, being cho-
fen conful, cited him to give an account of his conduft.
Upon this Sylla thought proper to fet out for Afia :
Marius was recalled from Africa, whither he had fled ;
aed immediately on his landing in Italy, was joined by
a great number of (hepherds, (laves, and men of defpe-
rate fortunes; fo that he foon faw himfelf at the head
of a confiderable army.
Cuma, in the mean time, whom the fenators had de-.
X 2 pofed
K O M N r 164 ] ROM
Rome, pofed and driven out of Rome, folicited and obtained
^ a powerful army from the allies j and being joined by
Horrid Sertorius, a moft able and experienced general, the
oueities two, in conjunction with Marius, advanced towards the
comm.tied capital 5 and as their forces daily increafed, a fourth
Marus - army was formed under the command of Papirius Car-
’ '’bo. The lenate railed fome forces to defend the city j
but the troops being vaftly inferior in number, and
likewife inclined to the contrary fide, they were obli¬
ged to open their gates to the confederates. Marius
entered at the head of a numerous guard, compofed of
Haves, whom he called his Barthaans, and whom he
defigned to employ in revenging himfelf on his ene¬
mies. The firlt order he gave thefe affaffins wTas, to
murder all who came to falute him, and were not an-
fwered wbth the like civility. As every one was for¬
ward to pay his compliments to the new tyrant, this or¬
der proved the deftruclion of vail numbers. At lalt
thefe Eardiaeans abandoned themfelves to fuch exceffes
in every kind of vice, that China and Sertorius ordered
their troops to fall upon them ; which being inftantly
put in execution, they were all cut off to a rnan.
By the deffruftion of his guards, Marius wTas re¬
duced to the neceffily of taking a method ol gratifying
his revenge fcmeivhat more tedious, though equally
effe&ual. A conference was held between the four
chiefs, in which Marius feemed quite frantic wffth rage.
Sertorius endeavoured to moderate his fury j but, being
overruled by Cinna and Carbo, a refolution was taken
to murder without mercy all the fenators who had op-
pofed the popular fa£lion. This was immediately put
in execution. A general flaughter commenced, which
laffed five days, and during which the greateft part of
the obnoxious fenators w^ere cut off, their heads ftuck
upon poles over-againff the rollra, and their bodies
dragged with hooks into the forum, where they w'ere
left to be devoured by dogs. Sylla’s houfe was de-
molifhed, his goods confifcated, and he himfelf declared
an enemy to his country : however, his wife and chil¬
dren had the good fortune to make their efcape.—
This maffacre w'as not confined to the city of Rome.
The foldiers, like as many blood-hounds, were difper-
fed over the country in fearch of thofe who fled. The
neighbouring towns, villages, and all the highways,
fwarmed wdth affaflins; and on this occafion Plutarch
obferves w-ith great concern, that the mofl: facred ties
of friendfliip and hdfpitality are not proof againfl: trea¬
chery, in the day of adverfity, for there were but very
few who did not difeover their friends who had fled to
T g them for flicker.
Sylla threa- This flaughter being over, Cinna named himfelf and
tens re- Marius confuls for the enfuing year 5 and thefe tyrants
venge. feemed refolved to begin the new’ year as they had
ended the old one : but, while they w’ere preparing to
renew their cruelties, Sylla, having proved viftorious
in the eaff, fent a long letter to the fenate, giving an ac¬
count of his many viftories, and his refolution of return¬
ing to Rome, not to reflore peace to his country, but
to revenge himfelf of his enemies, i. e. to dertroy thofe
whom Marius had fpared. This letter occafioned an
univerfal terror. Marius, dreading to enter the lills
with fuch a renowned wrarrior, gave himfelf up to ex-
ceflive drinking, and died. His fon was affociated with
Cinna in the government, though not in the confulfliip,
and proved a tyrant no lefs cruel than his father. The
fenate declared one Valerius Flaccus general of the for-. Rome,
ces in the eaft, and appointed him a conliderable army j '■—■"v-—
but the troops all to a man delerted him, and joined
Sylla. Soon after, China dedaied himfelf conful a
third time, and took lor his colleague Papirius Carbo -,
but the citizens, dreading the tyranny of thefe inhuman
rnonfters, fled in crowds to Sylla, ivlio was now in
Greece. i o him the fenate lent deputies, begging
that he would have compaflion on his country, and not
carry his refentment to fuch a length as to begin a ci¬
vil war : but he replied, that he was coming to Rome
foil of rage and revenge ; and that all his enemies, if
the Roman people confented to it, ftiould perith either
by the Iword or the axes of the executioners. Upon
this leveral very numerous armies were formed againft
him 5 but, through the milconduct of the generals who
commanded them, thefe armies were everywhere de¬
feated, or went over to the enemy. Pompey, after¬
wards flyled the Great, fignalized himfelt in this war,
and embraced the party of Sylla. The Italian nations
took fomc one lide and fome another, as their different
inclinations led them. Cinna, in the mean time, was
killed in a tumult, and young Marius and Carbo luc-
ceeded him j but the former having ventured an engage¬
ment with Sylia, was by him defeated, and forced to fly
to Pramcfle, where he was clofely befieged.
Thus was Rome reduced to the loweft degree of Rome in
mifery, when one Pontius Telefilms, a Samnite of greattlie
experience in war, projected the total ruin of the city. j
He had joined, or pretended to join, the generals of a
the Marian faction with an army of 40,000 men j and Samnite.
therefore marched towards Pnenefle, as if he defigned
to relieve Marius. By this means he drew’ Sylla and
Pompey away from the capital j and then, decamping
in the night, overreached thefe two generals, and by
break of day was within 10 furlongs of the Collatine
gate. Heathen pulled off the malk j and declaring
himfelf as much an enemy to Marius as to Sylla, told,
his troops, that it w as not his defign to affilt one Ro¬
man againfl another, but to deftroy the whole race.
“ Let fire and fw’ord (laid he) deftroy all ; let no quar¬
ter be given j mankind can never be free as long as one
Roman is left alive.'”—Never had this proud metropo¬
lis been in greater danger ; nor ever had any city a more
narrow’ efcape. The Roman youth marched out to
oppofe him, but v/ere driven back with great flaughter.
Sylla himfelf was defeated, and forced to fly to his
camp. Telefinus advanced with more fury than ever ;
but, in the mean time, the other wing of his army ha¬
ving been defeated by P»I. Craffus, the vidlorious gene¬
ral attacked the body where Telefinus commanded, and
by putting them to flight, faved his country from the
moft imminent danger.
Sylla, having now no enemy to fear, marched firft Monfhous
to Atemnae, and thence to Rome. From the formerrriu lt)'
city he parried 8000 prifoners to Rome, and caufediSy*Ia‘
them all to be maffacred at once in the circus. His
cruelty next fell upon the Prseneftines, 12,000 of whom
w’ere maffacred without mercy. Young Marius had
killed himfelf, in order to avoid falling into the hands
of fuch a cruel enemy. Soon after, the inhabitants of.
Norba, a city of Campania, finding themfelvcs unable
to refill: the forces of the tyrant, fet fire to their heufes,
and all periflied in the flames. The taking of thefe
cities put an end to the civil war, but not to the cruel-
ROM [ 165 ] ROM
Rome.
iSS
He is pro¬
claimed
perpetual
aiciator.
189
Pompcy
and CraiTus
affume
great au¬
thority.
ties of Sylla. Having affembled the people in the co-
mitium, he told them, that he was refolved not to ipare
a fingle perfon wrho had borne arms again It him. This
cruel refolution he put in execution with the moft un¬
relenting rigour; and having at lalt cut off all thole
whom lie thought capable or oppofmg him, Sylla cauled
himfelf to be declared perpetual dictator, or, in other
words, king and abfolute fovereign of Rome.
This revolution happened about 80 B. C. and from
this time we may date the lofs of the Roman liberty.
Sylla indeed religned his power in two years •, but the
citizens of Rome having once fubmitted, were ever
after move inclined to fubmit to a m ilter. Though
individuals retained the lame enlhufialtic notions of li¬
berty as before, yet the minds of the generality leem
from this time to have inclined towards monarchy. New
matters were indeed already prepared for the republic.
Caelar and Pompey had eminently diltinguithed them-
felves by their martial exploits, and were already rivals.
They were, however, for fome time prevented from
railing any dilturbances by being kept at a diltance from
each other. Sertorius, One of the generals ot the Ma¬
rian faction, and the only one of them poffeli'ed either
of honour or probity, had retired into Spain, where he
erefted a republic independent of Rome. Pompey and
Metellus, twro of the belt reputed generals in Rome,
were fent againlt him ; but inltead of conquering, they
were on all occalions conquered by him, and obliged to
abandon their enterprife with dil’grace. At lalt Serto¬
rius was treacheroully murdered ; and the traitors, who
after his death ufurped the command, being totally de-
ftitute of his abilities, were ealily defeated by Pompey :
and thus that general reaped an undeferved honour from
concluding the war with fuccefs.
The Spanidi war tvas fcarce ended, when a very
dangerous one was excited by Spartacus, a Thracian
gladiator. For fome time this rebel proved very iuc-
cefsful ; but at lalt was totally defeated and killed by
CralTus. The fugitives, how7ever, rallied again, to the
number of 5000 ; but, being totally defeated by Pom¬
pey, the latter took occalion from thence to claim the
glory which was jultly due to Craffus. Being thus
become extremely popular, and fetting no bounds to his
ambition, he was chofen conful along with CralTus.
Both generals were at the head of powerful armies;
and a contelt between them immediately began about
who fliould firft lay down their arms. With difficulty
they were in appearance reconciled, and immediately
began to oppofe one another in a new way. Pompey
courted the favour of the people, by reinftating the tri¬
bunes in their ancient power, which had been greatly
abridged by Sylla. CralTus, though naturally covetous,
entertained the populace with furprifing profufion at
10,000 tables, and at the fame time diftributed corn
lufficient to maintain their families for three months.—
Thefe prodigious expences will feem lefs furprifing,
when we confider that Craffus was the richeft man in
Rome, and that his eftate amounted to upwards of 7000
talents, i. e. 1,356,250!. fterlipg. Notwithftanding his
utmoft efforts, however, Pompey ftill had the fuperiori-
ty ; and was therefore propofed as a proper perfon to
be employed for clearing the feas of pirates. In this
new' flation a moff extenfive power was to be granted
to him. He was to have an abfolute authority for three
years over all the feas within the flraits or Pillars of
Hercules, and over all the countries for the fpace of Rom?.
400 furlongs from the fea. He was empowered to raife ' —h
as many fbldiers and mariners as he thought proper 5 to
take what lums of money he pleafed out of the public
treafury without being accountable for them } and to
choofe out ot the fenate /fifteen fenators to be his lieu¬
tenants, and to execute his orders when he himlelf could
not be prelent. The ienfible part of the people were
againft invefting one man with io much power} but the
unthinking multitude rendered all oppofition fruit KTs.
The tribune Rofcius attempted to fpeak againft it, but
was prevented by the clamours of the people. He then
held up two of his fingers, to (howT that he was for di¬
viding that extenfive commiffion between two perfons :
but on this the afl’embly burit out into inch hideous out¬
cries, that a crow flying accidentally over the comitium,
was ftunned with the noife, and feii down among the
rabble. Tins law being agreed to, Pompey executed
his commiflion fo much to the public fatisfaclion, that
on his return a new law was propofed in his favour. By
this he- was to be appointed general of all the forces in
Alia ; and as he was ftill to retain the fovereignty of
the feas, he was now in fa£f made fovereign of all the
Roman empire.—This law' was fupporled by Cicero and
CaTar, the former afpiring at the confulate, and the lat¬
ter pleafed to lee the Romans fo readily appointing them-
lelves a mafter. Pompey, however, executed his com¬
miffion with the utmoft fidelity and fuccefs, com¬
pleting the conqueft of Pontus, Albania, Iberia, &c.
which had been fuccefsfully begun by Sylla and Lu-
cullus. I o
But while Pompey was thus aggrandifing himfelf, Confpiracy ■
the republic was on the point of being fubverted by a of Catiline,
confpiracy formed by Lucius Sergius Catiline. He was
defeended from an illuftrious family 5 but having quite
ruined his eftate, and rendered himfelf infamous by a
feries of the moft deteftable crimes, he affociated with a
number of others in circumftances fimilar to his own,
in order to repair their broken fortunes by ruining their
country. Their fcheme was to murder the confuls to¬
gether with the greateft part of the fenators, let fire to
the city in different places, and then feize the govern¬
ment. This wicked defign mifearried twice : but was
not on that account dropped by the confpirators. Their
party increafed every day j and both Caelar and Craffus,
who fince the departure of Pompey had ftudied to gain
the affections of the people as far as poffible, w'ere
thought to have been privy to the confpiracy. At laft,
hotoever, the matter was difeovered by means of a young
knight, who had indifcreetly revealed the fecret to his
paramour. Catiline then openly took the field, and ^
foon raifed a confiderable army : but was utterly de¬
feated and killed about 62 B. C. ; and thus the republic
was freed from the prefent danger.
In the mean time, Csefar continued to advance in po¬
pularity and in power. Soon after the defeat of Cati¬
line, he was created pontifex maximus *, and after that
was fent into Spain, where he fubdued feveral nations
that had never before been fubjeff to Rome While he
was thus employed, his rival Pompey returned from the
eaft, and was received with the higheft honours ; but
though ftill as ambitious a# ever, he now affe&ed ex¬
traordinary modefty. and declined accepting of the ap-
plaufe which was offered him. His aim was to affume a
fovereign authority without Teeming to defire -it j but-
he
Rome.
*The firft
triumvi*
^ate.
11 O M [ 16(3 ] ROM
he was foon convinced, that, if he defiled to reign over
his fellow-citizens, it mull be by force of arms. He
therefore renewed his intrigues, and fpared no pains,
however mean and fcandalous, to increale his populari¬
ty. Caefar, on his return from Spain, found the fove-
reignty divided between Craffus and Pompey, each of
whom was ineffedtually ftruggling to get the better of
the other. Caefar, no lefs ambitious thaii the other two,
propofed that they Ihould put an end to their differences,
and take him for a partner in their power. In fhort,
he projefled a triumvirate, or affociation of three per-
fons, (Pompey, Craffus, and himfelf), in which fliould
be lodged the whole power of the fenate and people ;
and, in order to make their confederacy more lading,
they bound themfelves by mutual oaths and promifes to
Hand by each other, and fuffer nothing to be undertaken
©r carried into execution without the unanimous confent
of all the three.
Thus was the liberty of the Romans taken away a
fecond time, nor did they ever afterwards recover it $
though at prefent none perceived that this was the cafe,
except Cato. The afTociation of the triumvirs was for
a long time kept fecret; and nothing appeared to the
people except the reconciliation of Pompey and Craffus,
for which the ft&te reckoned itfelf indebted to Caefar.
The firff confequence of the triumvirate was the conful-
fhip of Julius Caefar. But though this was obtained by
the favour of Pompey and Craffus, he found himfelf dis¬
appointed in the colleague he wanted to affociate with
him in that office. He had pitched upon one whom he
knew he could manage as he pleafed, and didributed
large fums among the people in order to engage them
to vote for him. The fenate, however, and even Cato
himfelf, refolved to defeat the triumvir at his own wea¬
pons } and having therefore fet up another candidatej
didributed fuch immenfe fums on the oppofite fide, that
Caefar, notwithdanding the vad riches he had acquired,
was forced to yield. This defeat proved of fmall con¬
fequence. Caefar fet himfelf to engage the affections of
the people ; and this he did, by an agrarian law, fo ef¬
fectually, that he was in a manner idolized. The law
was in itfelf very reafonable and jud j neverthelefs, the
fenate, perceiving the defign with wffiich it W'as propof¬
ed, thought themfelves bound to oppofe it. Their op-
pofition, however, proved fruitlefs : the conful Bibulus,
who fiiew’ed himfelf mod aCtive in his endeavours againd
it, was driven out of the affembly with the greated in¬
dignity, and from that day became of no confideration }
fo that Csefar was reckoned the foie conful.
The next dep taken by Caefar was to fecure the
knights, as he had already done the people J and for
this purpofe he abated a third of the rents which they
annually paid into the treafury 5 after wffiich he go¬
verned Rome with an abfolute fway during the time of
his confulate. The reign of this triumvir, however,
vras ended by his expedition into Gaul, where his mi¬
litary exploits acquired him the highed reputation.—
Pompey and Craffus in the mean time became confuls,
and governed as defpotically as Caefar himfelf had done.
On the expiration of their fird confulate, the republic
fell into a kind of anarchy, entirely owing to the difbr-
ders occafioned by the two late confuls. At lad, how¬
ever, this confufion w'as ended by raifing Craffus and
Pompey to the confulate a fecond time. This was no
fooner done, that a new partition of the empire was
. 1
propofed. Craffus was to have Syria and all the eadefh Rotties
provinces, Pompey was to govern Africa and Spain,111
and Caefar to be continued in Gaul, and all this for the
fpace of five years. This law was paffed by a great ma¬
jority $ upon which Craffus undertook an expedition
againd the Parthians, whom he imagined he ffiould ea-
fily overcome, and then enrich himfelf with their fpoils j
Csefar applied with great affiduity to the completing of
the conqued of Gaul} and Pompey having nothing to
do in his province, daid at Rome to govern the republic
alone.
The affairs of the Romans were now hadening to a
crids. Craffus, having oppreffed all the provinces of
the ead, was totally defeated and killed by the Par¬
thians * ; after which the two great rivals Caefar and * See Tar=
Pompey were left alone, without any third perfon \v\iq thia.
could hold the balance between them, or prevent the .
deadly quarrels which were about to enfue. Matters, of C2efarp
however, continued pretty quiet till Gaul was reduced and Pom-
to a Roman province f. The quedion then was, whe-pey.
ther Caefar or Pompey ffiould fird refign the command f SeeGaw/.
of their armies, and return to the rank of private per-
fons. As both parties farv, that whoever fird laid down
his arms mud of courfe fubmit to the other, both refu-
fed to difarm themfelves. As Ceefar, however, had
amaffed immenfe riches in Gaul, he was now in a condi¬
tion not only to maintain an army capable of vying with
Pompey, but even to buy over the leading men in Rome
to his intered. One of the confuls, named JEmiiius
Pau/us, cod him no lefs than 1500 talents, or 310,625k
derling ; but the other, named Marcellus, could not be
gained at any price. Pompey had put at the head of
the tribunes one Scribonius Curio, a young patrician of
great abilities, but fo exceedingly debauched and extra¬
vagant, that he owed upwards of four millions and a
half of our money. Caefar, by enabling him to fatisfy
his creditors, and fupplying him with money to purfue
his debaucheries, fecured him in his intered ; and Curio,
without feeming to be in Caefar’s intered, found means
to do him the mod effential fervice. He propofed that
both generals ffiould be recalled •, being well affured that
Pompey would never confent to part with his army,
or lay down the government of Spain with which he
had been inveded, fo that Caefar might draw from Pom-
pey’s refufal a pretence for continuing himfelf in his
province at the head of his troops. This propofal threw
the oppofite party into great embarraffments j and while
both profeffed their pacific intentions, both continued
in readinefs for the mod obdinate and bloody war.—
Cicero took upon himfelf the office of mediator ; but
Pompey would hearken to no terms of accommodation.
The orator, furprifed to find him fo obdinate, at the
fame time that he neglefted to drengthen his army,
a Iked him with what forces he defigned to make head
againd Csefar ? To which the other anfwered, that he
needed but damp with his foot, and an army would dart
up out of the ground. This confidence he affumed be-
caufe he perfuaded himfelf that Caefar’s men would
abandon him if matters came to extremities. Csefar,
however, though he affefted great moderation, yet kept
himfelf in readinefs for the word j and therefore, when
the fenate paffed the fatal decree for a’civil war, he was ^
not in the lead alarmed. This decree was iffued in the The decree
year 49 B. C. and w'as expreffed in the following words: f°r a civil
“ Let the confuls for the year, the proconful Pompey,war"
the
ROM
t 167 ]
ROM
Xome.
i<)4
Hoftilities
foegun by
Csefar.
the prselors, and all thofe in or near Rome who have
been conluls, provide for the public fafety by the molt
proper means.” This decree was no fooner pafled, than
the conful Marcellus went, with his colleague Lentulus,
to an houfe at a fmall diftance from the town, where
Pompey then wvas} and prelenting him with a fword,
“ We require you (faid he) to take upon you with this
the defence of the republic, and the command of her
troops.” Pompey obeyed ; and Csefar was by the fame
decree divefted of his office, and one Lucius Domitius
appointed to fucceed him, the new governor being em¬
powered to raife 4000 men in order to take poffeffion of
his province.
War being thus refolved on, the fenate and Pompey
began to make the neceffary preparations for oppofing
Caefar. The attempt of the latter to withftand their
. authority they termed a tumult; from which contempti¬
ble epithet it appeared that they either did not know,
or did not dread, the enemy whom they were bringing
upon themfelves. However, they ordered 30,000 Ro¬
man forces to be aflembled, together with as many fo¬
reign troops as Pompey ffiould think proper j the ex¬
pence of which armament was defrayed from the public
treafury. The governments of provinces, and all pub¬
lic honours, were bellowed upon fuch as were remark¬
able for their attachment to Pompey and their enmity to
Casfar. The latter, however, was by no means wanting
in what concerned his own intereft. Three of the tri
bunes who had been his friends were driven out of Rome
and arrived in his camp difguifed like Haves. Caefai
fhowed them to his army in this ignominious habit
and, fetting forth the iniquity of the fenate and patri¬
cians, exhorted his men to Hand by their general under
whom they had ferved fo long with fuccefs, and finding
by their acclamations that he could depend on them, he
refolved to begin hollilities immediately.
The firlt defign of Caefar was to make himfelf mailer
of Ariminum, a city bordering upon Cifalpine Gaul,
and confequently a part of his province •, but as this
would be looked upon as a declaration of war, he re¬
folved to keep his defign as private as poffible. At that
time he himfelf was at Ravenna, from whence he fent
a detachment towards the Rubicon, defiring the officer
who commanded it to wait for him on the banks of that
river. The next day he affilted at a ffiow of gladiators,
and made a great entertainment. Towards the clofe of
the day he rofe from table, defiring his guells to Hay
tiir he came back, which he faid would be very foonj
but, inltead of returning to the company, he immedi¬
ately fet out for the Rubicon, having left orders to fome
of his molt intimate friends to follow him through dif¬
ferent roads, to avoid being obferved. Having arrived
at the Rubicon, which parted Cifalpine Gaul from Ita¬
ly, the fucceeding misfortunes of the empire occurred
to his mind, and made him hefitate. Turning then to
Afinius Pollio, “ If I dont crofs the river (faid he),
I am undone ; and if I do crofs it, how many calami¬
ties fhall I by this means bring upon Rome !” Having
thus fpoken, he mufed a few minutes ; and then crying
out, “ The die is call,” he threw himfelf into the ri¬
ver, and croffing it, marched w'ith ail poffible fpeed to
Ariminum, which he reached and furprifed before day¬
break. From thence, as he had but one legion with
him, he difpatched orders to the formidable army he had
left in Gaul to crofs the mountains and join him.
The a&ivity of Caefar llruck the oppofite party with Rome,
the greatell terror 5 and indeed not without realon, for *v
they had been extremely negligent in making prepara¬
tions againlt fuch a formidable opponent. Pompey
himfelf, no lefs alarmed than the reit, left Rome with a
defign to retire to Capua, where he had two legions
whom he had formerly draughted out of Csefar’s army.
He communicated his intended flight to the fenate j but
at the fame time acquainted them, that if any magiilrate
or fenator refufed to follow him, he ffiould be treated as
a friend to Caefar and an enemy to his country. In the
mean time Caefar, having raifed new troops in Cifalpine
Gaul, fent Marc Antony with a detachment to feize
Aretium, and fome other officers to fecure Pifaurum
and Fanum, while he himfelf marched at the head of
the thirteenth legion to Auximum, which opened its ^
gates to him. From Auximum he advanced into Pi- TakesYeve*
cenum, where he was joined by the twelfth legion from ral towns*
Tranfalpine Gaul. As Picenum readily fubmitted to
him, he led his forces againlt Corfinium, the capital of
the Peligni, which Domitius Ahenobarbus defended with
thirty cohorts. But' Caefar no fooner invefted it, than
, the garrifon betrayed their commander, and delivered
him up with many fenators, who had taken refuge in
the place, to Caefar, who granted them their lives and
liberty. Domitius, fearing the refentment of the con¬
queror, had ordered one of his (laves, whom he ufed as a
phyfician, to give him a dofe of poifon. When he came
to experience the humanity of the conqueror, he lament¬
ed his misfortune, and blamed the haltinefs of his own
refolution. But his phyfician, who had only given him
a deeping draught, comforted him, and received his li¬
berty as a reward for his affedlion.
Pompey, thinking himfelf no longer fafe at Capua Befieges
after the reduction of Corfinium, retired to Brundu- Pompey,
fium, with a defign to carry the war into the call, ^caPe3i
where all the governors were his creatures. Caefar fol- r‘
lowed him clofe; and arriving with his army before"
Brundufium, inverted the place on the land-fide, and
undertook to (hut up the port by a ftaccado of his own
invention. But, before the work was completed, the
fleet which had conveyed the two confuls with thirty
cohorts to Dyrrhachium being returned, Pompey re¬
folved to make his efcape, which he conducted with all
the experience and dexterity of a great officer. He
kept his departure very fecret; but, at the fame time,
made all neceflary preparations for the facilitating of it.
In the firft place, he walled up the gates, then dug deep-
and -wide ditches crofs all the ftreets, except only thofe
two that led to the port ; in the ditches he planted
(harp pointed flakes, covering them with hurdles and
earth. After thefe precautions, he gave exprefs orders
that all the citizens (liould keep within doors, led they
(hould betray his defign to the enemy j and then, in the
fpace of three days, embarked all his troops, except
the light-armed infantry, whom he had placed on the
walls; and thefe likewife, on a fignal given, abandon¬
ing their polls, repaired with great expedition to the
drips. Caefar, perceiving the walls unguarded, ordered
his men to fcale them, and make what hade they could
after the enemy. In the heat of the purfuit, they wmiild
have fallen into the ditches which Pompey had prepared
for them, had not the Brundufians warned them of the
danger, and, by many windings and turnings, led thenr
to the haven, where they found all the fleet under fail,
except
R O M
[ i
157
Caetar croes
to Rome.
except two veflels, which had run aground in going out
of the harbour. Thefe Ciefar took, made the foldiers
on board prifoners, and brought them afhore.
Caefar, feeing himfelf, by the flight of his rival, maf-
ter of all Italy from the Alps to the fea, was defirous
to follow and attack him before he was joined by the
fupplies Which he expe&ed from Afia. But being def-
titute of (hipping, he refolved to go firft to Rome, and
(ettle fome fort of government there , and then pafs in¬
to Spain, to drive from thence Pompey’s troops, who
had taken pofl'effion of that great continent, under the
command of Afranius and Petreius. Before he left
Brundufium, he fent Scribonius Curio with three legions
into Sicily, and ordered Q. Valerius, one of his lieute¬
nants, to get together what {hips he could, and crofs
over with one legion into Sardinia. Cato, who com¬
manded in Sicily, upon the firft news of Curio’s land¬
ing there, abandoned the ifland, and retired to the
camp of the confuls at Dyrrhachium •, and £). Valerius
no fooner appeared with his fmall fleet off Sardinia,
than the Caralitini, now the inhabitants of Cagliari,
drove out Aurelius Cotta, who commanded there for the
fenate, and put Caefar’s lieutenant in poffeflion both of
their city and ifland.
In the mean time the general himfelf advanced to¬
wards Rome ; and on his march wrote to all the fena-
tors then in Italy, defiring them to repair to the capi¬
tal, and aflift him with their counfel. Above all, he
was defirous to fee Cicero ; but could not prevail upon
him to return to Rome. As Caefar drew near the ca¬
pital, he quartered his troops in the neighbouring mu-
nicipia; and then advancing to the city, out of a pre¬
tended refpeff to the ancient cuftoms, he took up his
quarters in the fuburbs, whither the whole city crowd¬
ed to fee the famous conqueror of Gaul, who had been
abfent near ten years. And now fuch of the tribunes
of the people as had fled to him for refuge reaffumed
their funffions, mounted the roftra, and endeavoured by
their fpeeches to reconcile the people to the head of
their party. Marc Antony particularly, and Caflius
Longinus, two of Caefar’s moft zealous partifans, moved
that the lenate fliould meet in the fuburbs, that the ge¬
neral might give them an account of his conduct. Ac¬
cordingly, fuch of the fenators as were at Rome affem-
bled ; when Caefar made a fpeech in juftification of all
his proceedings, and concluded his harangue with pro-
pofing a deputation to Pompey, with offers of an ac¬
commodation in an amicable manner. Pie even defired
the confoript fathers, to whom in appearance he paid
great deference, to nominate fome of their venerable
body to carry propofals of peace to the confuls, and the
general of the confular army ; but none of the fenators
would take upon him that cotnmifiion. He then began
to think of providing himfelf with the neeeffary firms
for carrying on the war, and had recourfe to the public
treafury. But Metellus, one of the tribunes, oppofed
him ; alleging a law^ forbidding any one to open the
treafury, but in the prefence and with the conlent of
the confuls. Caefar, however, without regarding the
tribune, went direftly to the temple of Saturn, where
the public money was kept. But the keys of the trea¬
fury having been carried aw-ay by the conful Lentulus,
he ordered the doors to be broken open. This Metel¬
lus oppoled : but C®far, in a paffion, laying his hand
on. his fword, threatened to kill him if he gave him any
2
68 ] R O M
farther difturbance ; which fo terrified Metellus, that Ro.rfc.
he w’ithdrevv^ Caefar took out of the treafu y, which ^
was ever after at his command, an immenfe fum •, fome I^S
fay, 300,000 pounds weight of gold. With this fupply hmuiSf*
of money he raifed troops all over Italy, and lent go-with mo-
vernors into all the provinces fubje6x to the republic. ney from
Caefar now* made Marc Antony commander in chiefth PllbUc
of the armies in Italy, fent his brother C. Antonins toUc“ U!,r‘
govern Illyricum, afligned Cifalpine Gaul to Licinius
Craflus, appointed M. Arirnilius Lepidus governor of
the capital ; and having got together fame fhips to
cruife in the Adriatic and Mediterranean feas, he gave
the command of one of his fleets to P. Cornelius Do-
labella, and of the other to young Hortenfius, the Ion
of the famous orator. As Pompey had fent governors
into the fame provinces, by this means a general war
w*as kindled in almoft all the parts of the known world.
However, Caefar would not truft any of his lieutenants
with the conduft of the war in Spain, which was Pom¬
pey’s favourite province, but took it upon himfelf; and
having fettled his affairs in great hafte at Rome, re¬
turned to Ariminum, affembltd his legions there, and
paffing the Alps, entered Tranfalpine Gaul. There he
was informed that the inhabitants of Marfexlles had re¬
folved to refufe him entrance into their city ; and that
L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, whom he had generoufly
pardoned and let at liberty after the reduftion of Cor-
finium, had fet fail for Marfeilles with feven galleys,
having on board a great number of his clients aad
flaves, with a defign to raife the city in favour of Pom¬
pey. Caefar, thinking it dangerous to let the enemy
take poffeffion of fuch an important place, fent for the
15 chief magiftrates of the city, and advifed them not
to begin a war with him, but rather follow the example
of Italy, and fubmit. The magiftrates returned to the
city, and foon after informed him that they were to
ftand neuter ; but in the mean time Domitius arriving
with his fmall fquadron, was received into the city, and
declared general of all their forces. Hereupon Casfar
immediately invefied the town with three legions, and
ordered twelve galleys t© be built at Arelas, now Arles,
in order t® block up the port. But as the fiege was
like to detain him too long, he left C. Trebonius to
carry it on, and D. Brutus to command the fleet, while
he continued his march into Spain, where he began the
war with all the valour, ability, and fuccefs of a great
general. Pompey had three generals in this continent,
which was divided into tw*o Roman provinces. Varro
commanded in Farther Spain ; and Petreius and Afra¬
nius, with equal power, and two confiderable armies,
in Hither Spain. Caefar, while he was yet at Marfeilles,
fent O. Fabius, one of his lieutenants, with three legions,
to take poffeffion of the paffes of the Pyrenees, which
Afranius had feized. Fabius executed his cemmiflion
with great bravery, entered Spain, and left the way open
for Csefar, who quickly followed him. As foon as he
had crofted the mountains, he fent out fcouts to obferve
the fitualion of the enemy ; by whom he was informed,
that Afranius and Petreius having joined their forces,
confifling of five legions, 20 cohorts of the natives, and
5000 horfe, were advantageoufty polled on an hill of an
eafy afeent in the neighbourhood of Ilerda, now I.crula,
in Catalonia. Upon this advice Casfar advanced within
fight of the enemy, and encamped in a plain between
the Sicoris and Cinga, now the Segro and Cine a. Be¬
tween
Rome.
I99
It reduced
to great
diftrefs in
Spain.
200
Overcomes
his difficul¬
ties, and re¬
duces all
Spain.
R O M [ i
tween the eminence on which Afranius had ported him-
' felf, and the city of Ilerda, was a fmali plain, and in the
middle of it a rifing ground, which Caefar attempted to
feize, in order to cut off by that means the communi¬
cation between the enemy’s camp and the city, from
whence they had all their provifions. This occalioned
a lharp difpute between three of Ccefar’s legions and an
equal number of the enemy, which lalted five hours vrith
equal fuccefs, both parties claiming the vidlory. But
after all, Afranius’s men, who had firft feized the poll:,
maintained themfelves in poffeflion of it in fpite of Cae-
far’s utmoff efforts. Two days after this battle, conti¬
nual rains, with the melting of the fnow on the moun¬
tains, fo fwelled the two rivers between which Ccefar
was encamped, that they overflowed, broke down his
bridges, and laid under water the neighbouring country
to a great diftance. This cut off the communication
between his camp and the cities that had declared for
him j and reduced him to fuch ftraits, that h\s army
was ready to die for famine, wheat being fold in his
camp at 50 Roman denarii per bufliel, that is, il. 12s.
rterling. He tried to rebuild his bridges, but in
vain ; the violence of the ftream rendering all his en¬
deavours fruitlefs.
Upon the news of Caefar’s dirtrefs, Pompey’s party
at Rome began to take courage. Several perfons of
diftin£tion went to congratulate Afranius’s wife on the
fuccefs of her hufband’s arms in Spain. Many of the
fenators who had hitherto rtood neuter, haftened to
Pompey’s camp, taking it for granted that Caefar was
reduced to the laft extremity, and all hopes of his party
loft. Of this number was Cicero j who, without any
regard to the remonftrances of Atticus, or the letters
Caefar himfelf wrote to him, defiling him to join nei¬
ther party, left Italy, and landed at Dyrrhachium,
where Pumpey received him with great marks of joy
and friendlhip. But the joy of Pompey’s party was
not long-livedL For Caefar, after having attempted fe-
veral times in vain to rebuild his bridges, caufed boats
-to be made with all portible expedition ; and while the
enemy were diverted by endeavouring to intercept the
fuccours that were fent him from Gaul, he laid hold of
that opportunity to convey his boats in the night on
carriages 22 miles from his camp ; where with won¬
derful quicknefs a great detachment paffed the Sicoris,
and encamping on the oppofite bank unknown to the
enemy, built a bridge in two days, opened a commu¬
nication with the neighbouring country, received the
lupplies from Gaul, and relieved the wants of his fol-
diers. Caefar being thus delivered from danger, pur-
fued the armies of Afranius and Petreius with fuch fu-
perior addrefs and conduft, that he forced them to lub-
mit without coming to a battle, and by that means be¬
came mafter of all Hither Spain. Fhe two generals
difbanded their troops, fent them out of the province,
and returned to Italy, after having folemnly promifed
never to affemble forces again, or make war upon Caefar.
Upon the news of the redu&ion of Hither Spain, the
Spaniards in Farther Spain, and one Roman legion,
delerted from Varro, Pompey’s governor in that pro¬
vince, which obliged him to furrender his other legion
and all his money.
Caefar having thus reduced all Spain in a few months,
appointed Caflius Longinus to govern the two provinces
with four legions, and then returned to Macfeiiles;
Vol. XVIII. Part I. *
69 ] ROM
which city was juft upon the point of furrendering after Rojr.e.
a moft. vigorous refiftance. Though the inhabitants had ‘
by their late treachery deferred a levere punilhment, yet
he granted them their lives and liberty 5 but ftripped
their arfenals of arms, and obliged them to deliver up
all their rtiips. From Marfeilles Csefar marched into
Ciialpine Gaul; and from thence hartened to Rome,
where he laid the foundation of his future grandeur.
He found the city in a very different ftate from that in 3er
which he had left it. Moft of the fenators and m^gi-Returns to
ftrates were fled to Pompcy at Dyrrhachium. How-K.ome> aRi
ever, there were fiill pnetors there } and among themi?.^feate<'
M. /Lmilius Lepidus, who was afterward^ one of the1111” at01
triumvirs with Octavius and Marc Antony. The prse-
tor, to ingratiate himfelf with Caefar, nominated him
didfator of bis own authority, and againft the inclina¬
tion of the fenate. Caefar accepted the new dignity j
but neither abufed his power, as Sylla had done, nor
retained it fo long. During the 11 days of his dldla-
torftiip, he governed with great moderation, and gained
the affedlions ooth of the people and the patricians.
He recalled the exiles, granted the rights and privileges
of Roman citizens to all the Gauls beyond the Po, and,
as pantifex maximus, filled up the vacancies of the fa-
cerdotal colleges with his own friends. Though it was
expedled that he would have abfolutely cancelled all
debts contradfed fince the beginning of the troubles, he
only reduced the intereft to one-fourth. But the chief
ufe he made of his diaatorfhip was to prefide at the
eledfion of confuls for the next year, when he got him¬
felf, and Servilius Ifauricus, one of his moft zealous par-
tifans, promoted to that dignity.
And now being refolved to follow Pompey, and carry Follows
the war into the enft, he fet out for Brundufium, whi- Pcmpey
ther he had ordered 12 legions to repair with all p0f.into thc
fible expedition. But on his arrival he found only fiveeaft'
there. 1 he reft, being afraid of the dangers of the lea,
and unwilling to engage in a new war, had marched
leifureiy, complaining of their general for allowing them
no refpite, but hurrying them continually from one coun¬
try to another. However, Caefar did not wait for them,
but fet fail with only five legions and 600 horfe in
the beginning of January. While the reft were waiting
at Brundufium for fliips to tranfport them over into
Epirus, Caefar arrived fafe with his five legions in Chao-
nia, the northern part of Epirus, near the Ceraunian
mountains. "I here he landed his troops, and fent the
fliips bacK to Brundufium to bring over the legions that
were left behind. I he war he was now entering upon
was the moft difficult he had yet undertaken. Pompey
had for a whole year been affembling troops. From all
the eaftern countries. When he left Italy, he had only
five legions ; but fince his arrival at Dyrrhachium he
had been reinforced with one from Sicily, another from
Crete and two from Syria. Three thoufand archerT
fix cohorts of (lingers, and feven thoufand horfe, had’
been fent him by princes in alliance with Rome. All
the free cities of Afia had reinforced his army with
their beft troops; nay, if we give credit to an hiftorical
poet fuccours were brought him from the Indus and
the Ganges to the eaft,. and from Arabia and Ethiopia
to the fouth ; at leaft it is certain, that Greece, Afia
Minor Syria, Paleftine, Egypt, and all the nations from
the Mediterranean to the Euphrates, took up arms in
ms favour. He had almoft all the Roman knights,
^ that
ROM
Rome.
[ 170 ]
R O M
203
Makes pro-
pofals of
accommo¬
dation,
which are
pejedted.
that is, the flower of the young nobility, in his fqua-
' drons, and his legions confiiled moftly of veterans inured
to dangers and the toils of war. Pompey hirafelf
was a general of great experience and addrefs 5 and had
under him fome of the belt commanders of the republic,
who had formerly condufted armies themlelves. As
for his navy, he had above 500 Ihips of war, befides a
far greater number of fmall veffels, which were conti¬
nually cruifing on the coafts, and intercepted fuch fliips
as tarried arms or provifions to the enemy. He had
likevvife with him above 200 fenators, who formed a
more numerous lenate than that at Rome. Cornelius
Lentulus and Claudius Marcellus, the laft year’s con-
fuls, prefided in it j but under the diredtion of Pompey
their protedtor, who ordered them to affemble at Thef-
falonica, where he built a {lately hall for that purpofe.
There, in one of their aflemblies, at the motion of Ca¬
to, it was decreed, that no Roman citizen Ihould be
put to death but in battle, and that no city fubjedt to
the republic fhould be lacked. At the fame time the
confcript fathers affembled at Theffalonica decreed, that
they alone reprefented the Roman fenate, and that thofe
who refided at Rome were encouragers of tyranny, and
friends to the tyrant. And indeed, as the flower of the
nobility was with Pompey, and the molt virtuous men
in the republic had taken refuge in his camp, he was
generally looked upon as the only hope and fupport of
the public liberty. Hence many perfons of eminent
probity, who had hitherto Rood neuter, flocked to him
from all parts. Among thefe were young Brutus, who
afterwards confpired again!! Qefar, Tidius Sextius, and
Labienus. Brutus, whole father had been put to death
in Galatia by Pompey’s order, had never fpoken to
him, or fo much as faluted him fince that time : but
as he now looked upon him as the defender of the pub¬
lic liberty, he joined him, facrificing therein his private
refentment to the interefl: of the public. Pompey re¬
ceived him with great joy, and was willing to confer
upon him fome command ; but he declined the offer.
Tidius Sextius, though extremely old and lame, yet
left Rome, and went as far as Macedonia to join Pom¬
pey there. Labienus likewife forfook his old benefac¬
tor, under whom he had ferved during the whole courfe
of the Gauliih war, and went over to his rival, though
Csefar had appointed him commander in chief of all the
forces on the other fide the Alps. In flrort, Pompey’s
party grew into fuch reputation, that his caufe was ge¬
nerally called the good caufe, while Caefar’s adherents
were looked upon as enemies to their country, and abet¬
tors of tyranny.
As foon as Caefar landed, he marched diredtly to Ori-
cum, the nearelt city in Epirus, which was taken with¬
out oppofition. The like fucceis attended him at Apol-
Ionia, which was in no condition to Hand a fiege ; and
thefe two conquefts opened a way to Dyrrhachium,
where Pompey had his magazines of arms and provifions.
This fuccefs, however, was interrupted by the news
that the fleet which he had fent back to Brundufium to
tranfport the reft of his troops had been attacked by Bi-
bulus, one of Pompey’s admirals, who had taken 30,
and inhumanly burnt them with the feamen on board.
This gave Csefar great uneafinefs, efpecially as he heard
that Bibulus, with no ftiips of war, had taken poffef-
fion of all the harbours between Salonium and Oiicum j
To that the legions at Brundufium could not venture to
crofs the iea without great danger of falling into the
enemy’s hands. By this Csefar was fo much embarraf- '
fed, that he made propofals of accommodation upon ve¬
ry moderate terms; being no other than that both Pom¬
pey and he ILould diiband their armies within three
days, renew their former friendlhip with folemn oaths,
and return together to Italy. Thefe propofals were
fent by Vibullius Rufus, an intimate friend of Pompey,
whom Csefar had twice taken prifoner. Pompey, how¬
ever, probably elated with his late good fortune, an-
Ivvered that he would not hearken to any terms, left it
ftiould be faid that he owed his life and return to Italy
to Csefar’s favour. However, the latter again lent one
Vatinius to confer with Pompey about a treaty of peace.
Labienus was appointed to receive the propofals ; but
while they were conferring together, a party of Pom¬
pey’s men coming up to them, difcharged their darts at
Vatinius and thole who attended him. Some of the
guards were wounded, and Vatinius narrowly efcaped
with his life.
In the mean time Caefar advanced towards Dyrrha¬
chium, in hopes of furprifing that important place ; but
Pompey unexpeftedly appearing, he halted on the other
fide of the river Apius, where he intrenched himfelf, as
having but a fmall number of troops in comparifon of
the formidable army which attended Pompey. The lat¬
ter, however, notwithftanding his fuperrority, durft not
crofs the river in Csefar’s fight \ fo that the two armies
continued for fome time quiet in their refpective camps.
Csefar wrote letter after letter to Marc Antony, who
commanded the legions he had left in Italy, to come to
his aftiftance ; but receiving no anfwer, Csefar difguifed
himfelf in the habit of a Have, and with all imaginable
fecrecy went on board a filherman’s bark, with a defign
to go over to Brundufium, though the enemy’s fleet
was cruifing ©n the coafts both of Greece and Italy.
This defign, however, mifcarried, by reafon of the boat
being put back by contrary winds 5 and thus Csefar was
reftored to his foldiers, who had been very uneafy at his
abfence. He was no fooner landed than he difpatched
Pollhumius, one of his lieutenants, with molt prefling
orders to Marc Antony, Gabinius, and Calenus, to
bring the troops to him at all adventures. Gabinius,
unwilling to expofe all the hopes of his general to the
hazards of the fea, thought it fafer to march a great
way about by Illyricum, and therefore engaged all the
legionaries he could to follow him by land. But the
Illyrians, who had, unknown to him, declared for Pom¬
pey, fell unexpectedly upon him and killed him and his
men, not one efcaping. Marc Antony and Calenus,
who went by fea, were in the greateft danger from one
of Pompey’s admirals ; but had the good luck to bring
their troops fafe to Ihore at Nyphaeum, in the neigh¬
bourhood of Apollonia. As foon as it was known that
Antony was landed, Pompey marched to prevent his
joining CaTar. On the other hand, Caefar inftantly de¬
camped, and haftening to the relief of his lieutenant,
joined him before Pompey came up. Then Pompey,
not caring to engage them when united, retired to an
advantageous poll in the neighbourhood of Dyrrhachi¬
um, known by the name of Afparagium, and there en¬
camped. Cseiar having thus at length got all his troops
together, refolved to finilh the war by one general ac¬
tion, and determine the fate of the world, either by his
own death or by that of his rival. To this end he of¬
fered
Rorr.s-
Home.
104
Befieges
Pompey in
liis camp.
^05
Is driven
from fome
of his poits,
ROM [1
fered Pompey battle, and kept his army a great while
drawn up in fight of the enemy. But Pompey declin¬
ing an engagement, he decamped, and turned towards
Dyrrhachium, as if he defigned to furprife it, hoping
by this means to draw Pompey into the plain. But
Pompey, looking upon the taking of Dyrrhachium as a
chimerical projeft, followed Caefar at fome diftance, and
letting him draw near to the city, encamped on a hill
called Petra, which commanded the fea, whence he
could be fupplied with provifions from Greece and Afia,
while Coefar was forced to bring corn by land from Epi¬
rus, at a vail expence, and through many dangers.
This inconvenience put CaTar upon a new defign,
which was to furround an army far more numerous than
his own, and, by (hutting them up within a narrow
tra£l of ground, tliftrefs them as much for want of fo¬
rage as his troops were ditlreffed for want of corn. Pur-
fuant to this defign, he drew a line o( circumvallation
from the faa quite round Pompey’s camp, and kept him
fo clofely blocked up, that though his men were plenti¬
fully fupplied with provifions by fea, yet the horfes
of his army began foon to die in great numbers for
vvant of forage. Caefar’s men, though in the utmoft
cUftrefs for want of corn, yet bore all with incredible
cheerfidnefs; protefiing that they would rather live
upon the bark of trees than fuffer Pompey to efcape,
now they had him in their power. Caefar tells us, that
in this extremity fuch of the army as had been in Sar¬
dinia found out the way of making bread of a certain
herb called cl&ra, which they deeped in milk; and that
when the enemy infulted them on account of the dar-
ving condition which they were in, they threw feveral
of thefe loaves among them, to put them out of all
hopes of fubduing them by famine. “ So long as the
earth produces fuch roots (far'd they), we will not let
Pompey efcape.” At length Pompey, alarmed at the
didempers which began to prevail in his army, made fe¬
veral attempts to break through the barriers that inclo-
fed him, but was always repulfed with lofs. At length,
being reduced to the utmod extremity for want of fo¬
rage, he refolved at all events to force the enemy’s lines
and efcape. With the affidance, therefore, and by the
advice of two deferters, he embarked his archers, (ling¬
ers, and light-armed infantry, and marching himfelf by
land at the head of 60 cohorts, went to attack that part
of Caefar’s lines which was next to the fea, and not yet
quite finilhed. He fet out from his camp in the dead
of the night, and arriving at the pod he defigned to
force oy break of day, he began the attack by fea and
land at the fame time. The ninth legion, which de¬
fended that part of the lines, made for (ome time a vi¬
gorous refidance 5 but being attacked in the rear by
Pompey’s men, who came by fea, and landed between
Caefar’s two lines, they (led with fuch precipitation, that
the fuccours Marcellinus (ent them from a neighbouring
pod could not dop them. The enfign who carried the
eagle at the head of the routed legion was mortally
wounded j but neverthelefs, before he died, had pre¬
tence ot mind enough to confign the eagle to the caval¬
ry of the party, defiring them to deliver it to Csefar.
Pompey’s men purfued the fugitives, and made fuch a
(laughter of them, that all the centurions of the fird co¬
hort v. ere cut off except one. And now Pompey’s army
broke in like a torrent upon the pods Caffar had forti-
ned, and were advancing to attack Marcellinus, who
71 ] ROM
guarded a neighbouring fort j but Marc Antony coming Rome.
very feafonably to his relief with 12 cohorts, they 
thought it advifable to retire.
Soon after Caefar himfelf arrived with a drong rein- 2c6
forcement, and poded himfelf on the iliore, in order
prevent fuch attempts for the future. From this pod ‘Jat.^1ajnd
he obferved an old camp which he had made within the danger,
place where Pompey was inclofed, but afterwards aban¬
doned. Upon his quitting it, Pompey had taken pof-
feffion of it, and left a legion to guard it. This pod
Ccefar relolved to reduce, hoping to repair the lofs he
had iudained on this unfortunate day, by taking the le¬
gion which Pompey had poded there. Accordingly,
he advanced fecretly at the head of 33 cohorts in two
lines: and arriving at the old camp before Pompey
could have notice of his march, attacked it with great
vigour, forced the fird intrenchment, notwithdanding
the brave refidance of Titus Pulcio, and penetrated to
the fecond, whither the legion had retired. But here
his fortune changed on a fudden. His right wing, in
looking for an entrance into the camp, inarched along
the outfide of a trench which Caefar had formerly car¬
ried on from the left angle of his camp, about 400 paces,
to a neighbouring river. This trench they midook for
the rampart of the camp ; and being led away by that
midake from their lett wing, they were foon after pre¬
vented from rejoining it by the arrival of Pompey7, who
came up at the head of a legion and a large body of
horfe. Then the legion which Caslar had attacked ta¬
king courage, made a biilk fally, drove his men back
to the fird intrenchment which they had feized, and
there put them in great diforder while they were at¬
tempting to pafs the ditch. Pompey, in the mean time,
falling upon them with his cavalry in Hank, completed
their defeat; and then dying to the enemy’s right wing,
which had paffed the trench mentioned above, and was
(hut up between that and the ramparts of the old camp,
made a mod dreadful (laughter of them. The trench
was filled with dead bodies, many falling into it in that
diforder, and others paffing over them and preffmg them
to death.
_ this didrefs, Caefar did all he could to dop the
(light of his legionaries, but to no purpofe : the dand-
ard-bearers themfelves threw down the Roman eagles
when Caeiar endeavoured to dop them, and left them in
the hands of the enemy, who on this occafion took 32
dandards ; a difgrace which Caefar had never differed
before. He was himfelf in no fmall danger of falling
by the hand of one of his own men, whom he took hold
of when flying, bidding him dand and face about ; but
the man, apprehenfive of the danger he was* in, drew
his fword, and would have killed him, had not one of
his guards prevented the blow by cutting off his arm.
Caefar loft on this occafion 960 of his foot, 400 of his
horfe, 5 tribunes, and 32 centurions.
ihi s lofs and difgrace greatly , mortified Caefar, but He retneves
did not diicourage him. After he had by his lenityllis affair?,
and eloquent fpeeches recovered the fpirit of his troops,
he decamped, and retired in good order to Apollonia’,
where he paid.the army, and left his fick and wounded!
hrom tnence he marched into Macedon, where Scipio
Meterlus, Pompey s tather-in-lav’, was encamped. Pie
hoped either to draw his rival into fome plain, or to
overpower,.Scipio if not a (lifted.' He met* with great
aifficulties on his march, the countries through which
y 2 iv*
R O M
Rfttne.
?oS
Pompey
refolves to
come to
an engage-
aienc.
he puffed refufing to fupply his army with provifions j
• to f'uch a degree was his reputation funk fince his Jaft
defeat ! On his entering Theffaly he was met by Do-
mitius, one of his lieutenants, whom he had fent with
three legions to reduce Epirus. Having now got all
his forces together, he marched dire6Uy to Gomphi,
the firil: town of Theffaly, which had been formerly in
his intereif, but now declared againlt him. Whereup¬
on he attacked it with fo much vigour, that though
the garrifon was very numerous, and the walls were of
an uncommon height, he made himfelf mafter of it in a
few hours. From hence he marched to Prfetropolis, an¬
other conliderable town of Theffaly, which immediate¬
ly furrendered ; as did all the other cities of the coun¬
try, except Lariffa, of which Scipio had made himfelf
mailer.
Ou the other hand, Pompey being continually im¬
portuned by the fenators and officers of his army, left
his camp at Dyrrhachium, and followed Caefar, firmly
refolved not t.o give him battle, but rather to diilrefs
him by keepir^g clefe at his heels, llraitening his quar¬
ters, and cutting off his convoys. As he had frequent
opportunities of coming to an engagement, bill always
declined it, his friends and fubalterns began to put ill
conftructions on his dilatorinefs to his face.
Thefe, together with the complaints of his foldiers,
made him at length refolve to venture a general a£tion.
With this defign he marched into a large plain near the
cities of Pharfalia and Thebes j which latter was alfo
called Philippi, from Philip king of Macedon, and the
father of Perfes, who, having reduced the Thebans,
placed a colony of Macedonians in their city. This
plain was watered by the Enipeus, and furrounded on
all fides by high mountains j and Pompey, who was
flill averfe from venturing an engagement, pitched his
camp on the declivity of a fteep mountain, in a place
altogether inacceflible. There he was joined by Scipio
his father-in-law, at the head of the legions which he
had brought with him from Syria and Cilicia. But
notwkhftanding this reinforcement, he continued irre-
folute, and unwilling to put all to the iffue of a fingle
aflion j being ftill convinced of the wifdom of his
maxim, that it was better to deftroy the enemy by fa¬
tigues and want, than to engage an army of brave vete¬
rans, who wTere in a manner reduced to defpair. As he
put off from day to day, under various pretences, def-
cending into the plain where Csefar was encamped, his
officers forced him to call a council of war, wffien all to
a man were for venturing a general aftion the very
next day. Thus was Pompey obliged to facrifice his
own judgement to the blind ardour of the multitude \
and the neceffary meafures were taken for a general en¬
gagement.
1 he event of this battle was in the higheft degree
fortunate for Csefar -f-; who refolved to purfue his ad-
* See PAar-vantage, and follow Pompey to whatever country he
JaUa. ffiould retire. Hearing, therefore, of his being at Am-
phipolis, he fent off his troops before him, and then em¬
barked on board a little frigate in order to crofs the
Hellefpont; but in the middle of the ftrait, he fell in
with one of Pompey’s commanders, at the head of ten
ffiips of war. Caefar, noway terrified at the fuperiority
of his force, bore up to him, and commanded him to
fubmit. The other inftantly obeyed, awed by the ter-
t 172 1
ROM
309
Is totally
defeated-
ror of Caffar’s name, and furrendered himielf and his Rome,
fleet at diferetion.  y m ».>
From thence he continued his voyage to Ephefus,
then to Rhodes j and being informed that Pompey had
been there before him, he made no doubt but that he
was lied to Egypt j wherefore, lofing no time, he fet
fail for that kingdom, and arrived at Alexandria with
about 4000 men ; a very inconfiderable force to keep
fuch a powerful kingdom under fubje&ion. But he
was now grown fo fecure in his good fortune, that he
expected to find obedience everywhere. Upon his land¬
ing, the firft accounts he received were of Pompey’s
miierable end, wffio had been affaffinated by orders of
the treacherous king as foon as he •went on ffiore; and *10
foon after one of the murderers came with his head and Is
ring as a molt grateful prefent to the conqueror. ButmE£yl>t*
Cseiar turned away from it with horror, and ffiortly af¬
ter ordered a magnificent tomb to be built to his me¬
mory on the fpot where he was murdered j and a tem¬
ple near the place, to Nemefis, who was the goddefs
that puniffied thofe that were cruel to men in adver-
fity.
It ffiould feem that the Egyptians by this time had
fome hopes of breaking off all alliance with the Ro¬
mans j which they confidered, as in fad it was, but a
fpccious fubjedion. They firft began to take offence
at Caefar’s carrying the enfigns of Roman power before
him as he entered the city. Photinus, the eunuch, alfo
treated him with difiefped, and even attempted his life.
Caefar, however, concealed his refentment till he had aT,
force fufficient to puniffi his treachery; and fending t:,,^
privately for the legions which had been formerly en-rel with
rolled for Pompey’s fervice, as being the neareft to Csefar,
Egypt, he in the mean time pretended to repofe an en¬
tire confidence in the king’s minifter. However, he
focn changed his manner when he found himfelf in no
danger from his attempts ; and declared, that, as being
a Roman conful, it was his duty to fettle the fucceffion
to the Egyptian crown.
There were at that time two pretenders to the crown
of Egypt : Ptolemy, the acknowledged king ; and the
celebrated Cleopatra his fifter ; who, by the cuftom of
the country, was alfo his wife, and, by their father’s
will, {hared jointly in the fucceffion. However, not be¬
ing contented with a bare participation of power, {he
aimed at governing alone ; but being oppofed in her
views by the Roman fenate, who confirmed her brother’s
title to the crown, {he was baniftied into Syria with Ar-
linoe her younger fifter.
Caefar, however, gave her new hopes of obtaining
the kingdom, and fent both for her and her brother to
plead their caufe before him. Photinus, the young
king’s guardian, who had long borne the moft invete¬
rate hatred as well to Caefar as to Cleopatra, difdained
this propofal, and backed his refufal by fending an army
of 20,000 men to befiege him in Alexandria. Caffafand befiege
bravely repulfed the enemy for fome time ; but findinghimin
the city of too great extent to be defended by fo fmall Alexandria,
an army as he then had with him, he retired to the pa¬
lace, which commanded the harbour, where he purpo-
fed to make a ftand. Achillas, who commanded the
Egyptians, attacked him there with great vigour, and
ftill aimed at making himfelf mafter of the fleet that lay
before tjie palace. Caefar, however, too well knew the
importance
ROM [ i
Htfrue. importance of thofe ftiips in the hands of an enemy j and
v therefore burnt them all in fpite of every effort to pre¬
vent it. He next poffeffed himfelf of the ifle of Pharos,
which was the key to the Alexandrian port, by which
he was enabled to receive the fupplies fent him from all
fides j and in this fituation he determined to withftand
the united force of all the Egyptians.
In the mean time, Cleopatra having heard of the pre-
fent turn in her favour, refolved to depend rather on
Cmfar’s favour for gaining the government than her
own forces. She had, in fatt, aflembled an army in
Syria to fupport her claims j but now judned it the
wifeft way to rely entirely on the decifion o? her felf-
ele<51ed judge. But no arts, as the juftly conceived,
were fo likely to influence Caefar, as the charms of her
perfon. The difficulty was how to get at Caesar, as her
enemies were in poffeffion of all the avenues that led to
the palace. lor this purpofe, fhe went on board a fmall
veffel, and in the evening landed near the palace ;
where, being wrapped up in a coverlet, {he was carried
by one Afpolodorus into the very chamber of Csefar.
Her addrefs at firft pleafed him ; but her carefles, which
were carried beyond the bounds of innocence, entirely
brought him over to fecond her claims.
While Cleopatra was thus employed in forwarding
her own views, her fitter Arfinoe was alfo Itrenuoufly en¬
gaged in the camp in purfuing a feparate interett. She
had found means, by the afliltance of one Ganymede
her confidant, to make a large divifion in the Egyptian
army in her favour; and foon after caufed Achillas to
be murdered, and Ganymede to take the command in
his ftead, and to carry on the fiege with greater vigour
than before. Ganymede’s principal effort was by let¬
ting in the fea upon thofe canals which fupplied the pa¬
lace with frelh water ; but this inconvenience Caefar re¬
medied by digging a great number of wells. His next
endeavour was to prevent the junftion of Caesar’s 24th
legion, which he twice attempted in vain. He foon
after made himfelf mailer of a bridge which joined the
ille of Pharos to the continent, from which poll Caefar
was refolved to diilodge him. In the heat of a&ion,
fome mariners came and joined the combatants ; but be¬
ing feized with a panic, inftantly fled, and fpread a ge¬
neral terror through the army. All Cfefar’s endeavours
to rally his forces were in vain, the confufion was pall
remedy, and numbers were drowned or put to the
fword in attempting to efcape j on which, feeing the ir¬
remediable diforder of his troops, he retired to a fliip
in order to get to the palace that was juff oppofite.
However, he was no fooner on board than great crowds
entered at the fame time with him; upon which, appre-
henfive of the fhip’s finking, he jumped into the fea,
and fwam 200 paces to the fleet that lay before the pa¬
lace.
The Alexandrians, finding their efforts to take the
palace ineffeflual, endeavoured at leall to get their king
out of Caefar’s power, as he had feized upon his perfon
in the beginning of. their difputes. For this purpofe
they made ufe of their cuftomary arts of diffimulation,
profefling the utmolt defire for peace, and only wanting
the prefence of their lawful prince to give a fan61ion to
the treaty. Caefar, who was fenfible of their perfidy,
neverthelefs concealed his fufpicions, and gave them their
king, as he was under no apprehenfions from the abili¬
ties of a boy. Ptolemy, however, the inftant he was
n 1 ROM
fet at liberty, mllead of promoting peace, made every Rjiue.
effort to give vigour to hoflilities. * y-—'
In this manner Caefar was hemmed in for fome time Tu, -2I^ 1,«.
but he was at lalt relieved from this mortifying fitua- relieved. * ^
tion by .Mithridates Pergamenus, one of his moll faith¬
ful partizans j who, collefting a numerous army in Sy¬
ria, marched into Egypt, took the city of Pelufium, re¬
pulled the Egyptian army with lofs, and at lafl, joining
with Caefar, attacked their camp, and made a great
flaughter of the Egyptians. Ptolemy himfelf, attempt¬
ing to efcape on board a veffel that was failing down
the river, was drowned by the Ihip’s finking j and Cae-
lar thus became mailer of all Egypt without any further
oppofition. He therefore appointed, that Cleopatra,
with her younger brother, who was then but an infant,
Ihould jointly govern, according to the intent of their
father s will j and drove out Arfinoe with Ganymede-
into banifliment.
Caefar now for a while feemed to relax from the ufual
aflivity of his condu61, captivated with the charms of
Cleopatra. Inllead of quitting Egypt to go and quell
the remains of Pompey’s party, he abandoned himfelf
to his pleafures, palling whole nights in fealls with the
young queen.. He even refolved to attend her up the
Nile into Ethiopia •, but the brave veterans, who had
long followed his fortune, boldly reprehended his con-
dudl, and refufed to be partners in fo infamous an expe¬
dition. 1 hus, at length, roufed from his lethargy, he
left Cleopatra, by whom he had a fon who was after¬
wards named Cafario, in order to oppofe Pharnaces the
king of Pontus, who had now made fortie inroads upon
the dominions of Rome. Here he was attended with the
greatell fuccefs, as we have related under the article
Pontus ; and having fettled affairs in this part of the -214
empire, as well as time would permit, he embarked for Arrives in
Italy, where he arrived fooner than his enemies could Jtaly’ and
expert, but not before his affairs there abfolutely re- undertakes
quired his prefence. He had been, during his abfence, an expedi-
created conful for five years, dirtator for one year, and t'on *nto
tribune of the people for life. But Antony, who in the Afric*-
mean time governed in Rome for him, had filled the ci¬
ty with riot and debauchery, and many commotions en-
fued, which nothing but the arrival of Ctefiir could ap-
peafe. However, by his moderation and humanity, he
foon reflored tranquillity to the city, fcarce making any
ditlinrtkm between thofe of his own and the oppofite
party. Thus having, by gentle means, reflored his au¬
thority at home, he prepared to march into Africa,
where Pompey’s party had found time to rally under
Scipio and Cato, aflifted by Juba king of Mauritania.
Bu^the vigour of his proceedings had like to have been
retarded by a mutiny in his own army. Thofe veteran
legions, who had hitherto conquered all that came be¬
fore them, began to murmur for not having received
the rewards which they had experted for their pall fer-
vices, and now infilled upon their difeharge. However
Caefar found means to quell the mutiny ; and then, ac¬
cording to his ufual diligence, landed with a fmall party
in Africa, the rell of the army following foon after.
After many movements and Ikirmilhes, he refolved at
lall to come to a decifive battle. For this purpofe he
invefled the city of Thapfus, fuppofing that Scipio would
attempt its relief, which turned out according to his
expertation. Scipio, joining with the young king of
Mauritania, advanced with his army, and encamping
near
Rome.
2I5
Defeats the
partifans of
fompey.
216
Gato kills
himfelf.
^ See Cato
217
Honours
heaped up¬
on him at
Rome.
II O M [174
near Gaefar, they Toon came to a general battle. Cse-
far’s fuccefs was as ufual j the enemy received a com¬
plete and final overthrow, with little lofs on his tide.
J uba, and Petreius his general, killed each other in de~
fpair -y Scipio, attempting to efcape by Tea into Spain,
fell in among the enemy, and was (lain ; fo that, of all
the generals of that undone party j Cato was now alone
remaining.
This extraordinary man, having retired into Africa
after the battle of Pharfalia, had led the wretched
remains ®f that defeat through burning deferts and
trafts infefted with ferpents of various malignity, and
was now in the city of Utica, which he had been left
to defend. Still, however, in love with even the fhow
of Roman government, he had formed the principal
citizens into a fenate, and conceived a refolution of
holding out the town. He accordingly affembled his
fenators upon this oecalion, and exhorted them to ftand
a fxege ; but finding his admonitions ineffe&ual, he
(tabbed himfelf with his fword *. Upon his death, the
war in Africa being completed, Casfar returned in tri¬
umph to Rome ; and, as if he had abridged all his for¬
mer triumphs only to increafe the fplendor of this, the
citizens were adoniflred at the magnificence of the pro-
cefiion, and the number of the countries be had fubdued.
It laded four days: the firft was for Gaul, the fecond
for Egypt, the third for his vl&ories in Ada, and the
fourth for that over Juba in Africa. To every one of
his foldiers he gave a fum equivalent to about 150I. of
our money, double that fum to the centurions, and four
limes as much to the fuperior officers. The citizens
alfo fliared his bounty j to every one of whom he didri-
buted 10 buffiels of corn, 10 pounds of oil, and a fum
of money equal to about two pounds Sterling of ours.
He, after this, entertained the people at about 20,000
tables, treated them with the combat of gladiators, and
filled Rome with a concourfe of fpedtators from every
part of Italy.
1 he people now feemed eager only to find out new
modes of homage and unufual methods of adulation for
their great enilaver. He was created, by a new title,
Magijler Morum, or Mader of the Morals of the Peo¬
ple j he received the title of Emperor, Father of his
country ; his perfon was declared facred and, in (hort,
upon him alone were devolved for life all the great dig¬
nities of the date. It mud be owned, however, that no
fovereign could make better ufe of his power. He
immediately began his empire by repreffing vice and
encouraging virtue. He communicated the power of
judicature to the fenators and the knights alone, and by
many fumptuary laws redrained the fcandalous luxuries
of the rich. He propofed rewards to all fuch as had
many children 5 and took the mod prudent methods of
repeopling the city, that had been exhauded in the late
commotions j and befides his other works, he greatly re¬
formed the kalcndar.
1 Having thus redored profperity once more to Rome,
ne again found himfelf under a neceffity of going into
opain, to oppofe an army which had been raifed there
under the two ions of Pompeyyand Labienus his former
general. He proceeded in this expedition with his ufual
celerity, and arrived in Spain before the enemy thought
nim yet departed from Rome. Cneius and Sextus, Pom-
pey s fons, profiting by their unhappy father’s example,
refolved as much as poffible to protraft the war ; fo that
4
1
R O M
Rome.
218
the firft operations of the two armies were fpent in fiegeS
and fruitlefs attempts to furprife each other. At length 1
Csefar, after taking many cities from the enemy, and
purfuing young Pompey with unwearied perfeverance,
compelled him to come to a battle upon the plains of
Munda.
After a mod obdinate engagement, Csefar gained a Becomes
complete victory (fee Munda) ;) and having now fub-ina^er
dued all his enemies, he returned to Rome for the lad ^
time to receive new dignities and honours, and to enjoy his v'idory
an accumulation of all the great offices of the date, at Munda
Still, however, he pretended to a moderation in the en¬
joyment of his power he left the confuls to be named
by the people ; but as; he poffeffed all the authority of
the office, it from this time began to fink into contempt.
He enlarged the number of fenators alfo j but as he had
previoudy dedroyed their power, their new honours were
but empty titles. He took care to pardon all who had
been in arms againd him, but not till he had deprived
them of the power of refidance. He even fet up once
more the datues of Pompey 5 which, however, as Ci¬
cero obierved, he only did to fecure his own. The red
of this extraordinary man’s life was employed for the
advantage of the date. He adorned the city with mag¬
nificent buildings; he rebuilt Carthage and Corinth, fend¬
ing colonies to both cities •, he undertook to level feve-
ral mountains in Italy, to drain the Pontine marffies near
Rome, and defigned to cut through the Idhmus of Pe- 2I9
loponnefus. Thus he formed mighty proje6is and de- His vail
figns beyond the limits of the longed life ; but the great-
eft of all was his intended expedition againd; the Parthi-
ans, by which he defigned to revenge the death of Craf-
fus ; then to pafs through Hyrcania, and enter Scythia
along the banks of the Cafpian fea ; from thence to
open himfelf a way through the immeafurable foreds of
Germany into Gaul, and fo return to Rome. Thefe
were the aims of ambition : but the jealoufy of a few
individuals put an end to them all.
The fenate, with an adulation which marked the de¬
generacy of the times, continued to load Caefar with
freffi honours, and he continued with equal vanity to re¬
ceive them. They called one of the months of the year
after his name they damped money with his image j
they ordered his datue to be fet up in all the cities of
the empire j they indituted public facrifices on his birth¬
day j and talked, even his life-time, of enrolling him in
the number of their gods. Antony, at one of their pub¬
lic fedivals, foolidily ventured to offer him a diadem j
but he put it back again, refufing it feveral times, and
receiving at every refufal loud acclamations from the
people. One day, when the fenate ordered him feme
particular honours, he negle&ed to rife from his feat j
and from that moment is faid to have been marked for
dednnffion. It began to be rumoured that he intended
to make himfelf king 5 for though in fa61 he already
was fo, the people, who had an utter averfion to the
name, could not bear his affuming the title. Whether
he really defigned to affume that empty honour mud
now" for ever remain a fecret; but certain it is, that the
unfufpedling opennefs of his conduft marked fomething
like a confidence in the innocence of his intentions.
When informed by thole about him of the jealoufies of
many perfons who envied his power, he was heard to
fay, That he had rather die once by treafon, than to
live continually in the apprehenfion of it: and to con-
/ •
ROM [ 175 1 R O M
Rome, vince the world how little he had to apprentnd from his
—y t-1 enemies> ]le difbanded his company of Spanilh guards,
2,0 which facilitated the enterprife againft his life.^
A confpU A deep-laid confpiracy was formed againit him, com-
racy form- pofed of no lefs than 60 fenators. At the head of this
ed againit conlpiracy was Brutus, whofe life Caefar had fpavcd ai-
^iin‘ ter the battle of Pharfalia, and Caffius, who had been
pardoned foon after, both praetors for the prefent year.
Brutus made it his chief glory to have been delcended
from that Brutus who firit gave liberty to Rome 3 and
from a delire of following his example, broke all the
ties of private friendlhip, and entered into a confpiracy
which was to deftroy his benefaftor. Caflius, on the
other hand, was impetuous and proud, and hated Csefar’s
perfon ftill more than his caufe. He had often fought
an opportunity of gratifying his revenge by aflaffma-
tion, which took rife rather from private than public
motives.
The confpirators, to give a colour of juftice to their
proceedings, remitted the execution of this delign to
the ides of March, the day on which it was reported
that Caefar was to be offered the crown. The augurs
had foretold that this day would ba fatal to him 3 and
the night preceding, he heard his wife Calphurnia la¬
menting in her deep, and being awakened, {he confeffed
to him that fire dreamt of his being affafTmated in her
arms. Thefe omens, in fome meafure, began to change
his intentions of going to the fenate, as he had refolved,
that day 3 but one of the confpirators coming in, pre¬
vailed upon him to keep his refolution, telling him of
the reproach which would attend his flaying at home
till his wife had lucky dreams, and of the preparations
that were made for his appearance. As he went along
to the fenate, a Have, who haftened to him with infor¬
mation of the confpiracy, attempted to come near him,
but could not for the crowd. Artemidorus, a Greek
philofopher, who had difcovered the whole plot, deliver¬
ed to him a memorial, containing the heads of his in¬
formation 3 but Caefar gave it, with other papers, to one
of his fecretaries without reading, as was uiual in things
of this nature. As foon as he had taken his place in
the fenate, the confpirators came near him, under a pre¬
tence of faluting him 3 and Cimber, who was one of
them, approached in a fuppliant poflure, pretending to
fue for his brother’s pardon, who was banifhed by his
order. All the confpirators feconded him with great
tendernefs ; and Cimber, feeming to fue with ftill great¬
er fubmiffion, took hold of the bottom of his robe, hold-
r'1 ing him fo as to prevent his riling. This was the fig-
€ered.mUr na^ agreetl on< Cafca, who was behind, ftabbed him,
though {lightly, in the ftioulder. Caefar inftantly turn¬
ed round, and with the ftyle of his tablet wounded him
in the arm. However, all the confpirators rvere now
alarmed 3 and inclofing him round, he received a fecond
ftab from an unknown hand in the breaft, while Caflius
wounded him in the face. He ftill defended himfelf
with great vigour, rufhing among them, and throwing
down fuch as oppofed him, till he faw Brutus among
the confpirators, who, coming up, ftruck his dagger in
his thigh. From that moment Csefar thought no more
of defending himfelf, but looking upon this confpirator,
cried out, “ And you too, Brutus !” Then covering his
head, and fpreading his robe before him in order to fall
with greater decency, he funk down at the bafe of Pom-
pey’s ftatue, after receiving three-and-twenty wounds, in Rome,
the 56th year of his age, and 4th of his reign. 222”^
As foon as the confpirators had difpatched Caefar, Great con_
they began to addrefs themfelves to the fenate, in order fuf10n occa.
to vindicate the motives of their, enterprife, and to ex-fionedby
cite them to join in procuring their country’s freedom - his death,
but all the fenators who were not accomplices fled with
fuch precipitation, that the lives of fome of them were
endangered in the throng. The people alio being now
alarmed, left their ufual occupations, and ran tumultu-
oufly through the city 3 fome a&uated by their fears,
and ftill more by a defire of plunder. In this ftate of
confufion, the confpirators all retired to the capitol, and
guarded its acceffes by a body of gladiators which Bru¬
tus had in pay. It was in vain they alleged they only
ftruck for freedom, and that they killed a tyrant who
ufurped the rights of mankind : the people, accuftomed
to luxury andeafe, little regarded their profefhons, dread¬
ing more the dangers of poverty than of fubjeflion.
The friends of the late di&ator now began to find
that this was the time for coming into greater power
than before, and for fatisfying their ambition under the
veil of promoting juftice. Of this number was Antony,
whom we have already feen affing as a lieutenant under
Csefar. He was a man of moderate abilities and ex-
ceflive vices 3 ambitious of power, but fkilled in war, to
which he had been trained from his youth. He was
conful for this year 3 and refolved, with Lepidus, who
was fond of commotions like himfelf, to feize this oppor¬
tunity of afluming the fovereign power. Lepidus, there¬
fore, took poffeflion of the forum with a band of foldiers
at his devotion 3 and Antony, being conful, was per¬
mitted to command them. Their firft ftep was to pof-
fefs themfelves of all Caefar’s papers and money ; and
the next to convene the fenate, in order to determine
whether Csefar had been a legal magiftrate or a tyran¬
nical ufurper, and whether thofe who killed him merited
rewards or punifhments. There were many of thefe
who had received their promotions from Csefar, and had The con-
acquired large fortunes in confequence of his appoint- fpirators
ments: to vote him an ufurper, therefore, would be t°Pai^°"e^
endanger their property 3 and yet to vote him innocent, natp.ie 1 ~
might endanger the ftate. In this dilemma they feemed
willing to reconcile extremes 3 wherefore they approved
all the a£ts of Csefar, and yet granted a general pardon
to all the confpirators.
This decree was very far from giving Antony fatis-
faflion, as it granted fecurity to a number of men who •
were the avowed enemies of tyranny, and who would
be foremoft in onpofing his fchemes of reftoring abfo-
lute power. As therefore the fenate had ratified all
Csefar’s afts without diftinftion, he formed a fcheme
upon this of making him rule when dead as imperiouf-
ly as he had done when living. Being, as was faid,
pofleflfed of Csefar’s books of accounts, he fo far gained
upon his fecretary as to make him infert whatever he
thought proper. By thefe means, great fums of money,
which Csefar never would have beftowed, were here di-
ftributed among the people 3 and every man who was
averfe to republican principles was here fure of finding
a gratuity. He then demanded that Csefar’s funeral
obfequies fhould be performed 3 which the fenate now
could not decently forbid, as they had never declared
him a tyrant. Accordingly, the body was brought
forth .
•ROM
Rome.
214
Antony
inflames
the peo¬
ple.
225
He endea¬
vours to en
grofs die
power en¬
tirely into
his own
hand.
forta into the forum with the utmofl folemnity j and
~ Antony began his operations upon the paflions of the
people, by the prevailing motives of private intereft.
He firft read Ctefar’s will, in which he had left 0£la-
vius, his filler’s grandfon, his heir, permitting him to
take the name of Ccefar ; and three parts of his private
fortune Brutus was to inherit in cafe of his death. The
Roman people were left the gardens which he had on
the other fide the Tiber •, and every citizen, in particu¬
lar, was to receive 300 fefterces.. This laft bequelt not
a little contributed to increafe the people’s affection for
their late diftator j they now began to confider Ceefar
as a father, who, not fatisfied with doing them the great-
eft good while living, thought of benefiting them even
after his death. As Antony continued reading, the
multitude began to be moved, and fighs and lamenta¬
tions were heard from every quarter. Antony, feeing
the audience favourable to his defigns, now began to ad-
drefs the afiembly in a more pathetic ftraifi : he prefent-
ed before them Caefar’s bloody robe, and, as he unfold¬
ed it, took care they fliould obferve the number of ftabs
in it : he then difplayed an image, which to them ap¬
peared the body of Caefar, all covered wath wounds.
I he people could now no longer contain their indigna¬
tion ; they unanimoully cried out for revenge ; all the
old foldiers who had fought under him, burnt, with his
body, their coronets, and other marks of conqueft with
which he had honoured them.' A great number of the
firft matrons in the city threw in their ornaments alfo j
. till at length, rage fucceeding to forrow, the multitude
, ran with darning brands from the pile to fet fire to the
conipirators houles. In.this rage of refentment, meet¬
ing with one Cinna, whom they miftook for another of
the fame name who was in the confpiracy, they tore him
in pieces. The confpirators themfelves, however, being
well guarded, repulfed the multitude with no great
trouble ; but perceiving the rage of the people, they
thought it fafeft to retire from the city. Divine ho¬
nours were then granted him ; and an altar was erefted
on the place w-herc his body was burnt, where after¬
wards was ere&ed a column infcribed, To the father of
fiis country.
In the mean time Antony, who had excited this
- flame, refolved to make the beft of the occafion. Ha-
ving gained the people by his zeal in Caefar’s caufe,
he next endeavoured to bring over the fenate, by a
feeming concern for the freedom of the ftate. He
therefore propofed to recal Sextus, Pompey’s only re¬
maining fon, who had concealed himfelf in Spain fince
the death of his father: and to grant him the com¬
mand of all the fleets of the etnpire. His next ftep
to their confidence, was the quelling a fedition of the
people, who rofe to revenge the death of Caefar, and
putting their leader Amathus to death, who pretended
to be the fon of Marius. He after this pretended to
dread the refentment of the multitude, and demanded
a guard for the fecurity of his perfon. The fenate
granted his requeft $ and, under this pretext, he drew
round him a body of 6000 refolute men, attached to
his intereft, and ready to execute his commands. Thus
he continued every day making rapid ftrides to abfo-
lute power ; all the authority of government was lodged
in his hands and thofe of his two brothers alone, W’ho
fliared among them the confular, tribunitian, and prae¬
torian power. His vows to revenge Cscfar’s death
[ 176 ]
ROM
feemed either poftponed, or totally forgotten ; and his Rome,
only aim feemed to be to confirm himfelf in that powerl——y-—J
which he had thus artfully acquired. But an obftacle
to his ambition feemed to arife from a quarter on which
he leaft expe&ed it. This was from Odavius or Oc-Isoa2<?f ,
tavianus Caefar, afterwards called Augufus, who was theby°Odtavi-
giand-nephew and adopted fon of Caefar, and was atanus.
Apellonia when his kinfman wTas flain. He was then
about 18 years old, and had been fent to that city to
improve himfelf in the ftudy of Grecian literature. Up¬
on the news of Caefar’s death, notwithftanding the
earneft diffuafions of all his friends, he refolved to re¬
turn to Rome, to claim the inheritance, and revenge
the death of his uncle. From the former profeflions of
Antony, he expeded to find him a warm afliftant to
his aims; and he doubted not, by his concurrence, to
take fignal vengeance on all who had a hand in the con¬
fpiracy. However, he was greatly difappointed. An¬
tony, w’hofe projeeds were all to aggrandize himfelf,
gave him but a very cold reception, and, inftead of
granting him the fortune left him by the will, delayed
the payment of it upon various pretences, hoping to
check his ambition by limiting his circumftances. But
Odavianus, inftead of abating his claims, even fold his
own patrimonial eftate, to pay fuch legacies as C*far
had left, and particularly that to the people. By
thefe means he gained a degree of popularity, which
his enemies vainly laboured to diminifh, and which in
fad he had many other methods to procure. His
converfation was elegant and infinuating, his face come¬
ly and graceful, and his affedion to the late didator
fo fincere, that every perfon was charmed either with
his piety or his addrefs. But what added ftill more
to his intereft was the name of Caefar, which he had
affumed, and, in confequence of which, the former fol¬
lowers of his uncle now flocked in great numbers to
him. All thefe he managed with fuch art, that An¬
tony now began to conceive a violent jealouly for the
talents of his young opponent, and fecretly laboured
to counterad all his defigns. In fad, he did not wTant
reafon for the army near Rome, that had long wiftied
to fee the confpirators punilhed, began to turn from
him to his rival, whom they faw more fincerely bent
on gratifying their defires. Antony having procured
alfo the government of Hither Gaul from the people,
two of his legions that he had brought home from
his former government of Macedonia, went over to
Odavianus, notwithftanding all his remonftrances to
detain them. This produced, as ufual, interviews, com¬
plaints, recriminations, and pretended reconciliations,
which only tended to widen the difference j fo that, at
length, both fides prepared for war. Thus the ftate was
divided into three diftind fadions ; that of Odavianus,
who aimed at procuring Cajfar’s inheritance, and re¬
venging his death j that of Antony, whofe foie view
was to obtain abfolute power •, and that of the confpira¬
tors, who endeavoured to reftore the fenate to its former
authority.
Antony being raifed by the people to his new go¬
vernment of Cifalpine Gaul, contrary to the inclina¬
tions of the fenate, refolved to enter upon his province
immediately, and oppofe Brutus, who commanded a
fmall body of troops there, while his army was yet en¬
tire. He accordingly left Rome, and marching thi¬
ther, commanded Brutus to depart. Brutus, being
unable.
It O M [ 177 ] ROM
Rome.
ii']
A war
breaks oat
between
them.
unable to oppofe him, retired with his forces; but
1 being purfued by Antony, he was at lail befieged
in the city of Mulina, of which he fent word to the
fen ate.
In the mean while, Oclavianus, who by this time
had raifed a body of 10,000 men, returned to Rome ;
and being refolved, before he attempted to take ven¬
geance on the conlpirators, if poflible to diminiih the
power of Antony, began by bringing over the fenate
to fecond his defigns. In this he fucceeded by the
credit of Cicero, who had long hated Antony becaufe
he thought him the enemy of the Rate. According¬
ly, by means of his eloquence, a decree was palled, or¬
dering Antony to raiie the liege of Mutina, to eva¬
cuate Cifalpine Gaul, and to await the further orders
of the fenate upon the banks of the Rubicon. An¬
tony treated the order with contempt 5 and inltead of
obeying, began to lliow his difpleafure at being hi¬
therto lo fubmillive. Nothing now therefore remained
for the fenate but to declare him an enemy to the Rate,
and to fend Oftavianus, with the army he had raifed, to
curb his infolence. The latter was very ready to offer
his army for this expedition, in order to revenge bis
own private injuries, before he undertook thofe of the
public. The two confuls, Hirtius and Panfa, joined
all their forces ; and thus combined, they marched at
the head of a numerous army, againR Antony, into
Cifalpine Gaul. After one or two ineffectual conflicts,
both armies, came to a general engagement j in which
Antony was defeated, and compelled to fly to Lepi-
dus, who commanded a body of forces in Further
Gaul. This victory, however, which promifed the fe¬
nate fo much fuccefs, produced effeCts very different
from their expectations. The two' confuls were mor¬
tally wounded *, but Panfa, previous to his death, called
OCtavianus to his bed-fide, and advifed him to join with
Antony, telling him, that the fenate only defired to de-
prefs both, by oppofing them to each other. The
advice of the dying conful funk deep on his fpirits; fo
that from that time he only fought a pretext to break
with them. Their giving the command of a party of
his army to Decimus Brutus, and their denying him
a triumph foon after, ferved to alienate his mind entire¬
ly from the fenate, and made him refolve to join Anto¬
ny and Lepidus. He was willing, however, to try the
ienate thoroughly, before he came to an open rupture ;
wherefore he fent to demand the confulihip, which was
refufed him. He then thought himfelf obliged to keep
no meafures with that affembly, but privately fent to
found the inclinations of Antony and Lepidus, concern¬
ing a junClion of forces, and found them as eager to af-
RR as the fenate was to oppofe him. Antony was, in
faCI, the general of both armies, and Lepidus was only
nominally fo, for his foldiers refufed to obey him upon
the approach of the former. But being affured of
the affiRance of OCIavianus upon their arrival in Ita¬
ly, they foon croffed the Alps with an army of 17 le¬
gions, breathing revenge againfl all who had oppofed
their defigns.
The fenate now beg;an, too late, to perceive their
error in difobliging OCtavianus; and therefore gave him
the confulRiip which they had fo lately refufed, and, to
prevent his joining with Antony, flattered him with
new honours, giving him a power fuperior to all law.
The firR ufe OCtavianus made of his new authority was
Vol. XVIII. Part I.
of the tri.
umvirs.
to procure a law for the condemnation of Brutus and Rome.
Caffius ; after which, he joined his forces with thofe of “ v_’
Antony and Lepidus. 22g
The meeting of tliefe three ufurpers of their coun-Thej are
try’s freedom was near Mutina, upon a little ifland ofrecc ndled,
the river Panarus. Their mutual iuipicions were the^lC* <iiVide
caufe of their meeting in this place. Lepidus firR en- w^h Lepi-
tered, and, finding ail things fafe, made the fignal for jus_
the other two to approach. OCI avian us began the con¬
ference, by thanking Antony for his zeal in putting
Decimus Brutus to death j who, being abandoned by
his army, was taken as he was defigning to eicape in¬
to Macedonia, and beheaded by Antony’s command.
Their conference lafted for three days ; and the refult 229
of it was, that the fupreme authority flieuld be lodged The fecor.d
in their hands, under the title of the triumvirate, for tminiv‘"
the fpace of five years*, that Antony fliould haveiate'
Gaul \ Lepidus, Spain 3 and OClavianus, Africa, and
the Mediterranean ifiands. As for Italy, and the eafi-
ern provinces, they wTere to remain in common, until
their general enemy was entirely lubdued. But the laR
article of their union was a dreadful one. It was
agreed that all their enemies fliould be deRroyed ; of 230
which each prefented a lifl. In thefe were comprifed Cruelties
not only the enemies, but the friends of the triumvi¬
rate, fince the partifans of the one were often found
among the oppofeis of the others. Thus Lepidus gave
up his brother Paulus to the vengeance of his col¬
league 5 Antony permitted the profcription of his uncle
Lucius; and OClavianus delivered up the great Cicero.
The mofl facred rights of nature were violated ; 300
fenators, and above 2000 knights, were included in
this terrible profcription ; their fortunes were confif-
cated, and their murderers enriched with the fpoik
Rome foon felt the effeCts of this infernal union, and
the horrid cruelties of Marius and Sylla were renewed.
As many as could efcape the cruelty of the triumvirs,
fled thither into Macedonia to Brutus, or found refuge
with young Pompey, who was now in Sicily, and co¬
vered the Mediterranean with his numerous navy.
Their cruelties were not aimed at the men alone \ but
the fofter fex ivere in danger of being marked as ob-
jefts either of avarice or refentment. They made out
a liR of 1400 women of the be A quality, and the
richefl in the city, who were ordered to give in an ac¬
count of their fortunes, to be taxed in proportion. But
this feemed fo unpopular a meafure, and was fo firmly
oppefed by Hortenfia, who fpoke againfl it, that, in-
flead of 1400 wromen, they were content to tax only
400. However, they made up the deficiency, by ex¬
tending the tax upon men ; near 100,000, as well ci¬
tizens as Arangers, wrere compelled to furnifli funplies
to the fubverfion of their country’s freedom. At lafl,
both the avarice and vengeance of the triumviri feem¬
ed fully fatisfied, and they went into the fenate to de- ■
clare that the profeription was at an end ; and thus ha¬
ving deluged the city with blood, OClavianus and An¬
tony, leaving Lepidus to defend Rome in their ab-
fence, marched with their army to oppofe the confpira-
tors, who were now at the head of a formidable army in
Alia.
Brutus and Caflius, the principal of thefe, upon the
death of Csefar, being compelled to quit Rome, went oppofed by
into Greece, where they perfuaded the Roman Audents Brutus and
at Athens to declare in the caufe-of freedom j-•then v‘afliU5*
Z parting,
v
H O M
r
s^ome. parting, the former raifed a powerful army in Mace-
v donia and the adjacent countries, while the latter went
into Syria, where he foon became mailer of 12 legions,
and reduced his opponent Dolabella to fuch ilraits
as to kill himfelf. Both armies foon after joining at
Smyrna, the fight of fuch a formidable force began to
revive the declining fpirits of the party, and to re-unite
the two generals ilill more clofely, between whom
there had been fome time before a flight mifunder-
llanding. In ihort, having quitted Italy like diftrefs-
ed exiles, without having one fingle foldier or one
town that owned their command, they now found
themfelves at the head of a flourifliing army, furniflied
with all the neceffaries for carrying on the wrar, and in
a condition to fupport a conteil where the empire
of the world depended on the event. This fuccefs in
raifing levies was entirely owing to the juftice, mo¬
deration, and great humanity of Brutus, who in
every inftance feemed lludious of the happinefs of his
countiy.
It was in this flourilhing ftate of their affairs that
the confpirators had formed a refolution of going againfl
Cleopatra, who, on her fide, had made great prepara¬
tions to aflifl: their opponents. However, they were
diverted from this purpofe by an information that Oc-
tavianus and Antony wrere now upon their march, with
40 legions to oppcfe them. Brutus now, therefore,
moved to have their army pafs over into Greece and
Macedonia, and there meet the enemy ; but Caffius fo
far prevailed as to have the Rhodians and Lycians firft
reduced, wdio had refufed their ufual contribution.
This expedition was immediately put in execution, and
extraordinary contributions were raifed by that means,
the Rhodians having fcarce any thing left but their
lives *. The Lycians fufl'ered fiill more feverely ; for
having flrut themfelves up in the city of Xanthus, they
defended the place againlt Brutus with fuch fury, that
neither his art nor intreaties could prevail upon them
to furrender. At length, the town being fet on fire,
by their attempting to burn the works of the Romans,
Brutus, inftead of laying bold on this opportunity to
ftorm the place, made every effort to preferve it, in¬
treating his foldiers to try all means of extinguifhing
the fire: but the defperate phrenzy of the citizens was
not to be mollified. Far from thinking themfelves ob¬
liged to their generous enemy for the efforts which
rvere made to fave them, they refolved to perifh in the
flames. Wherefore, inftead of extinguiftiing, they did
all in their power to augment the fire, by throwing in
wood, dry reeds, and all kinds of fuel. Nothing could
exceed the diftrefs of Brutus upon feeing the townfmen
thus refolutely bent on deftroying themfelves : he rode
about the fortifications, fhetching out his hands to the
Xanthians, and conjuring them to have pity on them-
i'elves and their city ; but, infenfible to his expoftula-
tions, they rufhed into the flames with defperate obfti-
nacy, and the whole foon became an heap of undiftin-
guifhable ruin. At this horrid fpeciacle, Bratus offered
a reward to every foldier who wTould bring him a Lycian
alive. The number of thofe whom it was poflible to
lave from their own fury amounted to no more than
55°-
Brutus and Cafiius met once more at Sardis, where,
after the ufual ceremonies were paffed between them,
they refolded to have a private- conference together,
*See
Rhodes.
8 ] R O M
when, after much altercation, they were at laft per- Rome,
feftly reconciled. After which, night coming on, Csf- *" *
fius invited Brutus and his friends to an entertainment.
Upon retiring home it was, that Brutus, as Plutarch 2„2
tells the flory, faw a fpectre in his tent. It w as in|>rutusfee3
the dead of the night, when the w’hole camp was per-a fpedire.
fe£!ly quiet, that Brutus was employed in reading by
a lamp that was juft expiring. On a hidden he thought
he heard a noife as if fbmebody entered ; and looking
towards the door, he perceived it open. A gigantic
figure, with a frightful afpedft, flood before him, and
continued to gaze upon him with filent feverity. At
laft Brutus had courage to fpeak to it: “ Art thou a
daemon or a mortal man ? and why comelt thou to me ?’*
“ Brutus,” replied the phantom, “ I am thy evil ge¬
nius, thou (halt fee me again at Philippi.” “ Well
then,” anfwered Brutus, without being difcompofed,
“ we fliall meet again.” Upon which the phantom
vaniflied 5 and Bratus calling to his fervants, afked if
they had feen any tiling; to which replying in the ne¬
gative, he again refumed his ftudies. But as he was
ftruck with io ftrange an occurrence, he mentioned it
the next day to Caflius, who, being an Epicurean,
afcribed it to the effeift of imagination too much exer-
cifed by vigilance and anxiety. Brutus appeared fatis-
fied with this folution of his late terrors ; and, as An¬
tony and Oflavianus weie now7 advanced into Macedo¬
nia, they foon after paffed over into Thrace, and ad¬
vanced to the city of Philippi, near which the forces
of the triumvirs wTere pofted.
A battle fcon enfued •, which the republicans were
defeated, and Caflius killed, as is related in the article
Phiijpp1. 233
The firft care of Brutus, w’hen he became the foie The re¬
general, was to affemble the diiperfed troops of Caf-publicans
fius, and animate them with freth hopes of victory. /\s defeated,
they had loft all they pofieffed by the plundering of
their camp, he promifed them 2000 denaru each man
to make up their Ioffes. This once more infpired them
with newr ardour •, they admired the liberality of their
general, and with loud fhouts proclaimed his former
intrepidity. Still, however, he had not confidence
futficient to face the adverfary, who oft’ered him battle
the enfuing day. His aim was to ftarve his enemies,
who were in extreme want of provifions, their fleet ha¬
ving been lately defeated. But his fingle opinion was
overruled by the reft of his army, who now grew
every day more confident of their ftrength, and more
arrogant to their new general. lie was, therefore, at
laft, after a refpite of 20 days, obliged to comply with
their felicitations to try the fate of the battle. Both
armies being drawn out, they remained a long while
oppofite to each other without offering to engage. It
is laid that he himfelf had loft much of his natural ar¬
dour by having again feen the fpeftre the night prece¬
ding : however, he encouraged his men as much as pof-
fible, and gave the fignal for battle within three hours
of funfet. Fortune again declared again!! him 5 and They are
the two triumviri exprefsly ordered by no means to fuf-defeated
fer the general to efcape, for fear he ftiould renew thelecon£^
war. Thus the whole body of the enemy feemed chief¬
ly intent on Brutus alone, and his capture feemed ine¬
vitable. In this deplorable exigence, Lucilius his friend
refolved, by his own death, to effed! the general’s de¬
livery. Upon perceiving a body of Thracian borfe
clofely
Home
^35
Brutus
Mils him-
felf.
235
Antony’s
extrava-
jrance.
ROM [ 1
clofely purfuxng Brutus, and juft upon the point of tak-
^ ing him, he boldly threw himielf in their way, telling
them that he was Brutus. The Thracians, overjoyed
with lb great a prize, immediately difpatched fome of
their companions, with the news of their fuccefs, to the
army. Upon -which, the ardour of the purfuit now
abating, Antony marched out to meet his prifoner ;
fome ftlently deploring the fate of fo virtuous a man ;
others reproaching that mean defire of life for which he
confented to undergo captivity. Antony now feeing the
Thracians approach, began to prepare himfelf for the
interview'; but the faithful Lucilius, advancing with a
cheerful air, owned the deceit that lie had put upon
him : on which the triumvir, ftruck with fo much fide¬
lity, pardoned him upon the fpot •, and from that time
forward loaded him with benefits, and honoured him
with his friendlhip.
In the mean time Brutus, with a fmall number of
friends, paiTed over a rivulet, and, night coming on, fat
down under a rock which concealed him from the pur¬
fuit of the enemy. After taking breath for a little time,
he fent out one Statilius to give him fome information of
thofe that remained ; but he never returned, being kill¬
ed by a party of the enemy’s horfe. Brutus judging
very rightly of his fate, now refolved to die likewife,
and fpoke to thofe who flood round him to lend him
their laft fad afliftance. None of them, however, would
render him fo melancholy a piece of fervice. At laft
one Strato, averting his head, prefented the (word’s
point to Brutus; who threw himfelf upon it, and imme¬
diately expired.
From the moment of Brutus’s death the triumviri
began to aft as fovereigns, and to divide the Roman
dominioi\s between them, as theirs by right of con*
quell. However, though there w'ere apparently three
who thus participated all the power, yet, in faft, only
two w ere aftually poffefled of it ; fince Lepidus was at
hr ft admitted merely to curb the mutual jealoufy of
Antony and Oftavianus, and was poffefled neither of
interell in the army nor authority among the people.
Their firft care w'as to punifh thofe wftiom they had for¬
merly marked for vengeance. The head of Brutus
was lent to Rome to be thrown at the foot of Csefar’s
ilatue. His allies, however, were fent to his wfife Por¬
tia, Cato’s daughter, who afterwards killed herfelf by
fwallowing burning coals. It is oBferved, that of all
thofe wrho had a hand in the death of Csefar, not one
died a natural death.
The power of the triumviri being thus eftablilhed
upon the ruins of the commonwealth, Antony went
into Greece, and fpent fome time at Athens, converfing
among the philofophers, and aflifting at their difputes
in perfon. From thence he paffed over into Afia, where
all the monarchs of the call, who acknowledged the Ro¬
man power, came to pay him their obedience. In this
manner he proceeded from kingdom to kingdom, attend¬
ed by a crowrd of fovereigns, exafting contributions, di-
ifributing favours, and giving away crowns with caprici¬
ous infolence. He prefented the kingdom of Cappado¬
cia to Syfenes, in prejudice of Ariarathes, only becaufe
he fognd pleafure in the beauty of Glaphyra, the mother
of the former. He fettled Herod in the kingdom of Ju¬
dea, and fupported him againft every oppofer. But a-
mong all the fovereigns of the call who lhared his fa-
79 1 ft O M
vours, none had fo large a part as Cleopatra, the ceie- Rom*,
brated queen of Egypt. y—
It happened that Serapion, her governor in the ifiand
of Cyprus, had formerly furniftied fome fuccours to the
confpirators j and it was thought proper that (lie ftiould
anfwer for his conduft on that occafion. Accordingly,
having received orders from Antony to come and clear
herfelf of this imputation of infidelity, flie readily com¬
plied, equally conlcious of the goodnefs of her caufe and v
the power of her beauty. She had already experienced
the force of her charms upon Caffar and Pompey’seldeft terview
fon 5 and the addition of a few' years fince that time had w‘fh Cleo-
not impaired their luftre. Antony was now' in Tarfus, apatra‘
city of Cilicia, when Cleopatra refolved to attend his
court in perfon. . She failed down the river Cydnus, at
the mouth of which the city flood, with the moft fump-
tuous pageantry. Her galley was covered with gold ;
the fails were of purple, large, and floating in the wind.
The oars of filver kept tune to the found of flutes and
cymbals. She herfelf lay reclined on a couch fpangled
w'hh ftars of gold, and with fuch ornaments as poets and
painters had ufually afcribed to Venus. On each fide
were boys like cupids, who fanned her by turns 5 while
the moil beautiful nymphs, dreffed like Nereids and
Graces, were placed at proper diflances around her.
Upon the. banks of the river were kept burning the
moft exquifite perfumes, while an infinite number of
people gazed upon the fight. Antony was captivated
with her beauty ; and, leaving all his bufinefs to fatisfy
his paflion, fhortly after followed her into Egypt.
While he thus remained idle, Oftavianus, who took
upon him to lead back the veteran troops and fettle
them in Italy, was afliduoufly employed in providing
for their fubfiftence. He had promifed them lands at
home, as a recompenfe for their part fervices ; but they
could not receive new grants, without turning out the
former inhabitants. In confequence of this, multi¬
tudes of women, with children in their arms, whofe
tender years and innocence excited univerfal compaf-
fion, daily filled the temples and the ftreets wdth their
diftreffes. Numbeis of hufbandmen and ftiepherds came
to deprecate the conqueror’s intention, or to obtain an
habitation in fome other part of the world. Amongft
this number was Virgil the poet, who in an humble
manner begged permiflion to retain his patrimonial
farm : Virgil obtained his requeft ; but the reft of his
countrymen, of Mhntua and Cremona, were turned out
without mercy.
Italy and Rome now felt the moft extreme miferies ; vHteril
the infolent foldiers plundered at will; while Sextuslultained
Pompey, being mafter of the fea, cut off all foreign by the Rci.
communication, and prevented the people’s receivimr111305,
their ufual fupplies of corn. To thefe mtfchiefs were
added the commencement of another civil war. Fulvia
the wife of Antony, who had been left behind him at
Rome, had felt for fome time jail the rage of jealoufy,
and refolved to try every method of bringing back her
hufband from the arms of Cleopatra. She confidered
a breach with Oftavianus as the only probable means of
routing him from his lethargy ; and accordingly, with
the afiiftance of Lucius her brother-in-law, who was
then conful, and entirely devoted to her intereft, (lie
began to fow the feeds of diffenfion. The pretext’was,
that Antony fhould have a fhare in the diftribution of
^ 2 lands
R O M [ 180 ] R O M
lands as well as Gctavianus. This produced fome nego-
cialions between them •, Otlavianus ofiered to make the
veterans themfelves umpires in the difpute. Lucius re-
fufed to acquiefce j and being at the head of more than
fix legions, moilly compofed of Inch as had been dif-
pofiefied of their lands, he refolvcd to compel Oifavia-
nus to accept of whatever terms he fiiould offer. 1 bus
a new war was excited between Oclaviauus and An¬
tony ; or, at lead, the generals of the latter affumed
the fandtion of his name. Octavianus, however, proved
vidlorious : Lucius was hemmed in between two ar¬
mies, and conftrained to retreat to Perufia, a city of
Etruria, where he was clofely befieged by the oppofite
party. He made many defperate fallies, and Fulvia
did all in her power to relieve him, but without fuc-
cefs. He rvas at laid, therefore, reduced to fuch extre¬
mity by famine, that he came out in perfon and deli¬
vered himfelf up to the mercy of the conqueror. Oc-
tavianus received him very honourably, and generouily
pardoned him and all his followers. Thus having con¬
cluded the war in a few months, he returned in triumph
to Rome.
Antony, wrho, during this interval, was revelling in
all the ftudied luxuries procured him by his iniidious
mi ft refs, having heard of his brother’s overthrow, and
his wife’s being compelled to leave Italy, was refolved
to oppofe O&avianus without dcday. He accordingly
failed at tire head of a confiderable fleet from Alex¬
andria to Tyre, from thence to Cyprus and Rhodes,
and had an interview with Fulvia his wife at Athens.
He much blamed her for occafioning the late diforders,
teftified the utmofl contempt for her perfon, and, lea¬
ving her upon her death-bed at Sicyon, haftened into
Italy to fight Offavianus. They both met at Brun-
dufium j and it was now thought that the flames of a
civil war were going to blaze out once more. The
forces of Antony were numerous, but moflly newly
raifed \ however, he was a {lifted by Sextus Pompeius,
who in thefe oppofitions of interefts -was daily coming
into power. Odfavianus was at the head of thofe ve¬
terans who had always been irrefiftible, but who feem-
ed no way difpofed to fight againft Antony their for¬
mer general. A negociaticn was therefore propofed •,
and a reconciliation was effected. All offences and af¬
fronts were mutually forgiven ; and to cement the
union, a marriage was concluded between Antony and
Oftavia, the filler of O&avianus. A new divifion of
the Roman empire was made between them •, Odlavi-
anus was to have the command of the weft, Antony
of the eaft, while Lepidus was obliged to content him¬
felf with the provinces in Africa. As for Sextus Pom¬
peius, he w'as permitted to retain all the iflands he had
already poffeffed, together with Peloponnefus : he was
alfo granted the privilege of demanding the confuhhip
in his abfence, and of difcharging that office by any of
his friends. It was likewife flipulated to leave the fea
open, and pay the people what corn was due out of
Sicily. Thus a general peace was concluded, to the
great fatisfa&ion of the people, who now expefted a
ceffation from all their calamities.
This calm feemed to continue for fome time: An¬
tony led his forces againft the Parthians, over whom
his lieutenant, Ventidius, had gained great advantages.
Octavianus drew the greatefi: part of his army into
Gatfij where there were feme difturbances 3 and Pom-
pey went to fecure his newly ceded province to his in- F-rme.
tereft. It was on this quarter that freftr motives were ~ ~'v J
given for renewing the war. Antony, who was obli¬
ged by treaty to quit Peloponneius, retufed to evacuate
it till Pompey had fatisfied him for fuch debts as were
due to him from the inhabitants. This Pompey would
by no means comply with 3 but immediately fitted out
a new fleet, and renewed his former enterprifes, by cut¬
ting oft fuch corn and proviflons as were configned to
Italy. Thus the grievances of the poor were again re¬
newed 3 and the people began to complain, that inilead
of three tyrants they were now opprefied by four.
In this exigence, Qctavianus, who had long medi¬
tated the beft means of diminiihing the number, reioi-
ved to begin by getting rid of Pompey, who kept the
ftate in continual alarms. Fie was mafter of two fleets 3
one of which he had caufed to be built at Ravenna 3
and another which Menodorus, who revolted from Pom¬
pey, brought to his aid, Flis fuff attempt was to in¬
vade Sicily 3 but being overpowered in his paffage by
Pompey, and afterwards {battered in a ftorm, he was
obliged to defer his deflgns to the enfuing year. Du¬
ring this interval he was reinforced by a fleet of 120
ftiips, given him by Antony, with which he refolved
once more to invade Sicily on three' feveral quarters.
But fortune feemed frill determined to oppofe him. Fie
was a fecond time difabled and fhattered by a ftorm :
which fo raifed the vanity of Pompey, that he began
to ftyie himfelf the fon of Neptune. However, Octa-
vianus was not to be intimidated by any dilgraces 3 for
having fhortly refitted his navy, and recruited his forces,
he gave the command of both to Agrippa, his faith¬
ful friend and affociate in war. Agrippa proved him¬
felf worthy of the truft repofed in him : he began his
operations by a vidlory over Pompey 3 and, though he
was fhortly after worited himfelf, he foon after gave
his adverfary a complete and final overthrow. Thus
undone, Pompey refolved to fly to Antony, from whom
he expected refuge, as he had formerly obliged that
triumvir by giving proteftion to his mother. How¬
ever, he tried once more, at the head of a frnall body of
men, to make himfelf indepefident, and even furprifed
Antony’s officers who had been fent to accept of his ^ ^
fubmiffions. Neverthelefs, he was at laft abandoned bysextul
his foldiers, and delivered up to Titus, Antony’s lieute-Pompeius
nant, who fliortly after caufed him to be {lain. defeated
The death of this general removed one very power-
ful obftacle to the ambition of Oftavianus, and he re-11
folved to take the earlieft: opportunity to get rid of the
reft of his affociates. An offence was foon furnifhed
by Lepidus, that ferved as a futficient pretext for de¬
priving him of his fliare in the triumvirate. Being now
at the head of 2 2 legions, with a ftrong body of ca¬
valry, be idly fuppofed that his prefent power was more
than an equivalent to the popularity of Oflavianus.
Fie therefore refolved upon adding Sicily, where he
then was, to his province 3 pretending a right, as having
firft invaded it. His colleague fent to expoftulate upon
thefe proceedings 3 but Lepidus fiercely replied, ‘ that
he was determined to have his fhare in the adminiilra-
tion, and would no longer fubmit to let one alone pof-
fefs all the authority.’ Oftavianus was previoufly in¬
formed of the difpofition of Lepidus’s foldiers 3 for he
had, by his fecret intrigues and largeffes, entirely at¬
tached them to himfelf. Wherefore, without further
delay
Rome.
241
Lepidus
defeated
and ba-
nilhed.
142
Antony’s
imprudent
conduct.
* See
Parthia.
ItOM [ x!
delay, he with great boldneis went alone to the camp
of Lepidus, and with no other afhhance than his pri¬
vate bounties, and the authority he had gained by his
former vidtories, he refolved to depole his rival. Ihe
foldiers thronged round him with the moll dutiful ala¬
crity, while Lepidus hadened to prevent their deictlion.
But Oct avian us, though he received a wound from one
of the centurions, went with great pretence ot mind to
the place where the military enfigns were planted, and,
flourilhing one of them in the air, ail the legionary fol¬
diers ran in crowds and fainted him as their general.
Lepidus being thus abandoned by his men, divefted
himfetf of all the marks of his authority, which he
could no longer keep, and fubmitlively threw himfelf
at the feet of Octaviahus. This general (pared his
life, notwithftanding the remonttrances of his army ;
but deprived him of all his former authority, and
banifhed him to Circteum.
Odlavianus was received upon his return to Rome
with univerfal joy ; the fenators met him at the gates,
and conducted him to the capitol: the people follow¬
ed, crowned with garlands of flowers : and after ha¬
ving returned thanks to the gods, waited upon him to
his palace. There remained now but one obltacle to
his ambition, which was Antony, whom he relolved to
remove, and for that purpofe began to render his cha¬
racter as contemptible as he poflibly could at Rome.
In faCt, Antony’s conduct did not a little contribute
to promote the endeavours of his ambitious partner in
the Rate. He had marched agarnlt the Parthians with
a prodigious army 5 but was forced to return with the
lofs of the fourth part of his forces, and all his bag¬
gage *. This extremely diminifhed his reputation ;
but his making a triumphal entry into Alexandria foon
after, entirely difgufted the citizens of Rome. How¬
ever, Antony feemed quite regardlefs of their refent-
ment : totally difregarding the bufinefs of the Rate, he
fpent whole days and nights in the company of Cleo¬
patra, who fludied every art to increafe his paRion, and
vary his entertainments. Not contented with flraring
in her company all the delight? which Egypt could
afford, Antony was refolved to enlarge his fphere of
luxury, by granting her many of thofe kingdoms which
belonged to the Roman empire. He gave her all
Phoenicia, Celo-Syria, and Cyprus} with a great part
of Cilicia, Arabia, and Judea ; gifts which he had no
right to beRow, but which he pretended to grant in
imitation of Hercules. This complication of vice and
folly at length totally exafperated the Romans ; and
Oftavianus, willing to take advantage of their refent-
ment, took care to exaggerate all his defeRs. At
length, when he found the people fufficiently irritated
againlt him, he refolved to fend ORavia, who was then
at Rome, to Antony, as if with a view of reclaiming
her hulband ; but, in faR, to furnilh a fuRicient pretext
of declaring war againfl him, as he knew Rie would be
difmiffed with contempt.
Antony was now in the city of Leucopolis, revelling
with his ir.Rdious paramour, when he heard that ORa¬
via was at Athens, upon her journey to vifit him. This
was very unwelcome news to him as well as to Cleopa¬
tra who, fearing the charms of her rival, endeavoured
to convince Antony of the flrength of her paRion. He
frequently caught her in tears, which flie feemed as if
willing to hide j and often intreated her to tell him the
i ] ROM
caufe, which (he feemed willing to fupprefs. Thefe ar- Rome,
tifices, together with the ceafeiefs flattery and importu- 'y"' "1
nity ol her creatures, prevailed fo much upon Antony’s
weaknefs, that he commanded ORavia to return home
without ieeing her, and attached himfelf Rill more clofe-
ly to Cleopatra than before. Elis ridiculous paflion
now began to have no bounds. Ele refolved to own 243
her for his wile, and entirely to repudiate ORavia. He Divorces
accordingly affembled the people of Alexandria in the
public theatre, where was railed an alcove of River, un- rjes cje0_
der wjffch were placed two thrones of gold, one forpatra.
himfelf and the other for Cleopatra. There he feated
himfelf, dreffed like Bacchus, while Cleopatra fat befide
him clothed in the ornaments and attributes of Ids, the
principal deity of the Egyptians. On that occalion he
declared her queen of all the countries which he had
already beRowed upon her j while he affociated Caela-
rio, her ion by Ctetar, as her partner in the government.
To the two children which he had by her himfelf he
gave the title of king of ktn^s, with very extenfive do¬
minions ■, and, to crown his abfurdities, he lent a mi¬
nute account of his proceedings to the two confuls at
Rome. It was now neceffary to a A up to his imagi¬
nary dignity j new luxuries and pageantries were now
therefore Rudied, and new marks of profufion found
out : not lefs than 6o,oool. of our money were lavilhed
upon one Angle entertainment ; it is faid, upon this oc¬
calion, that Cleopatra diflblved a pearl of great value in
vinegar, and drank it off. But we are told of one cir-
cumRance that might well reprefs their delights, and
teach mankind to reliAi the beverage of virtue, how¬
ever Ample, above their greateR luxuries. He was fuf-
picious of being poifoned in every meal j he feared
Cleopatra, whom he fo much loved, and would eat no¬
thing without having it previoufly taRed by one of his
attendants. 244
In the mean time ORavianus had now a fufficient 0<Aaviamis
pretext for declaring war-, and informed the fenate oFe|^vesto
his intentions. However, he deferred the execution of‘“p0n ’
his delign for a while, being then employed in quelling
an iniurreAion of the Illyrians. The following year
was chiefly taken up in preparations againfl Antony*
who, perceiving his defign, remonftrated to the fenate,-
that he had many cauies of complaint againfl his col¬
league, who had feized upon Sicily without offering him
a (hare ; alleging that he had alfo difpoffeffed Lepidus,
and kept to himfelf the province he had commanded j
and that he had divided all Italy among his own fol-
diers, leaving nothing to recompenfe thofe in Afia. To
this complaint ORavianus was contented to make a far-
caltic anl’wer ; implying, that it was abfurd to complain
of his diRribution of a few trifling diAriAs in Italy,
when Antony having conquered Parthia, he might now
reward his foldiers with cities and provinces. The far-
cafm upon Antony’s misfortunes in Parthia fo provo¬
ked him, that he ordered Canidius, who commanded his
army, to march without intermiflion into Europe :
while he and Cleopatra followed to Samos, in order to
prepare for carrying on the war with vigour. When
arrived there, it was ridiculous enough to behold the
odd mixture of preparations for pleafure and for war.
On one fide all the kings and princes from Europe to-
the Euxine fea had orders to fend him thither fupplies
both of men, provifions and arms •, on the other fide,
all the comedians, dancers, buffoons, and muficians of
Gieece,
Rom"
ROM [i
(Greece, were ordered to attend him. Thus, frequent¬
ly, wiien a (iiiji was thought to arrive laden with fol-
dicrs, arms, and ammunition, it was found only filled
with players and theatrical machinery. When news
was expefted of the approach of an army, mdfengers
only arrived with tidings of a frelh quantity of venilon.
The kings who attended him endeavoured to gain his
favour more by their entertainments than their warlike
preparations j the provinces drove rather to pleafe him
by facrificing to his divinity, than by their alacrity in
his defence j fo that fome were heard to fay, “ What
rejoicings would not this man make for a viftory,
when he thus triumphs at the eve of a dangerous war !”
In fhort, his belt friends now began to forfake his in-
terefts.
His delay at Samos, and afterwards at Athens, where
he carried Cleopatra to receive new honours, was ex¬
tremely favourable to the arms of Oftavianus. This
general was at firft fcarcely in a difpofition to cppofe
him, had he gone into Italy j but he foon found time
to put himfelf in a condition for carrying on the war,
and fhortly after declared it againfl. him in form. All
Antony’s followers were invited over to join him, with
great promifes of rewards : but they were not declared
enemies, partly to prevent their growing defperate, and
partly to give a fhow of moderation to his own party.
At length both found themfelves in readinefs to begin
the war, and their armies were anfwerable to the em¬
pire they contended for. The one was followed by all
the forces of the eaft} the other drew all the ftrength
of the weft to fupport his pretenfions. Antony’s force
compofed a body of 100,000 foot and 12,000 horfe ;
while his fleet amounted to 500 ihips of war. The ar¬
my of Octavianus muftered but 80,000 foot, but equal¬
led his adverfary’s in the number of cavalry; his fleet
was but half as numerous as Antony’s j however, his
flaps were better built, and manned with better fol-
diers.
The great decifive engagement, which was a naval
defeated at one, was fought near Aftium, a city of Epirus, at the
Adtium. entrance of the gulf of Ambracia. Antony ranged
his (hips before the mouth of the gulf; and Oflavi-
anus drew up his fleet in oppofition. Neither general
aflumed any fixed ftation to command in ; but went
about from flap to flap wherever his prefence was ne-
celfary. In the mean time, the two land armies, on
oppofite fides of the gulf, were drawn up, only as
fpeftators of the engagement; and encouraged the
fleets by their ftiouts to engage. The battle began on
both fides with great ardour, and after a manner not
praftifed upon former occafions. The prows of their
veffels were armed with brazen points *, and with thefe
they drove furioufly againft each other. In this con-
flift the (hips of Antony came with greater force, but
thofe of OflavUmus avoided the {hock with greater dex¬
terity. On Antony’s fide, the fterns of the flaps were
raifed in form of a tower j from whence they threw ar¬
rows from machines for that purpofe. Thofe of Oc-
tavianus made ufe of long poles hocked with iron, and
fire-pots. I hey fought in this manner for fome time
with equal animofity ; nor was there any advantage on
either fide, except a fmall aopearance of diforder in the
centre of Antony’s fleet. But all of a hidden Cleopatra
determined the fortune of the day. She was feen flying
from the engagement attended by 60 fail} ftruck, per-
M5
Antony
82 ] Pi O M
haps, with the terrors natural to her fex : but what in- Rome*
creafed the general amazement was, to behold Antony
himfelf following foon after, and leaving his fleet at the
mercy of the conquerors. The engagement, notwith-
Handing, continued w>ft. great obitinacy till five in the
evening j when Antony’s torces, partly conftrained by
the conduft of Agrippa, and partly perfuaded by the
promifes ot Odftavianus, fubmitted to the conqueror.
The land forces foon alter followed the example of the
navy 5 and all yielded to the conqueror without itriking
a blow the fourth day after the battle.
When Cleopatra fled, Antony purfued her in a five-
oared galley ; and coming along-fide of her fliip enter¬
ed, without feeing or being leen by her. She was in
the ftern, and he went to the prow, where he remain¬
ed for fome time filent, holding his head between his
hands. In this manner he continued three whole days;
during which, either through indignation or ftiame, he
neither faw nor fpoke to Cleopatra. At laft, when
they were arrived at the promontory of Tenarus, the
queen’s female attendants reconciled them, and every
thing went on as before. Still, however, he had the
confolation to fuppoie his army continued faithful to
him j and accordingly difpatched orders to his lieute¬
nant Canidius to condutt it into Afia. However, he
was foon undeceived when he arrived in Africa, when
he was informed of their fubmiflion to his rival. This
account fo tranfport'd him with rage, that he was hard¬
ly prevented from killing himfelf j but at length, at the
entreaty of his friends, he returned to Alexandria, in a
very different fituation from that in which he had left
it lome time before. Cleopatra, however, feemed to
retain that fortitude in her misfortunes which had utter¬
ly abandoned her admirer. Having amafled confider-
able riches by means of confifcation and other afts of
violence, flie formed a very Angular and unheard of pro-
je£lft this was to convey her whole fleet over theiflhmus
of Suez into the Red fea, and thereby fave herfelf in
another region beyond the reach of Rome, with all her
treafures. Some of her velfels were aftually tranfport-
ed thither, purfuant to her orders; but the Arabians
having burnt them, and Antony difiuading her from
the defign, flie abandoned it for the more improbable 146
fcheme of defending Egypt againft the conqueror,— He refolves
She omitted nothing in her power to put his advice in ^fcfentl
pradfice, and made all kinds of preparations for war j the
at leaft hoping thereby to obtain better terms from Oc-conqueror,
tavianus. In fadi, fhe had always loved Antony’s for¬
tunes rather than his perfon ; and if the could have fallen
upon a method of faving herfelf, though even at his
expence, there is no doubt but <he would have embraced
it with gladnefs. She even ftill had fome hopes from
the power of her charms, though flie was arrived almoft
at the age of 40 ; and was defirous of trying upon Oc-
tavianus thofe arts which had been fo fuccefsful with the
greateft men of Rome. Thus, in three embafties which
were lent one after another from Antony to his rival in
Afia, the queen had always her fecret agents, charged
with particular propofals in her name. Antony defired
no more than that his life might be fpared, and to have
the liberty of paffing the remainder of his days in ob-
feurity. To thele propofals Odtavianus made no re¬
ply. Cleopatra fent him alfo public propofals in fa¬
vour of her children ; but at the fame time privately
refigued him her crown, with all the enfiens of royalty.
To
ROM r 183 ] ROM
Rome.
247
Pelufium
given up
to Odlavi-
anus.
To t’ne queen’s public propofal no arsfvver was given
to her private offer he replied, by giving her affurances
of his favour in cafe ihe fent away Antony or put him
to death. Thefe negociations were not fo private but
they came to the knowledge of Antony, whole jea-
loufy and rage were now heightened by every concur¬
rence. He built a fmall Iblitary houfe upon a mole in
the fea; and there he paffed his time, ihunning all com¬
merce with mankind, and profeffing to imitate Timon
the man-hater. However his furious jealoufy drove
him even from this retreat into fociety ; for hearing
that Cleopatra had many lecret conferences with one
Thyrfus, an emiffary from Ociavianus, he feized upon
him, and having ordered him to be cruelly fcourged,
he fent him back to his patron. At the fame him he
fent letters by him, importing, that he had chattifed
Thyrfus for infulting a man in his misfortunes; but
withal he gave his rival permiffion to avenge himfelf,
by fcourging Hipparchus, Antony’s freeman, in the
fame manner. The revenge, in this cale, would have
been highly pleating to Antony, as Hipparchus had left
him to join the fortunes of his more luccefsful rival.
Meanwhile, the operations of the war were carried
vigoroufiy forward, and Egypt wras once more the
theatre of the contending armies of Rome. Callus,
the lieutenant of O&avianus, took Pavetonium, which
opened the whole country to his incurfions. On the
other fide, Antony, who had fill confderable forces
by fca and land, wanted to take that important place
from the enemy. He therefore marched towards it,
flattering himfelf, that as foon as he fliould (how him¬
felf to the legions which he had once commanded,
their affebtion for their ancient general would revive.
He approached therefore, and exhorted them to remem¬
ber their former vows of fidelity. Callus, however, or¬
dered all the trumpets to found, in order to hinder An¬
tony from being heard, fo that he w'as obliged to retire.
Ociavianus himfelf was in the mean time advancing
with another army before Pelufium, which, by its
frong fituatkm, might have retarded his progrels for
fome time. But the governor of the city, either want¬
ing courage to defend it, or pvevioufly inflrubied by
Cleopatra to give it up, permitted him to take poffef-
fion of the place ; fo that Obiavianus had now no ob-
ftacle in his way to Alexandria, whither he marched
with all expedition. Antony, upon his arrival, fallied
out to oppofe him, fighting with great defperation,
and putting the enemy’s cavalry to flight. This flight
advantage once more revived his declining hopes; and,
being natually vain, be re-entered Alexandria in tri¬
umph. Then going, all armed as he was, to the pa¬
lace, he embraced Cleopatra, and prefented her a foldier
who had dif inguithed himfelf in the late engagement.
The queen rewarded him very magnificently *, prefenting
him with an head-piece and breaff-plate of gold. With
thefe, however, the foldier went off the next night to
the other army. Antony could not bear this defebtion
without frefh indignation ; he refolved, therefore, to
make a bold expiring effort by fea and land, but previ-
oufly offered to fight his adverfary in Angle combat.
Obtavianus too well knew the inequality of their fitua-
tions to comply with this forlorn offer; he only, there¬
fore, coolly replied, that Antony had ways enough to
die befides Angle combat.
The evening before the day appointed for the laft
defperate attempt, he ordered a grand entertainment to Rome,
be prepared. At day-break he polled the few troops —“v''—^
he had remaining upon a rifing ground near the city : An,ony ^e.
from whence he lent orders to his galleys to engage thelerte(j by
enemy. There he waited to be a ipebfator of the com-his fleet,
bat; and, at firft, he had the fatisfabtion to fee them
advance in good order 5 but his approbation was loon
turned into rage, when he faw his (hips only fainting
thofe of Obtavianus, and both fleets uniting together,
and fiiiling back into the harbour. At the very lame
time his cavalry deferted him. He tried, however, to
lead on his infantry : which were eafily vanquilhed, and
he himfelf compelled to return into the town. His
anger was now ungovernable; he could not help crying
out aloud as he paffed, that he was betrayed by Cleo¬
patra, and delivered by her to thofe who, for her fake
alone, were his enemies. In thefe fufpicions he was not
deceived j for it was by fecret orders from the queen
that the fleet had paffed over to the ehemy.
Cleopatra had, for a long while, dreaded the eff'ebls
of Antony’s jealoufy ‘y and had, lome time before, pre¬
pared a method of obviating any fudden {allies it
might produce. Near the temple of Ills ihe had erec¬
ted a building, which was feemingly dtligned for a
fepulchre. Hither the removed all her treal'ure and
molt valuable eff'ebb, covering them over with torches,
faggots, and other combulfible matter. This fepulchre
fne defigned to anfwer a double purpofe j as well to
fereen her from the fudden refentments of Antony, as
to make Obtavianus believe that Ihe would burn all her
treafures in cale he refilled her proper terms of capitu¬
lation. Here, therefore, Ihe retired from Antony’s
prefent fury j (hutting the gates, which were fortified
with bolts and bars of iron : but in the mean time gave
orders that a report Ihould be fpread of her death.-—
This news, which foon reached Antony, recalled all
his former love and tendernefs. He now lamented her
death with the fame violence he had but a few minutes
before feemed to defire it; and called one of his iieed-
men, named Eros, whom he had by oath engaged to
kill him whenever fortune fliould drive him to this lalt
refource. Eros being now commanded to perform his
promife, this faithful follower drew the fword, as if
going to execute his orders } but turning his face,
plunged it into his own bofom, and died at his mailer’s
feet. Antony for a while hung over his faithful ler-
vant, and, commending his fidelity, took up the fword,Stabshirtw
with which ftabbing himfelf in the belly, he fell back-lc^with
ward upon a little conch. Though the wound Was *US| lworck
mortal, yet the blood flopping be recovered his fpirits,
and earneftly conjured thofe who were come into the
room to put an end to his life ; but they all fled, being
feized with fright and horror. He therefore continued
in agonies for feme time j till he was informed by one
of the queen’s fecretaries that his millrefs was ftill alive.
He then earneftly defired to be carried to the place where
Are was. They accordingly brought him to the gate of
the fepulchre ; but Cleopatra, who would not permit it
to be opened, appeared at the window, and threw down
cords in order to pull him up. In this manner, aflifted
by her two female attendants, fhe raifed him all bloody
from the ground ; and while yet fufpended in the air,
he continued ftretching out his hands to encourage her.
Cleopatra and her maids had only juft ftrength fuffici-
ent to raife him j and at laft, with much {training, ihey-
effebledt
Rome.
250
He dies.
351
Cleopatra
t*tken.
n O M f 13
effe£led tlieir purpofe, and carried him to a couch, on
which they gently laid him. Here the gave way to
her forrow, tearing her clothes, beating her bread, and
killing the wound of which he w'as dying. She called
upon him as her lord, her hulband, her emperor, and
leemed to have forgot her own ditlreffes in the greatneis
of his fufferings. Antony entreated her to moderate
the tranfports of her grief, and atked for fome wine.
After he had drank, he entreated Cleopatra to endeavour
to preferve her life, if the could do it with honour } and
recommended Proculus, a friend of Q£taviauus, as one
the might rely on to be her inlerceflbr. Juft as he had
done t’peaking, he expired ; and Proculus made his ap¬
pearance by command of Oftavianus, who had been
informed of Antony’s defperate conduct. He was fent
to try all means of getting Cleopatra into his power $
his mailer having a double motive for his folicitude on
this occafion ; one, to prevent her deftroying the trea-
fures die had taken with her into the tomb j the other,
to preferve her perfon as an ornament to grace his tri¬
umph. Cleopatra, however, was upon her guard, and
would not confer with Proculus, except through the
gate, which wTas wrell tecured. In the mean time, w'hile
he defignedly drew out the conference to fome length,
and had given Callus, one of his fellow-foldiers, dire£tions
to carry on the converfation in his abfence, he entered
with two more by the window at which Antony had been
drawm up. As toon as he wTas entered, he ran dowm
to the gate 5 and one of the wmmen crying out, that
they w-ere taken alive, Cleopatra, perceiving what had
happened, drew a poniard, and attempted to flab her-
felf; but Proculus prevented the blow, and gently remon-
flrated that the was cruel in refuting fo good a prince
as his matter was the pleafure of difplaying his clemen¬
cy. He then forced the poniard out of her hand, and
examined her clothes to be certain the had no poifon
about her. Thus leaving every thing fecured, he went
to acquaint his matter with his proceedings.
Odtavianus was extremely pleafed at finding her in
his power : he fept Epaphroditus to bring her to his pa¬
lace, and to watch her with the utmoft circumfpection.
Pie was likewife ordered to ufe her, in every refpeft,
with that deference and fubmiffion which were due to
her rank, and to do every thing in his power to render
her captivity agreeable. She was permitted to have the
honour of granting Antony the rites of burial, and
furnifned with every tiling {lie defired, that was becom¬
ing his dignity to receive, or her love to offer. Yet
flill die languilhed under her new confinement. Her
exceffive forrow, her many Ioffes, and the blows (lie bad
given her bofom, produced a fever which the feemed
willing to increafe. She refolved to abftain frern taking
any nourilhment, under the pretence of a regimen nece!-
fary for her diforder •, but Oftavianus being made ac¬
quainted with the real motive by her phyfician, began
to threaten her with regard to her children, in cafe lire
perfified. This was the only punilhment that could
now affeft her 5 the allowed herfelf to be treated as they
thought proper, and received whatever was preferibed
for her recovery.
In the mean time Oftavianus made his entry into
Alexandria ; taking care to mitigate the fears of the
inhabitants, by converfing familiarly as be went along
with Areas, a philofopher, and a native of the place.
4 ] B O M
The citizens, however, trembled at bis approach avid
when be placed himfelf upon the tribunal, they pro-
llrated themfelves, with their faces to the ground, be¬
fore him, like criminals who waited the lenience oi their
execution. Oilavianus prefently ordered them to rife *,
telling them, that three motives induced him to pardon
them : His refpedt for Alexander, who was the founder
of their city j his admiration of its beauty ; and his
friendlhip for Areas, their fellow-citizen. P wo only of
particular note vrere put to death upon this occaficiij
Antony’s eldeft fon Antyllus, and Caffario, the ion of
Julius Caffar ; both betrayed into his hands by their re-
fpeftive tutors, who themfelves iuffered for their perfidy
Ihortly after. As for the reft of Cleopatra’s children,
he treated them with great gentlenefs, leaving them to
the care of thofe who were entruiled with their educa¬
tion, who had orders to provide them with every thing
fuitable to their birth. When fire was recovered from
her late indifpofition, he came to vifit her in perfon.—
Cleopatra had been preparing lor this interview7, and
made ufe of every method five could think of to propi¬
tiate the conqueror, and to gain his affection ; but in
vain. However, at his departure, G£lavianus imagined
that he had reconciled her to life, and to the indignity
of being ffvown in the intended triumph, which he was
preparing for on his return to Rome : but in this he was
deceived. Cleopatra, all this time, had kept a corre-
fpondence w7ith Dolabella, a young Roman of high
birth, in the camp of O&avianus; who, perhaps, from
compallion, or ftronger motives, was intereffed in the
misfortunes of that princefs. From him Are learnt the
intentions of 0£lavianus, and that he was determined to
fend her off in three days, together with her children,
to Rome. She now7 therefore determined upon dying ;
but previoufly intreated permiffion to pay her oblations
at Antony’s tomb. This requefl being granted her,
ffie wras carried with her two female attendants to the
llately monument where he was laid. "Ihere fhe threw7
herfelf upon his coffin, bewailed her captivity, and re¬
newed her proteffations not to furvive him. She then
crowned the tomb with garlands of flowers} and having
killed the coffin a thoufand times, Are returned home to
execute her fatal refolution. Having bathed, and or¬
dered a fumptuous banquet, fire attired herfelf in the
moll fplendid manner. She then feafted as ufual} and
foon after ordered all but her two attendants, Charmi-
on and Iras, to leave the room. Then, having previ¬
oufly ordered an afp to be fecretly conveyed to her in a
balket of fruit, five lent a letter to OiRavianus, informing
him of her fatal purpofe, and defiring to be buried in
the fame tomb with Antony. O&avianus, upon recei¬
ving this letter, inftantly difpatched meffengers to pre¬
vent her, but they arrived too late. Upon entering the
chamber, they beheld Cleopatra lying dead upon a
gilded couch," arrayed in her royal robes. Near her,
Iras, one of her faithful attendants, was flretched lifelefs
at the feet of her miftrefs •, and Charmion herfelf, al-
moft expiring, w7as fettling the diadem upon Cleopatra’s
head. She died at the age of thirty-nine, after having
reigned twenty-tw7o years. Her death put an end to
the monarchy in Egypt, which had flourilhed there from
time immemorial.
Gftavianus feemed much troubled at Cleopatra’s
Rome-
252
He: death.
death, as it deprived him of a principal ornament in his
’ intended
2
sr e>
Rome.
ROM [ i
intended triumph. However, the manner of it a good
deal exalted her chara6ier among the Romans, with
whom iuicicie was confidered as a virtue. Her dying
requelt was complied with, her body being laid by An¬
tony’s, and a magnificent funeial prepared for her and
her two faithful attendants.
A'ter having fettled the affairs of Egypt, he left
Alexandria in the beginning of September, in the
year of Rome 720, with a defign to return through
Syria, Alia Minor, and Greece, to Italy. On his ar¬
rival at Antioch, he found there Tiridates, who had
been raifed to the throne of Paithia in oppolition to
Phrahates, and likewife ambaffadors from Phrahates,
who were all come on the fame errand ; to wit, to fo-
licit the afhlfance of the Romans againit each other.
Oftavianus gave a friendly anfwer both to Tiridates and
the ambaffadors of Phrahates, without intending to help
either 5 but rather with a defign to animate the owe
againft the other, and by that means to weaken both,
fo far as to render the Parthian name no longer formi¬
dable to Rome. After this, having appointed Meffala
Corvinus governor of Syria, he marched into the pro¬
vince of Alia, properly fo called, a.nd there took up
his winter-quarters. He fpent the whole winter in fet¬
tling the affairs of the feveral provinces of Alia Minor
and the adjacent iflands j and early in the fpring palled
into Greece, whence he fet out for Rome, which he
entered in the month Sextilis, afterwards called AnguJ},
in three triumphs, which were celebrated for three days
together.
And now G&avianus was at the height cf his willies,
foie fovereign, foie mailer, of the whole Roman empire.
But, on the other hand, the many dangers which at-
1 refigning tcncj an ultirped power, appearing to him in a ftronger
5 power, light than ever, filled his mind with a thoufand perplex¬
ing thoughts. The natural averfion of the Romans to
a kingly government, their love of liberty, and the ides
oi March, when his father Julius was murdered in full
fenate by thofe very men whom he thought the naoll
‘ devoted to his perfon, made him fear there might axife
another Brutus, wdio, to reltore liberty to his country,
might affalfmate him on his very throne. This he knew
had happened to Julius Csefarj whereas Sylla, after
having laid down the authority he had ufurped, died
peaceably in his bed in the midll of his enemies. The
paffion of fear outweighed in his foul the charms of a
diadem, and inclined him to follow the example of Syl¬
la. He was indeed very unwilling to part with his
authority j but fear began to get the better ef his am¬
bition. However, before he came to any refolution,
he thought it advifable to confult his two moll intimate
and trully friends, Agrippa and Maecenas ; the former
no lefs famous for his probity than his valour ; and the
latter a man of great penetration, and generally efieem-
cd the moll refined politician of his age. Agrippa en¬
larged on the many and almoll inevitable dangers which
attend monarchy, infupportable to a free people, and to
men educated in a commonwealth. He did not forget
the examples of Sylla and Caefar j and clofed his fpeech
with exhorting O&avianus to convince the world,
by relforing liberty to his country, that the only mo¬
tive for his taking up arms was to revenge his father’s
death.
Maecenas, on the other hand, remonftrated to him,
.that he had done too much to go back ; that, after
VQL. XVIII. Part I.
*53
Oclavta-
nus has
thoughts
85 ] ROM
fo much bloodflied, there could be no fafety for him Rome,
but on the throne j that, if he divelted himfelf of the ' %
fovereign power, he would be immediately profecuted jj.^stlif
by the children and friends of the many illuftrious per- i'uaded fiom
fons whom the misfortunes of the times had forced him it by .Vlae-
to facrifice to his fafety 5 that it was abfoiutely necef- cenas*
fary for the welfare and tranquillity of the republic,
that the favereign power Ihould be lodged in one per¬
fon, not divided among many, &c. Odtavianus thanked
them both for their friendly advice, but (bowed himfelf
inclined to follow the opinion of Maecenas} whereupon
that able minifter gave him many wile inftrudtions and
rules ef government, which are related at length by Dio
Caflius, and will ever be looked upon as a mafterpiece in
politics. Among other things he told him, That he could
not fail of being fuccefsful in all his undertakings, hap¬
py in his lifetime, and famous in hiilory after his death,
if he never deviated from this rule ; to wit, To govern
others as he would wiffi to be governed himfelf, had he
been born to obey and not to command. He added,
That if, in taking upon him the fovereign power, he
dreaded the name of king, a name fo odious in a com¬
monwealth, he might content himfelf with the title of
Cafar or Imperator, and under that name, which was
well known to the Romans, enjoy all the authority of
a king.
This advice Oflavianus followed, and from that time
laid afide all thoughts of abdicating the fovereign power ;
but, to deceive the people into a belief that they Hill
enjoyed their ancient government, he continued the old
magiffrates, with the fame name, pomp, and ornaments’,
but with juft as much power as he thought fit to leave
them. They were to have no military power, but on¬
ly their old juriidiftion of deciding finally all caufes,
except fuch as were capital 5 and though fome of thefe
laft were left to the governor of Rome, yet the chief
he referved for himfelf. He paid great court to the
people : the very name that covered his ufurpation was
a compliment to them \ for he afteiftcd to call it the
pov.’er of the tribunelhip, though he acled as abfolutely
by it as if he had called it the dittatorial power. He
likewife won the hearts of the populace by cheapnefs of
provifions and plentiful markets 5 he frequently enter¬
tained them with fhows and fports 5 and by thele means
kept them in good-humour, and made them forget ufur¬
pation, ffavery, and every public evil; people in cafe
and plenty being under no temptation of inquiring into
the title of their:prince, or refenting a&scf power which
they do not immediately feel.
As for the fenate, he filled it with his own creatures,
railing the number of the confcript fathers to icoo.
He fupplied feveral poor fenators with money out of
the treafury to difeharge the public offices, and on all
cccafions affefted a high regard for that venerable
body ; but at the fame time divefted them of all power
and reduced them to mere cyphers. To prevent them
from raifing new difturbances in the diftant provinces he
iffued an edidl, forbidding any fenator to travel out cf
Italy without leave, except fuch as had lands in Sicily
or Narbonne Gaul, which at that time comprehended
Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphiny. To thefe pro¬
vinces, which were near Italy, and in a perfect ftate of
tranquillity, they had full liberty to retire when they
pleafed, and live there upon their eftates. Before he
ended his fixth confulffiip, he took a cenfus of the peo-
*)le.
Horre.
ROM
pic, which was 41 years after the laft
number of the men fit to bear arms amounted to 463,000,
the greateft that had ever been found before. He like-
wife celebrated the games which had been decreed by the
fenate for his vi&ory at Aftium; and it was ordered,
that they fhould be celebrated every fifth year, four col¬
leges of priefts being appointed to take care of them ;
to wit, the pontifices, the augurs, the feptemvirs, and
quindecimvirs. The more to gain the affections of the
people, he annulled, by one ediCt, the many fevere and
unjuft laws which had been enaCted during the tri¬
umvirate. He raifed many public buildings, repaired
the old ones, and added many ftately ornaments to the
city, which at this time was, if we may give credit to
fome ancient writers, about 50 miles in compafs, and
contained near four millions of fouls, reckoning men,
women, children, and flaves. He attended bufinefs, re¬
formed abufes, (bowed great regard for the Roman
name, procured public abundance, pleafure, and jollity,
often appearing in perfon at the public diverfions, and
in all things ftudying to render himfelf dear to the po¬
pulace.
And now OCfavianus, entering upon his feventh con-
fulftnp with M. Agrippa, the third time conful, and
finding all things ripe for his defign, the people being
highly pleafed with his mild government, and the fe¬
nate filled with his creatures, whofe fortunes depended
upon his holding the power he had ufurped, went by
the advice of Agrippa and Maecenas to the fenate-
houfe ; and there, in a ftudied fpeech, offered to refign
his authority, and put all again into the hands of the
people upon the old foundation of the commonwealth ;
being well apprifed, that the greater part of the con-
The fenate fcrjpt fathers, whofe interefts were interwoven with his,
tn^rrlnt™ would unanimoufly prefs him to the contrary : Which
happened accordingly; for they not only interrupted
him while he was fpeaking, but, after he had done, un¬
animoufly befought him to take upon himfelf alone the
whole government of the Roman empire. He, with a
feeming reluftance, yielded at laft to their requeft, as if
he had been compelled to accept of the fovereignty.
By this artifice he compaffed his defign, which was, to
get the power and authority, which he had ufurped,
confirmed to him by the fenate and people for the fpace
of 1 o years : for he would not accept of it for a longer
term, pretending he ftiould in that time be able to fettle
all things in fuch peace and order that there would be
no further need of his authority; but that he might
then eafe himfelf of the burden, and put the govern¬
ment again into the hands of the fenate and people.
This method he took to render the yoke lefs heavy ;
but with a defign to renew7 his leafe, if wre may be al¬
lowed the expreflion, as foon as the ten years were ex¬
pired ; which he did accordingly from ten years to ten
years as long as he lived, all the while governing the
whole Roman empire with an abfolute and uncontrouled
power. With this new authority the fenate refolved
to diftinguifti him with a newr name. Some of the con-
fcript fathers propofed the name of Romulus, thereby
to import that he w7as another founder of Rome ; others
aS^ offered other titles ; but the venerable name of Auguf-
the Srof tus'1 ProP°^e^ by Manutius Plancus, feemed preferable
Auguftus. to ^ the reft, as it exprefled more dignity and reve¬
rence than authority, the moft facred things, fuch as
temples, and places confecrated by augurs, being termed
[ )86 ] R
, and in this the by the Romans Augujla.
Rome.
255
to accept
the fove¬
reignty.
O M
O&avianus himfelf tvas in¬
clined to affume the name of Romulus; but, fearing he lw
(hould be fufpefted of affecting the kingdom, he de¬
clined it, and took that of Augujlus, by which we (hall
henceforth diftinguifti him.
Though the whole powTer of the fenate and people
was now vefted in Auguftus, yet, that he might feem
to (hare it with the confcript fathers, he refufed to go¬
vern all the provinces; aftigning to the fenate fuch as
■were quiet and peaceable; and keeping to himfelf thofe
which, bordering upon barbarous nations, w7ere moft ex-
pofed to troubles and wars, faying, He defired the fa¬
thers might enjoy their power with eafe and fafety,
while he undement all the dangers and labours: but,
by this politic conduft, he fecured all the military power
to himfelf: the troops lying in the provinces he had
chofen ; and the others, wdiich w'ere governed by the
fenate, being quite deftitute of forces. The latter were
called fenatorial, and the former imperial, provinces. Gi¬
ver the provinces of both forts were fet men of diftinc-
tion, to wdt, fuch as had been confuls or praetors, with
the titles of proconful and proprcetor; but the govern¬
ment of Egypt was committed to a private knight,
Auguftus fearing left a perfon of rank, depending up¬
on the wealth and fituation of that country, might
raife new difturbances in the empire. All thefe govern¬
ors held their employment only for a year, and were up¬
on the arrival of their fucceffors to depart their pro¬
vinces immediately, and not fail to be at Rome within
three months at the fartheft. This divifion of the pro¬
vinces was made, according to Ovid, on the ides of Ja¬
nuary ; whereas he was vefted by the fenate and people
with the fovereign power on the feventh of the ides of
the fame month, as is manifeft from the Narbonne mar¬
bles ; and from that time many writers date the years
of his empire. Thus ended the greateft commonwealth,
and at the fame time began the greateft monarchy, that
had ever been known ; a monarchy which infinitely ex¬
celled in power, riches, extent, and continuance, all the
empires which had preceded it.
It comprehended the greateft and by far the beft part Extent, &c
of Europe, Afia, and Africa, being near 4000 miles in o* the Ro-
length, and about half as much in breadth. As to the em"
yearly revenues of the empire, they have by a moderate ^
computation been reckoned to amount to forty millions
of our money. But the Romans themfelves now ran
headlong into all manner of luxury and effeminacy.
The people were become a mere mob ; thofe who were
wont to direft mighty wars, to raife and depofe great
kings, to beftow or take away potent empires, were fo
funk and debauched, that, if they had but bread and
(hows, their ambition went no higher. The nobility
were indeed more polite than in former ages; but at
the fame time idle, venal, vicious, infenfible of private
virtue, utter ft rangers to public glory or difgrace, void
of zeal for the welfare of their country, and folely in¬
tent on gaining the favour of the emperor, as knowing
that certain wealth and preferment were the rewards of
ready fubmiflion, acquiefi-ence, and flattery. No won-
der/therefore, that they loft their liberty, without be¬
ing ever again able to retrieve it. 2^§
Auguftus, now abfolute mafter of the Roman em- Military
pire, took all methods to ingratiate himfelf with his eftabhih-
foldiers, by whofe means he had attained fuch a height "ients°^
of power. With this view? he difperfed them through ‘ u°u' “3a
different
2 57
H O M C 187 ] ROM
110111?.
*ss>
His friend-
iliip courted
by the-
Ivings of
Parthia and
India.
different parts of Italy in 32 colonies, that he might the
more eaiily reaffemble them on proper occafions. He
kept 23 legions conftantly on foot, 17 oi which, were
in Europe ; viz. eight on the Rhine, four on the Da¬
nube, three in Spain, and two in Dalmatia. The other
eight were fent into Aha and Africa; four of them
being quartered in the neighbourhood of the Euphra¬
tes, two in Egypt, and two in Africa Propria, that is,
the ancient dominions of Carthage. All thefe forces,
amounting to 170,650 men, were conftantly kept on
foot by the Roman emperors for feveral ages. In the
neighbourhood of Rome were always quartered 12 co¬
horts, that is, about 10,000 men j nine of which were
called prcetorian cohorts; the other three, city cohorts.
Thefe were eftablithed as a guard to the emperor, and
to maintain peace and tranquillity in the city, but had
often a great lhare in the dilturbances which took place
throughout the empire. Belides thefe, Auguftus con¬
ftantly kept at fea two powerful navies; the one riding
at anchor near Ravenna in the Adriatic lea, to command
Dalmatia, Greece, Cyprus, and the reft of the eaftern pro¬
vinces ; the other at Mifenum in the Mediterranean, to
keep in awe the weftern parts of the empire. They
were likewife to keep the feas clear of pirates, to con¬
voy the veffels which brought to Rome the annual tri¬
butes from the provinces beyond fea, and to tranfport
corn and other provifions neceflary for the relief and
fubliftence of the city. As to the civil government,
Auguftus enabled feveral new laws, and reformed fome
of the old ones : however, he affedfed to do nothing
without the advice of the fenate ; who were fo well
pleafed with the complaifance fhowed them on all oc-
cafions, that to the reft of his titles they added that of
Pater Patrice^ or “ Father of his Country.”
And now Auguftus having fettled all things with
regard to the civil and military eftablifhments of the
empire, turned his arms againft the Spanifh nations
called the Cantabrians and AJhirians, who had never
been fully fubdued. The war, however, terminated as
ufual, in favour of the Romans j and thefe brave na¬
tions were forced to receive the yoke, though not with¬
out the moft violent reliftance on their part, and the
utmoft difficulty on that of the Romans (See Asturia).
By this and his other conquefts the name of Auguftus
became fo celebrated, that his friendfhip wras courted
by the moft diftant monarchs. Phrahates king of Par¬
thia confented to a treaty with him upon his own
terms, and gave him four of his own fons with their
wives and children as hoftages for the performance of
the articles j and as a further inffance of his refpeft, he
delivered up the Roman eagles and other enfigns which
had been taken from Craffus at the battle of Carrhae.
He received alfo an embaffy from the king of India,
with a letter written in the Greek tongue, in which
the Indian monarch informed him, that “ though he
reigned over 600 kings, he had fo great a value for
the friendftiip of Auguftus, that he had fent this em-
bafly on lo long a journey on purpofe to defire it of
him ; that he was ready to meet him at whatfoever
place he pleafed to appoint; and that, upon the firft
notice, he uras ready to affift him in whatever w'as
right.” 'Ihis letter he fubfcribed by the name of Po¬
ms king of India. Of the ambaffadors who fet out
from India, three only reached the prefence of Auguf-
fcus, who was at that time in the ifland of Samos, the
others dying by the way. Of the three furvivors one Rome,
was named Zarmar, a gymnofophift, wdio followed the
emperor to Athens, and there burnt himfelf in his pre¬
fence 5 it being cuftomary for the gymnofophilts to put
an end to their lives in this manner, w'hen they thought
they had lived long enough, or apprehended lome mis¬
fortune. Soon after this the Roman dominions were ex¬
tended fouthward over the Garamantes, a people whole
country reached as far as the river Niger. All this
time the emperor continued to make new regulations
for the good of the ftate 5 and among other things caufed
the Sibylline oracles to be reviewed. Many oi thefe he
rejedted ; but fuch as wTere reckoned authentic, he caufed
to be copied by the pontifices themfeives, and lodged
them in golden cabinets, wdiich he placed in the temple
of Apollo, built by him in his palace. ,. ^
The Roman empire had now extended itfelf fo far,The*empir«
that it feemed to have arrived at the limits prefcribed invaded by
to it by nature; and as foon as this was the cafe, it1*16 north-
beg an to be attacked by thofe nations which in pro-j^E^J*
cels of time were to overthrow it. The Germans, by 1
which name the Romans confounded a great number
of nations dwelling in the northern parts of Europe,
began to make incurfions into Gaul. Their firft at¬
tempt happened in the year 17 B. C. when they at
firft gained an inconfiderable advantage, but were foon
driven back with great lofs. Soon after this the Rhm-
ti, who feem to have inhabited the country bordering
on the lake of Conftance, invaded Italy, where they
committed dreadful devaftations, putting all the males
to the fwmrd without diftindlion of rank or age ; nay,
we are told, that, when women with child happened
to fall into their hands, they confulted their augurs
whether the child wTas male or female; and if they
pronounced it a male, the mother was immediately
maffacred. Againft thefe barbarians Auguftus fent
Drufus the fecond fon of the emprefs Livia; who,
though very young, found means to gain a complete
vidlory with very little lofs on his part. Thofe who
efcaped took the road to Gaul, being joined by the
Vindelici, another nation in the neighbourhood; but
Tiberius, the elder brother of Drufus, marched againft
them, and overthrew them fo completely, that the Rhse-
ti, Vindelici, and Norici, three of the moft barbarous
nations in thofe parts, were fain to fubmit to the plea-
fure of the emperor. To keep their country in awe,
Tiberius planted twro colonies in Vindelicia, opening a
road from thence into Noricum and Rhtetia. One of
the cities which he built for the defence of his colonies
was called Dnjfomagus ; the other, Aitgufa Vinde/ico-
rum; both of w’hich are now known by the names of
Niminghen and Zlugsburg.
Auguftus, who had long fince obtained all the tern- Auguftus
poral honours which could well be conferred upon him, created
now began to affume thofe of the fpiritual kind alfo ; Pontitex
being in the year 13 B. C. created Pontifex Maximus : maximus*
an office wdiich he continued to hold till his deatli ; as
did alfo his fucceffors till the time of Theodofius. By
virtue of this office he corre&ed a very grofs miftake in
the Roman kalendar; for the pontifices, having, for the
fpace of 36 years, that is, ever fince the reformation by
Julius, Cfefar, made every third year a leap year, in-
ftead of every fourth, twelve days had been inferted in-
ftead of nine, fo that the Roman year confifted of three
days more than it ought to have done. Thefe three
A a 2 fuperfluous
Rom?.
262
’Tiberius
fueceeds A-
grippa.
263
Dcfyes
leave to re
tire to
lUiodes.
264
Is confined
there by
Augufias
for i'even
years.
Pv O M [ 1 S3 1 1 O M
fuperfluous days having been thrown out, the form of
the year has ever fince been regularly obferved, and is
fliil known by the name of the old Jlyle in ufe among
«s. On this occalion he gave his own name to the
month of Auguft, as Julius Ctelar had formerly done to
the month of July.
In the year 11 B. C. Agrippa died, and tvas fuc-
ceeded in his high employment of governor of Rome, by
Tiberius •, but, before inverting him with this ample
power, the emperor caufed him to divorce his wife A-
grippina (who had already brought him a fon, and was
then big with child), in order to marry Julia the widow
of Agrippa and daughter of the emperor. Julia was a
princefs of an infamous chara£Ier, as was known to al-
moft every body excepting Auguftus himfelf; horvever,
Tiberius made no helitation, through fear of difobliging
the emperor.
The emperor now fent his two fons Tiberius and
Dr ufus againrt the northern nations. Tiberius redu¬
ced the Pasinonians, who had attempted to rtiake off
the yoke after the death of Agrippa. Drufus per¬
formed great exploits in Germany ; but while he was
eon(1 dering whether he ftiould penetrate further into
thefe northern countries, he was feized with a violent
fever, which carried him off in a few days. He was
fucceeded in his command by Tiberius, who is report¬
ed to have done great things, but certainly made no
permanent conquefts in Germany. However, he was
honoured with a triumph, and had the tribunitial power
for five years conferred upon him •, which was no fooner
done, than, to the great furprife of Auguftus and the
whole city, he defired leave to quit Rome and retire to
Rhodes. Various reafons have been aftigned for this
extraordinary refolution : fome are of opinion that it
was in order to avoid being an eye-witnefs of the de¬
baucheries of his wife Julia, who let no bounds to her
lewdnefs \ though others imagine that he was offend¬
ed at the honours which Auguftus had conferred on
his grandchildren, efpecially at his ftyling them prin¬
ces of the Roman youth ; which left him no hopes of
enjoying the fovereign power. However, Auguftus
politively refufed to comply with his requeft, and his
mother Livia ufcd her utmoft endeavours to diffuade
him from his refolution : but Tiberius continued obfti-
nate ; and, finding all other means ineffectual, at laft
Ihut himfelf up in his houfe, where he abftained four
whole days from ncurifhment. Auguftus, perceiving
that he could not get the better of his obftinate and in¬
flexible temper, at laft complied v/iih bis requeft. Ti¬
berius foon grew weary of his retirement, and, giving
out that he had left Rome only to avoid giving um¬
brage to the emperor’s two grandchildren, defired leave
to return •, but Auguftus was fo much difpleafed with
his having obftinately infilled on leaving Rome, that
he obliged him to remain at Rhodes for feven years
longer. His mother, with much ado got him declared
the emperor’s lieutenant in thofe parts •, but Tiberius,
dreading the refentment of his father in-law, continued
to adl as a private perfon during the whole time of his
ftay there.
A profound peace now reigned throughout the
whole empire j and in confequence of this the temple
of Janus was ftmt, which had never before happened
fince the time of Numa Pompilius. During this pa¬
cific interval, the Saviour of mankind was born in Ju¬
daea, as is recorded in the facred hiftory, 748 years af- Rome,
ter the foundation of Rome by Romulus. Three years l—■—v"-■—1
after, Tiberius returned to the city, by permiffion of £;rt}j ^
Auguftus, who yet would not allow him to bear any chrift.
public office j but in a fhort time, Lucius Coefar, one
of the emperor’s grandchildren, diecf, not without fu-
fpicions of his being poifoned by Livia. Tiberius fhow-
ed fuch great concern for his death, that the affeflion
of Auguftus for him returned ; and it is laid that he
would at that time have adopted Tiberius, had it
not been for giving umbrage to his other grandfon Caius
Csefar. This obftacle, however, was loon' alter re¬
moved •, Caius being taken off alfo, not without great
fufpicions of Livia, as well as in the former cafe. Au¬
guftus was exceedingly concerned at his death, and
immediately adopted Tiberius as his Ion *, but adopted Auguftus
alfo Agrippa Pofthumius, the third fon of the famous adopts Ti-
Agrippa •, and obliged Tiberius to adopt Germanicus:^e”us as ^1S
the fon of his brother Drufus, though he had a fon of'1*1'
his own named Drufus ; which was a great mortifica¬
tion to him. As to Agrippa, however, tvho might
have been an occafion of jealoufy, Tiberius was loon
freed from him, by his difgrace and banilhment,
which very foon took place, but on what account is not
known.
The northern nations now’ began to turn formidable:
and though it is pretended that Tiberius was always
fuccefsful againft them, yet about this time they gave
the Romans a molt terrible overthrow ; three legions
and fix cohorts, under Quintilius Varus, being almoft
entirely cut in pieces. Auguftus fet no bounds to his
grief on this fatal occafion. For fome months he let
his hair and beard grow, frequently tearing his gar¬
ments, knocking his head againft the wall, and crying
out like a ditlrafted perfon, “ Reftore the legions.
Varus!” Tiberius, how’ever, was foon after fent into
Germany ; and for his exploits there he was honour¬
ed with a triumph. Auguftus now took him for his
colleague in the fovereignty ; after which he lent Ger-
manicus againft the northern barbarians, and iiberius
into Illyricum. This w’as the laft of his public a£!s 5 Deaffi of
for having accompanied I iberius for part ot his jour- Augultus.
ney, he died at Nola in Campania, in the 76th year of
his age, and 56th of his reign. Livia was fuipefted
of having haftened his death by giving him poifoned
figs. Her reafon for this was, that fhe feared a recon¬
ciliation between him and his grandfon Agrippa, whom
he had baniftied, as we have already related. Some
months before, the emperor had paid a vifit to Agrip¬
pa, unknown to Livia, Tiberius, or any other perfon,
excepting one Fabius Maximus* Ibis man, on ms re¬
turn home, difeovered the fecret to his wife, and Ihe to
the emprefs. Auguftus then perceiving that Fabius bad
betrayed him, was fo provoked, that he banilhed him
from his prefence for ever ; upon which the unfortunate
Fabius, unable to furvive his difgrace, laid violent hands
on himfelf.
Tiberius, who fucceeded to the empire, refolved to
fecure himfelf on the throne by the murder of Ayrippa;
whom accordingly he caufcd to be put to death by a *
military tribune. Though this might have been a fuf-
ficient evidence of what the Romans had to expeiff,
the death of Auguftus was no fooner known, than the
confuls, fenators, and knights, to ufe the expreflion of
Tacitus, ran headlong into flavery. The two confuls
R O M [ 189 }] II O M
Rome, firft tock an oath of fidelity to toe emperor, and then
adminiftered it to the fenate, the people, and the fol-
Diffimula- ^ er}f- Tiberius behaved in a dark myfterious man-
tion ot Ti- neri taking care to rule with an abfolute fway, but at
berius. the fame time feeming; to hefitate vrhether he fiiould
accept the (overcign power or not ; infomuen that one
of the fenators took the liberty to tell him, that other
men were flow in performing what they hud promifed,
but he was flow in promifing what he had already per¬
formed. At laft, however, his modefty was overcome,
and he declared his acceptance of the fovereignty in the
following words : “ I accept the empire, and will hold
it, till fuch time as you, confcript fathers, in your
great prudence, fliall think proper to give repofe to my
269 old age.”
Revolt of Tiberius had fcarcely taken pofleflion of the throne,
the Panno- y/hen news were brought him that the armies in Pan-
German le 1101113 and Germany had mutinied. In Pannonia, three
gijna. legions having been allowed fome days of relaxation
from their ufual duties, either to mourn for the death
of Auguflus, or to rejoice for the acceflion of Tiberius,
grew turbulent and feditious. The Pannonian muti¬
neers were headed by one Percennius, a common fol-
d;er 5 who, before he ferved in the army, had made it
his whole buflnefs to form parties in the theatres and
playheufes to hifs or applaud fuch adtors as he liked or
difiiked. Inflamed by the {beeches of this man, they
openly revolt ed •, and though Ti’perius himfelf wrote to
them, and fent his fon Drums to endeavour to quell the
tumult, they maifacred fome of their officers, and infult-
ed others, till at lafl, being frightened by an eclipfe of
the moon, they began to fhow ihme flgns of repentance.
Of tl iis favourable difpofition Drufus took advantage }
and even got the ringleaders of the revolt condemned
and executed. Immediately after this they were again
terrified by fuch violent florms and dreadful rains, that
they quietly fubmitted, and every thing in that quarter
was reflored to tranquillity.
'I he revolt of the German legions threatened much
more danger, as they were more numerous than thofe
of Pa nnonia. They proceeded nearly in the fame way
as the Pannonian legions, falling upon their officers,
efpecially the centurions, and beating them till they
almolt expired, drove them cut of the camp, and
forne of them were even thrown into the Rhine. Ger-
xmnicus, who was at that time in Gaul, haflened to
the camp on the firft news of the difturbance ; hut bek y
unable to prevail on them to return to their duty, he
was obliged to feign letters from Tiberius, granting all
their demands. Thefe were. That all thofe who had
ferved 20 years fhould be difeharged ; that fuch as had
ferved 16 fnould be deemed veterans; and that fome
legacies which had been left them by Auguflus fliould
not only be paid immediately, but doubled. This laft
article he wras obliged to difeharge without delay out
of the money which he and his friends had brought to
defray the expences of their journey ; and on receiving
it, the troops quietly retired to their wdnter quarters.
Tut, in the mean time, fome deputies fent either by
I ibenus or the fenate, probably to quell the fedition,
occafioned freflu difturbances; for the legionaries, ta¬
king it into their heads that thefe deputies were come
to revoke tne conceflions which Germanicus had made,
were with difficulty prevented from tearing them in
pieces; and, notwithftanding the utmoft endeavours of
Germanicus, behaved in fuch an outrageous manner, Rome,
that the general thought proper to fend off his wife A- u—
grippina, with her infant fon Claudius, fhe herfelf at
the fame time being big with child. As fhe was attend¬
ed by many women of dillinclion, wives of the chief of¬
ficers in the camp, their tears and lamentations in part¬
ing with their hulbands occafioned a great uproar, and
drew together the foldiers from all quarters. A new
feene entued, which made an impreflion even upon the
moft pbffinate. They could not behold, without fhame
and compaffion, fo many women of rank travelling thus
forlorn, without a centurion to attend them, or a fol-
dier to guard them ; and their general's wife among the
reft, carrying her infant child in her arms, and preparing
to fly for flielter againfl the treachery of the Roman
legions. This made fuch a deep impreffion on the
minds of many of them, that fome ran to flop her,
ryhile the reft recurred to Germanicus, earneftly in¬
treating him to recall his wife, and to prevent her from
being obliged to feek a fanctuary among foreigners.
The general improved this favourable difpofition, and
in a fliort time they of their own accord feized and
maffacred the ringleaders of the revolt. Still, howr-
ever, two of the legions continued in their difobedi-
ence. Againft them therefore Germanicus determined
to lead thofe who had returned to their duty. With
this view he prepared vc-lTels; but before he embarked
his troops, he wnote a letter to Cceeina who com¬
manded them, acquainting him that he approached
with a powerful army, refolved to put them all to the
fword without diftindtion, if they did not prevent him
by taking vengeance on the guilty themfelves. This
letter Caecina communicated only to the chief officers
and fuch of the foldiers as had all along difapproved of
the revolt, exhorting them at the fame time to enter
into an affociation againft the feditious, and put to the
fword fuch as had involved them in the prefent ignomi¬
ny and guilt. This propofol was approved of, and aTh/revoft
cruel maffacre immediately took place; infomuch that quelled by
when Germanicus came to the camp, he found thea dreadful
greateft part of the legions deftroyed. This greatly af-ma^acre*
fedled the humane Germanicus, who caufed the bodies
of the flam to be burnt, and celebrated their obfequies
with the ufual folemnities ; however, the fedition was
thus effedlually quelled, after which he led his army in¬
to Germany. There he performed many great ex¬
ploits* ; but ftill all that he could perform was far from * ^ee
freeing the empire from fo dangerous and tioublefome an maf/^’
enemy. In the year 19, he died, of poifon, as was fup-
poied, given by Prfo, his partner in the government of
Syria, to which Germanicus had been promoted alter his
return from the north.
In the mean time, Tiberius, though he affeefted to ->
court the favour of the people by various methods,
yet fliowed himfelf in general fuch a cruel and blood-
thirfty tyrant, that he became the objeeft of univerfal ;
abhorrence. Though he had hated Gennanicus in his
heart, he puniftied Pifo with death; but in about a 27r
year after the death of Germanicus, having now no Tlbe.nus a
objeift of jealoufy to keep him in awe, he began to ^In. tJ"' .
pull off the mafk, and appear more in his natural cha-
radter. than before. He took upon himfelf the inter-
pretation of all political meafures, and began daily to *
diminifli the authority of the fenate ; which defign
was much facilitated, by their own aptitude to lla- .
very; ;
H O M
Rome.
[ 190 ]
ROM
272
Rife of
Sejanus a
wicked mi
nifter.
. 273
His infa¬
mous con-
duct.
very; fo that he defpifed their meannefs, while lie
enjoyed its effefts. A. law at that time fublhled,
which made it treafon to form any injurious attempt
againft the majefly of the people. Tiberius affumed
to himfelf the interpretation and enforcement of this
law ; and extended it not only to the cafes which really
afife&ed the fafety of the Hate, but to every conjunc¬
ture that could poflibly be favourable to his hatred or
fufpicions. All freedom was now therefore baniihed
from convivial meetings, and diffidence reigned amongft
the deareft relations. The law of offended majelly
being revived, many perfons of diftimftion fell a facri-
fice to it.
In the beginning of thefe cruelties, Tiberius took
into his confidence Sejanus, a Roman knight, but by
birth a Volfcian, who found out the method of gain¬
ing his confidence, by the moft refined degree of dif-
fimulation, being an over-match for his mailer in his
own arts. He wras made by the emperor captain of
the Praetorian guards, one of the moft confidential trulls
in the ftate, and extolled in the fenate as a worthy
affociate in his labours. The fervile fenators, with
ready adulation, fet up the ftatues of the favourite be-
fide thofe of Tiberius, and feemed eager to pay him
fimilar honours. It is not well known whether he was
the advifer of all the cruelties that enfued foon after ;
but certain it is, that, from the beginning of his
miniftry, Tiberius feemed to become more fatally fu*
fpicious.
It was from fuch humble beginnings that this mini-
fter even ventured to afpire at the throne, and was re-
folved to make the emperor’s fooliffi confidence one of
the firft Heps to his ruin. However, he confidered that
cutting off Tiberius alone would rather retard than pro¬
mote his defigns while his fon Drufus and the children
of Germanicus were yet remaining. He therefore be¬
gan by corrupting Livia, the wife of Drufus ; whom,
after having debauched her, he prevailed upon to poifon
her hulband. This was effefted by means of a How
poifon (as we are told), which gave his death the ap¬
pearance of a cafual diftemper. Tiberius, in the mean
time, either naturally phlegmatic, or at leaft not much
regarding his fon, bore his death with great tranquillity.
He was even heard to jell upon the occafion ; for when
the ambaffadors from Troy came fomewhat late with
their compliments of condolence, he anfvvered their pre¬
tended diftreffes, by condoling with them alfo upon the
death of Hedlor.
Sejanus having fucceeded in this, was refolved to
make his next attempt upon the children of Germani¬
cus, who were undoubted fucceffors to the empire.
However, he was fmftrated in his defigns, both with
regard to the fidelity of their governors, and the chaf-
tity of Agrippina their mother. Whereupon he refolv¬
ed upon changing his aims, and removing Tiberius out
of the city •, by which means he expected more frequent
opportunities of putting his defigns into execution. He
therefore ufed all his addrefs to perfuade Tiberius to re¬
tire to fome agreeable retreat, remote from Rome. By
this he expected many advantages, fince there could be
no accefs to the emperor but by him. Thus all letters
being conveyed to the prince by foldiers at his own de¬
votion, they would pafs through his hands ; by which
means he muff: in time become the foie governor of the
empire, and at laft be in a capacity of removing all ob-
A
Rome,
274
ftacles to his ambition. He now therefore began to in-
finuate to Tiberius the great and numerous inconveni¬
ences of the city, the fatigues of attending the fenate,
and the feditious temper of the inferior citizens of Rome. Tiberius re
Tiberius, either prevailed upon by his perluafions, ort!res ti0m
purfuing the natural turn of his temper, which led to in-AVjl
dolence and debauchery, in the twelfth year of his reign
left Rome, and went into Campania, under pretence of
dedicating temples to Jupiter and Auguftus. After
this, though he removed to feveral places, he never re¬
turned to Rome ; but fpent the greateft part of his time
in the ifland ©f Caprea, a place which was rendered as
infamous by his pleaiures as deteftable by his cruelties,
which were fhocking to human nature. Buried in this
retreat, he gave himfelf up to his pleafures, quite regard-
lefs of the miferies of his fubjedf s. Thus an infurredtion
of the Jews, upon placing his ftatue in Jerufalem, under
the government of Pontius Pilate, gave him no fort of
uneafinefs. The falling of an amphitheatre at Fidense,
in which 50,000 perfons were either killed or wounded,
no way affected his repofe. He was only employed in
ftudying how to vary his odious pleafures, and forcing
his feeble frame, (battered by age and former debauch¬
eries, into the enjoyment of them. Nothing can prefent
a more horrid picture than the retreat of this impure
old man, attended by all the minifters of his perverted
appetites. He was at this time 67 years old •, his per-
fon was moft difpleafing 5 and fome fay the difagreeable-
nefs of it, in a great meafure, drove him into retirement.
He was quite bald before ; his face was all broke out
into ulcers, and covered over with plafters ; his body
was bowed forward, while its extreme height and lean
nefs increafed its deformity. With fuch a perfon,
a mind ftill more hideous, being gloomy, fufpicious, andnable con-
cruel, he fat down with a view rather of forcing his ap-TAin his
petites than fatisfying them. He fpent whole nights in letreat*
debaucheries at the table ; and he appointed Pomponius
Flaccus and Lucius Pifo to the firft polls of the empire,
for no other merit than that of having fat up with him
two days and two nights without interruption. Thefe
he called his friends of all hours. He made one Novelius
Torgnatus a praetor for being able to drink off five bot¬
tles of wine at a draught. His luxuries of another kind
were ftill more deteftable, and feemed to increafe with
his drunkennefs and gluttony. He made the moft emin¬
ent women of Rome fubfervient to his lulls; and all his
inventions only feemed calculated how to make his vices
more extravagant and abominable. The numberlefs ob-
feene medals dug up in that illand at this day bear wit-
nefs at once to his lhame, and the veracity of the hifto-
rians who have deferibed his debaucheries. In Ihort, in
this retreat, •which svas furrounded with rocks on every
fide, he quite gave up the bufinefs of the empire ; or, if
he was ever a&ive, it was only to do mifehief. But,
from the time of his retreat, he became more cruel, and
Sejanus always endeavoured to increafe his diftrufts. Se¬
cret fpies and informers were placed in all parts of the
city, wffio converted the moft harmlefs aftions into fub-
jedts of offence. If any perfon of merit teftified any con¬
cern for the glory of the empire, it was immediately
conftrued into a defign to obtain it. If another fpoke
with regret of former liberty, he was fuppofed to aim
at re-eftablifhing the commonwTealth. Every action be¬
came liable to forced interpretations; joy expreffed an
hope of the prince’s death 5 melancholy, an envying of
his
, 275
and |4;s ar,oreii-
2-)6
The chil¬
dren of
Germani-
cus put to
death.
ROM [ i
Rome, his profperity. Sejanus found his aim every day fuc-
T'-*—' ceeding ; the wretched emperor’s terrors were an in-
ftrument that he wrought upon at his pleafure, and by
which he levelled every obftacle to his defigns. But
the chief obje&s of his jealoufy were the children of
Germanicus, whom he refolved to put out of the way.
He therefore continued to render them obnoxious to the
emperor, to alarm him with falfe reports of their ambi¬
tion, and to terrify them with alarms of his intended
cruelty. By thefe means, he fo contrived to widen the
breach, that he aftually produced on both Tides thofe
difpofitions which he pretended to obviate ; till at length,
the two princes Nero and Drufus were declared ene¬
mies to the ftate, and afterwards ftarved to death in
prifon ; while Agrippina their mother was fent into ba-
nilhment.
In this manner Sejanus proceeded, removing all who
flood between him and the empire, and every day in-
creaiing in confidence with Tibeiius, and power with
the fenate. The number of his ftatues exceeded even
thofe of the emperor ; people fwore by his fortune, in the
fame manner as they would have done had he been ac¬
tually upon the throne, and he was more dreaded than
even the tyrant who actually enjoyed the empire. But
the rapidity of his rife feemed only preparatory to the
greatnefs of his downfall. All we know of his firft dif-
grace with the emperor is, that Satrius Secundus was
the man who had the boldnefs to accufe him. Anto¬
nia, the mother of Germanicus, feconded the accufation.
What were the particulars of his crimes, we cannot learn ;
but certain it is, that he attempted to ufurp the empire,
by aiming at the life of Tiberius. He was very near
difpatching him, when his praflices were difcovered, and
his own life waS fubftituted for that againft which he
aimed. Tiberius, fenfible of the traitor’s power, pro¬
ceeded with his ufual diffimulation in having him appre¬
hended. He granted him new honours at the very time
he refolved his death, and took him as his colleague in
the confullhip. The emperor’s letter to the fenate be¬
gan only with flight complaints againft his friend, but
ended with an order for putting him in prifon. He in-
treated the fenators to protedft a poor old man, as he was,
abandoned by all ; and, in the mean time, prepared
fhips for his flight, and ordered foldiers for his fecurity.
The fenate, who had long been jealous of the favourite’s
power, and dreaded his cruelty, immediately took this
opportunity of going beyond their orders. Inftead of
fentencing him to imprifonment, they direfted his exe¬
cution. A ftrange revolution now appeared in the city ;
of thofe numbers that but a moment before were prefling
into the prefence of Sejanus, with offers of fervice and
adulation, not one was found that would feem to be of
his acquaintance : he was deferted by all 5 and thofe
who had formerly received the greateft benefits from
him, feemed now converted into his moft inveterate ene¬
mies. As he was conducing to execution, the people
loaded him with infult and execration. He attempted
to hide his face with his hands •, but even this was de¬
nied him, and his hands were fecured. Nor did the
rage of his enemies iubfide with his death ; his body
was ignominioufly dragged about the ftreets, and his
whole family executed with him.
His death only lighted up the emperor’s rage for fur¬
ther executions. I he prifons were crowded with pre¬
tended accomplices in the confpiracy of Sejanus, Ti-
277
Sejanus dif-
graced and
put to
death.
91 ] ROM
berius began to grow weary of particular executions j Rome.
he therefore gave orders that all the accufed flrould be  J
put to death together without further examination. Of Monftrous
20 fenators, whom he chofe for his council, he put 16 cruelty of
to death. “ Let them hate me (cried he) fo long as Tiberius,
they obey me.” He then averred, that Priam was a
happy man, who outlived all his pofterity. In this
manner there was not a day without fome barbarous
execution, in which the fufferers were obliged to under¬
go the moft fhameful indignities and exquifite torments.
When one Camillus had killed himfelf to avoid the tor¬
ture : “ Ah (cried Tiberius'), how that man has been
able to efcape me !” When a prifoner earneftly in-
treated that he would not defer his death : “ No (cried
the tyrant), I am not fufficiently your friend, to fliorten
your torment.” He often fatisfied his eyes with the
tortures of the wretches that were put to death before
him 5 and in the days of Suetonius the rock was to be
feen, from which he ordered fuch as had difpleafed him
to be thrown headlong. As he was one day examining
fome perfons upon the rack, he was told that an old
friend of his was come from Rhodes to fee him. Ti-
berms fuppofing him brought for the purpofe of infor¬
mation, immediately ordered him to the torture 5 and
when he was convinced of his miftake, he ordered him
to be put to death, to prevent farther difeovery.
In this manner did the tyrant continue to torment
others, although he was himfelf ftill more tortured by
his own fufpreions 5 fo that in one of his letters to the
fenate, he confeffed that the gods and goddeffes had fo
affli&ed and confounded him, that he knew not what or
how to write. In the mean time, the frontier provinces
were invaded with impunity by the barbarians. Mrefia
was feized on by the Dacians and Sarmatians ; Gaul
was wafted by the Germans, and Armenia conquered
by the king of Parthia. Tiberius, however, was fo
much a flave to his brutal appetites, that he left his pro¬
vinces wholly to the care of bis lieutenants, and they
were intent rather on the accumulation of private for¬
tune than the fafety of the ftate. Such a total diforder
in the empire produced fuch a degree of anxiety in him
who governed it, that he was heard to wifli, that heaven
and earth might periflr when he died. At length, how¬
ever, in the 22d year of his reign, he began to feel the
approaches of his diffolution, and all his appetites totally
to forfake him. He now, therefore, found it was time
to think of a lucceffor, and hefitated for a long while,
whethei he fliould chooie Caligula, whofe vices were
too apparent to efcape his obfervation. He had been
often heard to fay, that this youth had all the faults of
Sylla, without his virtues ; that he was a ferpent that
would fling the empire, and a Phaeton that would fet
the world m a flame. Hovvever, notwithftanding all
his well-grounded apprehenfions, he named him for his rv T
fucceflbr; willing, perhaps, by the enormity of Caligu-Sl“nla far
la s conduct to cover the memory of his own. hi. iuccef-
But though he thought fit to choofe a fucceffor hefur-
concealed his approaching decline with the utmoft care
as if he was willing at once to hide it from the world
and hunfelf He long had a contempt for phyfic, and
reruled the advice of fuch as attended him j he even
feemed to take a pleafure in being prefent at the fports
of the loldiers, and ventured himfelf to throw a javelin
at a boar that was let loofe before him. The effort
which h? Baade upon this occafion caufed a pain in his
fide.
I
R O M
Rome, fide, which haftened the approaches of death : foil, how-
v'"-"'—' ever, he feemed willing to avoid his end; and drove,
by change of place, to put off the inquietude of his own
reflexions. He left his favourite iuand, and went upon
the continent, where he at laft fixed at the promontory
of Mifenum. It. was here that Charicks, his phyfleian,
pretending to kils his hand, felt the failure of his pulfe j
and appriled Macro, the emperor’s prefent favourite,
that he had not above two days to live. '1 iberius, on
the contrary, who had perceived the art of Charicles,
did all in his power to imprefs his attendants with an
opinion of his health : he continued at table till the
evening ; he fainted all his guefls as they left the room,
and read the adfs of the fenate, in which they had ab-
folved fome perfons he had written againft, with great
indignation. He reiblved to take fignal vengeance of
their dii'obedience, and meditated new' fchemes of cruel¬
ty, when he fell into fuch faintings, as all believed w'ere
fatal. It was in this fituation, that, by Macro’s advice,
Caligula prepared to fecure the fucceflion. He received
the congratulations of the whole court, caufed himfelf
to be acknowledged by the Praetorian foldiers, and w'ent
forth from the emperor’s apartment amidft the applaufes
of the mukitude ; when all of a hidden he was inform¬
ed that the emperor was recovered, that he had begun
to fpeak, and defired to eat. This unexpected account
Ailed the whole court with terror and alarm : every one
who had before been eavneft in teftifying their joy, now'
re-affumed their pretended forrow', and left the new em¬
peror, through a feigned folicitude for the fate of the
old. Caligula himfelf feemed thunderftruck ; he pre-
ferved a gloomy fiience, expeXing nothing but death,
inftead of the empire at which he had afpired. Macro,
however, who was hardened in crimes, ordered that the
dying emperor (hould be difpatched, by fmothering him
with pillows, or, as others wdll have it, by poifon. In
this manner Tiberius died, in the 78th year of his age,
, after reigning 22.
Corruptions l'*16 Komans were, at this time, arrived at their high-
of the Ro- eft pitch of effeminacy and vice. The wealth of almoft
mans at thisCvery nation of the empire, having, for fome time, cir-
time. culated through the city, brought with it the luxuries
peculiar to each country j fo that Rome prefented a de-
teftable piXure of various pollution. In this reign lived
Apicius, fo w'ell known for having reduced gluttony in¬
to a fyftem j fome of the moft notorious in this way,
thought it no ftiame to give near 100 pounds for a Angle
flth, and exhauft a fortune of 50,000 pounds in one en¬
tertainment. Debaucheries of every other kind kept
pace with this •, w’hile the deteftable folly of the times
thought it was refining upon pleafure to make it unna¬
tural. There were at Rome men called Spin trice, whofe
foie trade it w'as to ftudy new modes of pleafure •, and
thefe were univerfally favourites of the great. I he fe-
nators had leng fallen from their authority, and w'ere
no lefs eftranged from their integrity and honour. Their
whole ftudy kerned to be, how to invent new ways of
flattering the emperor, and various methods of torment¬
ing his fuppofed enemies. The people wrere ftill more
corrupt : they had, for fome years, been accuftomed to
live in idlenefs, upon the donations of the emperor ;
and, being fatisfied with fubfiftence, entirely gave up
their freedom. Too effeminate and cowardly to go to
w ar, they only railed againft their governors j fo that
they were bad foldiers and feditious citiiens. In th?
Pi o M
18th year of this monarch’s reign, Chrift was crucified. Rome.
Shortly after his death, Pilate is faid to have written to
Tiberius an account of his paffion, refurreXion, and Chlj2ft
miracles; upon which the emperor made a report ofcuitd.
the whole to the fenate, defining that Chrift might be
accounted a god by the Romans. Rut the fenate be¬
ing dilpleafed that the propolal had not come firit from
thenifelves, refufed to allow of his apotheofis; alleging
an ancient law', which gave them the lupei intendance
in all matters of religion. They even went fo far, as
by an ediX to command that all Chnftians Ihould
leave the city : but Tiberius, by another ediX, threa¬
tened death to all fuch as ftiould accufe them ; by which
means they continued unmolefted daring the reit of his
reign.
No monarch ever came to the throne with more ad¬
vantages than Caligula. He was the ion of Germani-
cus, who had been the darling of the army and the
people. He was bred among the foldiers, from whom
he received the name of Caligula, from the ihort buf-
kin, called caliga, that w as worn by the common cen-
tinels, and which w'as alfo ulually worn by him. As
he approached Rome, the principal men of the ftate
went out in crowds to meet him. He received the
congratulations of the people on every fide, all equally
pleafed in being free from the cruelties of Tiberius,
and in hoping new advantages from the virtues of his
fucceffor.
Caligula feemed to take every precaution to imprefs
them with the opinion of a happy change. Amidft the
rejoicings of the multitude, he advanced mourning, w’ith
the dead body of Tiberius, which the foldiers brought
to be burnt at Rome, according to the cuftom of that
time. Upon his entrance into the city, he was received
with new titles of honour by the fenale, w'hoie chief
employment feemed now to be, the art of increafing
their emperor’s vanity. He was left co-heir with Ge¬
mellus, grandfon to I iberius ; but they fet afide the no¬
mination, and declared Caligula foie lucceffor to the
empire. The joy for this eleXion was not confined to
the narrow bounds of Italy ; it fpread through the
whole empire, and viXims without number w’ere iacri-
ficed upon the occafion. Some of the people, upon
his going into Campania, made vows for his return ;
and fhortly after, when he i*.l fick, the multitudes
crowded whole nights round his palace, and fome even
devoted themfelves to death in cafe he recovered, fel¬
ting up bills of their refolutions in the ftreets. In this
affeXion of the citizens, ilrangers themfelves feemed am¬
bitious of fharing. Artabanus, king of Parthia, fought
the emperor’s alliance wdth affiduity. He came to a
perfonal conference with one of his legates •, paffed the
Euphrates, adored the Roman eagles, and luffed the
emperor’s images ; fo that the whole world feemed com¬
bined to praife him for virtues which they fuppofed him
to poffefs. 2g.2
The new etnpefor at firft feemed extremely careful ofCaiig„ia
the public favour ; and having performed the funeral fo- begins to
lemnities of Tiberius, he haftened to the iflar.ds of Pan-reign
dataria and Pontia, to remove the allies of his mother weiL“
and brothers, expofing himfelf to the dangers of tempef-
tuous weather, to give a luftre to his piety.^ Haying
brought them to Rome, he inflituted annual folemnities
in their honour, and ordered the month of September
to be called Germanicus, in memory of his father.
Thefe
[ 192 1
ROM [ 193 ] R O M
■Rome.
*S3
but be-
coiues a
moft outra
geous ty-
1 ant.
TIitTe ceremonies being over, he conferred the fame ho-
^ nours upon ids grandmother Antonia, which had before
been given to Livia ; and ordered ail informations to be
burnt, that any ways expofed the enemies of his family,
lie even refilled a paper that was offered him, tending
to the difcovery of a confpiracy againft him 5 alleging,
That he was confcious of nothing to deferve any man’s
hatred, and therefore had no fears from their machina¬
tions. He caufed the inftitutions of Augurtus, which
had been difufed in the reign of Tiberius, to be revived ;
undertook to reform many abufes in the ftate, and fe-
verely punilhed corrupt governors. Among others, he
banilhed Pontius Pilate into Gaul, where this unjuft
magirtrate afterwards put an end to his life by fuicide.
He banilhed the Ipintriae, or inventors of abominable re¬
creations, from Rome •, attempted to reftore the ancient
manner of elefting magiftrates by the fuffrages of the
people } and gave them a free jurifdihfion, without any
appeal to himfelf. Although the will of Tiberius rvas
annulled by the fenate, and that of Livia fuppreffed by
1 iberius, yet he caufed all their legacies to be punc¬
tually paid ; and in order to make Gemellus amends
for milling the crown, he caufed him to be elefted Prin-
ceps Juventutis, or principal of the youth. Pie reftored
lome kings to their dominions who had been unjuftly
dilpoffelTed by Tiberius, and gave them the arrears of
their revenues. And, that he might appear an encou-
rager of every virtue, he ordered a female Have a large
Him of money for enduring the moft exquilite torments
without dilcovering the fecrets of her mailer. So many
conceflions, and fuch apparent virtue, could not fail of
receiving juft applaufe. A Ihield of gold, bearing his
image, was decreed to be carried annually to the Capi¬
tol, attended by the fenate and the fons of the nobility
linging in praile of the emperor’s virtues. It was like-
w:!e ordained, that the day on which he was appointed
to the empire Ihould be called Pubitia ; implying, that
when he came to govern, the city received a new foun¬
dation.
In lefs than eight months all this ihew of moderation
and ciemency vanithed j while furious paflions, unex-
' ampled avarice, and capricious cruelty, began to take
their turn in his mind. As moft of the cruelties of Ti¬
berius arofe from fpfpicion, fo moft of thofe committed
by Caligula took rife from prodigality. Some indeed
affert, that a diforder which happened foon after his ac-
ceflion to the empire, entirely difeompofed his under-
ftanding. However this may be, madnefs itfelf could
Icarcely diiftate cruelties more extravagant, or inconlift-
encies more ridiculous, than are imputed to him ; fome
of them appear almoft beyond belief, as they feem en¬
tirely without any motive to incite fuch barbarities.
1 he firft obj-eeft of his cruelty was a -perfon named
Politus, who had devoted himfelf to death, in cafe the
emperor, who was then fick, ftiould recover. When
C aligula’s health was re-eftabliftied, he was informed of
the zeal of Politus, and aftually compelled him to com¬
plete his vow. This ridiculous devotee was therefore
led round the city, by children, adorned with chaplets,
and then put to death, being thrown headlong from the
ramparts. Another, named Secundus, had vowed to
fight in the amphitheatre upon the fame occafion. To
this he was alio compelled, the emperor himfelf choofing
to be a fpeiftator of the combat. However, he was
more fortunate than the former, bein£ fo fuccefsful as
Vol. XVIII. Part I. 6
to kill his adverfary, by which he obtained a releafe
from his vow. Gemellus was the next who fuffered
from the tyrant’s inhumanity. The pretence againft
him was, that he had wilhed the emperor might not re¬
cover, and that he had taken a counter-poifon to fecure
him from any fecret attempts againft his life. Caligula
ordered him to kill himfelf} but as the unfortunate
youth was ignorant of the manner of doing it, the em¬
peror’s meffengers foon inftrufted him in the fatal leffon.
Silenus, the emperor’s father-in-law, was the next that
was put to death upon flight fufpicions 5 and Gercinus,
a fenator of noted integrity, refufing to witnefs falfely
againft him, (hared his fate. After thefe followed a
crowd of victims to the emperor’s avarice or fufpicion.
The pretext againft them was their enmity to his fami¬
ly ; and in proof of his accufations he produced thofe
very memorials which but a while before he pretended
to have burnt. Among the number of thofe who were
facrificed to his jealoufy, was Macro, the late favour¬
ite of 1 iberius, and the perlbn to whom Caligula owed
his empire. He was accufed of many crimes, fome
of which were common to the emperor as well as to
him, and his death brought on the ruin of his whole fa¬
mily.
Thefe cruelties, however, only feemed the firft fruits
of a mind naturally timid and fufpicious : his vanity and
profufion foon gave rife to others which were more atro¬
cious, as they iprung from lefs powerful motives. His
pride firft began by afluming to himfelf the title of ruler,
which was ufually granted only to kings. He would
alfo h ave taken the crown and diadem, had he not been
advifed that he was already fuperior to all the monarchs
of the world. Not long after, he affumed divine ho¬
nours, and gave himfelf the names of fuch divinities as
he thought moft agreeable to his nature. For this pur-
pofe he caufed the heads of the ftatues of Jupiter and
fome other gods to be (truck off, and his own to be put
in their places. He frequently feated himfelf between
Caftor and Pollux, and ordered all who came to their
temple to worftiip, (hould pay their adorations only to
him; nay, at laft he altered their temple to the form
of a portico, which he joined to his palace, that the
very gods, as he (aid, might ferve him in the quality of
porters.
He was not lefs notorious for the depravation of his
appetites than for his ridiculous prefumptions. Neither
perfon, place, nor fex, were obftacles to the indulgence
of his unnatural lufts. There was fcarcely a lady of
any quality in Rome that efcaped his lewdnefs ; and,
indeed, fuch was the degeneracy of the times, that there
were few ladies who did not think this difgrace an ho¬
nour. He committed inceil with his three fifters, and
at public feafts they lay with their heads upon his bofom
by turns. Of thefe he proftituted Livia and Agrippina
to his vile companions, and then baniihed them as adul-
tereffes and confpirators againft his perfon. As for Dru-
filla, lie took her from her hulhand Longinus, and kept
her as his wife. Her he loved fo afte&ionately, that,
being fick, he appointed her as heirefs of his empire’
and fortune ; and (he happening to die before him, he
made her a goddefs. Nor did her example when living,
appear more dangerous to the people than her divinity
when dead. T. o mourn for her death was a crime, as
(he was become a goddefs j and to rejoice for her divi¬
nity was capital, becaufe (lie w^as dead. Nay, even fi-
B b lence
Rorre.
ROM [ 194 ] ROM
K^rre. Icnce kfelf was an unpardonable infenfibllity, either of
' the emperor’s lofs or his filter’s advancement. Thus he
made Ids filter fubfervient to his profit, as before he had
done to his pleafure ; railing valt fums of money by
granting pardons to fome, and by confifcating the goods
of others. As to his marriages, whether he contracted
them with greater levity, or diffolved them with great¬
er injultice, is not eafy to determine. Being prefent at
the nuptials of Livia Oreltilla with Pifo, as loon as the
lolemnity was over, he commanded her to be brought
to him as his own wife, and then difmiiTed her in a few
days. He foon after banilhed her upon lufpicion of co¬
habiting with her hufband after Ihe was parted from
him. He was enamoured of Lollia Paulina, upon a
bare relation of her grandmother’s beauty j and there¬
upon took her from her hufband, who commanded
in Macedonia : notwithftanding which, he repudiated
her as he had done the former, and likewife forbade her
future marrying with any other. The wife who caught
moll firmly upon his affe&ions was Milonia Caelonia,
whofe chief merit lay in her perfeft acquaintance with
all the alluring arts of her fex, for {he was otherwife
pefleffed neither of youth nor beauty. She continued
with him during his reign 5 and he loved her fo ridicu-
loufly, that he fometimes Ihowed her to his foldiers dre!-
fed in armour, and fometimes to his companions Hark
naked.
But of all his vices, his prodigality was the moll re¬
markable, and that which in fome meafure gave rife to
the reft. The luxuries of former emperors were fimpli-
city itfelf, when compared to thofe which he praCtifed.
He contrived new ways of bathing, where the richeft
oils and molt precious perfumes were exhaufted with the
utmoft profufion. He found out dilhes of immenfe va¬
lue •, and had even jewels, as we are told, diffolved
among his fauces. He fometimes had fervices of pure
gold prefented before his guefts initead of meat j obfer^
ving, that a man Ihould be an economift or an em¬
peror.
For feveral days together he flung confiderable fums
of money among the people. He ordered fhips of a
prodigious bulk to be built of cedar, the Items of ivory
inlaid with gold and jewels, the fails and tackling of
various filks, while the decks w’ere planted with the
choiceft fruit trees, under the lhade of which he often
dined. Here, attended by all the minilters of his plea-
fures, the moft exquilite fingers, and the molt beauti¬
ful youths, he coafted along the Ihore of Campania with
great fplendor. All his buildings feemed rather calcu¬
lated to raife aftonilhment, than to anfvver the purpofes
of utility. But the moft notorious inftance of his fruit-
lefs profufion was the vaft bridge at Puteoli, which he
undertook in the third year of his reign. To fatisfy his
defire of being mailer as well of the ocean as the land,
lie caufed an infinite number of {hips to be faftened to
each other, fo as to make a floating bridge from Baiae
to Puteoli, acrofs an arm of the fea three miles and a
half broad. The {hips being placed in two rows, in
form of a crefcent, were fecured to each other with
anchors, chains, and cables. Over thefe were laid vaft
quantities of timber, and upon that earth, fo as to make
the whole referable one of the ftreets of Rome. He
next caufed feveral houfes to be built upon his new
bridge, for the reception of himfelf and his attendants,
into which frefti water was conveyed by pipes from land.
He then repaired thither with all his court, attended by Rom?,
prodigious throngs of people, wdio came from all parts
to be fpedlators of fuch an expenfive pageant. It was
there that Caligula, adorned with all the magnificence
of eaftern royalty, fitting on horleback with a civic
crown and Alexander’s breaftplate, attended by the
great officers of the army, and all the nobility of Rome,
entered at one end of the bridge, and with ridiculous
importance rode to the other. At night, the number
of torches and other illuminatioBS with wffiich this ex¬
penfive ftru£hire was adorned, caft fuch a gleam as illu¬
minated the wffiole bay, and all the neighbouring moun¬
tains. This feemed to give the weak emperor new
caufe for exultation ; boafting that he had ti-rned night
into day, as well as iea into land. The next morning he
again rode over in a triumphal chariot, followed by a
numerous train of charioteers, and all his foldiers in
glittering armour. He then afeended a roftrum erefted
for the occafion, where he made a folemn oration in
praife of the greatnefs of his enterprife, and the affiduity
of his workmen and his army. He then diftributed xe-
wards among his men, and a fplendid feaft fiicceeded.
In the midit of the entertainment many of his attend¬
ants were thrown into the fea ; feveral {hips filled with
fpeftators were attacked and funk in an hoftile manner j
and although the majority efcaped through the calmnefs
of the weather, yet many were drowned } and fome
who endeavoured to fave themfelves by climbing to the
bridge, were ftruck down again by the emperor’s com¬
mand. The calmnefs of the fea during this pageant,
which continued for two days, furniflied Caligula with
frefti opportunities for boafting ; being heard to fay,
“ that Neptune took care to keep the fea fmooth and fe-
rene, merely out of reverence to him.”
Expences like thefe, it may be naturally fuppofed,
mull have exhaufted the moft unbounded wealth : in
faff, after reigning about a year, Caligula found his re¬
venues totally exhaufted ; and a fortune of about
18,000,000 of our money, which Tiberius had amaf-
fed together, entirely fpent in extravagance and folly.
Now, therefore, his prodigality put him upon new me¬
thods of fupplying the exchequer ; and as before his pro¬
fufion, fo now his rapacity became boundlefs. He put
in praftice all kinds of rapine and extortion •, while his
principal fiudy feemed to be the inventing new imports
and illicit confifcations. Every thing was taxed, to the
very wages of the meaneft tradefman. He caufed free¬
men lo purchafe their freedom a fecond time ; and poi-
foned many who had named him for their heir, to have
the immediate poffeffion of their fortunes. He fet up a
brothel in his own palace, by which he gained confider¬
able fums by all the methods of proftitution. He aifo
kept a gaming-houfe, in which he himfelf prefided,
ferupling none of the meaneft tricks in order to advance
his gains. On a certain occafion having had a run of
ill luck, he faw two rich knights parting through his
court*, upon which he fuddenly rofe up, and caufing
both to be apprehended, confifcated their eftates, and
then joining his former companions, boafted that he ne¬
ver had a better throw in his life. Another time, want¬
ing money for a flake, he went down and caufed feveral
noblemen to be put to death ; and then returning, told
the company that they fat playing lor trifles while be
had won 60,000 fefterces at a caft.
Such infupportable and capricious cruelties produced
many
ROM
[ i<)S ]
ROM
284
Ridiculous
expeditions
againft Bri¬
tain and
Germany-
2»S
Meannefs
of the fe..
nskte.
many fecrct confpiracies againfi: him ; but thefe were
for a while deferred, upon account of his intended ex¬
pedition againft the Germans and Britons, which he
undertook in the third year of his reign. For this pur-
pofe, he caufed numerous levies to be made iiv all parts
of the empire ; and talked with fo much refolution, that
it was univerfally believed he would conquer all before
him. His march perfeftly indicated the inequality of
his temper : foinetimes it was fo rapid, that the cohorts
were obliged to leave their ftandards behind them ; at
other times it was fo How, that it more refembled a
pompous proceftion than a military expedition. In this
difpolition he would caufe himfelf to be carried on eight
men’s (boulders, and order all the neighbouring cities to
have their ftreets well fwept and watered to defend him
from the dull. However, all thefe mighty preparations
ended in nothing. Inftead of conquering Britain, he
only gave refuge to one of its banfthed princes •, and this
he defcribed in a letter to the fenate, as taking poiTef-
fton of the whole ifland. Inftead of conquering Ger¬
many, he only led his army to the fea (hore in Batavia.
There difpofing his engines and warlike machines with
great folemnity, and drawing up his men in order of
battle, he went on board his galley, with which coaft-
ing along, he commanded his trumpets to found and the
fignal to be given as if for an engagement; upon which,
his men having had previous orders, immediately fell to
gathering the (hells that lay upon the (bore into their
helmets, terming them the fpoils of the conquered ocean,
worthy of the palace and the capital. After this doughty
expedition, calling his army together as a general after
vkftory, he harangued them in a pompous manner, and
highly extolled their atchievements ; and then diftribut-
ing money among them, difmiffed them with orders to
be joyful, and congratulated them upon their riches.
.But that fuch exploits (hould not pafs without a memo¬
rial, he caufed a lofty tower to be erefted by the fea-
ftde; and ordered the galleys in rvhich he had put to
fea to be conveyed to Rome in a great meafure by
land.
After numberlefs inftances of folly and cruelty in
this expedition, among which he had intentions of de-
ftxoying the whole army that had formerly mutinied un¬
der his father Germanicus, he began to think of a
triumph. The fenate, who had long been the timid mi-
nifters of his pride and cruelty, immediately fet about
confulting how to fatisfy his expeftations. They con¬
sidered that a triumph would, even to himfelf, appear as
a burlefque upon his expedition : they therefore decreed
him only an ovation. Having come to this refolution,
they fent him a deputation, informing him of the ho¬
nours granted him, and the decree, which was drawn
up in terms of the mod extravagant adulation. How¬
ever, their flattery was far from fatisfying his pride.
He confidered their conduft rather as a diminution of
hfc power, than an addition to his glory. He therefore
ordered them, on pain of death, not to concern them-
felves with his honours ; and being met by their meffen-
gers on the way, who invited him to come and partake
of the preparations which the fenate had decreed, he in¬
formed them that he would come •, and then laying his
hand upon his fword, added, that he would bring that
alfo with him. In this manner, either quite omitting
his triumph, or’ deferring it to another time, he entered
the city with only an ovation j while the fenate paffed
the whole day in acclamations in his praife, and fpeech- R-om'e.
es filled with the moft exceflive flattery. This conduct 1
in fome meafure ferved to reconcile him, and (bon after
their exceflive zeal in his caufe entirely gained his fa¬
vour. For it happened that Protogenes, who was one
of the moft intimate and the moft cruel of his favourites,
coming into the houfe, was fawned upon by the whole
body of the fenate, and particularly by Proculus.
Whereupon Protogenes with a fierce look, aiked how
one who was fuch an enemy to the emperor could be
fuch a friend to him ? There needed no more to excite
the fenate againft Proculus. They inftantly feized up¬
on him, and violently tore him in pieces; plainly (bow¬
ing by their conduft, that tyranny in a prince produces
cruelty in thofe whom he governs.—It was after return¬
ing from this extravagant expedition, that he was wait¬
ed upon by a deputation of the Jews of Alexandria, who
came to deprecate his anger for not worfliipping his di
vinity as other nations had done. The emperor gave
them a very ungracious reception, and would probably
have deftroyed their countrymen if he had not foon after
been cut off.
This affair of the Jews remained undecided during his
reign j but it was at lait fettled by his iucceffor to their
fatisfaftion. It was upon this occafion that Philo made
the following remarkable anfwer to his affociates, who
were terrified with apprehenfions of the emperor’s indig¬
nation : “ Fear nothing (cried he to them), Caligula,
by declaring againft us, puts God on our fide.”
The continuation of this horrid reign feemed to 2S6
threaten univerfal calamity : however, it was but ftiort. a confpi-
There had already been feveral confpiracies formed toracyform-
deftroy the tyrant, but without fuccefs. That whiche£^ againft
at lad fucceeded in delivering the world of this monfter, ^ emPe"
was concerted under the influence of Caflius Cherea, tri- ’
bune of the praetorian bands. This was a man of expe¬
rienced courage, an ardent admirer of freedom, and
confequently an enemy to tyrants. Befides the motives
which he had in common with other men, he had re¬
ceived repeated infults from Caligula, who took all oc-
cafions of turning him into ridicule, and impeaching
him of cowardice, merely becaufe he had an efteminate
voice. Whenever Cherea came to demand the watch-
word from the emperor, according to cuftom, he always
gave him either Venus, Adonis, or fome fuch, implying
effeminacy and foftnefs. He therefore fecretly impart¬
ed his defigns to feveral fenators and knights, whom he
knew to have received perfonal injuries from Caligula,
or to he apprehenfive of thofe to come. Among thefe
was Valerius Afiaticus, whofe wife the emperor had de¬
bauched. Annius Vincianus, who was fufpefted of ha¬
ving been in a former confpiracy, was now defirous of
really engaging in the firft defign that offered. Befides
thefe, were Clemens the prefeft ; and Califtus, whofe
riches made him obnoxious to the tyrant’s refentment.
While thefe were deliberating upon the moft certain
and fpeedy method of deftroying the tyrant, an unex-
pe6!ed incident gave new ftrength to the confpiracy.
Pompedius, a fenator of diftimftion, having been accufed
before the emperor, of having fpoken of him with difre-
fpeft, the informer cited one Quintilia, an a&refs, to
confirm his accufation. Quintilia, however, was poffef-
fed of a degree of fortitude not eafily found. She de¬
nied tire faft with obftinacy •, and being put to the tor¬
ture at the informer’s requeft, (lie bore the fevered tor-
B b 2 mehts
K O M [ 196 1 HO M
Rome, merits of tlie rack with unftiaken conftancy. Bat what
'' ' is moft remarkable of her refdlution is, that flie was ac¬
quainted with all the particulars of the confpiracy ; and
although Cherea was appointed to prefide at her torture,
flie revealed nothing: on the contrary, when fire was
led to the rack, lire trod upon the toe of one of the con-
fpirators, intimating at once her knowledge of the con¬
federacy, and her own refolution not to divulge it. In
this manner fire fuffered until all her limbs were aifloca-
ted } and in that deplorable date was prefented to ihe
emperor, who ordered her a gratuity for what fire had
fuffered. Cherea could now no longer contain his in¬
dignation at being thus made the inftrument of a ty¬
rant’s cruelty. He therefore propofed to the confpira-
tors to attack him as he went to offer lacrifices in tire
capitol, or while he was employed in the fecret plea-
fures of the palace. The reft, however, were of opi¬
nion, that it was beft to fall upon him when he ftrould
be unattended ; by which means they would be more
certain of fuccefs. After feveral deliberations, it was at
laft refolved to attack him during the continuance of
the Palatine games, which lafted four days 5 and to
ftrike the blow wdren his guards fhould have the leaf!
opportunity to defend him. In confequence of tnis, the
three firft days of the games pafled without affording
that opportunity which was fo ardently defired. Che-
tea now, therefore, began to apprehend, that deferring
the time of the confpiracy might be a mean to divulge
it: he even began to dread, that the honour of killing
the tyrant might fall to the lot of fome other perfon
more bold than himfelf. Wherefore, he at laft refolved
to defer the execution of his plot only to the day fol¬
lowing, when Caligula flrould pafs through a pri¬
vate gallery, to fome baths not far diftant from the pa-
2g_ lace.
who is The laft day of the games was more fplendid than
muukred. the reft ', and Caligula feemed more fprightly and con-
defcending than ufual. He took great amulement in
feeing \he people fcramble for the fruits and other ra¬
rities thrown by his order among them ; and feemed
no wray apprehenftve of the plot formed for his dtftruc-
tion. In the mean time, the confpiracy began to tran-
fpire and had he poffeffed any friends, it could not have
failed of being difcovered. The confpirators waited a
great part of the day with the moft extreme anxiety j
and at one time Caligula feemed refolved to fpend the
whole day without any refrefhment. This unexpedfed
delay entirely exafperated Cherea j and had he not been
reftrained, he would have gone and perpetrated his
defign in the midft of all the people. Juft at that in-
ftant, while he was yet hefitating what he flrould do,
Afprenas, one of the confpirators, perfuaded Caligula
to go to the bath and take fome flight refrefhment, in
order to enjoy the reft of the entertainment with great¬
er relifh. The emperor therefore riling up, the con¬
fpirators ufed every precaution to keep off the throng,
and to furround him, under pretence of greater affi-
duity. Upon entering into the little vaulted gallery
that led to the bath, he was met by a band of Grecian
children who had been inftrufted in finging, and were
come to perform in his prefence. He was once more
therefore going to return into the theatre with them,
had not the, leader of the band excufed himfelf, as ha¬
ving a cold. This was the moment that Cherea feized
to ftrike him to the ground 3 crying out, “ Tyrant,
think upon this.” Immediately after, the other con- Rome,
fpirators rulhed in 3 and while the emperor continued ' v
to refift, crying out, that he was not yet dead, they
difpatched him with 30 wounds, in the 29th year of
his age, after a fhort reign of three years ten months
and eight days. With him, his wife and infant daugh-
■ ter alfo periihed 3 the one being ftabbed by a centurion,
the other having its brains dallied out againft the wall.
His coin wTas alio melted down by a decree of the fe-
nate 3 and fuch precautions wTere taken, that all leemed
willing, that neither his features nor his name might be
tranfmitted to pofterity. 2s^
As foon as the death of Caligula was made public, itGreaf eon-
produced the greateft confuffon in all parts of the city.lull0n en-
The confpirators, who only aimed at deftroying a ty-,us
rant without attending to a fucceflbr, had all fought'
fafety by retiring to private places. Some thought
the report of the emperor’s death was only an artifice
of his own, to fee how his enemies would behave.
Others averred that he w'as ftill alive, and actually in
a fair wTay to recover. In this interval of fufpenie, the
German guards finding it a convenient time to pillage,
gave a loofe to their licentioufnefs, under a pretence of
revenging the emperor’s death. All the conlpirators
and fenators that fell in their way received no mercy :
Afprenas, Norbanus, and Anteius, were cut in pieces.
However, they grew calm by degrees, and the fenate
was permitted to affemble, in order to deliberate upc m
w'hat was neceffary to be done in the prefent emer¬
gency.
In this deliberation, Saturninus, who was then ccn-
ful, infilled much upon the benefits of liberty 3 and talk¬
ed in raptures of Cherea’s fortitude, alleging that it
deferved the higheft reward. This was a language
highly pleafing to the fenate. Liberty now became the
favourite topic 3 and they even ventured to talk of ex-
tinguifhing the very name of Caefar. Imprtffed with
this refolution, they brought over fome cohorts of the
city to their fide, and boldly feized upon the Capitol.
But it was now too late for Rome to regain her priftine
freedom 3 the populace and the army oppofing their
endeavours. The former were ftill mindful of their an¬
cient hatred to the fenate 3 and remembered the dona¬
tions and public fpeftacles of the emperors with re¬
gret. The latter were fenfible they could have no
power but in a monarchy 3 and had fome hopes that
the eleflion of the emperor w'ould fall to their deter¬
mination. In this oppofition of interefts, and variety
of opinions, chance feemed at laft to decide the fate of
the empire. Some foldiers happening to run about the
palace, difcovered Claudius, Caligula’s uncle, lurking
in a fecret place, where he had hid himfelf through
fear. Of this perfonage, who had hitherto been defpi-
fed for his imbecility, they refolved to make an empe¬
ror : and accordingly carried him upon their fhoulders
to the camp, where they proclaimed him at a time he
expeCled nothing but death.
The fenate now, therefore, perceiving that force Claudius
alone was likely to fettle the fucceflion, were refolved made em-
to fubmit, fince they had no power to oppofe. Clau- Fror-
dius was the perfon moft nearly allied to tire late empe¬
ror, then living 3 being the nephew of Tiberius, and
the uncle of Caligula. The fenate therefore paffed a
decree, confirming him in the empire 3 and went loon
after in a body, to render him their compulfive ho¬
mage
ft O M [ 197 ] ft o M
Rome. mage. Cherea was the firft who fell a facrifice to the
jealoufy- of this new monarch. He met death with all
the fortitude of an ancient Homan defiring to die by
the fame fword with which he had killed Caligula.
Lupus, his friend, was put to death with him 5 and Sa-
binus, one of the confpirators, laid violent hands on
himfelf.
Claudius was 50 years old when he began to reign.
The complicated difeafes of his infancy had in fome
meafure affe&ed all the faculties both of his body and
mind. He was continued in a ftate of pupillage much
longer than wTas ufual at that time ; and feemed, in
every part of his life incapable of conducting himfelf.
Not that he was entirely deftitute of underltanding,
fince he had made a tolerable proficiency in the Greek
and Latin languages, and even wrote a hittory of his
own time •, which, however deftitute of other merit,
v/as not contemptible in point of ftyle. Neverthelefs,
with this {hare of erudition, he was unable to advance
himfelf in the ftate, and feemed utterly neglefted urn
apo til he was placed all at once at the head of affairs.
HU happy The commencement of his reign gave the moft promi-
adminntra- ]10pes 0f a happy continuance. He began by
beginning Pa^'mo an a(^ °f oblivion for all former words and ac-
0f his reiijn tions, and difannulled all the cruel edifts of Caligula.
He forbade all perfons, upon feveve penalties, to facri¬
fice to him as they had done to Caligula j was aflidu-
ous in hearing and examining complaints ; and fre¬
quently adminiftered juftice in perfon 5 tempering by
his mildnefs the feverity of the law. We are told of
his bringing a woman to acknowledge her fon, by ad¬
judging her to marry him. The tribunes of the people
coming one day to attend him when he was on the tri¬
bunal, he courteoufiy excufed himfelf for not having
room for them to fit down. Ey this deportment he ib
much gained the -affections of the people, that upon a
vague report of his being ftain by furprife, they ran
about the ftreets in the ulmoft rage and confternation,
with horrid imprecations againlt all fuch as were ac-
ceffary to his death $ nor could they be appeafed, until
they were affured, with certainty, of his fafety. He
took a more than ordinary care that Rome fhould be
continually fupplied with corn and provifions, fecuring
the merchants againft pirates. He was not lefs afti-
duous in his buildings, in which he excelled almoft all
that went before him. He conft^udled a wonderful
aquaedubf, called after h:s own nafne, much furpaffing
any other in Rome, either for -workmanfhip or plen¬
tiful fupply. It brought water from 40 miles diftance,
through great mountains, and over deep valleys 3 being
built on ftately arches, and furnifhing the higheft parts
of the city. He made alfo an haven at Oftia 3 a work
of fuch immenfe expence, that his fucceffors were unable
to maintain it. But his greateft work of all was the
draining of the lake Fucinus, which was the largeft in
Italy, and bringing its water into the Tiber, in order to
ftrengthen the current of that river. For effecting this,
among other vaft difficulties, he mined through a moun¬
tain of ftone three miles broad, and kept 30,000 men
employed for 11 years together.
Fo this folicitude for the internal advantages of the
ftate, he added that of a watchful guardianftup over
the. provinces. He reftored Judea to Herod Agrippa,
which Caligula had taken from Herod Antipas, his
uncle, the man who had put John the Baplift to death,
and who was banifhed by order of the prefent emperor. Rome.
Claudius alfo reftored f'uch princes to their kingdoms as v~~'
had been unjuftly difpoffeffed by his predeceffors 3 but
deprived the Lycians and Rhodians of their liberty, for
having promoted infunedlions, and crucified fome citi¬
zens of Rome. ...
29 I
He even undertook to gratify the people by foreign His expedi-
conqueft. The Britons, who had, for near 100 years, tion asainft
been left in foie poffeflion of their own iftand, began ^r‘tain’
to feek the mediation of Rome, to quell their inteliine
commotions. The principal man who defired to fub-
jedt his native country to the Roman dominion, was
one Bericus, who, by many arguments, perfuaded the
emperor to make a defeent upon the iftand, magnify¬
ing the advantages that would attend the conqueft of
it. In purfuance of his advice, therefore, Plautius the
praetor was ordered to pafs over into Gaul, and make
preparations for this great expedition. At firft, indeed,
his foldiers feemed backward to embark 3 declaring,
that they were unwilling to make war beyond the li¬
mits of the world, for to they judged Britain to be.
However, they were at laft perluaded to go 5 and the
Britons, under the conduft of their king Cynobelinus,
were feveral times overthrown. And thefe fucceffes foon
after induced Claudius to go into Britain in perfon,
upon pretence that the natives were ftill feditious, and
had not delivered up fome Roman fugitives who had
taken flicker among them 3 but for a particular account
of the exploits of the Romans in this ifland, fee the ar¬
ticle- England.
But though Claudius gave in the beginning of his Is induced
reign the higheft hopes of a happy continuance, he by b!s fa'
foon began to leffen his care for the public, and to 10
commit to his favourites all the concerns of the empire, many a(fts
This weak prince was unable to aft but under the di- of cruelty,
reftion of others. The chief of his direftors was his
wife Meffalina: whofe name is almoft become a com¬
mon appellation to women of abandoned charafters.
However, the was not lefs remarkable for her cruelties
than her lufts 3 as by her intrigues {he deflroyed many
ot the moft illuftrious families of Rome. Subordinate
to her were the emperor’s freedmen 3 Pallas, the trea-
furer; Narciffus, the fecretary of ftate 3 aud Calliftus,
the mafter of the flbquefts. Thefe entirely governed
Claudius 3 fo that he was only left-fhe fatigues of ce¬
remony, while they were poffeifed of .all the ppwer of
the ftate. *,
It would be tedious to enumerate the various cruel¬
ties which thefe infidious advifers obliged the feeble
emperor to commit : thofe againft his own family will
fuftice. Appius Silanus, a perfon of great merit, who
had been married to the emperor’s mother-in-law, was
put to death upon the fuggeftions of Meffalina. After
him he flew both his fons-in-law, Silanus and Pompey,
and his two nieces the Livias, one the daughter of
Drufus, the other of Germanicus 3 and all without per¬
mitting them to plead in their defence, or even with¬
out aligning any cade for his difpleafure. Great
numbers of others fell a facrifice to the jealoufy of Mef¬
falina and her minions 3 who bore fo great a fway in.
the ftate, that all offices, dignities, and governments,
were entirely at their difpofal. Every thing was put
to fale : they took money for pardons and penalties 3
and accumulated, by thefe means, fuch vaft fums, that
the wealth of Croefus was confidered as nothing in com-
parifon
R O M r *93 ] ROM
Fvome. parifon. One day, the emperor complaining that his
exchequer was exhaulled, he was ludicroufly told, that
it might be fufficiently replenifhed if his two freedmen
would take him into partnerfhip. Still, however, du¬
ring fuch corruption, he regarded his favourites with
the higheft elleem, and even folicited the fenate Lo
grant them peculiar marks of their approbation. I hefe
diforders in the minifters of government did not fail to
produce confpiracies again!! the emperor. Statius Cor-
vinus and Gallus Affinius formed a confpiracy againll
him. Twto knights, whofe names are not told us, pri¬
vately combined to affaflinate him. But the revolt
which gave him the greateft unealinefs, and which was
punifhed with the molt unrelenting feverity^ was that
of Camillus, his lieutenant-general in Dalmatia. This
general, incited by many of the principal men of Rome,
openly rebelled againit him, and allumed the title of
' emperor. Nothing could exceed the terrors of Clau¬
dius, upon being informed of this revolt: his nature
and his crimes had difpofed him to be more cowardly
than the reft of mankind j fo that when Camillus com¬
manded him by letters to relinquifti the empire, and
retire to a private ftation, he feemed inclined to obey.
However, his fears upon this occafion were foon remo¬
ved : for the legions which had declared for Camillus
being terrified by fome prodigies, ftiortly after aban¬
doned him ; fo that the man whom but five days be^
fore they had acknowledged as emperor, they now'
thought it no infamy to deftroy. The cruelty of
Meffalina and her minions upon this occafion feemed to
have no bounds. They fo wrought upon the emperor’s
fears and fufpicions, that numbers were executed with¬
out trial or proof*, and fcarce any, even of thofe who
were but fufpe&ed, efcaped, unlefs by ranfoming their
293 lives with their fortunes.
Their infa- j>ut fuch cruelties as thefe, the favourites of the em-
duft5 C°n* Peror endeavoured to eftablifti his and their own autho¬
rity : but in order to increafe the neceftity of their af-
fiftance, they laboured to augment the greatnefs of his
terrors. He now became a prey to jealoufy and dif-
quietude. Being one day in the temple, and finding
a fword that was left there by accident, he convened
the fenate in a fright, and informed them of his dan¬
ger. After this he never ventured to go to any feaft
without being furrounded by his guards, nor w*ould he
fuffer any man to approach him without a previous
fearch. Thus w'holly employed by his anxiety for lelf-
prefervation, he entirely left the care of the ftate to his
favourites, who by degrees gave him a relifti for (laugh¬
ter. From this time he feemed delighted with in-
flifting tortures \ and on a certain occafion continued
a whole day at the city Tibur, waiting for a hang¬
man from Rome, that he might feaft his eyes with an
execution in the manner of the ancients. Nor was he
lefs regardlefs of the perfons he condemned, than cruel
in the infliftion of their punifhment. Such was his ex¬
treme ftupidity, that he would frequently invite thofe
to fupper wToni he had put to death but the day be¬
fore ; and often denied the having given orders for
an execution, but a fewr hours after pronouncing fen-
tence. Suetonius affures us, that there were no lefs
than 35 fenators, and above 300 knights, executed in
his reign ; and that fuch was his unconcern in the midft
of flaughter, that one of the tribunes bringing him an
account of a certain fenator who was executed, he quite
1
forgot his offence, but calmly acquiefced in his puiuth- Rome,
ment. ir~v~—w
In this manner was Claudius urged on by Meffalina £xt"r^.a.
to commit cruelties, which he confidered only as whole-oam lewd-
fome feverities ; while, in the mean time, fhe put no nefs of the
bounds to her enormities. The impunity of her paft emprefs
vices only increafing her confidence to commit new, ^e*1~aana*'
her debaucheries became every day more notorious, and
her lewdnefs exceeded wdrat had ever been leen at Rome.
She caufed fome women of the firft quality to commit
adultery in the prefence of their hufbands, and deftroy-
ed fuch as refufed to comply. After appearing ior
fome years infatiable in her defires, file at length fixed
her affeftions upon Caius Silius, the moll beautiful
youth in Rome. Her love for the young Roman feem¬
ed to amount even to madnefs. She obliged him to di¬
vorce his wife J/Unia Syllana, that fl.e might entirely
poffefs him herfelf. She obliged him to accept of
immenfe treafures and valuable prefents *, cohabiting
with him in the moft open manner, and treating him
with the moft ftiamelefs familiarity. The very impe¬
rial ornaments wTere transferred to his houfe j and the
emperor’s Haves and attendants had orders to wait up¬
on the adulterer. Nothing was wanting to complete
the infolence of their conduct, but their being married
together } and this was foon after effected. They re¬
lied upon the emperor’s imbecility for their fecurity,
and only waited till he retired to Oftia to put their ill-
judged projeft in execution. In his abfence, they cer
lebrated their nuptials with all the ceremonies and
fplendor which attend the moft confident fecurity.
Meffalina gave a loofe to her paflion, and appeared as a
Bacchanalian with a thyrfus in her hand ; while Silius
affumed the character of Bacchus, his body being
adorned with robes imitating ivy, and his legs covered
with bulkins. A troop of lingers and dancers attend¬
ed, who heightened the. revel with the moft lafeivious
fongs and the moft indecent attitudes. In the midlt
of this riot, one Valens, a buffoon, is faid to have climb¬
ed a tree \ and being demanded what he faw, anfwered
that he perceived a dreadful ftorm coming from Oftia.
What this fellow 1'poke at random rvas actually at that
time in preparation. It feems that fome time before
there had been a quarrel between Meffalina and Narcif-
fus, the emperor’s firft freedman. This lubtle minifter
therefore defired nothing more than an opportunity
of ruining the emprefs, and he judged this to be a
moft favourable occafion. He firft made the difeove-
ry by means of two concubines who attended the em¬
peror, who were inftrudled to inform him of Mefi'a-
lina’s marriage as the news of the day, while Narciflus
hitnfelf ftepped in to confirm their information. Find¬
ing it operated upon the emperor’s fears as he could
wilh, he refolved to alarm him ftill more by a difeovery
of all Meflalina’s projefls and attempts. He aggrava-
t#d the danger, and urged the expediency of fpeedily
punifhing the dilinquents. Claudius, quite terrified at
fo unexpected a relation, fuppoled the enemy were al¬
ready at his gates $ and frequently interrupted his
freedman, by alking if he was ftill mailer of the em¬
pire. Being affured that he yet had it in his power to
continue fo, he refolved to go and punifh the affront
offered to his dignity without delay. Nothing could
exceed the confternation of Meffalina and her thought-
lefs companions, upon being informed that the empe-
rotr
ROM ' l 199 ] ROM
R.crs't?. ror was coming to difturb their feifivity. Every one
u~^r—~ retired in the utmoft confufion. Silius was taken.
Meffalina took (belter in fome gardens which (lie had
lately feized upon, having expelled Aliaticus the true
owner, and put him to death. From thence (lie fent
Britannicus, her only (bn by the emperor, with Oftavia
her daughter, to intercede for her, and implore his
mercy. She foon after followed them herfelf; but
Narciffus had fo fortified the emperor againfl her arts,
and contrived fuch methods of diverting his attention,
from her defence, that (he was obliged to return in de-
fpair. Narciffus being thus far fuccefsful, led Claudius
to the houfe of the adulterer, there (howing him the
apartments adorned with the fpoils of his own palace j
and then conducting him to the praetorian camp, revi¬
ved his courage by giving him affurances of the readi-
nefs of the foldiers to defend him. Having thus art¬
fully wrought upon his fears and refentment, the wretch¬
ed Silius was commanded to appear ; w'ho, making no,
defence, was inftamly put to death in the emperor’s
prefence. Several others (hared the fame late ; but
Meffalina (till flattered herfelf with hopes of pardon.
She refolved to leave neither prayers nor tears unat¬
tempted to appeafe the emperor. She fometimes even
gave a loofe to her refentment, and threatened her ac-
cufers with vengeance. Nor did (Ire want ground for
entertaining the molt favourable expectations. Clau¬
dius having returned from the execution of her para¬
mour, and having allayed his refentment in a banquet,
began to relent. He now therefore commanded his at¬
tendants to apprife that miferable creature, meaning
Meffalina, of his refolution to hear her accufation the
next day, and ordered her to be in readinefs with her
Slices^ defence. The permiflion to defend herfelf would have
to death!1 been fatal to Narciffus} wherefore he ruthed out, and
ordered the tribunes and centurions who were in rea¬
dinefs to execute her immediately by the emperor’s
command. Claudius was informed of her death in the
midft of his banquet } but this infenfible idiot (bowed
not the lead appearance of emotion. He continued at
table with his ufual tranquillity } and the day following,
while he was fitting at dinner, he a(ked why Meffalina
was abfent, as if he had totally forgotten her crimes and
her puniftunent.
Claudius being now a widower, declared publicly,
that as he had hitherto been unfortunate in his mar¬
riages, he would remain (ingle for the future, and that
he would be contented to forfeit his life in cafe he broke
his refolution. However, the refolutions of Claudius
were but of (hort continuance. Having been accu-
ffomed to live under the controul of women, his prefent
freedom was become irkfome to him, and he was en¬
tirely unable to live without a direCtor. His freedmen
therefore perceiving his inclinations, refolved to pro¬
cure him another wife } and, after fome deliberation,
2p6 they fixed upon Agrippina, the daughter of his bro-
The empe- ther Germanicus. This woman was more praftifed in
ror marries vice than even thefformer emprefs. Her cruelties were
Agnppina. more dangerous, as they were directed with greater
caution : (he had poifoned her former hufband, to be
at liberty to attend the calls of ambition } and, perfeft-
ly acquainted with all the infirmities of Claudius, only
made ufe of his power to advance her own. However,
as the late declaration of Claudius feemed to be an ob-
ftacle to his marrying again, perfons were iuborned to
move in the fenate, that he (liould be compelled to take Rome,
a wife, as a matter of great importance to the com- 'V—
monwealth} and fome more determined flatterers than
the red left the houfe, as with a thorough refolution,
that inftant, to conftrain him. When this decree palled
in the fenate, Claudius had fcaixe patience to contain
himfelf a day before the celebration of his nuptials.
However, fuch was the deteffation in which the people
in general held thefe inceffuous matches, that though
they were made lawful, yet only one of his tribunes,
and one of his freedmen, followed his example.
Claudius having now received a new director, fub-
mitted with more implicit obedience than in any for¬
mer part of his reign. Agrippina’s chief aims were to
gain the fucceflion in favour of her own fon Nero, and
to fet afide the claims of young Brxtannicus, fon to the
emperor and Meffalina. For this purpofe (lie married
Nero to the emperor’s daughter 0<ffavia, a few days
alter her own marriage. Not long after this, (lie urged
the emperor to ftrengthen the fucceflion, in imitation
of his predeceffors, by making a new adoption } and
caufed him take in her fon Nero, in fome meafure to
divide the fatigues of government. Her next care was
to increafe her Ton’s popularity, by giving him Seneca
for a tutor. This excellent man, by birth a Spaniard,
had been banilhed by Claudius, upon the falie tefti-
mony of Meffalina, who had accufed him of adultery
with Julia the emperor’s niece. The people loved and
admired him for his genius, but (till more for his ftridl:
morality } and a part of his reputation neceffarily de¬
volved to his pupil. This fubtle woman was not lefs
afliduous in pretending the utmsft affeftion for Britan¬
nicus } whom, however, (he refolved in a proper time
to deftroy : but her jealoufy was not confined to this
child only } (lie, fiiortly after her acceflion, procured
the deaths of feveral ladies who had been her rivals in
the emperor’s affections. She difplaced the captains
of the guard, and appointed Burrhus to that command }
a perfon of great military knowledge, and (trongly at¬
tached to her interefis. From that time (lie took lefs
pains to difguife her power, and frequently entered the
Capitol in a chariot } a privilege which none before
were allowed, except of the facerdotal order.
In the 12th year of this monarch’s reign, (he per-
fuaded him to reftore liberty to the Rhodians, of which
he had deprived them fome years before } and to re¬
mit the taxes of the city Ilium, as having been the
progenitors of Rome. Her defign in this was to in-
creafe the popularity of Nero, who pleaded the caufe
of both cities with great approbation. Thus did this
ambitious woman take every ftep to aggrandize her
fon, and was even contented to become hateful herfelf
to the public, merely to increafe bis popularity.
Such a very immoderate abufe of her power ferved
at laft to awaken the emperor’s fufpicions. Agrippi¬
na’s imperious temper began to grow infupportable to
him and he was heard to declare, when heated with
wine, that it was his fate to fuffer the diforders of his
wives, and to be their executioner. This expreflicn
funk deep on her mind, and engaged all her faculties
to prevent the blow. Her firff care was to remove
Narciffus, whom (lie hated upon many accounts, hut
particularly for his attachment to Claudius. This mini-
ffer, for fome time, oppofed her defigns} but at length
thought fit to retire, by a voluntary exile, into Campa*
Rome.
297
By whom
he is poi-
ioned.
29S
Nero fuc.
eeeds to 1
empire.
ROM
nia. The unhappy emperor, thus expored to all the
machinations of his infidious confort, feemed entirely
regardlefs of the danger that threatened his deftruc-
tion. His affeftion for Britannicus was perceived every
day to inoreafe, which ferved allb to increafe the vigi-
\rceand jealoufy of Agrippina. She now, therefore,
refolved not to defer a crime which (he had meditated
a long while before •, namely, that of poifoning her
hufband. She for fome time, however, debated with
herfelf in what manner (lie fliould adminifter the poi-
fon $ as (lie feared too ftrong a dofe would difcover her
treachery, and one too weak might fail of its effefts.
At length (he determined upon a poifon of (ingular ef¬
ficacy to deflroy his intelle&s, and yet not fuddenly to
terminate his life. As (he had been long converfant in
this horrid praclice, (lie applied to a woman called
Locujla, notorious for aflifting on fuch occafions. 1 he
poifon was given to the emperor among mufhrooms, a
diih he was particularly fond of. Shortly after having-
eaten, he dropped down infenfible} but this caufed
no alarm, as it was ufual with him to (it eating till he
had ftupified all his faculties, and was obliged to be
carried off to his bed from the table. However, his
conllitution feemed to overcome the effefts of his po¬
tion, when Agrippina refolved to make fure of him:
wherefore (lie directed a wretched phyfician, who was
her creature, to thruft a poifoned feather down his
throat, under pretence of making him vomit j and thus
difpatched him.
The reign of this emperor, feeble and impotent as he
was, produced no great calamities in the (late, fince his
cruelties were chiefly levelled at thofe about his perfon.
The lift of the inhabitants of Rome at this time amount¬
ed to fix millions eight hundred and forty-four thou-
fand fouls ; a number little inferior to all the people of
England at this day. The general character of the
times was that of corruption and luxury : but the mili¬
tary fpirit of Rome, though much relaxed from its for¬
mer feverity, (till continued to awe mankind 5 and
though during this reign, the empire might be juftly
faid to be without a head, yet the terror of the Roman
name alone kept the nations in obedience.
Claudius being deftroyed. Agrippina took every pre¬
caution to conceal his death from the public, until (he
had fettled her meafures for fecuring the fucceflion.
A ftrong guard was placed at all the avenues of the
palace, while (he amufed the people with various re¬
ports ; at one time giving out that he was ftill alive )
at another, that he was recovering. In the meanwhile,
(he made fure of the perfon of young Britannicus, un¬
der a pretence of affedlion for him. Like one over¬
come with the extremity of her grief, (he held the child
in her arms, calling him the dear image of his father, and
thus preventing, his efcape. She uied the fame pre¬
cautions with regard to his fifters, Odlavia and Anto¬
nia *, and even ordered an entertainment in the palace,
as if to amufe the emperor. At laft, when all things
■ were adjufted, the palace gates were thrown open, and
:^e Nero, accompanied by Burrhus, prefeft of the Prae¬
torian guards, ifiued to receive the congratulations of
the people and the army. The cohorts then attending,
proclaimed him with the loudeft acclamations, though
not without making fome inquiries after Britannicus.
He was carried in a chariot to the reft of the army ;
wherein having made a fpeech proper to the occafion,
R O M
and promifing them a donation, in the manner of his Rome.
predcceiTors, he was declared emperor by the army, the J
fenate, and the people.
Nero’s fir ft care was, to (how all poflible refpedt to
the deceafed emperor, in order to cover the guilt of his
death. His oblequies were performed with a pomp equal
to that of Auguftus : the young emperor pronounced 4
his funeral oration, and he was canonized among the
gods. The funeral oration, though fpoken by Nero,
was drawn up by Seneca j and it was remarked, that this
was the firft time a Roman emperor needed the affift-
ance of another’s eloquence.
Nero, though but x 7 years of age, began his reign
with the general approbation of mankind. As he owed
the empire to Agrippina, fo in the beginning he iubmit-
ted to her dire&ions with the moft implicit obedience.
On her part, (Ire feemed refolved on governing with her
natural ferocity, and confidered her private animofities
as the only rule to guide her in public juftice. Imme¬
diately after the death of Claudius, fhe caufed Silanus,
the pro-conful of Afia, to be affaifinated upon very
(light fufpicions, and without ever acquainting the em¬
peror with her defign. The next objedl of her refent-
ment was Narciffus, the late emperor’s favourite j a
man equally notorious for the greatnefs of his wealth
and the number of his crimes. He was obliged to put
an end to his life by Agrippina’s order, though Nero re-
fufed his confent. 2()r.
This bloody onfet would have been followed by His excel-
many feverities of the fame nature, had not Seneca lewt admi-
and Burrhus, the emperor’s tutor and general, oppo-^^tion
fed. Thefe worthy men, although they -owed their
rife to the emprefs, were above being the inftruments*
of her cruelty. They, therefore, combined together in
an oppofition; and gaining the young emperor on
their fide, formed a plan of power, at once the moft
merciful and wife. The beginning of this monarch’s
reign, while he continued to adl by their counfels, has
^always been confidered as a model for fucceeding prin-
" ces to govern by. The famous emperor Trajan ufed
to fay, “ That for the firft five years of this prince
all other governments came (hort of his.” In faft, the
young monarch knew fo well how to conceal his innate
depravity, that his neareft friends could fcarcely per¬
ceive his virtues to be but affumed. He appeared juft,
liberal, and humane. When a warrant for the execu¬
tion of a criminal was brought to him to be figned, he
was heard to cry out, with feeming concern, “ Would
to Heaven that I had never learned to write !” The
fenate, upon a certain occafion, giving him their ap-
plaufe for the regularity and juftice of his adminiftration}
he replied with (ingular modefty, “ That they fliould
defer their thanks till he had deferved them.” His con-
defeenfion and affability were not lefs than his other
virtues •, fo that the Romans began to think, that the
clemency of this prince would compenfate for the tyran¬
ny of his predeceffors.
In the mean time, Agrippina, who was excluded
from any (hare in government, attempted, by every
poflible method, to maintain her declining power.
Perceiving that her fon had fallen in love with a freed-
woman, named Afle, and dreading the influence of a
concubine, (lie tried every art to prevent his growing
paflion. However, in fo corrupt a court, it was no
difficult matter for the emperor to find other confi¬
dants
[ 2CO ]
ROM [ 201 ] ROM
Rofiie. datits ready to aflift him in his withes. The gratih-
' v ' cation of his paflion, therefore, in this inftance, only
300 ferved to increafe his hatred for the emprefs. Nor was
vokeshis ^ icmg befoie he gave evident marks of his dIfobe'
mother. dience, by difplacing Pallas her chief favourite. It
was upon this occafion that fire fir ft perceived the. to¬
tal declenfion of her authority j which threw her into
the moft ungovernable fury. In order to give terror to
her rage, fhe proclaimed that Britannicus, the real
heir to the throne, was ftill living, and in a condition
to receive his father’s empire, which w^as now pofleiTed
by an ufurper. She threatened to go to the camp, and
there expofe his bafenefs and her own, invoking all
the furies to her afliftance. Thefe menaces ferved to
alarm the fufpicions of Nero; who, though apparently
guided by his governors, yet had begun to give way
Poifom1 t0 bis naturai depravity. He, therefore,, determined
his brother, upon the death of Britannicus, and contrived to have
him poifoned at a public banquet. Agrippina, how¬
ever, ftill retained her natural ferocity : fhe took every
opportunity of obliging and flattering the tribunes and
centurions j fhe heaped up treafures with a rapacity
beyond her natural avarice ; all her a&ions feemed cal¬
culated to raife a fa&ion, and make herfelf formidable to
the emperor. Whereupon Nero commanded her Ger¬
man guard to be taken from her, and obliged her to
lodge out of the palace. He alfo forbade particular per-
fons to vifit her, and went himfelf but rarely and cere-
monioufly to pay her his refpedts. She now, therefore,
began to find, that, with the emperor’s favour, (he had
loft the afliduity of her friends. She was even accufed
by Silana of confpiring againft her fon, and of defigning
to marry Plautius, a perfon defcended from Auguftus,
and making him emperor. A fhort time after, Pallas,
her favourite, together with Burrhus, were arraigned
for-a fimilar offence, and intending to fet up Cornelius
Sylla. Thefe informations being proved void of any
foundation, the informers were banifhed; a punifhment
which was confidered as very inadequate to the great-
30Z nefs of the offence.
Shameful as Nero increafed in years, his crimes feemed to
of theenT ^ncrea^e equal proportion. He now began to find a
peror! * pleafure in running about the city by night, difguifed
like a flave. In this vile habit he entered taverns and
brothels, attended by the lewd minifters of his plea-
fures, attempting the lives of fuch as oppofed him, and
frequently endangering his own. In imitation of the
emperor’s example, numbers of profligate young men
infefted the ftreets likewife; fo that every night the
city was filled with tumult and diforder. However,
the people bore all thefe levities, which they afcribed
to the emperor’s youth, with patience, having occafion
every day to experience his liberality, and having alfo
been gratified by the abolition of many of their taxes.
The provinces alfo were no way affedled by thefe riots ;
for except difturbances on the fide of the Parthians,
which were foon fuppreffed, they enjoyed the moft per-
fect tranquillity.
But thofe fenfualities, which, for the firft four years
of his reign, produced but few diforders, in the fifth
became alarming. He firft began to tranfgrefs the
bounds of decency, by publicly abandoning Odlavia,
his prefent wife, and then by taking Poppea, the wife
of his favourite Otho, a woman more celebrated for
Vol. XVIII. Part I.
her beauty than her virtues. This was another grating
circumftance to Agrippina, who vainly ufed all her in- v
tereft to difgrace Poppea, and reinftate herfelf in her
fon’s loft favour. Hitlorians affert, that Are even offer¬
ed to fatisfy his paffion herfelf by an inceftuous com¬
pliance j and that, had not Seneca interpofed, the fon
would have joined in the mother’s crime. This, how¬
ever, does not feem probable, fince we find Poppea vic¬
torious, foon after, in the contention of intereftsj and
at laft impelling Nero to parricide, to fatisfy her re¬
venge. She began her arts by urging him to divorce
his prefent wife, and marry herlelf: the reproached him
as a pupil, who wanted not only power over others, but
liberty to direft himfelf. She infinuated the dangerous
defigns of Agrippina; and, by degrees, accuftomed
his mind to refleff on parricide without horror. His
cruelties againft his mother began rather by various cir-
cumftances of petty malice than by any downright in¬
jury. He encouraged feveral perfons to teafe her with
litigious fuits j and employed fome of the meaneft of
the people to fing fatirical fongs againft: her, under her
windows: but, at laft:, finding thefe ineffedlual in
breaking her fpirit, he refcrlved on putting her to death.
His firft attempt was by poifon ; but this, though twice
repeated, proved ineffeftual, as fhe had fortified her
conftitution againft it by antidotes. This failing, a ftaip
was contrived in fo artificial a manner as to fall to pieces
in the water 5 on board of which (he was invited to fail
to the coafts of Calabria. However, this plot was as
ineffedlual as the former : the mariners, not being ap-
prifed of the fecret, difturbed each other’s operations j
fo that the Ihip not finking as readily as was expeffed,
Agrippina found means to continue fwimming, till (he
was taken up by fome trading veffels pafling that way.
Nero finding all his machinations were difcovered, re-
folved to throw off the mafk, and put her openly to
death, without further delay. He therefore caufed a
report to be fpread, that fhe had confpired againft him,
and that a poniard was dropped at his feet by one w!ho
pretended a command from Agrippina to affaffinate
him. In confequence of this, he applied to his gover¬
nors Seneca and Burrhus, for their advice how to aft,
and their afliftance in ridding him of his fears. Things
were now come to fuch a crifis, that no middle way
could be taken •, and either Nero or Agrippina was to
fall. Seneca, therefore, kept a profound filence j wrhile
Burrhus, with more refolution, refufed to be perpetra¬
tor of fo great a crime; alleging, that the army wras
entirely devoted to all tne defendants of Caefar, and
would never be brought to imbrue their hands in the
blood of any of his family. In this embarraffment^
Anicetus, the contriver of the Ihip above-mentioned,
offered his fervices; w’hich Nero accepted with the
greateft joy, crying out, “ That then was the firft mo¬
ment he ever found himfelf an emperor.” This freed-
man, therefore, taking with him a body of foldiers,
furrounded the houfe of Agrippina, and then forced 303
open the doors. The executioners having difpatched Caufes his
her with feveral wmunds, left her dead on the couch, and
went to inform Nero of what they had done. Some^ marJ1'
hiftorians fay, that Nero came immediately to view the
body; that he continued to gaze upon it with pleafure,
and ended his horrid furvey, by coolly obferving, that
he never thought his mother had been fo handfome.—
C However
ROM
Rome.
304
Folly and
Bieannefs of
Nero.
However this be, he vindicated his conduct next day to
the fenale j who not only cxcufed, but applauded his
impiety.
All the bounds of virtue being thus broken down,
Nero now gave a loofe to his appetites, that were not
only fordid but inhuman. There feemed an odd con¬
trail in his difpolition j for while he praftifed cruelties
which were fufficient to make the mind Ihudder with
horror, he was fond of thofe amufing arts that foften
and refine the heart. He was particularly addidled, even
from childhood, to mufic, and not totally ignorant of
poetry. But chariot-driving was his favourite purfuit.
He never miffed the circus, when chariot-races were to
be exhibited there j appearing at firft privately, and
loon after publicly ; till at lall, his paffion increafing by
indulgence, he was not content with being merely a
fpe£lator, but refolved to become one of the principal
performers. His governors, however, did all in their
power to reftrain this perverted ambition $ but finding
him refolute, they inclofed a fpace of ground in the
valley of the Vatican, where he firll exhibited only to
fome chofen fpedlators, but Ihortly after invited the
whole town. The praifes of his flattering fubjefts only
ftimulated him Hill more to thefe unbecoming purfuits ;
fo that he now refolved to affume a new charafter, and
to appear as a finger upon the ftage.
His paflion for mufic, as was obferved, w;as no lefs
natural to him than the former 5 but as it was lefs manly,
fo he endeavoured to defend it by the example of fome
of the molt celebrated men, who praftifed it with the
fame fondnefs. He had been inftrufted in the principles
of this art from his childhood j and upon his advance¬
ment to the empire, he had put himfelf under the molt
celebrated mailers. He patiently fubmitted to their
inltruftions, and ufed all thofe methods which fingers
pra£tife, either to mend the voice, or improve its volu¬
bility. Yet, notwithftanding all his afliduity, his voice
was but a wretched one, being both feeble and un-
pleafant. However, he was refolved to produce it to
the public, fuch as it was j for flattery, he knewr, would
{apply every deficiency. His firlt public appearance
was at games of his own inflitution, called juveniles ;
where he advanced upon the fiage, tuning his inllru-
ment to his voice wfith great appearance of {kill. A
group of tribunes and centurions attended behind him j
while his old governor Burrhus flood by his hopeful
pupil, wnth indignation in his countenance, and praifes
on his lips.
He was defirous alfo of becoming a poet : but he
was unwilling to undergo the pain of ftudy, which a
proficiency in that art requires j he was defirous of be¬
ing a poet ready made. For this purpofe, he got to¬
gether feveral perfons, W'ho were confidered as great wits
at court, though but very little known as fuch to the
public. Thefe attended him with verfes which they
had compofed at home, or which they blabbed out ex-
temporaneoufly •, and the whole of their compofitions
being tacked together, by his dire&ion, was called a
poem. Nor was he without his philofophers alfo ; he
took a pleafure in hearing their debates after fupper,
but he heard them merely for his. amufement.
Furnifhed vfith fuch talents as thefe for giving
pleafure, he was refolved to make the tour of his em¬
pire, and give the mod public difplay of his abilities
wherever he came. The place of his firfl exhibition,
[ 202 ]
It O M
upon leaving Rome, was Naples. The crowds there Rem*,
were fo great, and the curioiity of the people fo ear- '-“'“V-"
neft in hearing him, that they did not perceive an
earthquake that happened while he was finging. His
defire of gaining the fuperiority over the other adtors
was truly ridiculous : he made interefl with his judges,
reviled his competitors, formed private fadlxons to iup-
port him, all in imitation of thofe who got their liveli¬
hood upon the ftage. While he continued to perform,
no man was permitted to depart from the theatre, upon
any pretence w!halfoever. Some were fo fatigued with
hearing him, that they leaped privately from the walls,
or pretended to fall into fainting fits, in order to be
carried out. Nay, it is faid, that feveral women were
delivered in the theatre. Soldiers wTere placed in feveral
parts to obferve the looks and geflures of the fpedtators,
either to diredl them where to point their applaufe, or
reftrain their difpleafure. An 'old fenator, named Vef-
pafian, afterwards emperor, happening to fall afleep up¬
on one of thefe occafions, very narrowly efcaped with
his life.
After being fatigued wfith the praifes of his coun¬
trymen, Nero relolved upon going over into Greece,
to receive newr theatrical honours. The occafion w7as
this. The cities of Greece had made a law to fend him
the crowns from all the games •, and deputies w7ere ac¬
cordingly difpalched wfith this (to him) important em-
baffy. As he one day entertained them at his table in
the moft fumptuous manner, and converfed wfith them
with the utmoft familiarity, they intreated to hear him
fing. Upon his complying, the artful Greeks teftified
all the marks of eeftafy and rapture. Applaufes fo
warm w^ere peculiarly pleafing to Nero : he could not
refrain from crying out, That the Greeks alone were
worthy to hear him ; and accordingly prepared without
delay to go into Greece, where he fpent the whole year
enfuing. In this journey, his retinue refembled an ar¬
my in number j but it was only compofed of fingers,
dancers, taylors, and other attendants upon the theatre.
He paffed over all Greece, and exhibited at all their
games, which he ordered to be celebrated in one year.
At the Olympic games he refolved to flrow the people
fomething extraordinary j wherefore, he drove a cha¬
riot with 10 horfes} but being unable to fuftain the vio¬
lence of the motion, he was driven from his feat. The
fpedlators, however, gave their unanimous applaufe, and
he wras crowned as conqueror. In this manner he ob¬
tained the prize at the Ifthmian, Pythian, and Nemean
games. The Greeks were not fparing of their crowns j
he obtained 1800 of them. An unfortunate finger
happened to oppofe him on one of thefe occafions, and
exerted all the powers of his art, which, it appears,
were prodigious. But he feems to have been a better
finger than a politician 5 for Nero ordered him to be
killed on the fpot. Upon his return from Greece, he
entered Naples, through a breach in the walls of the
city, as was cuflomary with thofe w7ho w7ere conquerors
in the Olympic games. But all the fplendor of his re¬
turn was referved for his entry into Rome. There he
appeared feated in the chariot of Auguftus, dreffed in
robes of purple, and crowmed wfith wild olive, which
w7as the Olympic garland. He bore in his hand the Py¬
thian crown, and had 1100 more carried before him.—
Befide him fat one Diodorus, a mufician 5 and behind
him followed a band of fingers, as numerous as a le-
gJon?
/
ROM [ 203 ] ROM
Rome, gion, who Tung in honour of his viftories. The fenate,
the knights, and the people, attended this puerile page¬
ant, filling the air with their acclamations. The whole
city was illuminated, every ftreet fmoked with incenfe j
wherever he pafled, victims were (lain j the pavement
wTas ftrewed with faftron, while garlands of flowrers,
ribbons, fowls, and parties, (for fo we are told), wrere
ihowered down upon him from the windows as he parted
along. So many honours only inflamed his defire of
acquiring new j he at laft began to take lertbns in
wreltling j willing to imitate Hercules in ftrength, as
he had rivalled Apollo in a&ivity. He alfo caufed a
lion of pafteboard to be made with great art, againft
which he undauntedly appeared in the theatre, and ftruck
3(55 it down with a blow of his club.
Burning of But his cruelties even outdid all his other extrava-
ttome. gancies, a complete lift of which would exceed the li¬
mits of the prefent article. He was often heard to
obferve, that he had rather be hated than loved. When
one happened to fay in his prefence, That the world
might be burned when he was dead : “ Nay,” replied
Nero, “ let it be burnt while I am alive.” In fa£t, a
great part of the city of Rome was confumed by fire
Ihortly after. This remarkable conflagration took place
in the nth year of Nero’s reign. The fire began
among certain thops, in w’hich wTere kept fuch goods as
were proper to feed it j and fpread every way with fuch
amazing rapidity, that its havock was felt in diftant
ftreets, before any meafures to ftop it could be tried.
Befides an infinite number of common houfes, all the
noble monuments of antiquity, all the (lately palaces,
temples, porticoes, with goods, riches, furniture, and
merchandife, to an immenfe value, were devoured by
the flames, which raged firft in the low regions of the
city, and then mounted to the higher with fuch terrible
violence and impetuofity, as to frullrate all relief. The
flirieks of the women, the various efforts of fome en¬
deavouring to fave the young and tender, of others at¬
tempting to aflift the aged and infirm, and the hurry of
fuch as ftrove only to provide for themfelves, occafioned
a mutual interruption and univerfal confufion. Many,
while they chiefly regarded the danger that purfued
them from behind, found themfelves fuddenly involved
in the flames before and on every fide. If they efcaped
into the quarters adjoining, or into the parts quite re¬
mote, there too they met with the devouring flames.
At laft, not knowing whither to fly, nor where to feek
fanfluary, they abandoned the city, and repaired to the
open fields. Some, ©ut of defpair for the lofs of their
whole fubflance, others, through tendernefs for their
children and relations, whom they had not been able to
fnatch from the flames, fuffered themfelves to perifli in
them, though they might eafily have found means toefcape.
No man dared to ftop the progrefs of the fire, there be¬
ing many who had no other bufinefs but to prevent with
repeated menaces all attempts of that nature ; nay, fome
were, in the face of the public, feen to throw lighted fire¬
brands into the houfes, loudly declaring that they were
authorifed fo to do j but whether this was only a device
to plunder the more freely, or in reality they had fuch
orders, was never certainly known.
Nero, who.was then at Antium, did not offer to re¬
turn to the city, till he heard that the flames ivere ad¬
vancing to his palace, which, after his arrival, was, in
tpite of ail oppofition, burnt down to the ground,
with all the houfes adjoining tp it. However, Nero, af- Rome,
fefling compaflion for the multitude, thus vagabond
and bereft of their dwellings, laid open the field of
Mars, and all the great edifices erected there by Agrip-
pa, and even his own gardens. He likewife caufed ta¬
bernacles to be reared in hafte for the reception of the
forlorn populace j from Oitia, too, and the neighbour¬
ing cities, were brought, by his orders, all forts of fur¬
niture and neceffaries, and the price of corn was conii-
derably leflened. But thefe bounties, however generous
and popular, were bellowed in vain, becaufe a report
was fpread abroad, that, during the time ot this gene¬
ral conflagration, he mounted his domeftic ftage, and
fung the deltruftion of Troy, comparing the prefent
defolation to the celebrated calamities of antiquity. At
length, on the fixth day, the fury of the flames was
flopped at the foot of Mount Efquiline, by levelling
with the ground an infinite number of buildings $ fo
that the fire found nothing to encounter but the open
fields and empty air.
But fcarce had the late alarm ceafed, when the fire
broke out anew with frefti rage, but in places more:
wide and fpacious j whence fewer perfons were deftroy-
ed, but more temples and public porticoes were over¬
thrown. As this fecond conflagration broke out in cer¬
tain buildings belonging to Tigellinus, they were both
generally ai'eribed to Nero •, and it was conjeflured,
that, by deftroying the old city, he aimed at the glory
of building a new one, and calling it by his name. Of
the fourteen quarters into which Rome was divided, four
remained entire, three were laid in allies, and, in the fe-
ven others, there remained here and there a few houfes,
miferably (battered, and half confumed. Among the
many ancient and (lately edifices, which the rage of the
flames utterly confumed, Tacitus reckons the temple de¬
dicated by Servius Tullius to the Moon ; the temple
and great altar confecrated by Evander to Hercules ;
the chapel vowed by Romulus to Jupiter Stator j the
court of Numa, with the temple of Vefta, and in it
the tutelar gods peculiar to the Romans. In the fame
fate were involved the ineflimable treafures acquired by
fo many viflories, the wonderful works of the bed
painters and fculptors of Greece, and, what is dill more
to be lamented, the ancient writings of the celebrated
authors, till then preferved perfeflly entire. It was ob-
ferved, that the fire began the fame day on which the
Gauls, having formerly taken the city, burnt it to the
ground. _ _ Ao6
Upon the ruins of the demolifhed city, Nero found- Nero’s gol-
ed a palace, which he called his go/Jen houfe; thoughden Palacc'>
it was not fo much admired on account of an immenfe
profufion of gold, precious ftones, and other inefti-
mable ornaments, as for its vaft extent, containing fpa¬
cious fields, large wildernefles, artificial lakes, thick
woods, orchards, vineyards, hills, groves, &c. The
entrance of this (lately edifice was wide enough to re¬
ceive a coloffus, reprefenting Nero, 120 feet high : the
galleries, which confided of three rows of tall pillars,
were each a full mile in length ; the lakes were encom-
paffed with magnificent buildings, in the manner of ci¬
ties 5 and the woods (locked with all manner of wild
beads. The houfe itfelf was tiled with gold : the walls
were covered with the fame metal, and richly adorned
with precious ftones and mother-of-pearl, which in thofe
days was valued above gold: the timber-work and ceil-
C c 2 ings
ROM [ 204 ] ROM
Rome.
307
Unu. .takes
to cut a
canal from
Avernus to
the Tiber.
308
Rome re¬
built.
ings of the rooms were inlaid with geld and ivory : the
roof of one of the banqueting-rooms refembled the fir¬
mament both in its figure and motion, turning inceffant-
ly about night and day, and fhowering all forts of
fweet waters. When this magnificent ftrufture w7as fi-
nilhed, Nero approved of it only fo far as to fay, that
at length he began to lodge like a man. Pliny tells us,
that this palace extended quite round the city. Nero, it
feems, did not finilh it} for the firft order Otho figned
was, as we read in Suetonius, for fifty millions of fefter-
ces to be employed in perfedting the golden palace which
Nero had begun.
The projectors of the plan wTere Severus and Celer,
twTo bold and enterpi'ifing men, who foon after put the
emperor upon a dill more expenlive and arduous enter¬
taking, namely, that of cutting a canal through hard
rocks and deep mountains, from the lake A.vernus to
the mouth of the Tiber, 160 miles in length, and of
fuch breadth that two galleys of five ranks of oars might
eafily pafs abread. His view in this was to open a
communication between Rome and Campania, free from
the troubles and dangers of the fea $ for this very year,
a great number of veffels laden w:ith corn were diip-
wrecked at Mifenum, the pilots choofing rather to ven¬
ture out in a violent dorm, than not to arrive at the
time they were expefted by Nero. For the executing
of this great undertaking, the emperor ordered the pri-
foners from all parts to be tranfported into Italy j and
fuch as were convicted, w'hatever their crimes were, to
be condemned only to his works. Nero, who under¬
took nothing writh more ardour and readinefs than what
was deemed impoflible, expended incredible fums in this
radi undertaking, and exerted all his might to cut
through the mountains adjoining to the lake Avernus ;
but, not being able to remove by art the obdacles of
nature, he was in the end obliged to drop the enter-
prile.
The ground that was not taken up by the founda¬
tions of Nero’s own palace, he adigned for houfes,
which w'ere not placed, as after the bunsing of the
city by the Gauls, at random, and without order ^ but
the dreets wTere laid out regularly, fpacious and diaightj
the edifices redrained to a certain height, perhaps of
70 feet, according to the plan of Augudus ; the courts
were widened j and to all the great houfes which Rood
by themfelves, and were called i/les, large porticoes
were added, which Nero engaged to raife at his own
cxpence, and to deliver to each proprietor the fquares
about them clear from all rubbifh. He likewife promi-
fed rewards according to every man’s rank and fub-
"flance ; and fixed a day for the performance of his
promife, on condition that againd that day their feveral
houfes and palaces wrere finifhed. He moreover made
the following wife regulations to obviate fuch a dreadful
calamity for the future j to wit, That the new buildings
ftiould be railed to a certain height without timber ;
that they drould be arched with done from the quarries
of Gabii and Alba, which were proof againd fire ;
that over the common fprings, which w7ere diverted by
private men for their own ufes, overfeers fliould be
placed to prevent that abufe \ that every citizen fhould
have ready in his houfe fome machine proper to extin-
guilh the fire ; that no wall thould be common to twm
houfes^ but every houfe be inelofed within its own pecu
liar walls, &c. Thus the city in a diort time rofe out Rome,
of its alhes with new ludre, and more beautiful than
ever. However, fome believed, that the ancient form
was more conducive to health, the rays of the fun be¬
ing hardly felt on account of the narrownefs of the
dreets, and the height of the buildings, whereas now
there was no (heller againd the fcorching heat. We
are told, that Nero deligned to extend the walls to Of-
tia, and to bring from thence by a canal the fea into the
city.
The emperor ufed every art to throw the odium of
this conflagration upon the Chridians, who were at
that time gaining ground in Rome. Nothing could
be more dreadful than the perfecution raifed againd them
upon this falfe accufation, of which an account is given ^
under the article Ecclefiajlical HlSTOR T. Hitherto, xhe corfpi.
however, the citizens of Rome feemed comparatively ex- racy of Pile,
empted from his cruelties, which chiefly fell upon Gran¬
gers and his neared connexions j but a confpiracy
formed againd him by Pifo, a man of great powrer and
integrity, which was prematurely difeovered, opened a
new train of fufpicions that dedroyed many of the prin¬
cipal families in Rome. This confpiracy, in W'hich fe¬
veral of the chief men of the city w7ere concerned, was
firfl difeovered by the indifereet zeal of a woman named
Epicharis, who, by fome means now7 unknown, had been
let into the plot, which Are revealed to Yolufius, a tri¬
bune, in order to prevail upon him to be an accomplice.
Volufius, indead of coming into her defign, went and
difeovered what he had learned to Nero, who immedi¬
ately put Epicharis in prifon. Soon after, a freedman
belonging to Scsenius, one of the accomplices, made a
farther difeovery. The confpirators w’ere examined
apart ; and as their teftimor.ies differed, they were put
to the torture. Natalis was the fird who made a con-
feflion of his own guilt and that of many others. Scae-
nius gave a lid of the confpirators dill more 'ample.
Lucan, the poet, was amongd the number; and he, like
the red, in order to fave himfelf, dill farther enlarged
the catalogue, naming, among others, Attilia, his owm
mother. Epicharis was now, therefore, again called
upon and put to the torture i but her fortitude was
proof againd all the tyrant’s cruelty ; neither fcourging
nor burning, nor all the malicious methods ufed by the
executioners, could extort the fmalled confeffion. She
was therefore remanded to prifon, with orders to have
her tortures renewed the day following. In the mean¬
time, (he found an opportunity of drangling herfelf
with her handkerchief, by hanging it againd the back
of her chair. On the difeoveries already trade, Pifo,
Lateranus, Fennius Rufus, Subrius Ilavius, Sulpicius
Afper, Veflinus the conful, and numberlefs others, were
all executed without mercy. But the two mod re¬
markable perfonages who fell on this occafion were Se¬
neca the philofopher, and Lucan the poet, who was
his nephew7. It is not certainly known w'hether Se¬
neca was really concerned in this confpiracy or not.—-
This great man had for fome time perceived the out¬
rageous conduX of his pupil; and, finding himfelf in¬
capable of controuling his favage difpofition, had re¬
tired from court into folitude and privacy. However,
his retreat did not now proteX him j for Nero, either
having real tedimony againd him, or elfe hating him
for his virtues, fent a tribune to inform him that he was
fufpeXed
ROM
Rome.
* See £//£•
land.
310
Succefs
agamlt the
Parthians,
Sts.
„ 311
Revolt of
the Jews,
fufpe&ed as an accomplice, and Toon after fent him an
order to put himfelf to death, with which he com¬
plied.
In this manner was the whole city filled with flaugh-
ter, and frightful inftances of treachery. No mafter
was fecure from the vengeance of his flares, nor even
parents from the bafer attempts of their children. Not
only throughout Home, but the whole country round,
bodies of foldiers were feen in purfuit of the fufpefted
and the guilty. Whole crowds of wretches loaded with
chains were led every day to the gates of the palace, to
wait their fentence from the tyrant’s own lips. He al¬
ways prefided at the torture in perfon, attended by Ti-
gellinus, captain of the guard, who, from being the moft
abandoned man in Rome, was now become his principal
minifter and favourite.
Nor wTere the Roman provinces in a better fituation
than the capital city. The example of the tyrant
feemed to influence his governors, w'ho gave inftances
not only of their rapacity, but of their cruelty, in every
part of the empire. In the feventh year of his reign,
the Britons revolted, under the conduct of their queen
Boadicea*; but were at laft fo completely defeated, that
ever after, during the continuance of the Romans among
them, they loft not only all hopes, but even all defire of
freedom.
A w’ar alfo was carried on againft the Parthians for
the greateft part of this reign, conduced by Corbulo \
who, after many fucceffes, had difpoflefled Tiridates,
and fettled Tigranes in Armenia in his room. Tiri¬
dates, however, wras foon after reftored by an invafion
of the Parthians into that country ; but being once
more oppofed by Corbulo, the Romans and Parthians
came to an agreement, that Tiridates fhould continue
to govern Armenia, upon condition that he fliould lay
down his crown at the feet of the emperor’s ftatue, and
receive it as coming from him ; all which he Ihortly af¬
ter performed. A ceremony, however, wThich Nero
defired to have repeated to his perfon ; wherefore by
letters and promifes he invited Tiridates to Rome,
granting him the moft magnificent fupplies for his jour¬
ney. Nero attended his arrival with very fumptuous
preparations. He received him feated on a throne, ac¬
companied by the fenate ftanding round him, and the
whole army drawn out with all imaginable fplendour.—
Tiridates afeended the throne with great reverence; and
approaching the emperor fell dowm at his feet, and in the
moft abjetft terms acknowledged himfelf his Have. Nero
raifed him up, telling him with equal arrogance, that
he did well, and that by his fubmiflion he had gained a
kingdom w'hich his anceftors could never acquire by
their arms. He then placed the crown on his head,
and, after the moft coftly ceremonies and entertainments,
he was fent back to Armenia, with incredible fums of
money to defray the expences of his return.
In the 12th year of this emperor’s reign, the Jew's
alfo revolted, having been feverely opprefled by the
Roman governor. It is faid that Florus, in particular,
was arrived at that degree of tyranny, that by public
proclamation he gave permiflion to plunder the coun¬
try, provided he received half the fpoil. Thefe oppref-
fions drew fuch a train of calamities after them, that
the fufferings of all other nations w’ere flight in compa-
rifon to what this devoted people afterwards endured, as
is related under the article Jews. In the mean time,
[ 205 1
ROM
Nero proceeded in his cruelties at Rome with unabated Rome,
feverity. c—y—
The valiant Corbulo, who had gained fo many victo¬
ries over the Parthians, could not efcape his fury. Nor
did the emprefs Poppcea herfelf efcape ; whom, in a fit
of anger, he kicked when the was pregnant, by which
Ihe mifearried and died. At laft the Romans began to
grow w’eary of fuch a monfter, and there appeared a ge¬
neral revolution in all the provinces. -I2
The firft appeared in Gaul, under Julius Vindex, Revolt of
wTho commanded the legions there, and publicly proteft-Vin(lex i*1
ed againft the tyrannical government of Nero. He ap- Gau*>
peared to have no other motive for this revolt than that
of freeing the world from an oppreffor; for when it
was told him that Nero had fet a reward upon his head
of 10,000,000 of fefterces, he made this gallant an-
fvver, “ Whoever brings me Nero’s head, ftiall, if he
pleafes, have mine.” But ftill more to ftiow that he
was not aduated by motives of private ambition, he
proclaimed Sergius Galba emperor, and invited him
to join in the revolt. Galba, who wras at that time go¬
vernor of Spain, was equally remarkable for his wifdom
in peace and his courage in war. But as all talents
under corrupt princes are dangerous, he for fome years
had feemed willing to court obfeurity, giving himfelf up
to an inaCtive life, and avoiding all opportunities of fig-
nalizing his valour. He now therefore, either through
the caution attending old age, or from a total wrant of
ambition, appeared little inclined to join with Vindex,
and continued for fome time to deliberate with his friends
on the part he ftiould take.
In the mean time, Nero, w’ho had been apprifed of
the proceedings againft him in Gaul, appeared totally
regardlefs of the danger, privately flattering himfelf that
the fuppreflion of this revolt would give him an oppor¬
tunity for frefh confifcations. But the aCtual revolt of
Galba, the news of which arrived foon after, affe&ed ^
him in a very different manner. The reputation ol that and of
general was fuch, that from the moment he declared Galba.
againft him, Nero confidered himfelf as undone. He
received the account as he was at fupper ; and inftant-
ly, ftruck with terror, overturned the table wdth his
foot, breaking two cryftal vafes of immenfe value. He
then fell into a fwoon ; from w'hich w'hen he recovered,
he tore his clothes, and ftruck his head, crying out,
M that he was utterly undone.” He then began to me¬
ditate daughters more extenfive than he yet had com¬
mitted. He refolved to maffacre all the governors of
provinces, to deftroy all exiles, and to murder all the
Gauls in Rome, as a punifhment for the treachery of
their countrymen. In fhort, in the wildnefs of his rage,
he thought of poifoning the whole fenate, of burning
the city, and turning the lions kept for the purpofes of
the theatre out upon the people. Thefe defigns being
imprafticable, he refolved at laft to face the danger in
perfon. But his very preparations ferved to mark the
infatuation of his mind. His principal care was, to
provide waggons for the convenient carriage of his mu-
fical inftruments ; and to drefs out his concubines like
Amazons, wfith whom he intended to face the enemy.
He alfo made a refolution, that if he came off with fafe-
ty and empire, he w'ould appear again upon the theatre
with the lute, and would equip himfelf as a panto¬
mime.
While Nero was thus frivoloufly employed, the revolt
became
' /
ROM [206] ROM
-Rome became general. Not only the armies in Spain and Gaul,
-’-~y "m^~ but alfo the legions in Germany, Africa, and Lufitania,
declared againit him. Virginius Rufus alone, who com-
^ manded an army on the Upper Rhine, for a while con¬
tinued in (ufpenfe j during which his forces, without his
permiflron, falling upon the Gauls, routed them with
great daughter, and Vindex flew himfelf. But this ill
fuccefs no way advanced the interefls of Nero ; he was
fo detefled by the whole empire, that he could find none
314 of the armies faithful to him, horvever they might dif-
Mifttable agree with each other. He therefore called for Lo-
fituation of cufla to furnifh him with poifon ; and, thus prepared
for the word:, he retired to the Servilian gardens, with
a refolution cf flying into Egypt. He accordingly dif~
patched the freedmen, in whom he had the mod; confi¬
dence, to prepare a fleet at Oflia j and in the mean¬
while founded, in perfon, the tribunes and centurions of
the guard, to know if they were willing to (hare his for¬
tunes. But they all excufed themfelves, under divers
pretexts. One of them had the boldnefs to anfwer him
by part of a line from Virgil: U/que adcone miferum ejl
?nori ? “ Is death then fuch a misfortune ?” Thus defti-
tute of every refource, all the expedients that cowar¬
dice, revenge, or terror could produce, took place in
his mind by turns. He at one time refolved to take re¬
fuge among the Parthians •, at another, to deliver him¬
felf up to the mercy of the infurgents: one while, he
determined to mount the roftrum, to alk pardon for
what was paft, and to conclude with promifes of amend¬
ment for the future. With thefe gloomy deliberations
he went to bed ; but waking about midnight, he was
furprifed to find his guards had left him. The praeto¬
rian foldiers, in faff, having been corrupted by their
commander, had retired to their camp, and proclaimed
Galba emperor. Nero immediately fent for his friends
to deliberate upon his prefent exigence j but his friends
alfo forfook him. He w7ent in perfon from houfe to
houfe ; but all the doors were flmt againfi: him, and
none were found to anfwer his inquiries. While he was
purfuing this inquiry, his very domeftics followed the
general defection j and having plundered his apartment,
efcaped different ways. Being now reduced to defpe-
ration, he defired that one of his favourite gladiators
might come and difpatch him : but even in this requefl:
there was none found to obey. “ Alas ! (cried he)
have I neither friend nor enemy ?” And then running
defperately forth, he feemed refolved to plunge headlong
into the Tiber. But juft then his conrage beginning to
fail him, he made a fudden flop, as if willing to recol-
le£t his reafon; and afked for fome fecret place, where
he might re-aflume his courage, and meet death with
becoming fortitude. In this diftrefs, Phaon, one of
his freedmen, offered him his country-houfe, at about
four miles diftant, where he might for fome time re¬
main concealed. Nero accepted his offer ; and, half-
dreffed as hewras, \vith his head covered, and hiding
his face with a handkerchief, he mounted on horfeback,
attended by four of his domeftics, of whom the wretch¬
ed Sporus was one. His journey, though quite ftiort,
was crowded with adventures. Round him he heard
nothing but confufed noifes from the camp, and the
cries of the foldiers, imprecating a thoufand evils upon
hr- head. A paffenger, meeting him on the way, cried,
“ There go men in purfuit of Nero.” Another afked
him, if there was any news of Nero in the city l His
4
horfe taking fright at a dead body that lay near the Rome,
road, he dropped his handkerchief j and a foldier that ‘"" » ' '
was near, addreffed him by name. He now therefore
quitted his horfe, and forfaking the highway, entered a
thicket that led towards the back part of Phaon’s heufe,
through which he crept, making the belt of his way
among the reeds and brambles, with which the place
was overgrown. When he was arrived at the back part
of the houfe, while he was waiting till there fhould be
a breach made in the wall, he took up fome water in
the hollow of his hands from a pool to drink ; faying,.
“ To this liquor is Nero reduced.” When the hole
was made large enough to admit him, he crept in upon
all-fours, and took a fhort repofe upon a wretched pal¬
let, that had been prepared tor his reception. Being
preffed by hunger, he demanded fomewhat to eat: they
brought him a piece of brown bread, which he refufed j.
but he drank a little water. During this interval, the
fenate finding the praetorian guards had taken part with
Galba, declared him emperor, and condemned Nero to
die more1 tnajorum ; that is, “ according to the rigour of
the ancient laws.” Thefe dreadful tidings were quick¬
ly brought by one of Phaon’s (laves from the city,
while Nero yet continued lingering between his hopes
and his fears. When he was told of the refolution of
the fenate againft him, he afked the meffenger what he
meant by being punifhed “ according to the rigour of
the ancient laws ?” To this he was anfwered, that the
criminal was to be ftripped naked, his head was to be
fixed in a pillory, and in that pofture he was to be
fcourged to death. Nero was fo terrified at this, that
he feized two poniards wfliich he had brought with him,
and examining their points, returned them to their
(heaths, faying, that the fatal moment was not yet ar¬
rived. However, he had little time to fpare 5 for the
foldiers who had been fent in purfuit of him were juft
then approaching the houfe : wherefore hearing the
found of the horfes feet, he fet a dagger to his throat,
with which, by the affiflance of Epaphroditus, his
freedman and fecretary, he gave himfelf a mortal f
wound. He was not quite dead when one of the cen-
turions entering the room, and pretending he came to
his relief, attempted to flop the blood with his cloak.
But Nero, regarding him with a ftern countenance,
faid, “ It is now too late. Is this your fidelity ?”—
Upon which, with his eyes fixed, and frightfully flar¬
ing, he expired, in the 32d year of his age, and the
14th of his reign.
Galba was 72 years old when he was declared em-Unpa^efj
peror, and was then in Spain with his legions. How-of Galba in
ever, he foon found that his being raifed to the throne kesm-
was but an inlet to new difquietudes. His firft embar-n‘Pg
raffment arofe from a diforder in his own army •, form£IV
upon his approaching the camp, one of the wings of
horfe repenting of their choice, prepared to revolt, and
he found it no eafy matter to reconcile them to their
duty. He alfo narrowly efcaped affaffmation from fome
(laves, wrho were prefented to him by one of Nero’s
freedmen with that intent. The death of Vindex alfb
ferved to add not a little to his difquietudes ; fo that,
upon his very entrance into the empire he had fome
thoughts of putting an end to his own life? But hear¬
ing from Rome that Nero was dead, and the empire
transferred to him, he immediately affumed the title and
enfigns of command. In his journey towards Rome
Rome.
317
Faults in
his admini-
ftration.
ROM [ 207 ] ROM
he was met by Rufus Virginius, who, finding the fe-
nate had decreed him the government, came to yield
him obedience. This general had more than once re-
fufed the empire himielf, which was offered him by his
foldiers ; alleging, that the fenate alone had the dif-
pofal of it, and from them only he would accept the
honour.
Galba having been brought to the empire by means
of his army, was at the fame time willing to fupprefs
their power to commit any future difturbance. His fir If
approach to Rome was attended with one of thofe ri¬
gorous ftrokes of juftice which ought rather to be de¬
nominated cruelty than any thing ell'e. A body of ma¬
riners, whom Nero had taken from the oar and enlifted
among the legions, went to meet Galba, three miles
from the city, and with loud importunities demanded a
confirmation of what his predeceffor had done in their
favour. Galba, who was rigidly attached to the anci-
ent difcipline, deferred their requeft to another time.
But they, confidering this delay as equivalent to an ab-
fblute denial, infifted in a very difrefpeftful manner j and
fome of them even had recourfe to arms: whereupon Gal¬
ba ordered a body of horfe attending him to ride in among
them, and thus killed 7000 of them •, but not content
with this punifhment, he afterwards ordered them to be
decimated. Their infolence demanded corre&ion ; but
fuch extenfive punilhments deviated into cruelty. His
next ftep to curb the infolence of the foldiers, was his
difcharging the German cohort, which had been efta-
blifhed by the former emperors as a guard to their per-
10ns. T hofe he fent home to their own country unre¬
warded, pretending they were difaffe&ed to his perfon.
He feemed to have two other objefts alfo in view 5
namely, to pumfh thofe vices which had come to an enor¬
mous height in the laft reign, with the ftri&eft feveri-
ty ; and to replenifh the exchequer, which had been
quite drained by the prodigality of his predeceffors.
But thefe attempts only brought on him the imputation
of feverity and avarice *, for the date was too much cor¬
rupted to admit of fuch an immediate tranfition from
vice to virtue. The people had long been maintained
in floth and luxury by the prodigality of the former em¬
perors, and could not think of being obliged to feek
for new means of fubfiftence, and to retrench their fu-
perfluities. They began, therefore, to fatirize the old
man, and turn the fimplicity of his manners into ridi¬
cule. Among the marks of avarice recorded of him,
he is faid to have groaned upon having an expenfive foup
ferved up to his table ; he is faid to have prefented to
his fteward, for his fidelity, a plate of beans; a famous
player upon the flute, named Canus, having greatly de¬
lighted him, it is reported, that he drew out his purfe,
and gave him five-pence, telling him, that it was pri¬
vate and not public money. By fuch ill-judged fruga¬
lities, at fuch a time, Galba began to lofe his populari¬
ty } and he, who before his acceffion was efleemed by
all, being become emperor, was confidered with ridicule
and contempt.. But there are fome circumftances al¬
leged againll him, lefs equivocal than thofe trifling ones
already mentioned. Shortly after his coming to Rome,
the people were prefented with a moft grateful fpeftacle,
which was that of Locufta, Elms, Policletus, Petro-
nius, and Petinus, all the bloody minifters of Nero’s
cruelty, drawn in fetters through the city, and public¬
ly executed. But Tigellinus, who had been more a6live
than all the reft, was not there. The crafty villain had
taken care for his own fafety, by the largenefs of his ^
bribes : and though the people cried out for vengeance
againft him at the theatre and at the circus, yet the
emperor granted him his life and pardon. Helotus
the eunuch, alfo, who had been the inftrument of poi-
foning Claudius, efcaped, and owed his iafety to the
proper application of his wealth. Thus, by the ine¬
quality of his conduit, he became defpicable to his fub-
jefts. At one time {hewing himfelf fevere and frugal,
at another remifs and prodigal; condemning fome il-
luftrious perfons without any hearing, and pardoning
others though guilty : in ftiort, nothing was done but
by the mediation of his favourites 5 all offices were ve¬
nal, and all punifhments redeemable by money.
Affairs w^ere in this unfettled pofture at Rome, when
the provinces were yet in a worf'e condition. The fuc-
cefs of the army in Spain in choofing an emperor in¬
duced the legions in the other parts to wiffi for a fimi-
lar opportunity. Accordingly, many feditions were
kindled, and feveral fa&ions promoted in different parts
of the empire, but particularly in Germany. There
were then in that province two Roman armies j the
one which had lately attempted to make Rufus Virgi¬
nius emperor, as has been already mentioned, and
which was commanded by his lieutenant j the other
commanded by Vitellius, who long had an ambition
to obtain the empire for himfelf. The former of thefe
armies defpifing their prefent general, and confidering
themfelves as fufpe&ed by the emperor for having
been the laft to acknowledge his title, refolved now to
be foremoft in denying it. Accordingly, when they
were fummoned to take the oaths of homage and fide¬
lity, they refufed to acknowledge any other commands
but thofe of the fenate. This refufal they backed by
a meffage of the praetorian bands, importing, that they
were refolved not to acquiefce in the ele&ion of an em¬
peror created in Spain, and defiring that the fenate
ffiould proceed to a new choice.
Galba being informed of this commotion, was fen-
fible, that, befides his age, he was lefs refpe&ed for
want of an heir. He refolved therefore to put what
he had formerly defigned in execution, and to adopt
fome perfon whofe virtues might deferve fuch advance¬
ment, and protect his declining age from danger. His
favourites underftanding his determination, inftantly
refolved to give him an heir of their own choofing •, fo
that there arofe a great contention among them upon
this occafion. Otho made warm application for him¬
felf ; alleging the great fervices he had done the em¬
peror, as being the firft man of note who came to
his affiftance when he had declared againft Nero, How¬
ever, Galba, being fully refolved to confult the pu¬
blic good alone, rejefted his fuit; and on a day ap¬
pointed ordered Pifo Lucinianus to attend him. The
charafter given by hiilorians of Pifo is, that he was
every way worthy of the honour defigned him. He
was noway related to Galba 5 and had no other intereft
but merit to recommend him to his favour. Taking
this youth therefore by the hand, in the prefence of
his friends, he adopted him to fucceed in the empire,
giving him the moft wholefome leffons for guiding his
future conduft. Pifo’s conduft ffiowed that he was
highly deferving this diftin&ion: in all his deportment
there appeared fuch xnedefiy, firmnefs, and equality of
xnind?
Rome
—y—
OB#
Rome.
3i3
Otho de¬
clared em¬
peror.
319
Galba mur¬
dered.
ROM l 208
tnihd, as befpoke him rather capable of difcharging,
than ambitious of obtaining, his prefent dignity. But
the army and the fenate did not feem equally dilinte-
refted upon this occafion j they had been fo long ufed to
bribery and corruption, that they could now bear no
emperor who was not in a capacity of fatisfying their
avarice. The adoption therefore of Pifo was but coldly
received ; for his virtues were no recommendation in
a nation of univerfal depravity.
Otho now finding his hopes of adoption wholly fru-
ftrated, and ftill further ftimulated by the immenfe load
of debt which he had contrafled by his riotous way of
living, refolved upon obtaining the empire by force,
fince he could not by peaceable fucceffion. In faff,
his circumftances were fo very defperate, that he was
heard to fay, that it was equal to him whether he fell
by his enemies in the field or by his creditors in the
city. He therefore raifed a moderate fum of money,
by felling his intereii to a perfon who wanted a place j
and with this bribed two fubaltern officers in the prse-
torian bands, fupplying the deficiency of largeffes by
promifes and plaufible pretences. Having in this man¬
ner, in lefs than eight days, corrupted the fidelity of
the foldiers, he Hole fecretly from the emperor while
he was facrificing; and afiembling the foldiers, in a
fhort fpeech urged the cruelties and avarice of Galba.
Finding thefe his inveftives received with univerfal
fhouts by the whole army, he entirely threw off the
mafk, and avowed his intentions of dethroning him.
The foldiers being ripe for fedition, immediately Se¬
conded his views: taking Otho upon their (boulders, they
inflantly proclaimed him emperor •, and, to ftrike the
citizens with terror, carried him with their fwords drawn
into the camp.
Galba, in the mean time, being informed of the re¬
volt of the army, feemed utterly confounded, and in
want of fufficient refolution to face an event which he
fhould have long forefeen. In this manner the poor old
man continued wavering and doubtful ; till at laft, be¬
ing deluded by a falfe report of Otho’s being (lain, he
rode into the forum in complete armour, attended by
many of his followers. Juft at the fame inftant a
body of horfe fent from the camp to deftroy him en¬
tered on the oppofite fide, and each party prepared
for the encounter. For fome time hoftilities were fuf-
pended on each fide; Galba, confufed and irrefolute,
and his antagonifts ftruck with horror at the bafenefs
of their enterprife. At length, however, finding the
emperor in fome meafure deferted by his adherents,
they rufhed in upon him, trampling under foot the
crowds of people that then filled the forum. Galba fee¬
ing them approach, feemed to recolleft all his former
fortitude •, and bending his head forward, bid the affaf-
fins ftrike it off if it were for the good of the people.
This was quickly performed *, and his head being fet
upon the point of a lance, was prefented to Otho, who
ordered it to be contemptuoufly carried round the camp ;
his body remaining expofed in the ftreets till it was bu¬
ried by one of his flaves. He died in the 73d year of
his age, after a fhort reign of feven months.
No fooner was Galba thus murdered, than the fe¬
nate and people ran in crowds to the camp, contend¬
ing who fhould be foremoft in extolling the virtues of
the new emperor, and depreffing the chara&er of him
they had fo unjuftly deftroyed. Each laboured to ex-
3
] It O M
cel the reft in his inftances of homage ; and the lefs his Rome,
affeclions w'ere for him, the more did he indulge all
the vehemence of exaggerated praife. Otho finding
himfelf furrounded by congratulating multitudes, im¬
mediately repaired to the fenate, where he received the
titles ufually given to the emperors 5 and from thence
returned to the palace, feemingly refolved to reform his
life, and affume manners becoming the greatnefs of his
ftation.
He began his reign by a fignal inftance of clemen¬
cy, in pardoning Marius Celfus, who had been highly
favoured by Galba j and not contented wfith barely for¬
giving, he advanced him to the higheft honours ; af-
ierting, that “ fidelity deferved every reward.” This
a£t of clemency wjas follow'ed by another of juftice,
equally agreeable to the people. Tigellinus, Nero’s fa¬
vourite, he wrho had been the promoter of all his cruel¬
ties, wras new put to death 5 and all fuch as had been
unjuftly banifhed, or ftripped, at his inftigation, during
Nero’s reign, wTere leftored to their country and for¬
tunes.
In the mean time, the legions in Lower Germany Vitellius
having been purchafed by the large gifts and i’peciousrevolts,
promifes of Vitellius their general, were at length in¬
duced to proclaim him emperor j and regardlefs of the
fenate, declared that they had an equal right to ap¬
point to that high ftation with the cohorts at Rome.
The newrs of this conduct in the army foon fpread con-
flernation throughout Rome j but Otho W’as particu¬
larly ftruck with the account, as being apprehenfive
that nothing but the blood of his countrymen could
decide a conteft of wdiich his own ambition only was
the caufe. He now therefore fought to come to an
agreement w'ith Vitellius 5 but this not fucceeding, both
fides began their preparations for wrar. News being
received that Vitellius w'as upon his march to Italy,
Otho departed from Rome with a vaft army to oppofe
him. But though he was very powerful wfith regard
to numbers, his men, being little ufed to wTar, could
not be relied on. He feemed by his behaviour fen-
fible of the difproportion of his forces j and he is faid
to have been tortured wfith frightful dreams and the
moft uneafy apprehenfions. It is alfo reported by
fome, that one night fetching many profound fighs in
his fleep, his fervants ran haftily to his bed fide, and
found him ftretched on the ground. He alleged he
had feen the ghoft of Galba, w’hich had, in a threaten¬
ing manner, beat and pufhed him from the bed j and
he afterwards ufed many expiations to appeafe it. How¬
ever this be, he proceeded with a great flrow of cou¬
rage till he arrived at the city of Brixellum, on the ri¬
ver Po, where he remained, fending his forces before
him under the conduct of his generals Suetonius and
Celfus, who made what hafte they could to give the
enemy battle. The army of Vitellius, which confifted
of 70,000 men, was commanded by his generals Va-
lens and Cecina, he himfelf remaining in Gaul in or¬
der to bring up the reft of his forces. Thus both fides
haftened to meet each other wfith fo much animofity
and precipitation, that three confiderable battles were
fought in the fpace of three days. One near Placentia,
another near Cremona, and a third at a place called
Cqflor; in all which Otho had the advantage. But
thefe fucceffes were but of fhort-lived continuance 5 for
Valens and Cecina, who had hitherto afted feparately,
joining
H O M
[ 2°9 ]
ROM
Rome.
3«
Defpairs,
and kills
himielu
. 3*5
"Vitellius
declared
emperor.
joining their forces, and reinforcing their armies with
frefh fupplies, refolved to come to a general engage¬
ment. Otho, who by this time had joined his army
at a little village called Bedriacum, finding the enemy,
notwithftanding their late Ioffes, inclmed to come to a
battle, refolved to call a council of war to determine
upon the proper meafures to be taken. His generals
were of opinion to protraft the war : but others, whole
inexperience had given them confidence, declared, that
nothing but a battle could relieve the miferies of the
flate ; protefting, that Fortune, and all the gods, with
the divinity of the emperor himfelf, favoured the de-
fign, and would undoubtedly profper the enterprife.
In this advice Otho acquiefced : he had been for fome
time fo uneafy under the war, that he feemed willing
to exchange fufpenfe for danger. However, he was fo
furrounded with flatterers, that he was prohibited from
being perfonally prefent in the engagement, but pre¬
vailed upon to referve himfelf for the fortune of the
empire, and wait the event at Brixellum. The affairs
of both armies being thus adjulled, they came to an en¬
gagement at Bedriacum •, where, in the beginning,
thofe on the fide of Otho feemed to have the advantage.
At length, the fuperior difcipline of the legions of Vi-
teliius turned the fcale of viftory. Otho’s army fled in
great confufion towards Bedriacum, being purfued with
a miferable daughter all the way.
In the mean time, Otho waited for the news of the
battle with great impatience, and feemed to tax his mef-
fengers with delay. The firft account of his defeat was
brought him by a common foldier, who had efcaped
from the field of battle. However, Otho, who was ftill
furrounded by flatterers, was defired to give no credit
to a bafe fugitive, who was guilty of falfehood only
to cover his own cowardice. The foldier, however, ftill
perfifted in the veracity of his report} and, finding
none inclined to believe him, immediately fell upon his
fword, and expired at the emperor’s feet. Otho was
fo much ftruck with the death of this man, that he
cried out, that he would caufe the ruin of no more
fuch valiant and worthy foldiers, but would end the
conteft the fhorteft way j and therefore having exhorted
his followers to fubmit to Vitellius, he put an end to his
own life.
It was no fooner known that Otho had killed him¬
felf, than all the foldiers repaired to Virginius, the com¬
mander of the German legions, earneftly intreating him
to take upon him the reins of government; or at leaft,
intreating his mediation with the generals of Vitellius
in their favour. Upon his declining their requeft, Ru-
brius Gallus, a perfon of confiderable note, undertook
their embaffy to the generals of the conquering army j
and foon after obtained a pardon for all the adherents of
Otho.
Vitellius was immediately after declared emperor by
the fenate j and received the marks of diftinftion which
were now accuftomed to follow the appointment of the
ftrongeft fide. At the fame time, Italy was feverely
diftreffed by the foldiers, who committed fuch outrages
as exceeded all the oppreflions of the moft calamitous
war. Vitellius, who was yet in Gaul, refolved, before
he fet out for Rome, to punifh the praetorian cohorts,
who had been the inftruments of all the late difturbances
in the ftate. He therefore caufed them to be difarmed,
and deprived of the name and honour of foldiers. He
Vol. XVIII. Part I.
alfo ordered 150 of thofe who were moft guilty to be Rome,
put to death. ^
As he approached towards Rome, he paffed through
the towns with all imaginable fplendor •, his paffage by
water was in painted galleys, adorned with garlands of
flowers, and profufely furnifhed with the greateft deli¬
cacies. In his journey there was neither order nor dilci-
pline among his foldiers j they plundered wherever they
came with impunity ; and he feemed no way dilpleafed
with the licentioufncfs of their behaviour.
Upon his arrival at Rome, he entered the city, not
as a place he came to govern wfith juftice, but as a town
that became his own by the laws of conqueft. He
marched through the ftreets mounted on horfeback, all
in armour; the fenate and people going before him, as
if the captives of his late viftory. He the next day
made the fenate a fpeech, in which he magnified his
own aftions, and promifed them extraordinary advan¬
tage* from his adminiftration. He then harangued the
people, who, being now7 long accuftomed to flatter all in
authority, highly applauded and bleffed their new em¬
peror. . 326
In the mean time, his foldiers being permitted to fa-His ifiarue-
tiate themfelves in the debaucheries of the city, grewtul glLlt‘
totally unfit for war. The principal affairs of the ftate ^ts.
w7ere managed by the lowert wretches. Vitellius, more
abandoned than they, gave himfelf up to all kinds of
luxury and profufenefs ; but gluttony w7as his favourite
vice, fo that he brought himfelf to a habit of vomit¬
ing, in order to renew7 his meals at pleafure. His en¬
tertainments, though feldom at his own coft, were pro-
digioufly expenfive j he frequently invited himfelf to
the tables of his fubjefts, breakfafting with one, dining
wfith another, and flipping wfith a third, all in the fame
day. The moft memorable of thefe entertainments
w7as that made for him by his brother on his arrival at
Rome. In this were ferved up 2000 feveral diflies of
fifh, and 7000 of fowfi, of the moft valuable kinds.
But in one particular difti he feemed to have outdone
all the former profufion of the moft; luxurious Romans.
This difti, w'hich was of fuch magnitude as to be called
the Jhield of Minerva, was filled with an olio made from
the founds of the fifti called fcarri, the brains of phea-
fants and woodcocks, the tongues of the moft coftly
birds, and the fpawm of lampreys brought from the Caf-
pian fea. In order to cook this difti properly, a fur¬
nace wras built in the fields, as it w7as too large for any
kitchen to contain it.
In this manner did Vitellius proceed; fo that Joie-
phus tells us, if he had reigned long, the whole empire
would not have been fufticient to have maintained his
gluttony. All the attendants of his court fought to
raife themfelves, not by their virtues and abilities, but
the fumptuoufnefs of their entertainments. This pro¬
digality produced its attendant, w7ant; and that, in turn,
gave rife to cruelty.
Thofe W'ho had formerly been his aflbeiates w7ere
noxv deftroyed wfithout mercy. Going to vifit one of
them in a violent fever, he mingled poifon with his
water, and delivered it to him wfith his own hands. He
never pardoned thofe money-lenders who came to de¬
mand payment of his former debts. One of the num¬
ber coming to falute him, he immediately ordered him
to be carried off to execution ; but fliortly after, com¬
manding him to be brought back, when all his attend-
I) d ants
ROM [ 210 ] ROM
Rome. ari[s thought it was to pardon the unhappy creditor,
1 ^ '' Vitellius gave them foon to understand that it was mere¬
ly to have the pleafure of feeding his eyes wdth his tor¬
ments. Having condemned another to death, he exe¬
cuted his tw'o ions with him, only for their prefuming
to intercede for their father. A Roman knight being
dragged aw’ay to execution, and crying out that he had
made the emperor his heir, Vitellius demanded to lee
the will, where finding himfelf joint heir with another,
he ordered both to be executed, that he might enjoy
the legacy without a partner.
By the continuance of fuch vices and cruelties as
thefe he became odious to all mankind, and the aftro-
logers began to prognofticate his ruin. A writing wTas
fet up in the forum to this effe£l ; (t We, in the name
of the ancient Chaldeans, give Vitellius warning to de¬
part this life by the kalends of Odlober.” Vitellius,
on his part, received this information with terror, and
ordered all the aflrologers to be baniihed from Rome.
An old wToman having foretold, that if he furvived his
mother, he ihould reign many years in happinefs and
fecurity, this gave him a defire of putting her to
death ; which he did, by refufing her fuilenance, un¬
der the pretence of its being prejudicial to her health.
But he foon fawr the futility of relying upon fuch vain
prognoftications 3 for his foldiers, by their cruelty and
rapine, having become infupportable to the inhabitants
of Rome, the legions of the Bail, who had at firft ac-
quiefced in his dominion, began to revolt, and ihortly
after unanimoufly refolved to make Vefpafian emperor.
Vefpalian Vefpafian, w'ho was appointed commander againil the
proclaimed rebellious Jews, had reduced moft of their country, ex-
rmperor. cept jerufaiern? tQ fubjeftion. The death of Nero, how¬
ever, had at firft interrupted the progrefs of his arms,
and the fucceffion of Galba gave a temporary check to
his conquefts, as he was obliged to fend his fon Titus to
Rome, to receive that emperor’s commands. Titus,
however, wras fo long detained by contrary winds, that
he received news of Galba’s death before he fet fail.
He then refolved to continue neuter during the civil
wars between Otho and Vitellius 5 and when the latter
prevailed, he gave him his homage wuth relu&ance.
But being defirous of acquiring reputation, though he
difliked the government, he determined to lay fiege to
Jerufalem, and a&ually made preparations for that great
undertaking, wthen he was given to underftand that Vi¬
tellius w’as detefted by all ranks in the empire. Thefe
murmurings increafed every day, while Vefpafian fecret-
ly endeavoured to advance the difcontents of the army.
By thefe means they began at length to fix their eyes
upon him as the perfon the moft capable and willing to
terminate the miferies of his country, and put a period
to the injuries it fuffered. Not only the legions under
his command, but thofe in Maefia and Pannonia, came
to the fame refolution, fo that they declared themfelves
for Vefpafian. He was alfo without his own confent
proclaimed emperor at Alexandria, the army there con¬
firming it with extraordinary applaufe, and paying their
accuftomed homage. Still, however, Vefpafian feemed
to decline the honour done him •, till at length his fol¬
diers compelled him, with their threats of immediate
death, to accept a title which, in all probability, he wifh-
ed to enjoy. He now, therefore, called a council of
war : where it was refolved, that his fon Titus fhould
carry on the war againft the Jews j and that Mutianus,
one of his generals, ftiould, with the greateft part of his Rom?,
legions, enter Italy ; while Vefpafian himfelf fhould levy ■"V""”
forces in all parts of the eaft, in order to reinforce them
in cafe of neceftity.
During thefe preparations, Vitellius, though buried in
floth and luxury, was refolved to make an effort to de¬
fend the empire j wherefore his chief commanders, Va-
lens and Cecina, were ordered to make all poflible pre¬
parations to refift the invaders. The firft army that
entered Italy with an hoftile intention was under the
command of Antonins Primus, who was met by Ce¬
cina near Cremona. A battle was expefled to enfue ;
but a negociation taking place, Cecina was prevailed
upon to change fides, and declare for Vefpafian. His
army, however, quickly repented of what they had done ;
and imprifoning their general, attacked Antonius, though
without a leader. The engagement continued duringVitelliua
the whole night: in the morning, after a fhort repaft,^e^eate<^*
both armies engaged a fecond time j when the foldiers
of Antonius faluting the riling fun, according to cuftom,
the Vitellians fuppofing that they had received new re¬
inforcements, betook themfelves to flight, wdth the lofs
of 30,000 men. Shortly after, freeing their general
Cecina from prifon, they prevailed upon him to inter¬
cede with the conquerors for pardon •, which they ob¬
tained, though not without the moft horrid barbarities
committed upon Cremona, the city to which they had
retired for fhelter.
When Vitelhus wTas informed of the defeat of his
army, his former infolence was converted into an extreme
of timidity and irrefolution. At length he commanded
Julius Prifcus and Alphenus Varus, with feme forces
that wTere in readinefs, to guard the paffes of the Apen¬
nines, to prevent the enemy’s march to Rome 5 referv-
ing the principal body of his army to fecure the city,
under the command of his brother Imcius. But being
perfuaded to repair to his army in perfon, his prefence
only ferved to increafe the contempt of his foldiers. He
there appeared irrefolute, and ftill luxurious, without
counfel or conduct, ignorant of war, and demanding
from others thofe inftruftions which it wTas his duty to
give. After a fhort continuance in the camp, and un-
derftanding the revolt of his fleet, he returned once more
to Rome : but every day only ferved to render his af¬
fairs ftill more defperate ; till at laft he made offers to
Vefpafian of refigning the empire, provided his life were
granted, and a fufficient revenue for his fupport. In
order to enforce bis requeft, he iffued from his palace in
deep mourning, with all his domeftics weeping round
him. He then went to offer the fword of juftice to Ce-
cilius, the conful 5 wffich he refufing, the abjeft empe¬
ror prepared to lay down the enfigns of the empire in •
the temple of Concord. But being interrupted by
fome, who cried out, That he himfelf wras Concord,
he refolved, upon fo weak an encouragement, ftill to
maintain his powTer, and immediately prepared for his,
defence.
During this flu&uation of counfels, one Sabinus, who
had advifed Vitellius to refign, perceiving his defperate
fituation, refolved, by a bold ftep, to oblige Vefpafian, 33$
and accordingly feized upon the Capitol. But he wasTheCapi--
premature in his attempt } for the foldiers of Vitellius^ burnt,
attacked him with great fury, and, prevailing by their
numbers, foon laid that beautiful building in allies.
During this dreadful conflagration, Vitellius w’as feaft-
ing
TLOM [21
&ome. ing in the palace of Tiberius, and beholding all the
^ " horrors of the affault with great fatisfaftion. Sabinus
was taken prifoner, and fhortly after executed by the
emperor’s command. Young Domitian, his nephew,
who was afterwards emperor, efcaped by ilight, in the
habit of a prieft ; and all the reft who furvived the fire
were put to the fword.
But this fuccefs ferved little to improve the affairs of
Vitellius. He vainly fent meffenger after meffenger to
bring Vefpafian’s general, Antonius, to a compolition.
This commander gave no anfwer to his requefts, but
ftill continued his march towards Rome. Being arri¬
ved before the walls of the city, the forces of Vitellius
were refolved upon defending it to the utmoft extremi-
'Dreadful t^r’ ^ was attac^e^ 0,1 three fides wdth the utmoft
fituation fury j while the army within, Tallying upon the befie-
ofRome. gers, defended it with equal obftinacy. The battle laft-
ed a whole day, till at laft the befieged were driven in¬
to the city, and a dreadful flaughter made of them in all
the ftreets, which they vainly attempted to defend. In
the mean time, the citizens flood by, looking on as
both fides fought $ and, as if they had been in a theatre,
clapped their hands; at one time encouraging one par¬
ty, and again the other. As either turned their backs,
the citizens would then fall upon them in their places
of refuge, and fo kill and plunder them without mercy.
But w'hat was ftill more remarkable, during thefe
dreadful (laughters both within and without the city,
the people wrould not be prevented from celebrating
one of their riotous feafts, called the Saturnalia; fo
that at one time might have been feen a ftrange mix¬
ture of mirth and mifery, of cruelty and lewdnefs 5 in
one place, buryings and {laughters 5 in another, drunk-
ennefs and feafting ; in a word, all the horrors of a ci¬
vil war, and all the licentioufnefs of the moft abandoned
fecurity !
During this complicated fcene of mifery, Vitellius re¬
tired privately to his wife’s houfe, upon Mount Aven-
tine, defigning that night to fly to the army command¬
ed by his brother at Tarracina. But, quite incapable,
through fear, of forming any refolution, he changed his
mind, and returned again to his palace, now void and
defolate $ all his flaves forfaking him in his diftrefs, and
purpofely avoiding his prefence. There, after wander¬
ing for fome time quite difconfolate, and fearing the
face of every creature he met, he hid himfelf in an ob-
fcure corner, from whence he was foon taken by a party
of the conquering foldiers. Still, however, willing to
add a few hours more to his miferable life, he begged
to be kept in prifon till the arrival of Vefpafian at Rome,
pretending that he had fecrets of importance to difcover.
But his entreaties were vain : the foldiers binding his
hands behind him, and throwing an halter round his
neck, led him along, half naked, into the public forum,
upbraiding him, as they proceeded, with all thofe bitter
reproaches their malice could fuggeft, or his own cruel¬
ties deferve. They alfo tied his hair backwards, as was
ufual with the moft infamous malefaftors, and held the
point of a {word under his chin, to prevent his hiding
his face from the public. Some call dirt and filth upon
him as he paffed, others ftruck him with their hands j
fome ridiculed the defers of his perfon, his red fiery
face, and the enormous greatnefs of his belly. At length,
being come to the place of punifliment, they killed him
with many blows; and then dragging the dead body
1 '] it o M
through the ftreets with an hook, they threw it, with
all poflible ignominy, into the river Tiber. Such was
the miferable end of this emperor, in the 57th year of
his age, after a ftiort reign of eight months and five
Ronie.
days-. . . 33*
Vitellius being dead, the conquering army purfued Dreadful
their enemies throughout the city, while neither houfes0*11^1;165
nor temples afforded refuge to the fugitives. Thej^1^
ftreets and public places were all ftrewed with dead^ers.
each man lying {lain where it was his misfortune to be
overtaken by his unmerciful purfuers. But not only
the enemy fuffered in this manner, but many of the citi¬
zens, who were obnoxious to the foldiers, Mere dragged
from their houfes, and killed without any form of trial.
The heat of their refentment being fomewhat abated,
they next began to feek for plunder 5 and under pre¬
tence of fearching for the enemy, left no place without
marks of their rage or rapacity. Befides the foldiers,
the lower rabble joined in thefe deteftable outrages j
fome Haves came and difcovered the riches of their maf-
ters j fome were detected by their neareft friends ; the
whole city was filled with outcry and lamentation j in-
fomuch, that the former ravages of Otho and Vitellius
rvere now confidered as flight evils in comparifon.
Upon the arrival of Mutianus, general to Vefpafian,
thefe (laughters ceafed, and the ftate began to affume 332
the appearance of former tranquillity. Vefpafian was VefPaf'ia,s
declared emperor by the unanimous confent both of the^™0^™^-
fenate and the army 5 and dignified with all thofe titles,0
which now followed rather the power than the merit of
thofe MTho tvere appointed to govern. Meffengers were
difpatched to him into Egypt, defiring his return, and
teftifying the utmoft defire for his government. How¬
ever, the winter being dangerous for failing, he deferred
his voyage to a more convenient feafon. Perhaps, alfo,
the diffenfions in other parts of the empire retarded his 333
return to Rome ; for one Claudius Civilis, in LoM*er R-evoIt °f
Germany, excited his countrymefi to revolt, and de-^J^y$IUS
ftroyed the Roman garrifons, which were placed in dif¬
ferent parts of that province. But, to give his rebellion
an air of juftice, he caufed his army to fwear allegiance
to Vefpafian, until he found himfelf in a condition to
throw off the mafk. When he thought himfelf fuffi-
ciently powerful, he difclaimed all fubmiflion to the Ro¬
man government ; and having overcome one or two of
the lieutenants of the empire, and being joined by fuch
of the Romans as refufed obedience to the neu7 emperor,
he boldly advanced to give Cerealis, Vefpafian’s general,
battle. In the beginning of this engagement, he feem-
ed fuccefsful, breaking the Roman legions, and put¬
ting their cavalry to flight. But at length Cerealis by
his conduft turned the fate of the day, and not only
routed the enemy, but took and deftroyed their camp.
This engagement, however, was not decifive j feveral
others enfued with doubtful fuccefs. An accommoda¬
tion at length took place. Civilis obtained peace for
his countrymen, and pardon for himfelf; for the Roman
empire was, at this time, fo torn by its own divifions,
that the barbarous nations around made incurfions udth
impunity, and were fure of obtaining peace wdienever
they thought proper to demand" it. 334
During the time of thefe . commotions in Germany, IrruPtion
the Sarmatians, -a barbarous nation in the north-eail ofof ^ Sraf'
the empire, fuddenly paffed the river Ifer,’’and marchedmatian”'’
into the Roman dominions Mrith iuch celerity and fury",
D d 3 ax
ROM
[
Rome.
. 335
Titus lent
againft Je-
Tidalcm.
33*5
V arious
abufes re^
formed by
Vefpafian.
as to deftroy i'everal garrifons, and an array under the
' command of Fonteius Agrippa. They were driven back
by Rubrius Callus, Vefpaiian’s lieutenant, into their na¬
tive foreits} where feveral attempts were made to con¬
fine them by garrifons and forts, placed along the con¬
fines of .their country. Eut thefe hardy nations, having
once found the way into the empire, never after defiited
from invading it upon every opportunity, till at length
they overran and deltroyed it entirely.
Vefpafian continued lome months at Alexandria in
Egypt, where it is faid he cured a blind and a lame man
by touching them. Before he fet out for Rome, he gave
his fon Titus the command of the army which was to
lay fiege to Jerufalem ; while he himfelf went forward,
and was met many miles from Rome by all the fenate,
and near half the inhabitants, who gave the fincereit
teftimonies of their joy, in having an emperor of fuch
great and experienced virtues. Nor did he in the leaft
difappoint their expectations 5 being equally affiduous in
rewarding merit, and pardoning his adveffaries 5 in re¬
forming the manners of the citizens, and letting them
the belt example in his own.
In the mean time, Titus carried on the war againft
the Jews with vigour, which ended in the terrible de-
itruCtion of the city, mentioned under the article Jews.
After which his foldiers would hav.e crowned Titus as
conqueror ; but he refufed the honour, alleging that he
was only an inllrument in the hand of Heaven, that
manifeltly declared its wTrath againlt the Jews. At
Rome, however, all mouths wrere filled with the praifes
of the conqueror, who had not only fhowred himfeif an
excellent general, but a courageous combatant: his re¬
turn, therefore, in triumph, which he did with his fa¬
ther, was marked with all the magnificence and joy that
was in the power of men to exprefs. All things that
xvere efteemed valuable or beautiful among men were
brought to adorn this great occafion. Among the rich
fpoils rvere expofed vait quantities of gold taken out of
the temple ; but the book of their law was not the
leaft remarkable amongfi the magnificent profufion. A
triumphal arch w’as eredled upon this occafion, on which
were deferibed all the viClories of Titus over the Jews,
which remains almofl: entire to this very day. Vefpa-
lian likewdfe built a temple to Peace, wherein were de-
pofited moll of the Jewfilh fpoils ; and having now calm¬
ed all the commotions in every part of the empire, he
{hut up the temple of Janus, which had been open about
five or fix years.
Vefpafian having thys given fecurity and peace to the
empire, refolved to corredt numberlefs abufes which had
grown up under the tyranny of his predeceflbrs. To
effeft this with greater eafe, he joined Titus with him
in the confullhip and tribunitial power, and in fome mea-
fure admitted him a partner in all the higheft offices of
the ft ate. He began with reftraining the licentioufnefs
of the army, and forcing them back to their priftine
difeipline. He abridged the procefles that had been
carried to an unreafonable length in the courts of juftice.
He took care to rebuild fuch parts of the city as had
fuffered in the late commotions 5 particularly the Capi¬
tol, which had been lately burnt 5 and which he now
reftored to more than former magnificence. Fie like-
wife built a famous amphitheatre, the ruins of which are
to this day an evidence of its ancient grandeur. The
other ruinous cities of the empire alfo {hared his pater-
12 ] ROM
nal care j he improved fuch as were declining, adorned Rcme.
others, and built many anew'. In fiich afts as theie he
palled a long reign of clemency and model ation ; fo that
it is faid, no man fuffered by an unjult or a fevere de¬
cree during his adminiftratiou. ^^7
Julius Sabinus feems to be the only peifon who was Advemure*
treated with greater rigour than w7as ufual with this dm- and death
peror. Sabinus was commander of a fmall army in Ju^ius Sa»
Gaul, and had declared himfelf emperor upon the death
of Vitellius. But his army was Ihortly alter overcome
by Vefpafian’s general, and he himlelf compelled to
feek fafety by flight. He wandered for lome time
through the Roman provinces, without being dilcovered:
but finding the purfuit every day become ciofer, he was
obliged to hide himfelf in a cave 5 and in it he remained
concealed for no lefs than nine years, attended all the
time by his faithful wile Empona, who provided provi-
fions for him by day, and repaired to him by night.
She was at lalt diicovered in the performance of this
pious office, and Sabinus was taken priibner and carried
to Rome. Great interceffion was made to the emperor
in his behalf: Empona herlelf appearing with her two
children, and imploring her hulband’s pardon. But
neither her tears nor intreaties could prevail j Sabinus
had been too dangerous a rival for mercy ; fo that,
though the and her children were Ipared, her hufband
fuffered by the executioner. ?
But this feems to be the only initance in which he re- clemency-
fented paft offences. He caufed the daughter of Vitel- and good"
lius, his avowed enemy, to be married into a noble fa- qualities cS'
mily, and he himlelf provided her a luitable fortune.: eiTIPa"
One of Nero’s fervants coming to beg for pardon for
having once rudely thruft him out of the palace, and in.-
fulted him when in office, Vefpafian only took his re¬
venge by ferving him juft in the fame manner. W hen
any plots or confpiracies were formed againft him, he
difdained to punilh the guilty, faying, That they de-
ferved rather his contempt for their ignorance, than his
refentment; as they feemed to envy him a dignity of
which he daily experienced the uneafinefs. Fiis libera¬
lity towards the encouragement of aits and learning,
was not lefs than his clemency. He fettled a conftant
falary of 100,000 fefterces upon the teachers of rheto¬
ric. He was particularly favourable to Jofephus, the
Jewilh hiftorian. Quintilian the orator, and Pliny the
naturalift, flourilhed in his reign, and w7ere highly efteem¬
ed by him. He was no lefs an encourager of all other
excellencies in art j and invited the greateft maffers and
artificers from all parts of the w7orld, making them con-
fiderable prefents, as he found occafion.
Yet all his numerous a£ts of generofity and magnifi.
cenee could not preferve his charafler from the impu¬
tation of rapacity and avarice. He revived many obfo-
lete methods of taxation ; and even bought and fold
commodities himfelf, in order to increafe his fortune.
He is charged with advancing the moft avaricious go¬
vernors to the provinces, in order to {hare their plunder
on their return to Rome. He defeended to fome very
unufual and difhonourable impofts, even to the laying
a tax upon urine. When his fon Titus remonftrated
againft the meannefs of fuch a tax, Vefpafian taking a
piece of money, demanded if the fmell offended him j
and then added, that this very money wras produced by-
urine. But in excufe for this, we muff obferve, that
the exchequer, when Vefpafian came to the throne,
was
ROM r 2
5.ome. was fo much exhaufted, that he informed the fenate
t]lat it would require a fupply of three hundred mil¬
lions (of our money) to re-eitabliih the commonwealth.
This neceflity mutt naturally produce more numerous
and heavy taxations than the empire had hitherto expe¬
rienced : but while the provinces were thus obliged to
contribute to the fuppoft of his power, he took every
precaution to provide for their fafety ; fo that we find
but two iofurrefrions in this reign.—In the fourth year
of his reign, Antiochus king of Comagena, holding a
private correfpondence with the Parthians, the declared
enemies of Home, was taken prifoner in Cilicia, by
Pyrrhus the governor, and fent bound to Rome. But
Vefpafian generoufiy prevented all ill treatment, by
giving him a refidence at Lacedcemon, and allowing
him a revenue fuitable to his dignity. About the fame
time alio, the Alani, a barbarous people inhabiting
along the river Tanais, abandoned their barren u'ilds,
and invaded the kingdom of Media. From thence paf-
fing into Armenia, after great ravages, they overthrew
Tiridates, the king of that country, with prodigious
flaughter. Titus was at length fent to chaftife their
infolence : but the barbarians retired at the approach of
the Roman army, loaded with plunder; being compel¬
led to wait a more favourable opportunity of renewing
their irruptions. Thefe incurfions, however, were but
a tranfient ftorm, the eft’eils of which were foon re¬
paired by the emperor’s moderation and afliduity. We
are told, that he now formed and eftablithed a thoufand
nations, which had fcarcely before amounted to 200.
No provinces in the empire lay out of his view and
proteftion. He had, during his whole reign, a parti¬
cular regard to Britain ; his generals, Petilius Cerealis,
and Julius Frontinus, brought the greatett part of the
ifland into fubjeftion ; and Agricola, who fucceeded
foon after, completed what they had begun. See Eng¬
land.
Death^of manner, having reigned to years, loved by
Ydpafian. his fubjefts, and deferving their affe£lion, he was fur-
priled by an indifpofition at Campania, which he at
once declared would be fatal, crying out, in the fpirxt
of Paganifm, “ Methinks I am going to be a god.”
Removing from thence to the city, and afterwards to a
country-feat near Reate, he was there taken with a flux,
• which brought him to the laft extremity. However,
perceiving his end approach, and juft going to expire,
he cried out, that an emperor ought to die (landing j
wherefore, railing himfelf upon his feet, he expired in
the hands of thole that fuftained him.
Titus fuc- Titus being joyfully received as emperor, notwith-
ceeds to the Handing a flight oppofition from his brother Domitian,
empire. maintained that he himfelf was appointed, and that
Titus had falfified the will, began his reign with every
virtue that became an emperor and a man. During the
life of his father there had been many imputations
again!! him ; but upon his exaltation to the throne he
feemed entirely to take leave of his former vices, and
became an example of the greateft moderation and hu¬
manity. He had long loved Berenice, litter to Agrip-
pa king of Judea, a woman of the greateft beauty and
allurements. But knowing that the connexion with
her was entirely difagreeable to the people of Rome,
he fent her away, notwithlfanding their mutual pailion
and the many arts Ihe ufed to induce him to change his
refolutions- He next difcarcjed all thofe who had been
13 ] ROM
the former miniflers of his pleafures, and forbore to Rome,
countenance the companions of his loofer recreations, y-—-*■'
though he had formerly taken great pains in the felec-
tion. This moderation, added to his juttice and gene-
rolity, procured him the love ot all good men, and the
appellation of the delight of mankind, which all his ac¬
tions feemed calculated to enfure. As he came to the
throne with all the advantages of his father’s popularity,
he was refolved to ule every method to increafe it. Fie
therefore took particular care to punilh all informers,
falfe witnefles, and promoters of difl’enfion, condemning
them to be fcourged in the moll public ftreets, next to
be dragged through the theatre, and then to be banilh-
ed to the uninhabited parts of the empire, and fold as
Haves. His courtefy and readinefs to do good have been
celebrated even by Chriltian writers *, his principal rule
being, never to lend any petitioner difiatisfied away.
One night, recollefting that he had done nothing bene¬
ficial to mankind the day preceding, he cried out among
his tilends, “ I have loll a day.” A lenience too re¬
markable not to be univerfally known. ^
In this reign, an eruption of Mount Veluvius did A. tlread-
conliderable damage, overwhelming many towns, and^ er“P'
fending its allies into countries more than 100 milespT'jj ' e~
diftant. Upon this memorable occafion, Pliny the na-
turaliif loll his life j for, being impelled by too eager a-
curiofity to obferve the eruption, he was fuffocated in
the flames *. There happened alfo about this time a-* See Vefu-
fire at Rome, which continued three days and nights w“,r‘
fucceffively, which was followed by a plague, in which
10,000 men were buried in a day. The emperor, how¬
ever, did all that lay in his power to repair the damage
fullained by the public ; and, with refpeft to the city,
declared that he would take the whole lofs of it upon ^
himfelf. Thefe difatters were in fome meafure counter- Agricola
balanced by the fucceffes in Britain, under Agricola, civilizes
This excellent general having been fent into that conn-t^ie ®rl"
try towards the .latter end ef Vefpafian’s reign, flrowed t'mS’
himfelf equally expert in quelling the refratlory, and ci¬
vilizing thofe wrha had formerly fubmitted to the Ro¬
man power. The Ordovices, or inhabitants of North
Wales, were the fir-11 that were fubdued. Fie then made
a defeent upon Mona, or the ifland of Anglefea;
which furrendered at diferetion. Having thus rendered
hunfelf matter of the whole country, he took every me¬
thod to rettore difeipline to his own army, and to intro¬
duce fome lhare of politenefs among thofe whom he
had conquered. He exhorted them, both by advice
and example, to build temples, theatres, and (lately
houfes. He cauled the fons of their nobility to be in-
ftrucled in the liberal arts; he had them taught the
Latin language, and induced them to imitate the Ro¬
man modes of drefTmg and living. Thus, by degrees,
this barbarous people began to aflume the luxurious
manners of their conquerors, and in time even outdid
them in all the refinements of fenfual pleafure. For the
fticcefs in Britain, 'Titus rvas faluted emperor the 15th
time ; but he did not long furvive his honours, being
feized with a violent fever at a little diftance from 5.t v
Rome. Perceiving his death to approach, he declared, Tims dies,
that during the whole c our ft of his life he knew but of
one aclion which he repented of; but that aftion he did
not think proper to exprefs. Shortly after, he died (not
without fufpicion of treachery from his brother Bomi-
thuy who had long wilhed to govern) in the 41ft year
Rome.
344
Succeeded
by Domi-
tian.
345
Hts enor-
See Scot¬
land.
1 O M t 2i
of his age, having reigned two years two months and
twenty days.
The love which all ranks of people bore to Titus,
facilitated the ele&ion of his brother Domitian, not-
withftanding the ill opinion many had already conceived
of him. His ambition was already but too well
known, and his pride foon appeared upon his coming to
the throne ; having been heard to declare, that he had
given the empire to his father and brother, and now re¬
ceived it again as his due.
The beginning of his reign was univerfally accept¬
able to the people, as he appeared equally remarkable
for his clemency, liberality, and juftice. He carried
his abhorrence of cruelty fo far, as at one time to for¬
bid the facrificing of oxen. His liberality was fuch,
that he would not accept of the legacies that were left
him by fuch as had children of their own. His jaftice
tvas fuch, that he would lit whole days and reverfe the
partial fentences of the ordinary judges. He appeared
very careful and liberal in repairing the libraries which
had been burnt, and recovering copies of fuch books as
had been loft, fending on purpofe to Alexandra to
tranfcribe them. But he foon began to fhow the natu¬
ral deformity of his mind. Inftead of cultivating lite¬
rature, as his father and brother had done, he negle&ed
all kinds of ftudy, addidling himfelf wholly to the
meaner purfuits, particularly archery and gaming. No
emperor before him entertained the people with fuch
various and expenlive fliows. During thefe diverftons
he diftributed great rewards ; fitting as prefident him¬
felf, adorned with a purple robe and crown, with the
priefts of Jupiter and the college of Flavian priefts about
him. The meannefs of his occupations in folitude rvere
a juft contrail to his exhibitions in public oftentation*
He ufually fpent his hours of retirement in catching
flies, and flicking them through with a bodkin j fo that
one of his fervants being alked if the emperor was alone,
he anfwered, that he had not fo much as a fly to bear
him company. His vices feemed every day to increafe
with the duration of his reign •, and as he thus became
more odious to his people, all their murmurs only ferved
to add ftrength to his fufpicions, and malice to his
cruelty. His ungrateful treatment of Agricola feemed
the firft fymptom of his natural malevolence. Domitian
was always particularly fond of obtaining a military re¬
putation, and therefore jealous of it in others. He had
marched fome time before into Gaul, upon a pretended
expedition againft the Catti, a people of Germany j
and, without ever feeing the enemy, refolvcd to have
the honour of a triumph upon his return to Rome. For
that purpofe he purchafed a number of flaves, wThom he
dreffed in German habits j and at the head of this mi-
ferable proceflion entered the city, amidft the apparent
acclamations and concealed contempt of all his fubjecls.
The fucceffes, therefore, of Agricola in Britain affect¬
ed him with an extreme degree of envy. This admi¬
rable general, who is fcarce mentioned by any wri¬
ter except Tacitus, purfued the advantages which he
had already obtained. Fie routed the Caledonians ;
overcame Galgacus, the Britifh chief, at the head of
30,000 men-, and afterwards fending out a fleet to fcour
the coaft, firft difcovered Great Britain to be an ifland*.
He likewife difcovered and fubdued the Orkneys, and
thus reduced the whole into a civilized province of the
Roman empire. When the account of thefe fucceffes
4 ] ROM
was brought to Domitian, he received it with a feeming Rome,
pleafure, but real uneafinefs. He thought Agricola’s '—-y-****
rifing reputation a reproach upon his own inactivity j
and, inftead of attempting to emulate, he refolved to
fupprefs the merit of his fervices. He ordered him,
therefore, the external marks of his approbation, and
took care that triumphant ornaments, ftatues, and other
honours, ftiould be decreed him j but at the fame time
he removed him from his command, under a pretence of
appointing him to the government of Syria. By thefe
means, Agricola furrendered up his government to Sa-
luftius Lucullus, but foon found that Syria was other-
w-ife difpofed of. Upon his return to Rome, which was
privately and by night, he was coolly received by the
emperor and dying fome time after in retirement, it
was fuppofed by fome that his end wras haftened by Do-
mitian’s direction. 346
Domitian foon after found the -want of fo experienced Many bdr-
a commander in the many irruptions of the barbarous b.arou.s na"
nations that furrounded the empire. The Sarmatians va(je t>iC
in Europe, joined with thofe in Afia, made a formi- empire,
dable invafion j at once dettroying a wdiole legion, and
a general of the Romans. The Dacians, under the
condu£l of Decebalus their king, made an irruption,
and overthrew the Romans in feveral engagements.
Loffes were followed by Ioffes, fo that every feafon be¬
came memorable for fome remarkable overthrow. At
laft, however, the ftate making a vigorous exertion of
its internal pow-er, the barbarians were repelled, partly
by force and partly by the afliftance of money, which
only (erved to enable them to make future invafions to
greater advantage. But in whatever manner the enemy
might have been repelled, Domitian was refolved not
to lofe the honour of a triumph. He returned in great
fplendor to Rome j and not contented with thus triumph¬
ing twice without a vidlory, he refolved to take the fur-
name of Germanicus, for his conqueft over a people v-ith
whom he never contended.
In proportion as the ridicule increafed againft him,
his pride feemed every day to demand greater homage.
He w-ould permit his ftatues to be made only of gold
and filver 5 affumed to himfelf divine honours j and or¬
dered that all men Ihould treat him with the fame ap¬
pellations which they gave to the divinity. His cruelty
was not behind his arrogance 5 he caufed numbers of
the moft illuftrious fenators and others to be put to
death upon the moft trifling pretences. Saluftius Lu¬
cullus, his lieiUenant in Britain, was deftroyed only for
having given his own name to a new fort of lances of
his own invention. Junius Rufticus died for publiftiing
a book, in which he commended Thrafea and Prifcus,
two philofophers who oppofed Vefpafian’s coming to the
throne.
Such cruelties as thefe, that feem almoft without a
motive, may naturally be fuppofed to have produced re¬
bellion. Lucius Antonins, governor in Upper Ger¬
many, knowing how- much the emperor was detefted at
home, affumed the enfigns of imperial dignity. As he
was at the head of a formidable army, his fuccefs re¬
mained long doubtful 5 but a hidden overflowing of the
Rhine dividing his army, he was fet upon at that junc¬
ture by Normandus, the emperor’s general, and totally
routed. The news of this viflory, w-e are told, was
brought to Rome by fupernatural means, on the fame
day that the battle was fought. Domitian’s feverity
Rome.
2>A1
Monftrous
cruelty of
the empe¬
ror.
348
He perfe-
cutes the
Jews and
Chriftians.
ROM [2
was greatly increafed by this fuccefs, of fliort duration.
In order to difcover thofe who were accomplices with
the adverfe party, he invented new tortures, fometimes
cutting off the hands, at other times thrufling fire in¬
to the privities, of the people whom he fufpefted of be¬
ing his enemies. During thefe cruelties, he aggravated
their guilt by hypocrily, never pronouncing lentence
without a preamble full of gentlenefs and mercy. He
was particularly terrible to the fenate and nobility, the
whole body of whom he frequently threatened entirely
to extirpate. At one time, he furrounded the fenate-
houfe with his troops, to the great confternation of the
fenators. At another, he refolved to amufe himfelf
with their terrors in a different manner. Having in¬
vited them to a public entertainment, he received them
all very formally at the entrance of his palace, and con¬
duced them into a fpacious hall, hung round with black,
and illuminated by a few melancholy lamps, that dif-
fufed light only fufficient to fhow the horrors of the
place. All around were to be feen nothing but coffins,
with the names of each of the fenators written upon
them, together with other oojeCs of terror, and inftru-
ments of execution. While the company beheld all
the preparations with filent agony, feveral men, having
their bodies blackened, each with a drawn fword in one
hand and a flaming torch in the other, entered the hall,
and danced round them. After fome time, when the
guefts expeCed nothing lefs than inftant death, wHl
knowing Domitian’s capricious cruelty, the doors were
fet open, and one of the fervants came to inform them,
that-ihe emperor gave all the company leave to with¬
draw.
Thefe cruelties wTere Tendered flill more odious by
his luff and avarice. Frequently after prefiding at an
execution, he would retire with the lewrdefl proftitutes,
and ufe the fame baths which they did. His avarice,
which was the confequence of his profufion, knew no
bounds. He feized upon the eflates of all againfl: whom
he could find the fmallefl pretenfions ; the molt trifling
aftion or word againft the majefty of the prince was
fufficient to ruin the pofleffor. He particularly exa&ed
large firms from the rich Jews 5 who even then began to
pradtife the art of peculation, for which they are at
prefent fo remarkable. He was excited againfl; them,
not only by avarice, but by jealoufy. A prophecy
had been long current in the eaft, that a perfon from
the line of David fliould rule the world. Whereupon,
this fufpicious tyrant, willing to evade the prediftion,
commanded all the Jews of the lineage of David to be
diligently fought out, and put to death. Two Chrif¬
tians, grandfons of St Jude the apoftle, of that line,
were brought before him ; but finding them poor, and
no way ambitious of temporal power, he difmifled them,
confidering them as obje£Is too mean for his jealoufy.
However, his perfecution of the Chriflians wTas more
fevere than that of any of his predeceflbrs. By his
letters and edicts they were banifhed in feveral parts of
the empire, and put to death with all the tortures of
ingenious cruelty. The predictions of Chaldeans and
aftrologers alfo, concerning his death, gave him mofl
violent apprehenfions, and kept him in the molt tor¬
menting difquietude. As he approached towards the
end of his-reign, he would permit no criminal, or pri-
foner, to be brought into his prefence, till they were
bound in fuch a manner as to be incapable of injuring
15 ] ROM
him ; and he generally fecured their chains in his own Rome,
hands. His jealoulies increafed to that degree, that he -v”—
ordered the gallery in which he walked to be fet round
with a pellucid ftone, which ferved as a mirror to refleCt
the perlbns of all fuch as approached him from behind.
Every omen and prodigy gave him frefli anxiety. 349
But a period was foon to be put to this monfter’s A. confpi-
cruelty. Among the number of thofe whom he at once rac7 f°rm~
careffed and fufpe&ed, was his wife Domitia, w
h0mhima.gainft
he had taken from Allius Lama, her former hufband.
This ■woman, however, was become obnoxious to him,
for having placed her affeCtions upon one Paris, a
player } and he refolved to difpatch her, with feveral
others that he either hated or fufpeCted. It wTas the ty¬
rant’s method to put down the names of all fuch as he
intended to deftroy in his tablets, which he kept about
him with great circumfpeCtion. Domitia, fortunately
happening to get a fight of them, was ftruck at finding
her owm name in the catalogue of thofe fated to deftruc-
tion. She fliowed the fatal lift to Norbanus and Pe-
tronius, praefeCls of the praetorian bands, who found
themfelves fet dowm j as likewife to Stephanus, the
comptroller of the houfehold, wrho came into the con-
fpiracy with alacrity. Parthenius alfo, the chief cham¬
berlain, was of the number. Thefe, after many con-
fultations, determined on the firft opportunity to put
their defign in execution ; and at length fixed on the
18th day of September for the completion of their at¬
tempt. Domitian, whofe death was every day fore¬
told by the aftrologers, wTho, of confequence, muft at
laft be right in their predidHons, was in fome meafure
apprehenfive of that day ; and as he had been ever ti¬
morous, fo he was now more particularly upon his
guard. He had fome time before fecluded himfelf in
the moft fecret recedes of his palace •, and at midnight
was fo affrighted as to leap out of his bed, inquiring
of his attendants what hour of the night it was. Upon
their falfely alfuring him that it was an hour later than
that which he was taught to apprehend, quite tranf-
porled, as if all danger was paft, he prepared to go to
the bath. Juft then, Parthenius his chamberlain came
to inform him that Stephanus the comptroller of his
houfehold defired to fpeak to him upon an affair of the
utmoft importance. The emperor having given orders
that his attendants fhould retire, Stephanus entered
with his hand in a fcarf, which he had worn thus for
fome days, the better to conceal a dagger, as none were
permitted to approach the emperor except unarmed.—
He began by giving information of a pretended confpi-
racy, and exhibited a paper in wdiich the particulars
were fpecified. While Domitian •was reading the con- He
tents with an eager curiofity, Stephanus drew his dag-dered.
ger, and ftruck him in the groin. The wround not be¬
ing mortal, Domitian caught hold of the affaflin, and
threw him upon the ground, calling out for afliftance.
He demanded alfo his fword, that was ufually placed
under his pillow; and a boy who attended in the apart¬
ment running to fetch it, found only the fcabbard, for
Parthenius had previoufly removed the blade. The
ftruggle with Stephanus ftill continued : Domitian ftill
kept him under, and at one time attempted to wreft the
dagger from his hand, at another to tear out his eyes
with his fingers. But Parthenius, with his freedman,
a gladiator, and two fubaltern officers, now coming in,
ran all farioufly upon the emperor, and difpatched him.
witfoi
Rome.
351
€occeius
Nerva
made em¬
peror.
352
His great
clemency
and mode¬
ration.
353.
Makes fe¬
deral good
Jaws.
ROM [2i
vvitli many wounds. In tlie mean time, feme of the
officers of the guard being alarmed, came to his affift-
ance, but too late to fave him 5 however, they flew Ste-
phanus on the fpot.
When it was publicly known that Domitian was
flain, the joy of the fenale was fo great, that being af-
fembled with the utmofl hafte, they began to load his
memory wTith every reproach. His flafues were com¬
manded to be taken down 5 and a decree was made,
that all his inferiptions fhould be erafed, his name
flruck out of the regiflers of fame, and his funeral
omitted. The people, who now took little part in the
affairs of government, looked on his death ■with indif¬
ference •, the foldiers alone, whom he had loaded with
favours, and enriched by largeffes, fincerely regretted
their benefadlor. The fenate, therefore, refolved to
provide a fucceffor before the army could have an op¬
portunity of taking the appointment upon themfelves :
and Cocceius Nerva was chofen to the empire the very
day on which the tyrant was (lain.
Nerva was of an illuflrious family, as moft fay, by
birth a Spaniard, and above 65 years old when he was
called to the throne. He was, at that time, the
moft remarkable man in Rome, for his virtues, mo¬
deration, and refpecl to the lawrs j and he owred his ex¬
altation to the blamelefs conduft of his former life.
When the fenate went to pay him their fubmiffions, he
received them with his accuftomed humility; while
Arius Antonius, his moft intimate friend, having em¬
braced him with great familiarity, congratulated him
on his acceffion to the empire : and indeed no emperor
had ever flievvn himfelf more worthy of the throne than
Nerva 5 his only fault being that he was too indulgent,
and often made a prey by his infidious courtiers.
However, an excefs of indulgence and humanity
were faults that Rome could eafily pardon, after the
cruelties of fuch an emperor as Domitian. Being long
accuftomed to tyranny, they regarded Nerva’s gentle
reign with rapture, and even gave his imbecility the
name of benevolence. Upon coming to the throne, he
folemnly fwore that no fenator of Rome fhould be
put to death by his command, during his reign, though
they gave ever fo juft a caufe. He conferred great fa¬
vours, and beftowed large gifts, upon his particular
friends. His liberality was fo extenfive, that, upon his
firft promotion to the empire, he was conftrained to fell
his gold and filver plate, with his other rich moveables,
to enable him to continue his liberalities. He releafed
the cities of the empire from many fevere impofitions,
which had been laid upon them by Vefpafian ; took off
a rigorous tribute, which had been laid upon carriages j
and reftored thofe to their property who had been un-
juftly difpoffeffed by Domitian.
During his fhort reign he made feveral good laws.
He particularly prohibited the caftration of male chil¬
dren ; which had been likewife condemned by his pre-
deceffor, but not wholly removed. He put all thofe
flaves to death who had, during the laft reign, inform¬
ed againft their mafters. He permitted no ftatues to
be erefted to honour him, and converted into money
fuch of Domitian’s as had been fpared by the fenate.
He fold many rich robes, and much of the fplendid
furniture of the palace, and retrenched feveral unreafon-
nble expences at court. At the fame time, he had fo
little regard for money, that when Herodes Atticus,
6 ] R o M
one of his fubjetls, had found a large treafure, and Roir.r.
wrote to the emperor how to difpofe of it, he received—v"****1
for anfwer, that he might ufe it ; but the finder ftill in¬
forming the emperor that it wfas a fortune too large for
a private perfon, Nerva, admiring his honefty, wrote
him word, that then he might abufe it.
A life of fuch generofity and mildnefs was not,
however, without its enemies. Calpurnius Craffus,
with fome others, formed a dangerous confpiracy to de-
ftroy him •, but Nerva would ufe no feverity : he refted
fatisfied with baniffiing thofe who were culpable, though
the fenate were for inflifting more rigorous punifhments.
But the moft dangerous infurreflion againft his interefts
was from the praetorian bands ; wdio, headed by Cafpa-
rius Olianus, infifted upon revenging the late emperor’s
death, whofe memory was ftill dear to them from his
frequent liberalities. Nerva, wdiofe kindnefs to good
men rendered him ftill more obnoxious to the vicious,
did all in his power to flop the progrefs of this infur-
redtion ; he prefen ted himfelf to the mutinous foldiers,
and, opening his bofom, defired them to ftrike there,
rather than be guilty of fo much injuftice. The foldiers,
how-ever, paid no regard to his remonftrances ; but,
feizing upon Petronius and Parthenius, flew them in the
moft ignominious manner. Not content with this, they
even compelled the emperor to approve of their fedi-
tion, and to make a fpeech to the people, in which he
thanked the cohorts for their fidelity. So difagree-
able a conftraint upon the emperor’s inclinations was,
in the end, attended wdth the moft happy effedls, as it
caufed the adoption of Trajan to fucceed him in the ^54
empire. Nerva perceived that in the prefent turbulent Adopts
difpofition of the times, he flood in need of -an affiftant Trajan as
in the empire, who might fliare the fatigues of govern-^;s lucce1''
ment, and contribute to keep the licentious in awe. For lor‘
this purpofe, fetting afide all his own relations, he fix¬
ed upon Ulpius Trajan, an utter ftranger to his family,
who was then governor in Upper Germany, to fucceed
him. Having put his determination in execution, and
performed the accuftomed folemnities, he inftantly fent
off ambaffadors to Cologne, where Trajan then refided,
intreating his affiftance in punifhing thofe from wffiom
he had received fuch an infult. The adoption of this
admirable man, proved fo great a curb to the licenti-
oufnefs of the foldiery, that they continued in perfect
obedience during the reft of this reign ; and Cafparius
being fent to him, was, by his command, either banifli-
ed or put to death.
The adopting Trajan was the laft public ad of Death of
Nerva. In about three months after, having put him--Nerva.
felf in a violent paffion with one Regulus a fenator, be
was feized with a fever, of which he fliortly after died,
after a fliort reign of one year four months and nine davs.
He wras the firft foreign emperor who reigned in Rome,
and juftly reputed a prince of great generofity and mo¬
deration. Fie is alfo celebrated for his wifdom, though
with lefs reafon, the greateft inftance he gave of it, du¬
ring his reign, being in the choice of his 1’ucceffor. ^
Trajan’s family was originally from Italy, but he him-Great qua-
felf was born in Seville in Spain. He very early ac-htiesof
companied his father, who w?as a general of the Ro-Trajan,
mans, in his expeditions along the Euphrates and the
Rhine j and while yet very young, acquired a confider-
able reputation for military accompliffiments. He
enured his body to fatigue j he made long marches on
foot}
ft O M
Rome, foot j and laboured to acquire all that fkill in war which
wTas neceflary for a commander. When he was made ge¬
neral of the army in Lower Germany, which was one of
the moft confiderable employments in the empire, it
made no alteration in his manners or way of living ;
and the commander was feen noway differing from the
private tribune, except in his fuperior wifdom and vir¬
tues. The great qualities of his mind were accompa¬
nied with all the advantages of perfon. His body was
majeftic and vigorous j he was at that middle time of
life which is happily tempered with the warmth of youth
and the caution of age, being 42 years old. To thefe
qualities were added, a modefty that feemed peculiar to
himfelf alone ; fo that mankind found a pleafure in
prailing thofe accompliihments of which the pofTeffor
feemed no way confcious. Upon the whole, Trajan is
diftinguifhed as the greateft and the belt emperor of
Rome. Others might have equalled him in war, and
fbme might have been his rivals in clemency and good-
nefs 5 but he feems the only prince who united thefe
talents in the greateft perfection, and who appears equal¬
ly to engage our admiration and our regard. Upon be¬
ing informed of the death of Ncrva, he prepared to
return to Rome, whither he was invited by the united
intreaties of the date. He therefore began his march
with a difcipline that was for a long time unknown in
the armies of the empire. The countries through
which he palled were neither ravaged nor taxed, and
he entered the city, not in a triumphant manner, though
he had deferved it often, but on foot, attended by the
civil officers of the date, and followed by his foldiers, who
marched filenily forward with modedy and refpeCL It
Would be tedious and unneceflary to enter into a detail of
this good monarch’s labours for the Hate. His application
to bufinefs, his moderation to his enemies, his modedy in
exaltation, his liberality to the deferving, and his frugality
in his own expences ; thefe have all been the fubieft of
panegyric among his contemporaries, and they continue
to be the admiration of poderity. Upon giving the
prefetd of the pretorian band the fword, according to
cudom, he made ufe of this remarkable expreffion,
“ Take this fword, and ure it, if I have merit, for me j
if otherwife, againd me.” After which he added,
That he who gave laws was the fird who wras bound to
cbferve them. His failings were his love of women,
which, however, never hurried him beyond the bounds
of decency ; and his immoderate paffion for war, to
which he had been bred up from his childhood. The
fird war he tvas engaged in after his coming to the
throne was with the Dacians, who, during the reign of
Domitian, had committed numberlefs ravages upon the
provinces of the empire. He therefore railed a power¬
ful army, and with great expedition marched into thofe
barbarous countries, where he was vigoroudy oppofed
by Decebalus, the Dacian king, who for a long time
withdood his bolded efforts; but was at lad entirely
reduced, and his kingdom made a Roman province,
See Dacia. At his return to Rome, he entered the
eity in triumph *, and the rejoicings for his viClories laded
for the fpace of 120 days.
. Having thus given peace and profperity to the em¬
pire, Trajan continued his reign, loved, honoured, and
aimed adored, by his fubjefts. He adorned the city
with public buildings ; he freed it from fuch men as
laved by their vices 5 he entertained perfons of merit
Voi.. XVIII. Part I.
r 217 j
ROM
with the utmofl: familiarity j and fo little feared his Rome,
enemies, that he could fcarcely be induced to fuppofe v——
that he had any.
It had been happy for this great prince’s memory, jqe
if he had fliown equal clemency to all his fubjefts j but, cutes the
about the ninth year of his reign, he was perfuaded toGhl‘ftiar-s*
look upon the Chridians with a fufpicious eye, The
extreme veneration which he profeffed for the religion
of the empire, fet him feduloully to oppofe every inno¬
vation, and the progrefs of Chriiliaaity leemed to alarm
him. A law had for fome time before been paffed, in
which all Helena;, or focieties diffenting from the eda-
blilhed religion, were confidered as illegal, being repu¬
ted nurferies of impodure and fedition. Under the
fandtion of this law, the Chridians were perfecuted in
all parts of the empire. Gieat numbers of them were
put to death, as well by popular tumults as by edicts
and judicial proceedings. However, the perfecution
ceafed after fome time ; for the emperor having advice
from Pliny, the proconful in Bithynia, of the innocence
and fimplicity of the Chridians, and of their inoffenfive
and moral way of living, hefufpended their pnniihments.
But a total dop was put to them upon Tiberianus the
governor of Paledine’s fending him word, That he was
wearied out with executing the laws againd the Gali¬
leans, who crouded to execution in fuch multitudes,
that he was at a lofs how to proceed. Upon this in¬
formation, the emperor gave orders, that the Chridians
fhould not be fought after •, but if any offered them-
felves, that they fhould differ. In this manner the rage
of perfecution ceafed, and the emperor found leifure to
turn the force of his arms againd the Armenians and
Parthians, who now began to throw off all fubmiffion
to Rome. ^
While, he was employed in thefe wars, there was a Infurrec-
dreadful infurredlion of the Jews in all parts of the em- bon of the
pire. This wretched people, dill infatuated, and ever Jews‘
expe£!ing fome fignal deliverer, took the advantage of
Trajan’s abfence in the ead to maffacre all the Greeks
and Romans whom they got into their power, without
relu&ance or mercy. This rebellion fird began in Gy¬
rene, a Roman province in Africa j from thence the
dame extended to Egypt, and next to the ifland of Cy¬
prus. Thefe places were in a manner dlfpeopled with
ungovernable fury. Their barbarities were fuch, that
they ate the fleffi of their enemies, wore their fkins,
fawed them afunder, cad them to wild beads, made them
kill each other, and dudied new torments by which to
dedroy them. However, thefe cruelties were of no
long, duration : the governors of the refpetdive provinces
making head againd their tumultuous fury, foon treat¬
ed them with a retaliation of cruelty, and put them to
death, not as human beings, but as outrageous peds
to fociety. As the Jews had praftifed their cruelties
in Cyprus particularly, a law was publicly ena&ed, by
which it was made capital for any Jew to fet foot on
theifland.
During thefe bloody tranfa&ions, Trajan was pro-Succeffes of
fecuting his fucceffes in the ead. His fird march was Trajan in
into Armenia, the king of which country had declaimedthe ea£t
all alliance with Rome, and received the enfigns of roy¬
alty and dominion from the monarch of Parthia. How¬
ever, upon the news of Trajan’s expedition, his fears
were fo great, that he abandoned his country to the
invaders j while the greated part of his governors and
E e nebility
ROM [2:
nobility came fubmiflively to the emperor, acknow¬
ledging themfelves his fubjefts, and making him the
molt coftiy prefents. Having in this manner taken
pofleflion of the whole country, and gotten the king
into his power, he marched into the dominions of the
king of Parthia. There entering the opulent kingdom
of Mefopotamia, he reduced it into the form of a Ro¬
man province. From thence he went againft the Par-
thians, marching on foot at the head of his army j in
this manner crolfing the rivers, and conforming to all
the feverities of diicipline which were impofed on the
meaneft foldier. His fuccefies againft the Parthians
were great and numerous. He conquered Syria and
Chaldea, and took the famous city of Eabylon. Here,
attempting to crcfs the Euphrates, he was oppofed by
the enemy, who were refolved to flop his paffage : but
he fecretly caufed boats to be made upon the adjoining
mountains ; and bringing them to the water fide, paffed
his army with great expedition, not, however, without
great daughter on both fides. From thence he tra¬
veled tradfs of country which had never before been
invaded by a Roman army, and feemed to take a plea-
flire in purfuing the fame march which Alexander the
Great had formerly marked out for him. Having
paffed the rapid ftreams of the Tigris, he advanced to
the city of Cteliphon, which he took, and opened himfelf
a paffage into Perfia, where he made many conquefts,
that were rather fplendid than ferviceable. After fub-
duing all the country bordering on the Tigris, he
marched fouthward to the Perfian gulf, where he fub-
dued a monarch who poffeffed a confiderable iiland
made by the divided ftreams of that river. Here, win¬
ter coming on, he was in danger of lofing the greateft
part of his army by the inclemency of the climate and
the inundations of the river. He therefore with inde¬
fatigable pains fitted out a lleet, and failing down the
Perfian gulf, entered the Indian ocean, conquering,
even to the Indies, and fubduing a part of them to the
Roman empire. He was prevented from purfuing fur¬
ther conquefts in this diftant country, both by the re¬
volt of many of the provinces he had already fubdued,
and by the fcarcity of provifions, ’which feemed to con¬
tradict the reports of the fertility of the countries he
was induced to invade. The inconveniences of increa-
fing age alfo contributed to damp the ardour of this
enterprife, which at one time he intended to purfue to
the confines of the earth. Returning, therefore, along
the Perfian gulf, and fending the fenate a particular
account of all the nations he had conquered, the names
of which alone compofed a long catalogue, he prepared
to punilh thofe countries which had revolted from him.
He began by laying the famous city of Ede-ffa, in Me¬
fopotamia, in allies \ and in a Ihort fpace of time, not
only retook all thofe places which had before acknow¬
ledged fubjeCtion, but conquered many other provinces,
fo as to make himfelf mailer of the moft fertile king¬
doms of all Afia. In this train of fucceffes he fcarce
met with a repulfe, except before the city Atra, in the
deierts of Arabia. 'W herefore judging that this was a
proper time for bounding his conquefts, he refolved to
give a mafter td the countries he had fubdued. With
this refolution he repaired to the city Cteliphon, in
Perfia ; and there, with great ceremony, crowned Par-
thamafpates king of Parthia, to the great joy of all his
fubjefls. He eftablilhed another king alfo over the
8 ] ROM
kingdom of Albania, near the Cafpian fea. Then Rome,
placing governors and lieutenants in other provinces, v 'J
he refolved to return to his capital in a more magnifi¬
cent manner than any of his predeceffors had dene be¬
fore him. He accordingly left Adrian general of all
his forces in the eaft j and continued his journey to¬
wards Rome, where the moft magnificent preparations
were made for his arrival. But he had not proceeded
farther than the province of Cilicia, when he found
himfelf too weak to travel in his ufual manner. He
therefore caufed himfelf to be carried on Ihip-board
to the city of Seleucia, where he died of apoplexy,
having been once before attacked by that diforder.
During the time of his indifpofition, his wife Piotina
conftantly attended near him j and, knowing the empe¬
ror’s diflike to Adrian, it is thought forged the will,
by which he was adopted to fucceed. ^
Trajan died in the 63d year of his age, after a reign He die?,
of nineteen years fix months and fifteen days. How and is fur-
highly he w’as efteemed by his fubjedts appears by their ce^.e^ k?
manner of bleffing his fucceffors, always wilhing them lia'”
the fortune of Auguftus, and the goodnefs of Trajan.
His military virtues, however, upon which he chiefly
valued himfelf, produced no real advantages to his
country 5 and all his conquefts difappeared, when the
power wTas withdrawn that enforced them.
Adrian wras by defeent a Spaniard, and his anceftots
were of the fame city where Trajan w’as born. Fie wras
nephew to Trajan, and married to Sabina his grand-niece.
When Trajan wras adopted to the empire, Adrian wras a
tribune of the army in Msefia, and wTas fent by the troops
to congratulate the emperor on his advancement. Howr-
ever, his brother-in-law, who defired to have an op¬
portunity of congratulating Trajan himfelf, fupplied
Adrian w:ith a carriage that broke dowrn on the way.
But Adrian was refoived to lofc no time, and perform¬
ed the reft of the journey on foot. This afliduity was
very pleafing to the emperor } but he difliked Adrian
from feveral more prevailing motives. His kinfman
was expenfive, and involved in debt. He w^as, befides,
inconftant, capricious, and apt to envy another’s repu¬
tation. Thefe were faults that, in Trajan’s opinion,
could not be compenfated either by bis learning or his
talents. His great Ikill in the Greek and Latin lan¬
guages, his intimate acquaintance with the law s of his
country and the philofophy of the times, wTere no in¬
ducement to Trajan, wTho, being bred himfelf a foldier,
defired to have a military man to fucceed him. For
this reafon it was that the dying emperor w’ould by no
means appoint a fucceffor j fearful, perhaps, of injuring
his great reputation, by adopting a perfon that was
unworthy. His death, therefore, was concealed for
fome time by Piotina his wife, till Adrian had found¬
ed the inclinations of the army, and found them firm
in his interefts. They then produced a forged in-
flrument, importing that Adrian was adopted to fuc¬
ceed in the empire. By this artifice he was elected by
all orders of the ftate, though then abfent from Rome,
being left at Antioch as general of the forces in the
eaft.
Upon Adrian’s eleflion, his firft care was to write
the fenate, excufing himfelf for affuming the empire
without their previous approbation \ imputing it to the
hafty zeal of the army, who rightly judged that the fe¬
nate ought not long to remain without a head. He
then
ROM [ 219 ] ROM
Trajan*
Eome. then began to purine a courfe quite op polite to that of
}jjs predeceflbr, taking every method of declining war,
and promoting the arts of peace. He was quite fatis-
fied with prelerving the ancient limits of the empire,
3S1 and feemed no way ambitious of extenfive conquett.
He aban- For this reafon he abandoned all the conqueds which
faftern co^6 Trajan made, judging them to be rather an incon-
euefts of°n" ven*ence t^an an a^vantage t0 the empire j and made
the river Euphrates the boundary of the empire, pla¬
cing the legions along its banks to prevent the incur-
fions of the enemy.
Having thus fettled the affairs of the eaft, and lea¬
ving Severus governor of Syria, he took his journey
by land to Rome, fending the alhes of Trajan thither
by fea. Upon his approach to the city, he was in¬
formed of a magnificent triumph that was preparing
for him j but this he modetfly declined, defiring that
thofe honours might be paid to Trajan’s memory
which they had defigned for him. In confequence
of this command, a molt fuperb triumph was decreed,
in which Trajan’s ftatue was carried as a principal
figure in the proceflion, it being remarked that he
was the only man that ever triumphed after he was
dead. Not content with paying him thefe extraordi¬
nary honours, his alhes were placed in a golden urn,
Upon the top of a column 140 feet high. On this
were engraven the particulars of all his exploits in
baffo relievo •, a work of great labour, and which is
Rill remaining. Thefe teltimonies of refpedt to the
memory of his predeceffor did great honour to the heart
of Adrian. His virtues, however, were contrafled by
•a ftrange mixture of vices 5 or to fay the truth, he
wanted ftrength of mind to preferve his general rec¬
titude of chara£ler without deviation. As an em¬
peror, however, his conduct -was moft admirable, as
all his public tranfaftions appear dictated by the
founded policy and the moft difinterefted wifdom.
But thefe being already enumerated under the ar¬
ticle Adrian, it would be fuperfluous to repeat them
in this place. He was fucceeded by Marcus Anto-
362 ninus, afterwards furnamed the Pious, whom he had a-
Cames of dopted fome time before his death. See ANTONINUS
the decline r> •
oftheRo- .
man cm- * rom the beginning of the reign of Antoninus Pius,
pire.
we may date the decline of the Roman empire. From
the time of Caefar to that of Trajan, fcarce any of the
emperors had either abilities or inclination to extend
the limits of the empire, or even to defend it againlt
the barbarous nations who furrounded it. During all
this fpace, only fome inconfiderable provinces to the
northward of Italy, and part of the bland of Britain,
had been fubjugated. However, as yet, nothing was
loft $ but the degeneracy and corruption of the people
had fown thofe lecds of diffolution which the empire
quickly began to feel. The diforders were grown to
fuch an height, that even Trajan himfelf could not cure
them. Indeed his eaftern conquefts could fcarce have
been preierved though the republic had been exifting
in all its glory 5 and therefore they were quietly re-
figned by his fucceffor Adrian, as too dittant, difaffec-
ted, and ready to be overrun by the barbarous nations.
The province of Dacia, being nearer to the centre of
government, was more eafily preferved j and of confe¬
quence remained for a long time fubjedf to Rome.
During the 23 years of the reign of Antoninus, few
remarkable events happened. The hiftorians of thofe
times are exceffive in their praifes of his juftice, ge-
nerofity, and other virtues, both public and private.
He put a flop to the perfecution of the Chriftians.
which raged in the time of Trajan and Adrian, and
reduced the Brigantes, a tribe of Britons, who had
revolted. During his reign, feveral calamities be-
fel the empire. The Tiber, overflowing its banks,
laid the lower part of Rome under water. The inun¬
dation was followed by a fire, and this by a famine,
which fwept off great numbers, though the emperor
took the utmoft cars to fupply the city from the moft
diftant provinces. At the fame time tile cities of Nar-
bonne in Gaul, and Antioch in Syria, together with
ths great iquare in Cartilage, were deftroyed by fire ;
however, the emperor foon rellored them to their for¬
mer condition. He died in the year 163, univerfally
lamented by his fubjefts, and was 'fucceeded by Marcus
Aurelius, furnamed the Philofopher, whom he had
adopted towards the latter end of his reign.
I he tranfaftions of this emperor the reader will
find related under the article ANTONINUS Philofophus
(a).
E e 2 After
Rome.
(a) As, after the death of Marcus Aurelius, the Roman empire declined very faft, it may not be amifs here
to give fome account of the military and other eftablithments of the Roman emperors. Mr Gibbon obferves,
that, in the times of the commonwealth, the ufe of arms was confined to thofe who had fome property to de¬
fend, and an intereft in maintaining the laws which were propofed to be enafted. But, as the public freedom
declined, and war became degraded into a trade, thofe who had the property of the country chofe rather to hire
others than to expofe their own perfons, as is the cafe with our modern armies. Yet, even after all confidera-
tion of property had been laid afide among the common foldiers, the officers continued to be chofen from among
thofe who had a liberal education, together with a good ffiare of property. However, as the common foldier-s
in which the ftrength of an army confifts, had now no more of that virtue called patriotifm, the legions which
were formerly almoft invincible, no longer fought with the fame ardour as before. In former times, the pro-
feffion of a foldier was more honourable than any other ; but, when the foldiers came to be looked upon as hire¬
lings, the honour of the profeffion funk of courfe, and, by this means, one of the ftrongeft motives which the
foldiers had to fubmit to their fevere difeipline, and exert themfelves againft their enemies, was removed. On
the very firft entrance of a foldier into the Roman fervice, a folemn oath was adminiftered to him, by which he
engaged ^never to defert his ftandard; to fubmit his own will to that of his leaders, and to facrifice his life
for the fafety of the emperor and the empire. The attachment which the Romans had to their ftandards
was indeed aftomthing. The golden eagle, which appeared in the front of the legion, was almoft an objeft of
adoration with them) and it was eftesnied impious, as well as ignominious, to abandon that facred en-
fign
Rome.
ROM f 220 j ROM
After the death of Marcus Aurelius, his fon Com- ther : and fo prone to vice, that he was generally be-
modus fucceeded to the imperial throne without oppo- lieved to have been the fon, not of Marcus Aurelius,
ftlion. He was in every refpeft unworthy of his fa- but of a celebrated gladiator, with whom the emprefs
Fauttina
Rome-
fign in the time of danger. The centurions had a right to punilh with blows, the generals writh death ; and
it was an inflexible maxim of the Roman difcipline, that a good loldicr ftiould dread his officers much more than
the enemy.
Notwithftanding all this, fo fenfible were the Romans of the infufficiency of mere valour without fkill, that
military exercifes were the unremhted objeff of their difcipline. The recruits and young foidiers were con-
ftantly trained both in the morning and evening j and even the veterans were not excufed from the daily repeti¬
tion of their exercife. Large ffieds were eredded in the winter-quarters of the troops, that thefe ufeful labours
might not be interrupted by tempeftuous weather, and the weapons ufed in thefe imitations of war were always
twice as heavy as thofe made ufe of in real aftion. The foidiers were diligently inttruefed to march, to run, leap,
fw'im, carry heavy burdens, and handle every fpecies of weapon either for oftence or defence j to form a variety
of evolutions; and to move to the found of flutes in the pyrrhic or martial dance. It was the policy of the ableit
generals, and even of the emperors themfelves, to encourage thefe military Rudies by their prefence and ex¬
ample } and we are informed that Adrian, as well as Trajan, frequently condtfcended to inflruft the unexperien¬
ced foidiers, to reward the diligent, and fometimes to difpute with them the prize of fuperior Rrength and dex¬
terity. Under the reigns of thofe princes, the fcience of taffies was cultivated with fuccefs 5 and, as long as
the empire retained any vigour, their military inflrudions were refpeded as the moR perfed model of Roman
difcipline.
From the foundation of the city, as the Romans had in a manner been continually engaged in war, many alte¬
rations had taken place in the conRitution of the legions. In the time of the emperors, the heavy-armed infan¬
try, which compofed its principal Rrength, was divided into 10 cohorts and 55 companies, under the orders of a
correfpondcnt number of tribunes and centurions. The firR cohort, which always claimed the poR of honour
and the cuRody of the eagle, was formed of 1105 foidiers, the moR approved for valour and fidelity. The re¬
maining nine cohorts confiRed each of 555 } and the whole body of legionary infantry confided of 6100 men.
Their arms were uniform, and excellently adapted to the nature of their fervice) an open helmet with a lofty
creR ; a breaRplate or coat of mail 5 greaves on their legs, and a large buckler on their left arm. Their buckler
was of an oblong and concave figure, four feet in length, and two and an half in breadth *, framed of a light
wood, covered with a bull’s hide, and flrongly guarded with brafs plates. Befides a lighter fpear, the legionary
carried the pilum, a ponderous javelin about fix feet long, and terminated by a maffy triangular point of Reel 18
inches in length. This weapon could do execution at the diRance of 10 or 12 paces ; but its flroke was fo power¬
ful, that no cavalry durR venture within its reach, and fcarce any armour could be formed proof againR it. As
foon as the Roman had darted his pilum, he drew his fword, and ruflred forward to clofe with the enemy. It
was a fhort well-tempered Spanifh blade with a double edge, and equally calculated for the purpofes of puRiing
and flriking •, but the foldier was always inRrufted to prefer the former ufe of his own weapon, as his body re¬
mained thereby the lefs expofed, while at the fame time he infli&ed a more dangerous wound on his adverfary.
The legion was ufually drawn up eight deep ; and the regular diRance of three feet wras left between the files
and ranks. Thus the foldier pofleffed a free fpace for his arms and motions } and fufficient intervals were allow¬
ed, through which feafonable reinforcements might be introduced to the relief of the combatants. The cavalry,
without which the force of the legion remained imperfect, was divided into ten troops or fquadrons: the firR, as
the companion of the nrfl cohort, confifled of 132 men j whilR each of the other nine amounted only to 66.
The entire eflabliRiment formed a body of '726 horfe, naturally connefted with its refpeftive legion j but occa-
fionally a£ting in the line, and compofing a part of the wings of the army. The cavalry of the ancient republic
was compofed of the nobleR youths of Rome and Italy, who, by performing their military lervices on horfe-
back, prepared themfelves for the offices of fenator and conful j but after the alteration of manners and govern¬
ment which took place at the end of the commonwealth, the moR wealth^- of the equeflrian order were engaged
in the adminiRration of juRice and of the revenue ; and, whenever they embraced the profeflion of arms, they
were immediately entrufted with a troop of horfe or a cohort of foot, and the cavalry, as well as the infantry,
were recruited from the provinces. The horfes w'ere bred for the moR part in Spain, or in Cappadocia, dhe
Roman troopers defpifed the complete armour which encumbered the cavalry of the eaR. InRead of this, their
arms eonfiRed only of an helmet, on oblong Riield, light boots, and a coat of mail. A javelin and a long broad-
fword were their principal offenfive weapons. They feem to have borrowed the ufe of lances and iron maces from
the barbarians.
Befides the legionaries, the Romans, efpecially in the times of the emperors, began to take auxiliaries, into
their pay. Confiderable levies were regularly made among thofe provincials who had not yet attained to the rank
cf Roman citizens. Many dependent princes and communities, difperfed round the frontiers, were permitted, for
a while, to hold their freedom and fecurity by the tenure of military fervice. Even felcdt troops of barbarians
were compelled to enter into the fervice •, which was afterwards found to be a moR deRruftive expedient, not
only as it carried the Roman military fkill among barbarians who were otherwife unacquainted with it, but it
gave thefe auxiliaries themfelves frequent opportunities of revolting, and a± lafl of dethroning the emperors at
pleafure, and even of overturning the empire itfelf. The number of auxiliaries was feldom inferior to that of
R O M 1 22
Rome. Fauftim was fuppofed to be intimate. According to
* Mr Gibbon, however, Commodus was not, as has been
reprefented, a tiger born with ah ini'atate third of hu-
i 3 ROM
man blood, and capable from his infancy of the mod
inhuman aftions. Nature had formed him of a weak,v
rather than a wicked difpofition. His fimplicity and
timidity
the legionaries themfelves. The braved and mod faithful bands among them were placed under the command of
prefers and centurions, and ieverely trained in the arts of Roman difcipline } but the far greater part retained
thofe arms which they had uied in their native country. By this inditution, each legion, to whom a certain
number of auxiliaries was allotted, contained within itfelf every fpecies of lighter troops, and of midile weapons ;
and was capable of encountering every nation with the advantages of its refpective arms and difcipline. Nor was
the legion deditute of what, in modern language, would be iiyled a train of artillery. This confided of io mili¬
tary engines of the larged fize, and 56 fmaller ones $ but all of them, either in an oblique or horizontal manner,
difcharged dones and darts with irrefidible violence.
The camp of a Roman legion prefented the appearance of a fortified city. As foon as the fpace was marked
out, the pioneers carefully levelled the ground, and removed every impediment that might interrupt its perfeft re¬
gularity. Its form was an exact quadrangle ; and it may be computed that a fquare of 700 yards was fufficient
for the encampment of 20,000 Romans, though a fimilar number of modern troops would expofe to the enemy a
front of more than treble that extent. In the midd of the camp, the praetorium, or general’s tent, arofe above the
others j and the cavalry, infantry, and auxiliaries, had each their refpe&ive dations appointed them. The dreets
were broad, and perfectly draight ; and a vacant fpace of 200 feet vcas left on all fides between the tents and ram¬
part. The rampart itfelf was 12 feet high, armed with a line of drong and intricate palifades, and defended by a
ditch 12 feet deep and as much broad. This labour %vas performed by the legions themfelves, to whom the ufe of
the fpade and the pick-axe was no lefs familiar than that of the fword or pilum. Whenever the trumpet gave the
fignal of departure, the camp was almod inftantlyNbroke up, and the troops fell into their ranks without delay or
confufion. Befides their arms, which the foldiers fcarcely confidered as an incumbrance, they were laden with their
kitchen-furniture, the indruments of fortification, and provifions for many days. Under this weight, which would
opprefs a modern foldier, they were taught to advance by a regular dep, near 20 miles in fix hours. On the ap¬
pearance of an enemy, they threw afide their baggage, and, by eafy and rapid evolutions, converted the column of
march into an order of battle. The dingers and archers ikirmiihed in the front; the auxiliaries formed the fird
line, and were feconded or fudained by the legions. The cavalry covered the danks, and the military engineers
were placed in the rear.
The numbers of the Roman armies are not eafily calculated with any tolerable accuracy. We may compute,
however, that the legion, which confided of 6831 Romans, might, with its attendant auxiliaries, amount t®
I 2,500 men. The peace edablifbment of Adrian and his fucceffors was compofed of no fewer than 30 of thefe
formidable brigades j and mod probably formed an army of 370,000 men. Indead of being confined within the
walls of fortified cities, which the Romans confidered as the refuge of weaknefs or pufillanimity, the legions were
encamped on the banks of the great rivers, and along the frontiers of the barbarians. Three legions were fufficient
for Britain. The principal drength lay upon the Rhine and Danube, and confided of 16 legions, difpofed in the
following proportions : two in the Lorver, and three in the Upper Germany j one in Rhgetia ; one in Noricum j
four in Pannonia ; three in Maefia •, and two in Dacia. The defence of the Euphrates was intruded to eight le¬
gions, fix of whom were placed in Syria, and the other two in Cappadocia. With regard to Egypt, Africa, and
Spain, as they were far removed from any important fcene of war, a fingle legion maintained the domedic tranquil¬
lity of each of thofe great provinces. Italy was defended by the city cohorts and prsetorian guards formerly men*
tioned. Thefe differed nothing from the legions in their arms and inditutions, except in a more fplendid appear*
ance, and a lefs rigid difcipline.
The Roman navy, though fufficient for every ufeful purpofe of government, never feemed adequate to the great-
nefs of the empire. The policy of the emperors was direfled only to preferve the peaceful dominion of the Me¬
diterranean fca, which was included within their dominions, and to protect the commerce of their fubje&s. Two
permanent fleets were Rationed by Augudus, one at Ravenna on the Adriatic, and the other at Mifenum in the
bay of Naples. A very confiderable force was alfo Rationed at Frejus in Provence j and the Euxine was guarded
by 40 (hips and 3000 foldiers. To all thefe we may add the fleet which preferved the communication between
Gaul and Britain, and a great number of veffels conflantly maintained on the Rhine and Danube to harafs the ene¬
my, or intercept the paffage of the barbarians. The whole military eflabliihment by fea and land amounted to
about 450,000 men.
It was not, however, to this formidable power alone that the empire owed its greatnefs. The policy of the laws
contributed as much to its fupport as the martial eflabliflunent itfelf. According to Mr Gibbon, though the pro¬
vinces might occafionally fuffer from the partial abufe of delegated authority, the general principle of government
was wife, fimple, and beneficent. Among thefe beneficent principles he reckons that of univerfal toleration •, but
to this there were feveral exceptions : for the Britifh Druids were perfecuted and dedroyed by the Romans on ac¬
count of their religion ; the Egyptians and Jews were fometimes perfecuted j and the Chridians were frequently
fo, and that even under the very bed emperors, Trajan and Marcus Aurelius. However, as a very general tolera¬
tion of religious fentiments did take place under the heathen emperors of Rome, we mud certainly look upon this
as one of the caufes of the profperity of the empire.
Another thing which greatly contributed to the ftrength and profperity of the empire, was the extending of the
freedom
Rome.
-V »
ROM [ 222 ] ROM
, timidity rendered him the flave of his attendants, who habit, and at length became the ruling paffion of his
-6^ gradually corrupted his mind. His cruelty, which at foul.” But, however this may be, it is certain that the
Monflrous obeyed the dictates of others, degenerated into actions of this emperor were flagitious almofl: beyond
cruelty of ' a
Conun od us,    .  
Roms.
freedom of Rome to fo many people. “ The narrow policy (fays Mr Gibbon) of preferving, without any foreign
mixture, the pure blood of the ancient citizens, had checked the fortune and battened the ruin of Athens and Spar¬
ta. During the rnoft flourifning era of the Athenian commonwealth, the number of citizens decreafed gradually
from about 30,000 to 21,000, If, on the contrary, we ftudy the growth of the Roman republic, tve may difcover,
that notwithftanding the inceflant demands of wars and colonies, the citizens, who, in the time of Servius Tullius,
amounted to no more than 83,000, were multiplied, before the end of the focial war, to the number of 463,000
men able to bear arms in the fervice of their country. When the allies of Rome claimed an equal thare of honours
and privileges, the fenate preferred the chance of war to a conceffion ; however, at laft, all the Italian Rates, except
the Samnites and Lucanians, were admitted into the bofom of the republic, and foon contributed to the ruin of
public freedom. When the popular affemblies had been fuppreffed by the adminiftration of the emperors, the con¬
querors were diflinguifhed from the vanquilhed nations only as the firR and mofl honourable order of fubjefts j and
their increafe, however rapid, was no longer expofed to the fame dangers. Yet the princes who adopted the max¬
ims of Auguflus, guarded with the RrifteR care the dignity of the Roman name, and diffufed the freedom of the
city with a prudent liberality.
“ Till the privileges of the Romans had been progreffively extended to all the inhabitants of the empire, an im¬
portant diflinftion was preferved between Italy and the provinces. The eRates of the Italians were exempted from
taxes, and their perfons from the arbitrary jurifdi-flion of governors. From the foot of the Alps to the extremity
Cif Calabria, all the natives of Italy were born citizens of Rome. The provinces of the empire were deflitute of
any public force or conflitutional freedom. The free Rates and cities, which had embraced the caufe of Rome,
were infenfibly funk into real fervitude. The public authority was everywhere engroffed by the miniflers of the
fenate and of the emperors, and that authority wTas abfolute. But the fame falutary maxims of government which
had fecured the peace and obedience of Italy, were extended to the moR diflant conqueRs. A nation of Romans
was gradually formed in the provinces, by the double expedient of introducing colonies, and of admitting the moR
faithful and deferving provincials to the freedom of Rome.
“ So fenflble were the Romans of the influence of language over national manners, that it was their mofl ferr¬
ous care to extend, with the progrefs of their arms, the uie of the Latin tongue. The eaflern provinces, how¬
ever, were lefs docile in this refpeft than the w7eRern ones j and this obvious difference made a diflinftion between
the tw'O portions of the empire, which became very remarkable when it began to decline. Nor was the influence
of the Greek language and fentiments confined to the narrow limits of that once celebrated country. Their em¬
pire, by the progrefs of colonies and conqueR, had been diffufed from the Adriatic to the Euphrates and Nile.
Alia was covered with Greek cities, and the long reign of the Macedonian kings had introduced a filent revolution
into Syria and Egypt. In their pompous courts, thofe princes united the elegance of Athens with the luxury of
the eafl ; and the example of the court was imitated, at an humble diRance, by the higher ranks of their fubjecls.
' Such was the general divifion of the Roman empire into the Latin and Greek languages } to which we may
add a third diflinftion for the body of the natives in Syria, and efpecialiy in Egypt. The ufe of their ancient
dialefts, by fecluding them from the commerce of mankind, checked the improvements of thefe barbarians. The
Rothful effeminacy of the former expofed them to the contempt, the fullen ferocioufnefs of the latter excited the
averfion, of the Roman conquerors. They feldom deflred or deferved the freedom of the city ; and it is remarked,
that more than 230 years elapfed after the ruin of the Ptolemies, before a native Egyptian was admitted into the
fenate of Rome.
“ The number of fubjefls who acknowledged the laws of Rome, of citizens, of provincials, and of flaves, can¬
not now be fixed with fuch accuracy as the importance of the objedl would deferve. We are informed, that
when the emperor Claudius exercifed the office of cenfor, he took an account of 6,945,200 Roman citizens ;
who, with the proportion of women and children, muR have amounted to about 20,000,000 of fouls. I he
multitude of fubjefts of an inferior rank was uncertain and fiu&uating : but after weighing with attention every
circumAance which could influence the balance, it feems probable that there exifled, in the time of Claudius,
about twice as many provincials as there were Roman citizens, of either fex, and of every age } and that the
Raves were at leafl equal in number to the free inhabitants of the Roman world. Fne total amount of this im¬
perfect calculation would rife to about 1 20 millions of perfons; a degree of population which pofiibly exceeds
that of modern Europe, and forms the moA numerous fociety that has ever been united under the fame fyRem oi
government.
“ DomeRic peace and union were the natural confequences of the moderate and comprehenfive pcricy emura-
ced by the Romans. The vanquiflred nations, blended into one great people, refigned. the hope, nay even the
wifh, of refuming their independence, and fcarcely confidered their own exxRence as diAinft from the exiRence of
Rome. The eRablilhed authority of the emperors pervaded, without an effort, the wide extent of their domi¬
nions, and was exercifed with the fame facility on the banks of the Thames, or of the Nile, as on thofe of the
ffiber. The legions were deAined to ferve againR the public enemy, and the civil magiflvate feldom required the
aid of a military force.
“ It Was fcarcely poflible that the eyes of contemporaries ihould difcover in the public felicity the latent caufcs
of decay and corruption. This long peace, and the uniform government of the Romans, introduced a flow anc
. fecret
ROM [ 223 ] ROM
Rome, a parallel. Many very llrange inftances of his cruelty
are related by the ancients. He is faid to have cut
afunder a corpulent man whom he faw walking along
the ftreet 5 partly, to try his own ftrength, in which he
greatly excelled ; and partly, as he himfelf owned, out
of curioiity, to fee his entrails drop out at once. He
took pleaiure in cutting off the feet, and putting out
the eyes, of fuch as he met in his rambles through the
city; telling the former, after he had thus maimed
them, that now they belonged to the nation of Mono-
podh; and the latter, that they were now become Luf-
cinii, alluding to the word lufcus, “ one-eyed.” Some
he murdered becaufe they were negligently dreffed j
others, becaufe they feemed to be trimmed with too
much nicety. He pretended to great fldll in furgery,
efpecially at letting blood : but fometimes, inftead of
eafing by that means thofe whom he vilited, or who
were prevailed upon to recur to him, he cut off, by way
of diverfion, their ears and nofes. His lewdnefs and de¬
baucheries were equally remarkable, and equally infa¬
mous. However, he is faid to have been exceedingly
well Ikilled in archery, and to have performed incredi¬
ble feats in that way. He excelled all men in ftrength *,
and is faid to have run an elephant through with his
fpear, and to have killed in the amphitheatre 100 lions,
one after another, and each of them at one blow. For¬
getful of his dignity, he entered the lifts with the com¬
mon gladiators, and came off conqueror 73 5 times j
whence he often fubfcribed himfelf in his letters, the
conqueror of iooo g/adiators.
The public tranfa&ions of this reign were but very Rome,
few. Soon after his father’s death, Commodus conclu- —-v—
ded a peace with the Marcomanni, Quadi, &c. onHe^64
the following conditions. 1. That they ftiould not eludes^
fettle within live miles of the Danube. 2. That they peace with
fhould deliver up their arms, and fupply the Romans^6 b»rba-
with a certain number of troops when required. ^,nanT"
That they Ihould affemble but once a month, in one
place only, and that in prefence of a Roman centu¬
rion. 4. That they ftiould not make war upon the Ja«
zyges, Buri, or Vandals, without the confent of the
people of Rome. On the other hand, Commodus pro-
mifed to abandon, which accordingly he did, all the
callies and fortreffes held by the Romans in their coun¬
try, excepting fuch as w'ere within five miles of the
Danube. With the other German nations, whom his
father had almoft entirely reduced, he concluded a very
di(honourable peace ^ nay, of fome he purchafed it with
large firms of money.
Soon after the return of the emperor to Rome, his
fifter Lucilla, perceiving that he was univerfally abhor¬
red on account of his cruelty, formed a confpiracy
againft his life. Among the confpirators were many
fenators of diftimffion. It was agreed among them that
they ftrould fall upon the emperor while he was going
to the amphitheatre through a narrow and dark paffagej
and that Claudius Pompeianus, to whom Lucilla had
betrothed her daughter, ihould give the firft blow. But
he, inftead of ftriking at once, flrowed him the naked
dagger, and cried out, “ This prefent the fenate fends
you
\
fecret poifon into the vitals of the empire. The minds of men were gradually reduced to the fame level; the
fire of genius rvas extinguilhed, and even the military fpirit evaporated. The natives of Europe were brave? and
robuft. Spain, Gaul, Britain, and Illyricum, fupplied the legions with excellent foldiers, and conftituted the
real ftrength of the monarchy. Their perfonal valour remained j but they no longer poffeffed that public cou¬
rage which is nourilhed by the love of independence, the fenfe of national honour, the prefence of danger, and
the habit of command. They received laws and governors from the will of their'fovereign, and trufted for
their defence to. a mercenary army. The pofterity of their boldeft leaders were contented°with the rank of
dozens and fubjeds. I he moft afpiring fpirits reforted to the court or ftandard of the emperors; and the
deferted provinces, deprived of political ftrength or union, infenfibly funk into the languid indifference of pri¬
vate life. r
“.The love of letters, almoft infeparable from peace and refinement, was fafhionable among the fubjeds of
Adrian and the Antonines; who were themfelves men of learning and curiofity. It was diffufed over the whole
extent of their empire; the moft northern tribes of Britons had acquired a tafte for rhetoric ; Homer as well as
Virgil were tranferibed and ftudied on the banks of the Rhine and Danube; and the moft liberal rewards fought
out the fainteft glimmerings of literary merit. The fciences of phyfic and aftronomy were cultivated with fome
degiee of reputation ; but, if we except Lucian, an age of indolence paffed away without producing a fingle wri¬
ter of genius who deferved the attention of pofterity. The authority of Plato, of Ariftotle, of Zeno, and Epi¬
curus, ftill reigned in the fchools ; and tneir fyliems, tranfmitted with blind deference from one generation of dif-
ciples to another, precluded every generous attempt to correft the errors or enlarge the bounds of the human
mind. The beauties of the poets and orators, inftead of kindling a fire like their own, produced only fervile imi¬
tations ; or, if any ventured to deviate from thefe models, they deviated at the fame time from good fenfe and
propriety. The provincials of Rome, trained by an uniform artificial education, were engaged in a very une¬
qual competition with thofe bold ancients, who, by expreffmg their genuine feelings in their native tongue had
already occupied every place of honour. The name of poet was almoft forgotten ; that of orator was ufurped by
the fophifts. A cloud of critics, of compilers, of commentators, darkened the face of learning, and the decline
of genius vyas foon followed by the corruption of tafte.
“ Longinus obferves and laments.the degeneracy of his contemporaries, which debafed their fentiments enerva¬
ted their courage, and depreffed their, talents; comparing them texpigmies, whofe ftature has been diminiihed by
confiant pieilure on tneir limbs. . 1 his diminutive ftature of mankind was conftantly finking below the old ftand-
ard, and the Roman world was indeed peopled by a race of pigmies ; when the fierce giants of the north broke
in and mended the puny breed. They reftored a manly freedom ; and, after the revolution of ten centuries, free¬
dom became the happy parent of tafte and fcience.”
ROM [ 224 ] ROM
Rflir.e. you To that the guards had time to refcue the empe-
ror) ancj to feize the confpirators, who were foon after
put to death. The emperor banifhed his fitter to the
ifland of Caprete, where he foon after caufed her to be
privately murdered.
The favourite minifter of Commodus was one Pe-
rennis ; who in oppreffion and cruelty feems to have
been nothing inferior to thofe of the moft tyrannical
emperors. During the firft part of the reign of Com¬
modus, he ruled with an abfolute fway } but at laft was
torn in pieces by the enraged foldiery, whom he had
offended by his too great feverity. He was fucceeded
in his place by a freedman named Cicander ; for the em¬
peror himfelf was fo much taken up with his plea-
lures, that he could not beftow even a moment on the
affairs of ftate. The new minifter abufed his power
in a more flagrant manner than even his predeceffor
had done. By him all things were openly fet to fale j
offices, provinces, public revenues, juftice, and the lives
of men both innocent and guilty. The minifter, who
ruled the emperor without controul, infufed fuch ter¬
rors into his timorous mind, that he changed the cap¬
tains of his guaids. almoft continually. One Niger en¬
joyed the dignity only fix hours j another only five days j
and feveral others a ftill fhortcr fpace. Moft of thofe
officers loft their lives along with their employments ;
being accufed of treafon by Cleandcr, who continually
folicited, and at laft obtained, that important poft for
3^5 himfelf. „
Revolt of In the year 1B7 happened a remarkable revolt. One
Matemus. Matemus, a common foldier, having fled from his co¬
lours, and being joined by many others guilty of the
lame crime, grew in a fhort time fo powerful, the ban¬
ditti flocking to him from all parts, that he overran
and plundered great part of Gaul and Spain ; ftormtd
the ftrongeft cities ; and ftruck the emperor and people
of Rome with fuch terror, that troops were railed, and
armies difpatched againft him. Pefcennius Niger was
fent to make head againft him in Gaul, where he be¬
came very intimate writh Severus, who was then gover¬
nor of Lyons, and who wrote a letter to the emperor,
commending the prudent and gallant behaviour of Ni¬
ger in purfuing the rebels. Maternus, finding himfelf
reduced to great ftraits, divided his men into feveral
fmall bands, and marched privately with them by diffe¬
rent ways into Italy •, having nothing lefs in view than
to murder the emperor during the folemnity which was
kept annually in honour of the mother of the gods,
and on his death to feize upon the empire for himfelfi
They all arrived at Rome undifeovered ; and feveral of
his men had already mixed themfelves with the empe¬
ror’s guards, when others of his own party betrayed
him. He was immediately feized and executed •, and
his death put an end to the difturbances wdiich feme of
his followers had begun to raife in other provinces.
In the fame year broke out the moft dreadful plague,
fays Dio Caffius, that had been known. It lafted two
or three years j and raged with the greateft violence at
Rome, w'here it frequently carried off 2000 perfons
a-day. The following year, a dreadful fire, which con-
fumed a great part of the city, was kindled by light¬
ning ; and at the fame time the people were afflidted
with a dreadful famine, occafioned, according to feme
authors, by Cleander, who, having now in view nothing
Ifcfs than the fovereignty itfelf, bought up underhand
3
all the com, in order to raife the price of it, and gain Rctwe.
the affedtions of the foldiery and people by diftribu-
ting it among them. Others tell us, however, that
Papirius Dionyfius, whofe province it was to fupply
the city with provifions, contributed towards the fa¬
mine, in order to make the people rife againft Clean¬
der. Be this as it wall, the populace aferibed all their
calamities to this hated minifter; and one day, wThile the
people were celebrating the Circenfian games, a trcop of
children, having at their head a young woman of an
extraordinary ftature and fierce afpedt, entering the cir¬
cus, began to utter aloud many bitter invedlives and
dreadful curfes againft Cleander ; which being for
feme time anfwered by the people with other invedtives
and curfes, the whole multitude arofe all of a hidden,
and flew to the place where Cleander at that time re-
fided with the emperor. There, renewing their invec¬
tives, they demanded the head of the minifler who had
been the occafion of (o many calamities. Plereupon
Cleander ordered the praetorian cavalry to charge the
multitude ; which they did accordingly, driving them
with great flaughter into the city. But the populace
difeharging {bowers of flones, bricks, and tiles, from
the tops of the houfes and from the windows, and the
city-guards at the fame time taking part with the peo¬
ple, the praetorian horfe were foon obliged to fave them¬
felves by flight : nor was the {laughter ended till the
emperor, apprifed of the tumult, caufed the head of Cle¬
ander to be ftruck off and thrown out to the enraged
populace. The emperor himfelf did not long furvive Commoduj
Cleander ; being cut off by a confpiracy of Marcia his murdered,
favourite concubine, Laetus captain of the guards, and
Eclefhis his chamberlain.
No fooner was the death of Commodus known, than
the fenate affembled, and declared him a public enemy,
loading him with curfes, ordering his ftatues to be bro¬
ken to pieces, and his name to be rafed out of all public
inferiptions; and demanded his body, that it might be
dragged through the ftreets, and thrown into the Ti-
her. But Helvius Pertinax, whom the confpirators
had previoufly defigned for the empire, and who had raifed tothe
already affumed it, prevented fuch an outrage, by let- empire,
ting the fenators know that Commodias was already
buried. This extraordinary perfonage had paffed
through many changes of fortune. He was originally
the fon of an enfranchifed Have, called JElius, who
only gave him fo much learning as t-o qualify him for
keeping a little fhop in the city. He then became a
fchoolmafter, afterwards ftudied the law, and after
that became a fcldier ; in which ftation his behaviour
was fuch as caufed him to be foon made captain of
a cohort againft the Parthians. Being thus introdu¬
ced to arms, he went through the ufual gradation of
military preferment in Britain and Moefia, until he be¬
came the commander of a legion under Aurelius. In
this ftation he performed fuch excellent fervices againft
the barbarians, that he was made conful, and fuccef-
fively governor of Dacia, Syria, and Afia Minor. In
the reign of Commodus he was baniftied ; but foon after
recalled, and fent into Britain to reform the abufes in
the army. In this employment his ufual extraordinary
fortune attended him : he was oppofed by a fedition
among the legions, and left for dead among many
others that were {lain. However, he got over this
danger, feverely puniftied the mutineers, and eftablifti-
ROM l 22s ] ROM
Rome, fed regularity and dlfcipline among tlie troops he was but boldly to feize upon the emperor and empire at Rome.
commanrj> From thence he was removed into
Africa, where the fedition ot the foldiers had like to
have been as fatal to him as in his former government.
Removing from Africa, and fatigued with an aftive
life, he betook himl’elf to retirement: but Commodus,
Willing to keep him Hill in view, made him prefect of
the city ; which employment he filled, when the confpi-
rators fixed upon him as the propereft perfon to fucceed
to the empire.
His being advanced by Commodus only ferved to in-
creafe his fears of falling as an objeft of his fufpicions;
when therefore the confpirators repaired to his houfe by
night, he confidered their arrival as a command from
the emperor for his death. Upon Lmtus entering his
apartment, Pertinax, without any (how of fear, cried
out, That for many days he had expected to end his life
in that manner, wondering that the emperor had defer¬
red it fo long. However, he was not a little furpriled
when informed of the real caufe of their vilit; and be¬
ing ftrongly urged to accept of the empire, he at laft
complied with their offer.
His excel Being carried to the camp, Pertinax was proclaimed
lent reign, emperor : foon after the citizens and fenate confented ;
the joy for the eleftion of a new fovareign being fcarcely
equal to that for the death of the former. The provin¬
ces quickly followed the example of Rome j fo that he
began his reign with uniyerfal fatisfadlion to the whole
empire, in the 68th year of his age.
Nothing could exceed the wifdom and juftice of this
monarch’s reign the fliort time it continued. He pu-
niihed all thofe who had ferved to corrupt the late em¬
peror, and difpofed of his ill-got poffeffions to public
ufes. He attempted to reftrain the licentioufnefs of
the praetorian bands, and put a flop to the injuries and
infolences they committed againft the people. Fie fold
molt of the buffoons and jefters of Commodus as flaves j
particularly fuch as had obfcene names. He continual¬
ly frequented the fenate as often as it fat, and never re-
fufed an audience even to the meaneft of the people. His
fuccefs in foreign affairs was equal to his internal policy.
When the barbarous nations abroad had certain intelli¬
gence that he was emperor, they immediately laid down
their arms, well knowing the oppofition they were to
expeft from fo experienced a commander. His great er¬
ror was avarice j and that, in fome meafure, ferved to
haflen his ruin.
The prsetorian foldiers, whofe manners he had at¬
tempted to reform, having been long corrupted by the
indulgence and profufion of their former monarchs, be¬
gan to hate him for the parfimony and difcipline he had
introduced among them. They therefore refolved to de¬
throne him •, and for that purpofe declared Maternus, an
ancient fenator, emperor, and endeavoured to carry him
to the camp to proclaim him. Maternus, however, wras
too juft to the merits of Pertinax, and too faithful a
fubject, to concur in their feditious defigns ; wherefore
efcaping out of their hands, he fled, firft to the empe¬
ror, and then out of the city. They then nominated
one Falco, another fenator ; whom the fenate would
have ordered for execution, had not Pertinax interpofed,
who declared that during his reign no fenator fhould fuf-
fer death.
The praetorian foldiers then refolved imanimoufly not
to ufe any fecret confpiracies, or private contrivances,
Vol. XVIII. Part I.
once. They accordingly, in a tumultuous manner, v **
marched through the ftreets of Rome, and entered thcj
palace without oppofition. Such was the terror at their eq ^ the
approach, that the greateft part of the emperor’s atten-, rjetorian
dants forfbok him j while thole who remained earneftly foldiers.
intreated him to fly to the body of the people and in-
tereft them in his defence. However, he rejected their
advice ; declaring, that it was unworthy his imperial
dignity, and all lus paft actions, to lave himfelf by flight.
Having thus refolved to face rhe rebels, he had lorne
hopes that his prefence alone would terrify and confound
them. But what could his former virtues, or the dig¬
nity of command, avail againft a tumultuous rabble,
nurfed up in vice, and minifters of foimer tyranny ?
One Thrafius, a Tungrian, ftruck him with his lance
on the breaft, crying out, “ The foldiers fend you this.”
Pertinax finding all was over, covered his head with his
robe, and funk down, mangled with a multitude of
wounds, which he received from various aflafims. Ec-
lebtus, and fome more of his attendants, who attempted
to defend him, were alfb flain : his fon and daughter
only efcaped, who happened to be lodged out of the pa¬
lace. Thus, after a reign of three months, Pertinax fell
a facrifice to the licentious fury of the praetorian army.
From the number of his adventures, he was called the
tennis-ball of Fortune ; and certainly no man ever expe¬
rienced fuch a variety of fituations with fo blamelefs a
character. 371
The foldiers having committed this outrage, retired The empire
with great precipitation ; and getting out of the city exP°fe(lt0
to the reft of their companions, expeditioufly fortified
their camp, expecting to be attacked by the citizens, n^fus ju-
Two days having palled without any attempt of this lianus.
kind, they became more infolent 5 and willing to make
ufe of the power of which they found themfelves pof-
feffed, made proclamation, that they would fell the em¬
pire to whoever would purchafe it at the higheft price.
In confequence of this proclamation, fo odious and un¬
juft, only two bidders were found ; namely, Sulpicia-
nus and Didius Julianus : The former, a confular per¬
fon, praefebt of the city, and fon-in-law to the late em¬
peror Pertinax ; the latter, a confular perfon likewife,
a great lawyer, and the wealthieft man in the city.
He was fitting with fome friends at dinner when the
proclamation was publithed •, and being charmed with
the profpebt of unbounded power, immediately rofe
from table and haftened to the camp. Sulpicianus
was got there before him ; but as he had rather pro-
mifes than treafure to beftow, the offers of Didius, who
produced immenfe fums of ready money, prevailed.
He was received into the camp by a ladder, and they
inftantly fwore to obey him as emperor. From the
camp he Was attended by his new debtors into the
city ; the whole body of his guards, which confifted of
10,000 men, ranged around him in fuch order as if
they had prepared for battle, and not for a peaceful
ceremony. The citizens, however, refufed to confinfj
his elebtion ; but rather curled him as he pafled. Up¬
on being condubhed to the fenate-houfe, he addreffed
the few fenators that were prefent in a very laconic
fpeech: “ Fathers, you want an emperor 5 and I am
the fitted: perfon you can choofe.” But even this, ftiort
as it feems, was unneceffary, fince the fenate had it not
in their power to rcfufe their approbation. His fpeech
F f being
Rome.
Ptf enmus
Ni<>er and
Septisnius
Seveius af-
fame the
empire.
373
Julianus
depofed
arui put to
death.
Pv O M [ 226 ] POM
being backed by the army, to whom he had given
about a million of our money, fucceeded. The choice
of the foldiers tvas confirmed by the fenate, and Didius
was acknowledged emperor, now in the 57Lh year ol his
age.
It Ihould feem by this weak monarch’s conduct when
i'eated on the throne, that he thought the government
of an empire rather a pleafure than a toil. Inftead of
attempting to gain the hearts of his fubjedls, he gave
himfelf up to eafe and inaftivity, utterly regardlels oi
the duties of his ftation. He was mild and gentle in¬
deed 5 neither injuring any nor expedlmg to be injured.
But ti#.t avarice, by which he became opulent, dill fol¬
lowed him in his exaltation } fo that the very foldiers
who eledled him, loon began to deteif him for thofe
ejualities, fo very oppofite to a military charafter. The
people alfo, againft whofe confent he was chofen, were
no lels inimical. Whenever he iffued from his palace,
they openly poured forth their imprecations againit him j
crying out, that he was a thief, and had flolen the em¬
pire. Didius, however, in the true fpirit of a trader,
patiently bore it all 5 lometimes beckoning them with
fmiles to approach him, and teliifying his regard by
every kind of fubmifiion.
While Didius was thus contemptuoufiy treated at
home, two valiant generals, in different parts of the em¬
pire, difclaimed his authority, and boldly refolved to at¬
tempt the throne for themfelves. Thefe were, Pefcen-
nius Niger, governor of Syria ; and Septimius Severus,
commander of the German legions. Niger was beloved
by the people for his clemency and valour ; and the re¬
port of his propofing Periinax for his model, and refol-
ving to revenge his death, gained him univerfal efteem
among the people. Being thus apprifed of their incli¬
nations, he eafily induced his army in Syria to proclaim
him emperor •, and his title was, fiiortly after, acknow¬
ledged by all the kings and potentates in Alia, who fent
their ambaffadors to him as their lawful prince. The
pleafure of being thus treated as a monarch, in feme
meafure retarded his endeavours to fecure his title. En¬
tirely fatisfied with the homage of thofe about him, he
neglefted the opportunities of fuppreff.ng his rivals $ and
gave himfelf up to luxury and feafting at Antioch. The
conduft of Severus, an African by birth, was very dif¬
ferent. Being proclaimed by his army, he began by
premifing to revenge the death of Pertinax, and took
upon him his name. He next fecured the fidelity of all
the ftrong places in his province j and then refolved,
with the utmoft expedition, to march with his whole
force direftly to Rome.
In the mean time, Didius, who difregarded the at¬
tempts of Niger, was greatly alarmed at thofe of Seve¬
rus. He firft, with many folici tat ions, procured the fe¬
nate to proclaim him a traitor. He then applied him¬
felf to make the neceffary provifions to oppofe him, in
which he found nothing but difappointment. The co¬
horts that elected him were enervated by vice and lux¬
ury ; the people detefted his caufe •, and the cities of
Italy had long been difufed to the arts of war. Some
adviftd him to march forward, and meet Severus as he
was eroding the Alps j others were for fending the ge¬
nerals upon that expedition. The unfortunate Didius,
unequal to the talk of empire, and quite confounded
with the multiplicity of counfels, could take no other
refolution but that of awaiting his rival’s coming at Rome.
Rome. Accordingly, fcon after being informed ot his “
approach, he obtained the confent of the fenate to fend
his ambaffadors, offering to make him a partner of the
empire. But Severus rejected this offer, conicious of
his own ftrength, and of the weaknefs of the prepoier.
The fenate icon appeared of the fame fentiments *, and
perceiving the timidity and weaknefs ot their prefent
matter, began to abandon him, alleging, that he who
could not defend the empire was not worthy to govern
it. Didius vainly endeavoured to reduce them to their
duty, firft by intreaties, and then by threats ; but thefe
only ferved to haften his dellrudtion. The fenate be¬
ing called together, as was formerly pra&ifed in the
times of the commonwealth by the confuls, they una-
nimoully decreed, That Didius fhould be deprived of
the empire, and that Severus ihould be proclaimed in
his ftead. They then commanded Didius to be flair. }
and fent mefi'engers for this purpofe to the palace,
where they found him aifarmed, and weeping among
a few friends that ftill adhered to his intereft. When
the executioners began to prepare for their fatal errand,
he expollulated with them, demanding what crime he
had committed ? He could not be perfuaded to think,
that paying his money, and receiving an empire in ex¬
change, deierved fo fevere a punilhment. 1 he execu¬
tioners, however, wrere neither able nor willing to en¬
ter into the merits of the caufe ; they prefently led him
into the fecret baths of the palace, and obliging him
to ftretch his neck forwards, after the manner of con¬
demned criminals, ftruck off his head, and placed it up
in thofe courts where he had formerly pleaded with great
fuccefs.
The fenate having thus difpatched Didius, fent am-5evc/l;s do-
baffadors to Severus, yielding him obedience, granting dared em-
him the enfigns and the ufual titles of empire, and in- peror.
forming him of the death of Didius. Severus, who
was now about 47 years of ago, received them with all'
proper refpe# j and entertaining them honourably, con¬
tinued his march towards Rome. As he came near the
city, his firft exertion of power was, to have all the prae¬
torian foldiers who had lately fold the empire come forth-
unarmed to meet him. Thefe, though fenfible of their
danger, had no other refource left but compliance j and
accordingly came forward with branches of laurel, as if
to welcome his approach. Severus, however, foon {haw¬
ed how little capable their prefent fubmifiion was to
atone for their paft offences : after upbraiding them, in
a ftiort fpeech, with all their crimes, he commanded
them to be inilantly dripped of their military habits,
deprived of the name and honour of foldiers, and banifti-
ed 100 miles from Rome. He then entered the city in
a military manner, took pofft flion of the palace, and
promifed the fenate to conduft himfelf with clemency
and juftice. However, though he united great vigour
with the moft refined policy, yet his African cunning
was confidered as a particular defect in him. He is ce¬
lebrated for his wit, learning, and prudence \ but equal¬
ly blamed for infidelity and cruelty. In fiiort, be feem-
ed alike difpofed to the performance of the greateft afts
of virtue and the moft bloody feverities. He began his
command, by feizing all the children of fuch as had em¬
ployments or authority in the eaft, and detained them as
pledges for their fathers loyalty. He next fupplied the
■Rnrns
. 374
Niger de¬
feated ami
filled.
375
Albinus
defeated
and de-
ftroyed.
ROM [227 ] 11 O M
city with cornand then with all poffible expedition
marched againit Niger, who was hill conlidered and ho¬
noured as emperor of the eaft.
One of the chief obftacles to his march was, the leav¬
ing behind him Clodius Albinus, commander of the le¬
gions in Britain, whom he by all means wilhed to fecure
in his interefts. For this end, he endeavoured to pre¬
vail upon him, by giving him hopes of fucceeding to the
empire ; inllnuating, that he himlelf was declining, and
his children were as yet but infants. To deceive him
ftill farther, he wrote in the fame ilyle to the fenate,
gave him the title of Ctefar, and ordered money to be
coined with his image. Thefe artifices ferving to lull
Albinus into falfe fecurity, Severus marched againft Ni¬
ger with all his forces. After fome undecihve conflidls,
the laft great battle that was fought between thefe ex¬
traordinary men was upon the plains of Ifliis, on the ve¬
ry ipot where Alexander had formerly conquered Da¬
rius, Befides the two great armies drawn up on the
plain, the neighbouring mountains were covered with in¬
finite numbers of people, who were merely led by curi-
ofity to become fpeclators of an engagement that was to
determine the empire of the world. Severus was con¬
queror ; and Niger’s head being ftruck off by fome fol-
diers of the co iquering army, was infuldngly carried
through the camp on the point of a lance.
This vi&ory fecured Severus in the poffeffion of the
throne. However, the Parthians, Perfians, and fome
other neighbouring nations, took up arms, under a pre¬
tence of vindicating Niger’s caufe. The emperor march¬
ed againft: them in perfon, had many engagements with
them, and obtained fuch fignal vidlories over them,
as enlarged the empire, and eftablifhed peace in the
eaft.
Niger being no more, Severus now turned his views
againft Albums, whom he refolved by every means to
de.ftroy. For this nurpofe he fent affilTins into Britain,
under a pretence of bringing him letters, but in reality
to difpatch him. Albinus being apprifed of their de-
figns, prevented their attempt by recurring to open force
and procl iiming himfelf emperor. Nor was he without
a powerful army to fupport his pretenfions j of which
Severus being fenfible, bent his whole force to oppofe
him. From the eaft he continued his courfe acrofs the
ffraits of Bvzantium, into the moft weftern parts of Eu¬
rope, without intermiffion. Albinus being informed of
his approach, went over to meet him with his forces in¬
to Gaul; fo that the campaign on both fides was car¬
ried on with great vigour. Fortune feemed for a w'hilc
variable ; but at laft a decilive engagement came on,
which was one of the moil defperate recorded in the Ro¬
man hiftory. It lafted from morning till night, without
any feeming advantage on either fide ; at length the
troops of Severus began to fly, and he himfelf happen¬
ing to fall from his horfe, the army of Albinus cried
out, Victory. But the engagement was foon renewed
with vigour by Laetus, one of Severus’s commanders,
who came up with a body of referve, defigning to de-
flroy both parties and make himfelf emperor. This at¬
tempt, though defigned againft both, turned out entire¬
ly to the advantage of Severus. He therefore again
charged with fuch fury and exa&nefs, that he foon
plucked the viftory from thofe who but a fhort time be¬
fore feemed conquerors; and purfuing them into the
city of Lyons, took Albinus prifoner, and cut off his
head ; treating his dead body with infults that could on- Rome,
ly flow from a mean and revengeful temper. All the '
fenators who were flain in battle he ordered to be quar¬
tered, and fuch as were taken alive were immediately
executed.
Having thus fecured himfelf in pofieflion of the em¬
pire, upon his return to Rome he loaded his foldiers with
rewards and honours •, giving them fuch privileges as
ftrengthened his own power, while they deftroyed that
of the ftate. For the foldiers, who had hitherto {bowed
the ftrongeft inclination to an abufe of power, were now7
made arbiters of the fate of emperors} and we fhall
henceforward behold them fetting them up, and de¬
throning them, at pleafure.
Being thus fecure of his army, he refolved to give
way to his natural turn for conqueft, and to oppofe his
arms againft the Parthians, who were then invading the
frontiers of the empire. Having therefore previoufly
given the government of domeftic policy to one Plauti-
anus, a particular favourite of his, to whofe daughter
he married his fon Caracalla, he let out for the eait, and
profecuted the wrar with his ufual expedition and fuccefs'.
He forced fubmiflion from the king of Armenia, de¬
ftroyed feveral cities in Arabia Felix, landed on the
Parthian coafts, took and plundered the famous city
Ctefiphon, marched back through Paleftine and Egypt,
and at length returned to Rome in triumph.
During this interval, Plautianus, who was left to di-
reft the affairs of Rome, began to think of afmring to
the empire himfelf. Upon the emperor’s return, he em¬
ployed a tribune of the praetorian cohorts, of which he
was the commander, to affaffinate him, as likewife his
fon Caracalla. The tribune feemed cheerfully to under¬
take this dangerous office *, but inftead of going through
ivith it, informed Severus of his favourite’s treachery.
He at firft received it as an improbable ftory, and as the
artifice of fome one who envied his favourite’s fortune.
However, he was at laft: perfuaded to permit the tribune
to conduft Plaulianus to the emperor’s apartments.
With this intent, the tribune went and amufed him with
a pretended account of his killing the emperor and his
fon, defiring him, if he thought it fit to fee them dead,
to come with him to the palace. As Plautianus ar¬
dently defired their deaths, he readily gave credit to
this relation *, and following the tribune, he was con¬
ducted at midnight into the innermoft receffes of the pa¬
lace. But what muft have been his difappointment,
w’hen, inftead of finding the emperor lying dead, as he
expected, he beheld the room lighted up with torches,
and Severus, furrounded by his friends, prepared in ar¬
ray to receive him. Being afked by the emperor, with
a ftern countenance, what had brought him there at
that unfeafonable time ? he was at firft: utterly confound¬
ed ; wEerefore, not knowing what excufe to make, he
ingenuoufty confeffed the whole, intreating forgivenefs
for what he had intended. The emperor feemed in the
beginning inclined to pardon j but Caracalla his fon,
who from the earlieft: age ftiowed a difpofition to cruel¬
ty, fpurned him away in the midfl: of his fupplications,
and with his fword ran him through the body.
Severus having efcaped this danger, fpent a confider-
able time in vifiting fome cities in Italy, permitting none
of his officers to fell places of truft or dignity, and di-
fiributing juftice with the ftrifteft impartiality. He
took fuch an exafl order in managing his exchequer,
F f 2 that,
ROM [ 228 ] ROM
Rome.
376.
Expedition
of Sever us
into Bri¬
tain.
377
Severus
dies.
37s
Caracalla
and Geta
fucceed.
that, nobvithftanding his great expences, he left more
money behind him than any of his predeccflbrs. His
armies alfo were kept upon the moft reipedtable footing;
fo that he feared no invafion. Being equally attentive
to the prefervation of all parts of the empire, he refol-
ved to make his lalt expedition into Britain, wdiere the
Romans were in danger of being deftroyed or compelled
to fly the province. Wherefore, after appointing his
two fons Caracalla and Geta joint fucceffors in the em¬
pire, and taking them with him, he landed in Britain,
to the great terror ol fuch as had drawn down his refent-
ment. Upon his progrefs into the country, he left his
fon Geta in the fouthern part of the province, which
had continued in obedience, and marched with his Ion
Caracalla againfl: the Caledonians. In this expedition,
his army fuffered prodigious hardfliips in purfuing the
enemy j they were obliged to hew their w7ay through
intricate forefls, to drain extenflve marlhes, and form
bridges over rapid rivers; fo that he loft 50,000 men
by fatigue and ficknefs. However, he fupported all
thefe inconveniences with the greateft bravery j and is
faid to have profecuted his fucceffes with fuch vigour,
that he compelled the enemy to iue for peace } which
they obtained, not without the furrender of a conflder-
able part of their country. We muft here oblerve,
however, that the Pidls and Caledonians are fo often
confounded together by hiftorians, that many miftakes
have thence arifen concerning the progrefs andconquefts
of the Romans in the north of Britain. But from the
boundary formed by the famous wrall of Severus (fee SE-
VERUS's Wa//), w’e muft conclude, that no part of Ca¬
ledonia, properly fo called, had been either on this or
any other occaflon ceded to him ; and there is reafon to
believe, that he rather received checks from the people
of that territory, than was ever able to make any confi-
derable impreflion upon them. Be this, however, as it
may, after having made peace, and built his vrall, he
retired to York 5 where,, partly through grief at the ir¬
reclaimable life of Caracalla, he found bimfelf daily de¬
clining, having already loft the ufe of his feet. To add
to the diftrefs of his fttuation, he was informed that the
foldiers had revolted, and declared his fon emperor. In
this exigence, he feemed once more to recal his natural
vigour j he got himfelf immediately put into his litter,
and commanded the new emperor, with the tribunes
and centurions, to be brought before him. Though all
were willing to court the favour of the young emperor,
fuch w7as the authority of Severus, that none dared to
difobey. They appeared before him confounded and
trembling, and implored pardon upon their knees.
Upon which, putting his hand to his head, he cried
out, “ Know, that it is the head that governs, and not
the feet.” However, foon perceiving his diforder to
increafe, and knowdng that he could not outlive it, he
called for poifon •, which being refufed him, he loaded
his ftomach with food j which not being able to digeft,
it foon brought him to his end, in the 65th year of
his age, after an aftive though cruel reign of about 18
years.
Caracalla and Geta being acknowledged as emperors
by the army, began to fliowr a mutual hatred to each
other even before their arrival at Rome. Their only
agreement was, in refolving to deify Severus their fa¬
ther •, but foon after, each fought to attach the fenate
and army to his own particular intereft. They were
of very oppofite difpofitions: Caracalla was fierce and Rome,
cruel to an extreme degree ; Geta was mild and merci- ' 1 'v J
ful; fo that the city foon found the dangerous effefts of
being governed by two princes of equal power and con¬
trary inclinations. 379
But this oppolition wras of no long continuance ; for Geta mur-
Caracalla being refolved to govern alone, fmioufly en-deredby
tered Geta’s apartment, and, followed by ruffians, flew ^araca^a’
him in his mother’s arms. Having committed this de-
teftable murder, he ilfued wdth great hafte from the pa¬
lace, crying out, That his brother would have flain
him ; and that he was obliged, in felf-defence, to reta¬
liate the intended injury. He then took refuge among
the praetorian cohorts, and in a pathetic tone began
to implore their afliftance, ftill making the fame ex-
cufe for his conduft. To this he added a much more
prevailing argument, promifing to beftow upon them
the largefies ufually given upon the eledion of new em¬
perors, and diftributing among them almoft all the trea-
lures which had been amafled by his father. By fuch
perfuafives the foldiers did not hefitate to proclaim
him foie emperor, and to ftigmatize the memory of his
brother Geta as a traitor and an enemy to the common¬
wealth. The fenators were foon after induced, either
through favour or fear, to approve what had been done
by the army : Caracalla wept for the death of his bro¬
ther whom he had flain ; and, to carry his hypocrify
to the utmoft extreme, ordered him to be adored as a
god. _ _ 380
Being now emperor, he wTent on to mark his courfe Who proven
with blood. Whatever was done by Domitian or Nero a moft
fell ftiort of this monfter’s barbarities. Lretus, who firft|^°^y
advifed him to murder his brother, was the firft wffio fell
a facrifice to his jealoufy. His own wife Plautina fol¬
lowed. Papinian, the renowned civilian, was beheaded
for refilling to write in vindication of his cruelty; an-
fwering the emperor’s requeft, by obferving, That it
was much eafier to commit a parricide than to defend it.
He commanded all governors to be flain that his brother
had appointed 5 and deftroyed not lefs than 2000 per-
fons who had adhered to his party. Whole nights wTere
fpent in the execution of his bloody decrees •, and the
dead bodies of people of all ranks were carried out of
the city in carts, where they wTere burnt in heaps, with¬
out any of the ceremonies of a funeral. Upon a cer¬
tain occafion, lie ordered his foldiers to fet upon a
crowded audience in the theatre, only for difeountenan-
cing a charioteer whom he happened to favour. Per¬
ceiving himfelf hated by the people, he publicly faid,
that he could infure his own fafety though not their
love ; fo that he neither valued their reproaches nor
feared their hatred.
This fafety which he fo much built upon was placed ^
in the protedlion of his foldiers. He had exhaufted
the treafury, drained the provinces, and committed awqjant fol-
thoufand afts of rapacity, merely to keep them ftedfaft T. cruelt7
in his interefts •, and being diipofed to truft himfelf a™* trea"
with them particularly, he refolved to lead them upon
a vifit through all the provinces of the empire. He firft
went into Germany ; where, to oblige the natives, he
dreffed himfelf in the habit of their country. Prom
thence he travelled into Macedonia, where he pretend¬
ed to be a great admirer of Alexander the Great; and
among other extravagancies caufed a ftatue of that
monarch to be made with two faces’) one of which re-
fembled
R O M [2
Rome, fembled Alexander and the other himfelf. He was fo
corrupted by flattery, that he called himfelf Alexander;
walked as he was told that monarch had walked ; and,
like him, bent his head to one flioulder. Shortly after,
arriving at Lefler Alia and the ruins of Troy, as he
was viewing the tomb of Achilles, he took it into his
head to relemble that hero; and one of his freedmen
happening to die at that time, he ufed the fame cere¬
monies that were performed at the tomb of Patroclus.
Faffing thence into Egypt, he maffacred in the moll
terrible manner the inhabitants of Alexandria, on ac¬
count of the fatires they compofed on him, as is related
under the article Alexandria.
Going from thence into Syria, he invited Artaba-
nus king of Parthia to a conference; deffring his
daughter in marriage, and promifing him the molt ho¬
nourable proteftion. In confequence of this, that king
met him on a fpacious plain, unarmed, and only attend¬
ed with a vafl: concourfe of his nobles. This was what
Caracalla defired. Regardlefs of his promife, or the
law of nations, he inftantly furrounded him with armed
troops, let in wild beads among his attendants, and
made a mod terrible daughter among them 5 Artaba-
nus himfelf efcaping with the utmoft difficulty. For
this vile treachery he obtained from the fenate the fur-
name of Parthicus.
Marries his Upon his return towards Rome, it would feem as if
father’s his vices wrere inexhauftible ; for having been guilty of
parricide, he now refolved to marry the mother of Geta
whom he had {lain. It happened that one day feeing
her/drop Ter veil, ■which difclofed her naked bofom,
which was extremely beautiful, he told her, that he
would poffefs thofe charms he beheld, if it were lawful.
To this unnatural requeft the hefitated not to anfwer,
that he might enjoy all things who poffeffed all. Where¬
upon, fetting afide all duty and refpeft for his deceafed
father, he celebrated his nuptials with her in public, to¬
tally difregarding the cenfures and the farcafms of man¬
kind.
However, though he difregarded Ihame, he was not
infenfible to fear. He was ever uneafy in the confci-
oufnefs of being univerfally hated $ and was continually
confulting aftrologers concerning what death he ffiould
die. Among others, he fent one of his confidants, na¬
med Maternianus, with orders to confult all the aftrolo¬
gers in the city concerning his end. Maternianus con-
fidered this as a proper time to get rid of Macrinus,
the emperor’s principal commander in Mefopotamia ;
a man who was daily fupplanting him in his mafter’s
favour. He therefore informed him by letter, as if
from the aftrologers, that Macrinus had a defign againft
„ bis hfe •, and they confequently advifed him to put the
confpirator to death. This letter was fent fealed, and
made up, amongft many others, to be conveyed with
the greater fecrecy, and delivered to the emperor as he
was preparing for a chariot-race. However, as it never
was his cuftom to interrupt his pleafures for his buii-
nefs, he gave the packet to Macrinus to read over, and
to inform him of the contents when more at leifure.
In perufing thefe letters, when Macrinus came to that
which regarded himfelf, he was unable to contain his
furprife and terror. His firft care w^as, to referve the
letter in queftion to himfelf, and to acquaint the em¬
peror only with the fubftance of the reft. He then
lit about the moft probable means of compafling his
129] ROM
death, by which alone he could expeft any fafety. At Rome,
length he determined to apply to one Martialis, a man l——y—^
of great ftrength, and a centurion of the guards, who
hated the emperor from various motives j particularly
for the death of a brother, whom Caracalla had ordered
to be flain. Him therefore Macrinus exhorted to re¬
venge his brother’s death, by killing the tyrant, which
he might eafily effeft, as being always to near his per-
lon. Marlialis readily undertook the dangerous talk j
being walling to meet death himfelf, fo he might ob¬
tain his defire of feeing the tyrant expire before him.
Accordingly, as the emperor was riding out one day He is mur-
near a little city called Came, he happened to with- clered.
draw himfelf privately, upon a natural occafion, with
only one page to hold his horfe. This was the oppor¬
tunity Martialis had fo long and ardently defired;
wherefore running to him as if he had been called, he
ftabbed the emperor in the back, fo that he died im¬
mediately. Martialis unconcernedly returned to his
troop ; but retiring by infenfible degrees, he endeavour¬
ed to fecure himfelf by flight. But his companions
foon miffing him, and the page giving information of
what had been done, he was purfued by the German
horle and cut in pieces.
During the reign of this execrable tyrant, which
continued fix years, the empire wTas every day declining;
the foldiers were entirely mafters of every eleflion ; and
as there were various armies in different parts, fo there
were as many interefts all oppofite to each other. Ca¬
racalla, by fatisfying their moft unreafonable appetites,
deftroyed all difeipline among them, and all fubordina-
tion in the ftate.
The foldiers, now without an emperor, after a fuf- IVlSnus
penfe of two days, fixed upon Macrinus, who took all fucceeds.
poflible methods to conceal his being privy to Cara-
calla’s murder. The fenate confirmed their choice fliort-
ly after, and likewilc that of his ion Diadumenus,
wffiom he took as a partner in the empire. Macrinus
was 53 years old wffien he entered upon the government
of the empire. He wfas of obfeure parentage; fome
fay by birth a Moor, who by the mere rotation of of¬
fice, being firft made prsefe<ft of the prsetorian bands,
was nowq by treafon and accident, called to fill the
throne. \\ e are told but little of this emperor, except
his engaging in a bloody though undecided battle with
Artabanus Ring of Parthia, who came to take vengeance
for the injury he had fuftained in the late reign : how¬
ever, this monarch finding his real enemy dead, was
content^ to make peace, and returned into Parthia.
Something is alio find of the feverity of this emperor’s
difeipline ; for to fuch a pitch of licentioufnefs was the
Roman army now' arrived, that the moft fevere puniffi-
ments w'ere unable to reftrain the foldiers ; and yet the
moft gentle infliftions were looked upon as leverity. It
was this rigorous difeipline, together with the artifices
of Maffa, grandmother to Heliogabalus the natural fon
of Caracalla, that caufed the emperor’s ruin. Helio-Irc.]f ^
gab a 1 us was prieft of a temple dedicated to the Sun, in bahwm"
Emeia, a city of Phoenicia; and though but ig yearsvohsagainft:
old was greatly loved by the army for the beauty ofh!m-
his perfon, and the memory of his father, whom they
ftill confidered as their greateft benefador. This was
foon perceived by.the grandmother; who. being very
uch in goid and jewels, gave liberal prefents among
them, while they frequently repaired to the temple,-
both.
R O M
[ 230 j
11 O M
385
Macnnus
defeated,
and put to
death.
Rome, botk from tlie garrifon in the city and the camp of Ma-
v——. crinus# This intercourfe growing every day more fre¬
quent, the foldiers, being difgutted with the feverities
of their prelent emperor, began to think of placing He-
liogabalus in his Head. Accordingly, fending for him
to their camp, he was immediately proclaimed j and
fuch wTere the hopes of his virtues, that all men began
to affeff his intereifs.
Macrinus, who at this time was purfuing his plea-
fures at Antioch, gave but little ■attention to the firft
report j only fending his lieutenant Julian, with fome
legions, to quell the infurreftion. However, thefe, like
the reft, foon declared for Heliogabalus, and flew their
general. It was then that Macrinus found he had
treated the rebellion too flightly j he therefore refolved,
wuth his fon, to march direftly againft the feditious le¬
gions, and force them to their duty. Both parties met
on the confines of Syria : the battle was for fome time
furious and obftinate 5 but at laft Macrinus was over¬
thrown, and obliged to feek fafety by flight. His prin¬
cipal aim was to get to Rome, where he knew his pre¬
fence wras defired •, wherefore he travelled through the
provinces of Alia Minor wdth the utmoft expedition
and privacy, but unfortunately fell fick at the city of
Chalcedon. jThere thofe who wTere fent in purfuit,
overtook and put him to death, together with his fon
Diadumenus, after, a Ihort reign of one year and two
months.
The fenate and citizens of Rome being obliged to
fubmit to the appointment of the army as ufual, Helio¬
gabalus afcended the throne at the age of 14. One at
fo early an age, .invefted with unlimited power, and lur-
rounded with flatterers, could be expeffed to acl only
as they thought proper to direft. This young empe¬
ror was entirely led by them j and being fenfible that
it was in his power to indulge all his appetites, he ftu-
died only their gratification. As he is deferibed by
bains w'orfe hiftorians, he appears a monfter of fcnfirality. His
than any of fiiort life therefore is but a tiflue of efteminacy, lull,
hisprede- and extravagance. He married, in the fmall fpace of
four years, fix wives, and divorced them all. He built
a temple to the fun ; and willing that his god fhould
have a wife as well as himfelf, he married him to Pallas,
and fhortly after to the moon. His palace was a place
of rendezvous for all the proftitutes of Rome, whom
he frequently met naked, calling (htrn his fellow fol¬
diers, and companions in the field. He was fo fond of the
fex, that he carried his mother with him to the fenate-
houfe, and demanded that (he fhould always be pre'ent
w'hen matters of importance were debated. He even
went fo far as to build a fenate-houfe for women, with
fuitable orders, habits, and diftinftions, of which his
mother was made prefident. They met feveral times ;
all their debates turning upon the fafhions of the day,
and the different formalities to be ufed in giving and
receiving vifits. To thefe follies, he added great cruelty
and boundlefs prodigality *, fo that he was heard to fay,
that fuch difhes as were cheaply obtained were fcarcely
worth eating. His fuppers therefore generally coft
.€000 crowns, and often 60,000. He was always dreffed
in cloth of gold and purple, enriched with precious
ftones, and yet never wore the fame habit twice. His
palace, his chambers, and his beds, were all furniihed of
the richeft fluffs, covered with gold and jewels. When-
■ever he took horfe, all the way between his apartment
386
Helioga-
-ceffors.
and the plaCt of mounting was covered with gold and Rome,
filver duft ftrewn at his approach. '
Thefe exceffes were foon perceived by his grandmo¬
ther Muefa, whofe intrigues had firft raifed him to the
throne j fo that (he thought to lefien his power by di¬
viding it. For this purpofe, under a pretence of free¬
ing him from the cares of public bufinefs, (he perfua- ^
ded him to adopt his coufin-german, Alexander, as his Adopts A-
fuccefibr ; and likewife to make him his partner in the lexu.c'er,
confulftiip. Heliogabalus, having thus raifed his coufin,
had fcarcely given him his power, when he wifhed again tojlef.^ue#
to take it away$ but the virtues of this young prince
had fo greatly endeared the people and the army to
him, that the attempt had like to have been fatal to
the tyrant himfelf. The praetorian foldiers mutinying,
attempted to kill him as he was walking in his gardens j
but he efcaped, by hiding himfelf from their fury.
However, upon returning to their camp, they conti¬
nued the fedition; requiring that the emperor flmuld
remove fuch perfons from about him as oppreffed the
fubjefr, and contributed to contaminate him. They
required alfo the being permitted to guard the young
prince themfelves, and that none of the emperor’s fa¬
vourites or familiars (hould ever be permitted to con-
verfe with him. Heliogabalus was reluctantly obliged
to comply j and confcious of the danger he was in,
made preparations for death, when it fhould arrive, in
a manner truly whimfical and peculiar. Fie built a lofty
tower with fteps of gold and pearl, from whence to
throw himfelf headlong in cafe of neceffity. He alfo
prepared cords of purple filk and geld to ftrangle him¬
felf with •, he provided golden (words and daggers to
(tab himfelf with \ and poilon to be kept in boxes of
emerald, in order to obtain what death he chofe beft.
Thus fearing all things, but particularly fufpicious of
the defigns of the fenate, he banifhed them all out of
the city : he next attempted to poii’on Alexander, and
fpread a report of his death j but perceiving the fol¬
diers begin to mutiny, he immediately took him in his
chariot to the camp, wrhere he experienced a frefh mor¬
tification, by finding ail the acclamations of the army
direfted only to his fueceffor. This not a little railed
his indignation, and excited his defire of revenge. He
returned towards the city, threatening the moft feveie
puniihments againft thofe wTho had difpleafed him, and 388
meditating frefti cruelties. However, the foldiers were Is murdered
unwilling to give him time to put his defigns in cxecu-^>' the
tion : they followed him directly to his palace, purfuedc
him from apartment to apartment, and at laft found
him concealed in a privy •, a fituation very different
from that in which he expefled to die. Having drag¬
ged him from thence through the ftreets, with the meft
bitter inveftives, and having difpatched him, they at¬
tempted once more to fqueeze his pampered body into
a privy, but not eafily effecting this, they threw it into
the Tiber, with heavy weights, that none might after¬
wards find or give it burial, '( his was the miferable
and ignominious death of Heliogabalus, in the 18th
year of his age, after a deteftable reign of four years.
His mother alfo wTas (lain at the fame time by the fol-
diers 5 as were alfo many of the opprobrious affociates
ox his criminal plealures. ,5^
Alexander being, without oppofition, declared em-virtues of
peror, the fenate, in their ufixal method of adulation, Alexander,
were for conferring new titles upon hire 3 but he mo-
deftlv
ROM [ 231 ] ROM
Rom?, deftly declined them all, alleging, that titles were only
w v honourable when given to virtue, net to Ration. This
'Outlet was a happy omen of his future virtues 5 and
few piincts in Littery have been more commended by
contemporaries, or indeed more deferved commenda¬
tion. To the molt rigid juftice he added the greatelt
humanity. He loved the good, and was a fevere re¬
prover of the lewd and infamous. His accomplilh-
ments were equal to his virtues. He was an excellent
mathematician, geometrician, and mufician; he rvas
equally Ikilled in painting and fculpture ; and in poetry
few of his time could equal him. In ftiort, fuch were
his talents, and fuch the folidity of his judgement, that
though but i 6 years of age, he was conlidered as a wife
old man.
i he firlt part of his reign was fpent in a reformation
of the abufes of his pvedeceffor. He reitored the fe-
nators to their rank ; nothing being undertaken with¬
out the moll fage advifers, and molt mature delibera¬
tion. Among the number of his advifers was his mo¬
ther Mammaea ; a woman eminent for her virtues and
accomplifliments, and who made ule of her power as
well to fecure her Ion the affedtions of his fubjedls, as
to procure them the molt juft adminiltration. He was
a rigid punilher of fuch magiilrates as took bribes, fay-
ing, That it was not enough to deprive fuch of their
places; for their trulls being great, their lives, in molt
cafes, ought to pay for a breach of them. On the con¬
trary, he thought he could never fufficiently reward
luch as had been remarkable for their juftice and inte¬
grity, keeping a regiller of their names, and fometimes
a Iking fuch of them as appeared modell and unwillinp-
to approach him, why they were fo backward in de^
raanding their reward, and why they fuffered him to be
in their debt ? His clemency extended even to the
Curiilians, who nad been pun.died in the former reigns
with unrelenting barbarity. Upon a contell between,
them and a company of cooks and vintners, about a
piece of public ground, which the one claimed as ?.
place for public worfliip, and the other for exercifing
their refpeftive trades, he decided the point by his re-
feript, in thefe words : “ It is better that God be wor¬
shipped there in any manner, than that the place Ihould
ke Put to ufes of drunkennefs and debauchery.”
Reftores ^iis abilities in war were not inferior to his alhduity
the affairs in peace. The empire, which from the remiffnefs and
ofUic era- debauchery of the preceding reigns now began to be at-
tacked on every fide, wanted a perfon of vigour and
conduit to defend it. Alexander faced the enemy
wherever the invafion was moll formidable, and for a
Short time deferred its ruin. His firlt expedition, in the
tenth year of his reign, was againft the Parthians and
Perfians, whom he oppofed with a powerful *army, 
i he Perfians were routed in a decifive engagement with
great llaughter 5 the cities of Ctefiphon and Babylon
nere once more taken, and the Roman empire was re-
fiored to its former limits. Upon his return to An¬
tioch, his mother Mammsea fent for the famous Ori-
gen, to be inflrufted by him in the principles of Chrif-
tianity ; and after difeourfing with him for feme time
upon the fubjefl, dilmified him, with a proper fafe-
guard, to his native city of Alexandria. About the
fame time that Alexander was vi&orious in the Eaft,
Furius Celfus, his general, obtained a fignal viflory
over the Mauritanians in Africa. Varius Macrinus was
2
luccelsful in Germany, and Junius Palma'ns returned Rome,
with conquefi: from Armenia. However, the number '—“'v—'
of thefe viftories only hallened the decline of the em¬
pire, which was wafted by the exertion of its own
flrengtb, and was now becoming little more than a fpien-
did ruin.
About the 13th year of his reign, the Upper Ger¬
mans, and other northern nations, began to pour down
immenfe fwarms of people upon the more fouthem parts
of the empire. They paffed the Rhine and the Da¬
nube with fuch fury, that all Italy was thrown into the
moll extreme confternation. Tire emperor, ever ready
to expofe himfelf for the fafety of his people, made
what levies he could, and went in perfon to Hem the
torrent ; which he fpeedily effe&ed. It was in the
courfe of his fucceffes againft the enemy, that he wa"
cut off by a mutiny among his foldiers. The legions
encamped about Moguntia, having been abominably
corrupted during the reign of Heliogabalus, and train¬
ed up in all kinds of rapine and difobedience, required
the moft drift command. Alexander could neither en¬
dure their tumultuary obedience, nor they his regular
diicipline. His own faults, and taofe of his mother
Matnmaea, were objefted againft him. They open¬
ly exclaimed, That they were governed by an ava- ;s m^der-
ricious woman, and a mean-fpirited boy 5 and refolveded.
upon clefting an emperor capable of ruling alone. In
this general revolt, Maximinus, an old and experienced
commander, held frequent conferences with the foldiers,
and enflamed the fedition. At length, being deter¬
mined to difpatch their prefent emperor, they fent an
executioner into his tent; who immediately llruck off
his head, and, fhortly after, that of his mother. He
died in the 29th year of his age, after a profperous
reign of thirteen years and nine days.
The tumults occafioned by the death of Alexander Succeeded
being appeafed, Maximinus, who had been the chief l’y Maxi¬
promoter of the fedition, was chofen emperor. Thisminus> a.
extraordinary man, whofe charafter deferves particular "f^"
attention, was born of very obfeure parentage, being fare and2
tne fon of a poor herdfman of I brace. In the begin-extraordi-
ning he followed his father’s profeffion, and only exer- Hai-V
cUed his perfonal courage againft the robbers who in-ftren£tL
felled the part of the country in which he lived. Soon
after, his ambition increafing, he left his poor employ¬
ment, and enlifted in the Roman army ; where he foon
became remarkable for his great ftrength, difeipline,
and courage. This gigantic man was no lefs than eight
feet and a half high ; he had a body and ftrength cor-
refpondmg to his fize, being not lefs remarkable for the
magnitude than the fymmetry of his perfon. His wife’s
bracelet ufually ferved him for a thumb-ring j and his
ftrength was fo great, that he was able to draw a car¬
riage which two oxen could not move. He could
ftrike out a horfe’s teeth with a blow of his fill, and
break its thigh with a kick. His diet was as extraor¬
dinary as the reft of his endowments •, he generally ate
40 pounds weight of fleflr every day, and drank fix gal¬
lons of wine, without committing any debauch in either.
With a frame fo athletic, he was poflefled of a mind*
undaunted in danger, and neither fearing nor regarding
any man.^ The firft time he was made known to the
emperor Severus, was upon his celebrating games on the
birth day of his fon Gefa. Maximinus was then a rude
countryman, and requefted the emperor to be permitted
to
‘Rtfine.
„ 393
Becomes ^
cruelty-
rant.
H 0 M [ 23
to contend for the prizes which were diftributed to the
bell runners, wreltlers, and boxers, of the army. Se-
verus, unwilling to infringe the military difcipline,
would not permit him at firtl to combat, except with
flaves, againfl w'hom his ftrength appeared aftoniibing.
He overcame 16 in running, one after the other : he
then kept up with the emperor on horfeback ; and ha¬
ving fatigued him in the couffe, he w'as oppofed to fe-
ven of the molt adtive foldiers, and overcame them with
the greateft eafe. From that time he was particularly
noticed, and taken into the emperor’s body-guards, in
which his adiduity and prompt obedience were parti¬
cularly remarkable. In the reign of Caracalla, he was
made a centurion, and diilfnguilhed himfelf in this fta-
tion by his Uriel attention to the morals and difcipline
of thofe he commanded. When made a tribune, he
Hill retained the hard limplicity of his life 5 ate as the
meanefl centinel 5 fpent whole days in exercifing his
troops ; and would now and then himfelf wreftle with
eight or ten of the ftrongeft men in the army, whom
he threw rvith fcarce any effort. Being thus become
one of the moft remarkable men in the empire, both for
courage, difcipline, and perfonal aflivity, he gave, Ihort-
ly after, a very high inftance of his unlhaken fidelity:
for when Macrinus was made emperor, he refufed to
ferve under a prince that had betrayed his fovereign;
and retired to Thrace, his native country, where he fol¬
lowed commerce, and purchafed fome lands, content
with privacy rather than a guilty dependence. Upon
the acceffion of Heliogabalus to the throne, this bold
veteran once more returned to the army; but was, in
the very beginning, difgufted at the bafe effeminacy of
the emperor ; wdio, hearing amazing inftances of his
llrength, alked him, if he were equally capable in com¬
bats of another nature ? This lewd demand was fo little
fuitable to the temper of Maximinus, that he inftantly
left the court. Upon the death of Heliogabalus, he
again returned to Rome, and ivas received with great
Idndnefs by Alexander, who particularly recomirend-
ed him to the fenate, and made him commander of the
fourth legion, w’hich confifted of new-raifed foldiers.
Maximinus gladly accepted of this charge, and perform¬
ed his duty with great exaftnefs and fuccefs, fetting an
example of virtue and difcipline to all the commanders
of the army. Nor was his valour lefs apparent againfl
the Germans, whither he was font with his legion ; fo
that he was unanimoufly confidered as the boldeft, bra-
veft, moft valiant, and moft virtuous foldier in the
whole empire. He foon, however, forfeited all thefo
juftly merited titles, when he was raifod to the throne;
and, from being the moft loved commander in the ar¬
my, he became the moft cruel tyrant upon earth. Yet
in fail, his former virtues were all of the fevere and ri¬
gid kind, which, without any education, might very
eafily degenerate into tyranny ; fo that he might have
miftaken his fucceeding cruelty for difcipline, and his
feverity for juftice. However this be, Maximinus is
confidered as one of the greateft monfters of cruelty
that ever difgraced power ; and, fearful of nothing him¬
felf, he foemed to fport with the terrors of all man¬
kind.
He began his reign, by endeavouring to force obe¬
dience from every rank of people, and by vindicating
his authority by violence. The fenate and people of
Rome were the firft that incurred his refentment,
1
2 ] It 0 M
They utterly refufing to confirm the ele&ion of the Rome,
army, he was the firft emperor who reigned without v~~^
their concurrence or approbation. However, he feem-
ed regardlefs of their oppofition, proceeding to focure
his election by putting all fuch to death as had been
raifod by his predecefl'ors. The Chriftians alfo, having
found favour in the former reign, felt the weight of
his refontment; and were perfecuted in foveral parts of
the empire, particularly in thofe w here he himfelf re-
fided. His cruelty likewifo extended to the rich, wdiofo
lives and eftates became a frequent facrifice to avarice
and fufpicion. But what appears ftill a more extraor¬
dinary inftance of his cruelty, being afhamed of the
meannefs of his extra&ion, he commanded all fuch as
were beft acquainted with him and his parentage to be
fiain, although there w'ere fome among the number that
had received him in his low condition. ^
However, his cruelties did not retard his military His lucceft-
operations, wdrich were carried on with a fpirit be-in war'
coming a better monarch. He overthrew the Germans
in feveral battles, wafted all their country with fire and
fword for 400 miles together, and fot a refolution of fub-
duing all the northern nations as far as the ocean. In
thefe expeditions, in order to attach the foldiers more
firmly to him, he increafed their pay; and in every duty
of the camp, he himfelf took as much pains as the
meaneft centinel in his army, fhowing incredible courage
and afllduity. In every engagement, wdiere the conflict
was hotteft, Maximinus was always foen fighting there
in perfon, and deftroying all before him : for, being
bred a barbarian, he confidered it as his duty to com¬
bat as a common foldier, while he commanded as a
SeneraL . . . , . 395
In the mean time, his cruelties had fo alienated the Confpiracies
minds of his fubjefts, that foveral confpiracies wrere formed a-
focretly aimed again!! him. Magnus, a confular perfon, f-inS*
and fome others, had plotted to break down a wooden
bridge, as foon as the emperor had pafled it, and thus to
abandon him to the enemyl But this being difeovered,
gave Maximinus an opportunity of indulging his natural
foverity, upon this pretext alone caufing above 4000 to
be (lain. Shortly after, fome of Alexander’s old foldiers
withdrawing themfolves from the camp, proclaimed one
Quarcianus as emperor, who had been lately difgufted
at Maximinus for being difmifled from employment.
The foldiers, in fa£t, conftrained him to accept of the
dangerous fuperiority to which he was expofod : and
ftiortly after, in the fpirit of the times, the perfon who
had been the promoter of his advancement, murdered
him in his bed, and carried his head to Maximinus;
who received him kindly at firft, but foon put him fo a
cruel death, for his complicated guilt of treafon and
treachery.
Thefe partial infurreflions were foon after followed
by a fpirit of general difeontent throughout all the
empire. The provinces of Africa were the firft that
fhow’ed their deteftation of the tyrant, whofo extortions
and cruelties among them were become infupportable.
They firft flew' his procurator ; and afterwards confide,
ing how- dangerous a crime they had committed, they
refolved to throw off all expectations of pardon, and 396'
create a new7 emperor. Gordian was then proconfulG°rtfian
of Africa, a perfon of great fame for his virtues, and'* ™c^auri''?‘
highly reverenced for a blamelefs life of near gp. e“JPtr0’
Him, therefore, they determined to eleCl ; and ac¬
cordingly
ROM
Rome.
397
Rage of
Maximinus
on hearing
the news.
398
tfordian
defeated
and killed.
Cordingly the foldiers and natives aliembling together,
tumultuoufly entered his houie, refolved to put their
defign in execution. Gordian, who at firft fuppofed
they were come to kill him, being made fenfible of
their intentions, utterly refufed their offer, alleging his
extreme age, and Maximinus’s power. But all his op*,
pofition w'as vain ; they conflrained him to accept of
the proffered dignity ; and he, with his fon Gordian,
who was 46 years of age, were declared emperors. Be¬
ing thus railed contrary to his inclination, the old
man immediately wrote to the fenate, declaring that
he had unwillingly accepted of the empire, and would
only keep his authority till he had freed it from the
tyranny of its prelent oppreffor. The fenate very joy¬
fully confirmed his eleftion, adjudging Maximinus "as
an enemy and traitor to the date. The citizens alfo
{Lowed an equal zeal in the caufe : they flew upon fuch
as were the reputed friends of Maximinus, and tore
them in pieces ; even fome ■who were innocent falling a
facrifice to the blind rage of the multitude. So great an
alteration being made in the city againft the intereils
of Maximinus, the fenate were refolved to drive the
oppodtion to the extreme ; and accordingly made all
necelfary preparations for their fecurity, ordering Maxi¬
minus’s governors to be difplaced, and commanding
all the provinces to acknowledge Gordian for emperor.
This order was differently received in different parts, as
people w'ere affefted to one or the other party : in Tome
provinces the governors were flain 5 in others, the mef-
fengers of the fenate ; fo that all parts of the empire felt
the confequences of the civil war.
In the mean time, w-hen Maximinus was informed
of thefe charges againft him, his rage appeared ungo¬
vernable. He roared like a favage bead, and violent¬
ly flruck his head againft the wall, fhowing every in-
ftance of ungovernable diftraftion. At length his fury
being fomewhat fubfided, he called his whole army to¬
gether 5 and, in a fet fpeech, exhorted them to re¬
venge his caufe, giving them the ftrongeft alfurances
that they fhould poflefs the eftates of all fuch as had
offended. The foldiers unanimoufly prcmifed to be
faithful they received his harangue with their ufual
acclamations ; and, thus encouragedj he led them to¬
wards Rome, breathing nothing but {laughter and re¬
venge. However, he found many obftacles to his im-
petuofity ; and, though he defired nothing fo much as
difpatch, his marches wrere incommodious and flow.
The tumultuous and difobedient armies of the empire
were at prefent very different from the legions that
were led on by Sylla or Caefar •, they were loaded with
and followed by flaves and w^omen, rather
refembling an eaftern caravan, than a military batta¬
lion. To thefe inconveniences alfo wras added the
hatred of the cities through which he paffed, the in¬
habitants all abandoning their houfes upon his ap¬
proach, and fecuring their provifions in proper hiding-
places. However, in this complication of inconveni¬
ences and misfortunes, his affairs began to wrear a fa¬
vourable appearance in Africa: for Capelianus, the
governor of Numidia, raifed a body of troops in his
favour, and marched againft Gordian, towards Car¬
thage; where he fought the younger Gordian, flexv him,
and deftroyed his army. The father, hearing of the
death of his fon, together with the lofs of the battle,
ftrangled himfelf in his own girdle. Capelianus purfu-
Vo*. XVIII, Part'L ' f ■ '
C 233 1
ROM
Rorrsc,.
399
ing his vi&ory, entered Carthage ; wdiere he gave a
loofe to pillage and daughter, under a pretence of re¬
venging the caufe of Maximinus. The news of thefe
fucceffes was foon brought to the emperor, who now in-
creafed his diligence, and flattered himfelf with a fpeedy
opportunity of revenge. He led on his large army by
hafty journeys into Italy, threatening deftruition to all
his oppofers, and ardently wifhing for frefh opportunities
of daughter.
Nothing could exceed the confternation of the fenate
upon the news of this defeat. They now faw them-
felves not only deprived of the afliltance of Gordian
and his fon, on whom they greatly relied ; but alfo op~
pofed by two formidable tyrants, each commanding a
victorious army, direCUy marching towards Rome, and
meditating nothing but vengeance. In this afflicting
exigence, they, with great folemnity, met at the temple
of Jupiter, and after the moft mature deliberations,
chofe Pupienus and Balbinus emperors conjointly. ^
Thefe were men who had acquired the efteem of the Pup'emre
public both in war and peace, having commanded ar-and Balbl"
mies, and governed provinces, with great reputation ; ^imcd"
and being now appointed to oppofe Maximinus, they emperors,
made what levies they could, both in Rome and the
country. With thefe, Pupienus marched to flop the
progrefs of the invaders, leaving the city to a frefh and
unlocked for calamity. TL his was occafioned by two
of Maximinus’s foldiers, who, entering the fenate-
houfe, were flain by two fenators. This quickly gave
offence to the body of the pnatorian foldiers, who in-
ftantly refolved to take revenge, but were oppofed by
the citizens ; lo that nothing was feen throughout
Rome, but tumult, {laughter, and cruelty. In this uni-
verfal confufion, the calamity was increafed by the
foldiers fetting the city on fire, while the wretched in¬
habitants were combating each other in the midft of
the flames.
Neverthelcfs, Maximinus himfelf, in whofe favour
thefe feditions were promoted, did not feem to be more
fortunate. Upon being informed of the new eleftion of
emperors, his fury was again renewed, and he paffed the
Alps, expelling, upon entering Italy, to refrefh his fa¬
tigued and famiihed army in that fertile part of the coun¬
try. But in this he was entirely difappointed; the fenate
had taken fuch care to remove all kinds of fuftenance to
fortified places, that he ftill found himfelf reduced to his
former neceflities, while his army began to murmur for
want. I o this another difappointment was added fhortly 400
after: for approaching the city of Aquileia, which he ex- AcIuiIe'a
pefted to enter without any difficulty, he was aftonifhed ^fie?ed by
to find it prepared for the moft obftinate refiftance, and
refolved to hold out a regular fiege. This city was well
fortified and populous, and the inhabitants greatly averfe
to Maximinus’s government; but what added ftill more
to its ftrength, it was commanded by two excellent gene¬
rals, Crifpinus and Menophilis, who had fo well furnifh-
ed it with men and ammunition, that Maximinus found
no fmall refiftance, even in invefting the place. His firft
attempt was, to take the city by ftorm; but the befieged
threw down fuch quantities of fbalding pitch and fulphur
upon his foldiers, that they were unable to continue the
affaulf. He then determined upon a blockade ; but the
inhabitants were fo refolute, that even the old men anc^
children were feen combating upon the walls, while the
w omen cutoff their hair to furnifli the foldiers with bow-
G g firings.
Rom?.
4ei
Is affkilina-
ted.
403
And hke-
wife Pupie
rms and
,'Baibinus.
4=>3
Young
Gordian
proclaimed
emperor.
R O M l 2 -
firings. Maximinus’s rags at this unexpected oppofition
was now ungovernable : having no enemy to wreck his
refentment upon, he turned it againft his own command¬
ers. He put many of his generals to death, as if the city
had held out through their neglect or incapacity, while
famine made great depredations upon the reit of his
army. Nothing notv appeared on either iide to termi¬
nate the contelf, except the total deftru&ion of either.
But a mutiny in Maximinus’s own army a while refcued
the declining empire from deftruftion, and faved the lives
of thoufands. The foldiers being long haraffed by fa¬
mine and fatigue, and hearing of revolts on every fide,
refolved to terminate their calamities by the tyrant’s
death. His great Ifrength, and his being always armed,
were, at firft, the principal motives to deter any from af-
fafiinating him ) but at length having made his guards
accomplices in their defign, they fet upon him, wdiile he
flept at noon in his tent, and Hew both him and his fon,
whom he had made his partner in the empire, without
any oppohtion, after an ufurpation of about three years,
and in the 65th year of his age.
The tyrant being dead, and his body thrown to the
dogs and birds of prey, Pupienus and Balbinus conti¬
nued for fome time emperors without oppofition. But
the praetorian foldiers, who had long been notorious
for mutiny and treafon, foon refolved on further change.
Nor did the diflenfions between the new made emperors
themfelves a little contribute to their downfall : for
though both were remarkable for wifdom and age, yet
they could not reftrain the mutual jealoufy of each
other’s power. Pupienus claimed the fuperiority from
his great experience ; while Balbinus was equally afpi-
ring upon account of his family and fortune.
In this ill-judged contelf, the praetorian foldiers,
who were enemies to both, fet upon them in their pa¬
lace, at a time their guards weie amufed with feeing
the Capitoline games. Pupienus perceiving their tu¬
multuous approach, fent with the utmoft fpeed for
affilfance from his colleague ; but he, out of a culpable
fufpicion that fomething was defigned only againif him-
felf, refufed to fend fuch of the German guards as were
next his perfon. Thus the feditious foldiers found an
eafy accefs to both the emperors apartments ; and drag¬
ging them from the palace towards the camp, Hew them
both, leaving their dead bodies in the llreets, as a dread¬
ful inlfance of their fedition.
In the midit of this fedition, as the mutineers were
proceeding along, they by accident met Gordian, the
grandfon of him who was (lain in Africa, and decla¬
red him emperor on the fpot. The fenate and people
had been long reduced to the neceffity of fuffering
their emperors to be nominated by the army} fo that
all they could do in the prefent inftance was to con¬
firm their choice. This prince was but 16 years old
when he began his reign, but his virtues feemed to
compenfate for the want of experience. His principal
aims were, to unite the oppofing members of the go¬
vernment, and to reconcile the foldiers and citizens
to each other. His learning is faid to have been equal
to his virtues; and we are affured that he had 62,000
books in his library. His refpeft for Mifithaeus, his
governor and inftruftor, was fuch, that he married his
daughter, and profited by his counfels in all the criti¬
cal circumftances of his reign.
The firft four years of this emperor’s reign were
4 1
B O M
attended with the utmoft profperity; but in the fifth Rowe,
he was alarmed with accounts from the call, that ba-
por, king of Periia, had furioutly invaded the confines i r;
of the Homan empire, and having taken Antioch, had Gainit th*
pillaged Syria and all the adjacent provinces. Belides barbanau*.
the Perfians, the Goths alio invaded the empire on
their fide, pouring down like an inundation from the
north, and attempting to fix their refidence in the
kingdom of Thrace. To oppofe both thefe invafions,
Gordian prepared an army ; and having gained fome
vi&ories over the Goths, whom he obliged to retire, he
turned his arms againft the Perfians, whom he defeated
upon feveral occaiions, and forced to return home with
difgrace. In gaining thefe advantages, Mifithaeus,
whom he had made praetorian praefect, had the princi¬
pal fhare ; but he dying foon after (as it is fuppofed
being poifoned by Philip an Arabian, who was ap¬
pointed his fucceifor), the fortunes of Gordian leemed
to die with him. The army began to be no longer
fupplied with provifions as ulual ; murmurs were heard
to prevail, and thefe were artfully fomented by Phi¬
lip. Things thus proceeding from bad to worfe, Phi¬
lip was at firft made his equal in the command of the
empire ; fhortly after, invefted with the foie power; Is murder,
and, at length, finding himfelf capable of perpetrating ed by tJhi.
his long meditated cruelty, Gordian was, by his order, ‘.‘P* w!l°
llain, in the 22d year of his age, after a fuccefsful reign
of near fix years.
Philip having thus murdered his benefa£Ior, was fo
fortunate as to be immediately acknowledged emperor
by the army. The fenate alfo, though they feemed at
firft to oppofe his power, confirmed his eleflion, and
gave him, as ufual, the title of Augujhis. Philip was
about 40 years old when he came to the throne ; being
the fon oi an obfeure Arabian, who had been captain
of a band of robbers. Upon his exaltation, he afib-
ciated his fon, a boy of fix years of age, as his partner
in the empire ; and, in order to fecure his power at
home, made peace with the Perfians, and marched his
army towards Rome. On his way, having conceived
a defire to vifit his native country of Arabia, he built
there a city called Phi/ippopolis ; and from thence re¬
turning to Rome, he was received as emperor, and
treated with all the marks of fubmiftion, though not
of joy. To put the people in good humour, he caufed The thou-
the fecular games to be celebrated, with a magnificence*antt^ yea*
fuperior to any of his predeceflors, it being juft icoo0^ K'0lne,
years after the building of the city. Upon occafion of
thefe games, we are told that both Philip and his fon
were converted to Chriftianity. However this be, a
murderer and an ungrateful ufurper does no great ho¬
nour to whatever opinion he may happen to embrace.
We have little account of the latter part of his reign in
the wretched and mutilated hiftsries of the times ; we
only learn, that the Goths having invaded the empire,
Marinus, Philip’s lieutenant, who was fent againft
them, revolted, and caufed himfelf to be declared em¬
peror. This revolt, however, was but of fliort dura¬
tion ; for the army which had raifed him repented of
their rafhnefs, depofed him with equal levity, and put
him to death. Decius was the perfon whom Philip
appointed to command in the room of the revolting
general. The chief merit of Decius with the emperor
was, that when Marinus had rebelled, he averred in the
fenate, That the traitor’s prefumption \rould be very
fhortly
Rfiaas.
407
Philip
murdered,
and is fuc-
eeeded by
Dccius.
40S
Is over¬
come, and
killed by
the Gjths.
409
Succeeded
by G alius.
ROM r 2
fiiortly Iiis ruin j which, when it happened accordingly,
Philip appointed him to fucceed in the command of the
rebellious army. Decius, who was a man of great fubti-
lity, being entrufled with fo much pow’er, upon arriving
at the army found that the foldiers were refolved on in¬
verting him with the fupreme authority. He therefore
feemed to fuffer their importunities, as if through con-
ftraint ; and, in the mean time, fent Philip word, that
he had unwillingly aflumed the title of emperor, the bet¬
ter to fecure it for the rightful poffertbr; adding, that he
only looked for a convenient opportunity of giving up
his pretenfions and title together. Philip knew mankind
too well, to rely upon fuch profeflions : he therefore got
together what forces he could from the feveral provinces,
and led them forward towards the confines of Italy. How¬
ever, the army w'as fcarce arrived at Verona, when it re¬
volted in favour of Decius, and fetting violently upon
Philip, a centinel, with one blow, cut off his head, or
rather cleaved it afunder, feparating the under jawr from
the upper. Such was the deferved death of Philip, in
the 45th year of his age, after a reign of about five years;
Decius being univerfally acknowledged as his fucceflbr,
A. D. 248.
The aftivity and wifdom of Decius in feme meafure
flopped the haftening decline of the Roman empire.
The fenate feemed to think fo highly of his merits, that
they voted him not inferior to Trajan •, and indeed he
feemed in every inftance to confult their dignity in par¬
ticular, and the welfare of all inferior ranks of people.
He permitted them to choofe a cenfor, as was the cu-
ftom in the flourifhing times of Rome ; and Valerian,
his general, a man of fuch Ariel morals, that his life was
faid to be a continual cenforlhip, w>as chofen to that dig¬
nity.—But no virtues could now prevent the approach¬
ing downfall of the flate : the obrtinate difputes between
the Pagans and the Chriftians within the empire, and
the unceafing irruptions of barbarous nations from with¬
out, enfeebled it beyond the powder of a remedy. To
flop thefe, a perfecution of the Chriftians, who w^ere now
grown the moft numerous body of the people, was im-
politically, not to fay unjuftly, begun 5 in which thou-
lands were put to death, and all the arts of cruelty tried
in vain to leflen their growing number. This perfecu¬
tion was fucceeded by dreadful devaftations from the
Goths, particularly in Thrace and Moefia, where they
had been moft fuccefsful. Thefe irruptions Decius ’(vent
to oppofe in perfon; and coming to an engagement with
them, flew 30,000 of the barbarians in one battle. How¬
ever, being refolved to purfue his victory, he was, by the
treachery of Gallus his own general, led into a defile,
where the king of the Goths had fecret information to
attack him. In this difadvantageous fituation, Decius
-firft faw his fon killed with an arrow, and foon after his
whole army put to the rout. Wherefore, refolving not
to furvive his lofs, he put fpurs to his horfe, and in-
ftantly plunging into a quagmire, was fwallowed up,
and his body could never be found after. He died in
the 50th year of his age, after a ftiort reign of two
years jmd fix months 5 leaving the charafler of an
excellent prince, and one capable of averting the de-
ftrudlion of the empire, if human means could have
effebled it.
Gallus, who had thus betrayed the Roman army,
had addrefs enough to get himfelf declared emperor by
that part of it which lurvived the defeat; he was 43
35 1 ROM
years old when he began to reign, and was defeended Rcme.
from an honourable family in Rome. He bought a riif- ——y—J
honourable peace from the enemies of the ftaie, agree¬
ing to pay a confiderable annual tribute to the Goths,
whom it was his duty to reprefs. Having thus pur-
chafed a fhort remiflion from war, by the dilgrace of
his country, he returned to Rome, to give a looie to
his pleafures, regardlels of the wretched fituation of
the empire. 4Ia
Nothing can be more deplorable than the ftate ofMiferahle
the Roman provinces at this time. The Goths and ftate.°fthe
other barbarous nations, not fatisfied with their lateernpire’
bribes to continue in peace, broke in upon the eaftern
parts of Turope. On the other fide, the Perfians and
Scythians committed unheard of ravages in Mefopo-
tamia and Syria. The emperor, regard.iefs of every
national calamity, was loft in debauch and fenfuality
at home ; and the Pagans were allowed a power of
perfecuting the Chriftians through all parts of the
ftate } thefe calamities were fucceeded by a peftilence,
that feemed to have in general fpread over every part
of the earth, and which continued mging for feveral
years in an unheard of manner ; and all thefe by a
civil war, which followed fliortly after, between Gal¬
lus and his general Atmilianus, who having gained a
victory over the Goths, was proclaimed emperor by his
conquering army. Gallus hearing this, was foon rou-
fed from the intoxications ef pleafure, and prepared to
oppofe his dangerous rival. Both armies met in Moe¬
fia, and a batt'e enfued, in which /Emilianus was
victorious, and Gallus, with his fon, were (lain. His
aeath was merited, and his vices were fuch as to de-
ferve the deteftation of pofterity. He died in the 47th
year of his age, after an unhappy reign of two years
and four months, in which the empire fuffered inex-
preflible calamities. Aimilianus, after his victory over
Gallus, expeCted to be acknowledged emperor ; but
he icon found himfelf miferably difappointed. The
fenate refufed to acknowledge his claims ; and an army
that w'as ftationed near the Alps chofe Valerian, their
own commander, to fucceed to the throne. In confe-
quence of this, Atmilianus’s foldiers began to confi-
dcr their general as an obftacle to the univerfal tranquil¬
lity, and flew him in order to avoid the mifehiefs of a
civil war.
Valerian being thus univerfally acknowledged as
emperor, although arrived at the age of 70, fet about
reforming the ftate with a fpirit that feemed to mark
a good mind and unabated vigour. But reformation
was then grown almoft impracticable. The difputes
between the Pagans and Chriftians divided the empire
as before ; and a dreadful perfecution of the latter en¬
fued. The northern nations overran the Roman do¬
minions in a more formidable manner than ever; and
the empire began to be ufurped by a multitude of petty
leaders, each of whom, negleCting the general ftate, fet
up for himfelf. To add to thefe calamities, the Perfians, Valerian
under their king Sapor, invaded Syria 5 and coming taken pri-
into Mefopotamia, took the unfortunate Valerian pri-foner’ and
foner, as he was making preparations to oppofe them,
Nothing can exceed the indignities, as well as the cruel-the PeJ
ties, which were praChied upon this unhappy monarch,lians.
thus fallen into the hands of his enemies. Sapor, we
are told, always ufed him as a footftool for mounting his
horfe } he added the bitternefs of ridicule to his infults,
G g 2 an^
Rome.
412
The empire
invaded on
all fides by
the barba¬
rians.
4i3
"Monflrous
cruelty of
the new
emperor
Gailienus.
ROM [ 236 ] ROM
and ufually obferved, That an attitude like that to which
Valerian wTas reduced, was the belt ftatue that could be
erefled in honour of his vidlory. This horrid life of
infult and fufferance continued for feven years, and was
at length terminated by the cruel Perfian’s command¬
ing his prifoner’s eyes to be plucked out, and afterwards
caufing him to be flayed alive.
The news of the defeat of the Roman army by the
Perfians, and the captivity of Valerian, no {boner
reached the barbarous nations at w'ar wbth Rome, than
they poured on all fides into the Roman territories in
incredible multitudes, threatening the empire, and
Rome itfelf, with utter deftrubfion. The Goths and
Scythians ravaged Pontus and Alia, committing every¬
where dreadful devaflations 5 the Alemanni and Franks
having overrun Rhaetia, advanced as far as Ravenna;
putting all to fire and fword} the Quad! and Sarma-
tians feized on great part of Dacia and Pannonia j
while other barbarous nations, invading Spain, made
themfelves mailers of Tarraco and other important
places in that province. In the mean time Gailienus,
the fon of Valerian, having promifed to revenge his
father’s captivity, and reprefs the barbarians, was cho-
fen emperor without any oppofition. He wras at that
time in Gaul 5 but haflened into Italy, from whence
he drove out the barbarians, either by the terror of
his approach, or by overcoming them in battle.—
In Dacia and Pannonia, alio, the barbarians were dri¬
ven back by Regillianus, who commanded there, and
who is faid to have gained feveral viblories in one
day.
Rut in the mean time, one Ingenuus, a man of great
reputation in war, and univerfally beloved both by the
people and foldiery, caufed himfelf to be proclaimed em¬
peror in Pannonia, where he was generally acknowded-
ged as well as in Moefia. Gailienus no fooner heard of
Ids revolt, than he marched from the neighbourhood of
Ravenna, where he then was, into Illyricum, engaged
Ingenuus, and put him to flight. Some authors tell us,
that Ingenuus was killed after the battle by his own
foldiers 3 while others affirm, that he put an end to his
own life to avoid falling into the hands of Gailienus,
who ufed his vidlory with a cruelty hardly to be paral¬
leled. The following letter to Verianus Celer, one of
his officers, will fhowT the difpofition of this emperor:
“ I (hall not be fatisfied (fays he) with your putting
to death only fuch as have borne arms againft me, and
might have fallen in the field : you muff in every city
deftroy all the males, cld and young 3 fpare none who
have wifhed ill to me 3 none who have fpoken ill of me
the ion of Valerian, the father and brother of princes.
Ingenuus emperor ! Tear, kill, cut in pieces without
mercy : you underfland me 3 do then as you know I
would do, wffio have written to you with my owm hand.”
In confequence of thefe cruel orders, a molt dreadful
havock wTas made among that unhappy people 3. and, in
feveral cities, not one male child was left alive. The
troops who had formerly ferved under Ingenuus, and
the inhabitants of Moefia who had efcaped the general
daughter, provoked by thefe cruelties, proclaimed Re¬
gillianus emperor. He was a Dacian by birth, de¬
fended, as was faid, from the celebrated king Dece-
balus whom Trajan had conquered 3 and had, by fe¬
veral gallant aftions, gained reputation in the Roman
armies. After he was proclaimed emptror, he gained
great advantages over the Sarmatians 3 but was foon Rome,
after murdered by his own foldiers. Thefe revolts were u—-v—-***
quickly followed by many others. Indeed it is not fur-
prifing, at a time when the reins of government were
held with fo loofe a hand, that a crowd of ufurpers
fhould ftart up in every province of the empire. The
great number of ufurpers who pretended to the empire
about this time have been diftinguifhed by the name of
the thirty tyrants. However, there were only 29 3 viz. The thirty
Cyriades, Macrianus, Balifla, Udenatus, and Zenobia1?™1115*
in the eaft : in Gaul, and the weltern provinces, Polt-
humus, Lollianus, Viflorinus and his mother Vidloria,
Marius, and Tetricus 3 in Illyricum, and on the con¬
fines of the Danube, Ingenuus, Regillianus, and Au-
reolus 3 in Pontus, Saturninus 3 in Ilauria, Trebellia-
nus 3 in Theffaly, Piio 3 in Achaia, Valens3 in Egypt,
JEmilianus 3 and in Africa, Celfus. Several of thefe
pretenders to the empire, however, though branded
with the opprobrious appellation of tyrants, were emi¬
nent examples of virtue, and almofl all of them were
polTefled of a confiderable fhare of vigour and ability.
The principal reafon afligned for their revolt was, the
infamous charafler of Gailienus, whom neither officers
nor foldiers could bear to ferve. Many of them, how¬
ever, were forced by the foldiers to affume the imperial
dignity much againlt their will. “ You have loft,” faid
Saturninus to his foldiers when they inverted him with
the purple, “ a very ufeful commander, and have made
a very wretched emperor.” The apprehenfions of Sa¬
turninus were juftified by the event. Of the 19 ufurpers
already mentioned, not one died a natural death 3 and
in Italy and Rome Gailienus alone continued to be ac¬
knowledged emperor. That prince indeed honoured
Odenatus prince of Palmyra with the title of Augujiusy
who continued to poffefs an independent fovereignty in
the eaft all his lifetime, and on his death tranfinitted it
to his wife Zenobia. See Palmyra. 4I^
The confequences of thefe numerous ufurpations were Fatal conic-
the moft fatal that can be conceived. The elections of quences of
thefe precarious emperors, their life and death, were th^c "fur~
equally deftruftive to their fubje&s and adherents. The pA K'n"
price of their elevation was inftantly paid to the trosps
by an immenfe donative drawn from the exhaufted peo¬
ple. However virtuous their character, and however
pure their intentions might be, they found themfelves
reduced to the neceffity of fupporting their ufurpation
by frequent afts of rapine and cruelty. When they fell,
they involved armies and provinces in their fall, as ap¬
pears from the letter of Gailienus already quoted. Whilft
the forces of the ftate were difperfed in private quarrels,
the defencelefs provinces lay expofed to every invader.
The braveft ufurpers were compelled, by the perplexity
of their fituation, to conclude dilhonourable treaties with
the barbarians, and even to fubmit to ffiameful tributes,
and introduce fuch numbers of barbarians into the Ro¬
man fervice as feemed iufficient at once to overthrow the
empire. 416
But when the empire feemed thus ready to fink at Gallienus
once, it fuddenly revived on the death of Gailienus, who
was murdered by Martian, one of his own generals,
while he befieged Aureolus, one of the tyrants, in Mi- Claudius.
Ian. His death gave general fatisfadlion to all, except
his foldiers, who hoped to reap the reward of their trea¬
chery by the plunder of Milan. But being fruftrated
in thefe expectations, and in fome meafure kept within
bounds
ROM
C 237 1
ROM
417
Who de¬
feats the
Rome, bousds by the largefies of Martian, Flavius Claudius
““"V"—*' was nominated to fucceed, and joyfully accepted by all
orders of the date, and his title confirmed by the fenate
and the people.
We are not fufficiently affured of this emperor’s li¬
neage and country. Some affirm that he was bom in
Dalmatia, and defcended from an ancient family there j
others affert that he was a Trojan \ and others, that he
wras fon the emperor Gordian. But, whatever might
have been his defcent, his merits were by no means
doubtful. He was a man of great valour and conduft,
having performed the mod eminent ferviccs againd the
Goths, who had long continued to make irruptions in¬
to the empire. He was now about ^5 years old, equal¬
ly remarkable for the drength of his body and the vi¬
gour of his mind ; he was chade and temperate, a re¬
warder of the good, and a fevere punilher of Inch as
tranfgrefled the laws. Thus endowed, therefore, he in
fome meafure put a dop to the precipitate decline of the
empire, and once more feemcd to redore the glory of
Rome.
His fird fuccefs, upon being made emperor, was
againd Aurcolus, whom he defeated near Milan. His
Goths, and next expedition was to oppofe the Goths, againd wffiom
retrieves the |je ]e(j a very numerous army. Thefe barbarians had
the empire. ma^e their principal and mod fuccefsful irruptions into
Thrace and Macedonia, fw’armed over all Greece, and
had pillaged the famous city of Athens, which had long
been the fchool of all the polite arts to the Romans.
The Goths, however, had no veneration for thofe em-
bellifhments that tend to foften and humanize the mind,
but dedroyed all monuments of tade and learning with
the mod favage alacrity. It wras upon one of thefe oc-
cafions, that, having heaped together a large pile of
books in order to burn them, one of the commanders
difluaded them from the defign, alleging, that the time
which the Grecians fhould wade on books would only
render them more unqualified for war. But the empire
feemed to tremble, not only on that fide, but almod on
every quarter. At the fame time, above 300,000 of
thefe barbarians (the Heruli, the Trutangi, the Virtur-
gi, and many namelefs and uncivilized nations) came
down the river Danube, with 2ooo drips, fraught with
men and ammunition, fpreading terror and devadation
on every fide.
In this date of univerfal difmay, Claudius alone feem¬
ed to continue undiaken. He marched his difpropor-
tioned army againd the favage invaders j and though
but ill prepared for fuch an engagement, as the forces
of the empire were then employed in different parts of
the world, he came off viftorious, and made an incredi¬
ble daughter of the enemy. The whole of their great
army was either cut to pieces or taken prifoners : houfes
were filled with their arms 5 and fcarce a province of the
empire, that was not furnifhed with Haves from thofe
that furvived the defeat. The fucceffes were followed
by many others in different parts of the empire ; fo that
the Goths, for a confiderable time after, made but a
feeble oppofition. He fome time after marched againd
the revolted Germans, and overthrew them with confi¬
derable daughter, His lad expedition was to oppofe
i etricus and Zenobia, his trvo puiffant rivals in the em¬
pire. But on his march, as he approached near Sirmi-
418
Claudius
dies, and
is fucceed- um, in Pannonia, he vras feized with a pedilential fe¬
ed by Aure-Ver, of which he died in a few days, to the great regret
of his fubjedls, and the irreparable lofs of the Roman Rome,
empire. His reign, which was not of quite two years J
continuance, was active and fuccefsful j and fuch is
the charafter given of him by hidorians, that he is
faid to have united in himfelf the moderation of Au-
gudus, the valour of Trajan, and the piety of Antoni¬
nus.
Immediately after the death of Claudius, the army
made unanimous choice of Aurelian, who was at that
time mader of the horfe, and edeemed the mod valiant
commander of his time. However, his promotion was
not without oppofition on the part of the fenate, as
Quintillus, the brother of the dcceafed emperor, put in
his claim, and was for a while acknowledged at Rome.
But his authority was of very thort duration j for find¬
ing himfelf abandoned by thofe who at fird indigated
him to declare for the throne, he chofe to prevent the
feverity of his rival by a voluntary death, and caufing
his veins to be opened, expired, after having reigned
but 17 days.
Aurelian being thus univerfally acknowledged by
all the dates of the empire, affumed the command,
with a greater fhow of power than his predeceffors had
enjoyed for fome time before. This adlive monarch was
born of mean and obfeure parentage in Dacia, and was
about 55 years old at the time of his coming to the
throne. He had fpent the early part of his life in the
army, and had rifen through all the gradations of mi¬
litary duty. He was of undiaken courage and amaz¬
ing drength ; he in one engagement killed 40 of the
enemy with his own hand, and above 900 at feveral dif¬
ferent times. In dibrt, his valour and expedition wTere
fuch, that he was compared to Julius Caefar; and, in
fact, only wanted mildnefs and clemency to be every
way his equal. ^
The whole of this monarch’s reign was fpent in re- His great
preffing the irruptions of the northern nations, in hum- faccefs
bling every other pretender to the empire, and punifh-
ing the mondrous irregularities of his own fubjedts. He
defeated the Marcomanni, who had invaded Italy, in
three feveral engagements, and at length totally dedroy¬
ed their army. He was not lefs fuccefsful againd Ze¬
nobia, the queen of the Ead, a woman of the mod he¬
roic qualifications, who had long difclaimed the Roman
power, and edablidied an empire of her own, as is re¬
lated under the article Palmyra.
Aurelian having thus brought back peace to the
empire, endeavoured, by the rigours of judice, to bring
back virtue alfo. He was very dried in punidling the
crimes of the foldiery : in his orders to his lieutenants,
he infided that the peafants diould not be plundered up¬
on any pretences •, that net even a grape, a grain of
fait, or a drop of oil, diould be exatded unjudly. He
caufed a fbldier, who had committed adultery with his
hodefs, to have his feet tied to the tops of two trees,
forcibly bent at top to meet each other ; which being
let loofe, and fuddenly recoiling, tore the criminal in
two. This was a feverity that might take the name of
cruelty 5 but the vices of the age, in fome meafure, re¬
quired it. In thefe punithments infiifled on the guilty,
the Chridians, who had all along been growing more
numerous, were diarers. Againd thefe he drew no fe¬
veral letters and edifts, which diowed that he intended
a very fevere perfecution ; but if we may believe the
credulous hidorians of the limes, he was diverted iud as
II
0 M
r 23s 1
ROM
•Rotnt.
42° _
He is mur¬
dered.
421
Tacitus
chofen em
peror.
he was going to fign them by a thunderbolt, tvhich fell
fo near his perfon, that all the people judged him to be
deftroyed.
But, however Heaven might have interpofed on this
occafion, it is certain that his feverities at laft were the
caufe of his deftruftion. Menefthus, his principal fe-
cretary, having been threatened by him for fome fault
which he had committed, began to confider how he
might prevent the meditated blow. For this purpo'e,
he forged a roll of the names of feveral perfons, whom
he pretended the emperor had marked out for death,
adding his own to drengthen him in the confidence of
the party. The fcroll thus contrived was fhown with
an air of the utmoft fecrecy to fome of the perfons con¬
cerned j and they, to procure their fafety, immediately
agreed with him to deftroy the emperor. This refolu-
tion was foon put in execution •, for, as the emperor paf-
fed with a fmall guard from Uraclea, in Thrace, towards
Byzantium, the confpirators fet upon him at once, and
(lew him with very imall refitlance. He was {lain in the
60th, or, as fome fay, in the 63d year of his age, after
a very a£live reign of almoft five years.
The number of pretenders to the throne, which had
formerly infefted the empire, were, by the laft monarch’s
activity, fo entirely removed, that there now feemed to
be none that would venture to declare himfelf a candi¬
date. The army referred the choice to the fenate ; and,
on the other fide, the fenate declined it: fo that a fpace
of near eight months elapfed in thefe negociations. At
length, however, the fenate made choice of Tacitus, a
man of great merit, and noway ambitious of the ho¬
nours that were offered him. Upon being folicited to
accept the empire, he at firft refufed, and retired to
his country houfe in Campania, to avoid their importu¬
nities ; but being at length prevailed upon, he accepted
the reins of government, being at that time 75 years
old.
One of the firfl a£ls of his government was the pu-
nifhment of thofe who had confpired againff the late
emperor. Menefthus was impaled alive, his body be¬
ing thrown to be devoured by wild beads *, his eftate
alfo was confifcated to the exchequer j and his ready
money, which was very confiderable, applied towards
paying the army. During this fliort reign, the fenate
feemed to have a large (hare of authority, and the hi-
ftorians of the times are liberal of their praifes to fuch
emperors as were thus willing to divide their power.—
Upon endeavouring to obtain the confulfhip for his bro¬
ther Probus, he was refufed it by the fenate •, at which
he feemed no w7ay moved, but calmly remarked that
the fenate beft knew whom to choofe. This modera¬
tion prevailed in all the reft of his conduft : he was ex¬
tremely temperate *, his table was plain, and furnifhed
with nothing expenfive *, he even prohibited his emprefs
from wearing jewels, and forbade the ufe of gold and
embroidery. He was fond of learning, and the me¬
mory of fuch men as had deferved well of their coun¬
try. He particularly efteemed the works of his name-
fake Tacitus the hiftorian ; commanding that they fhould
be placed in every public library throughout the em¬
pire, and that many copies of them ftiould be tranfcribed
at the public charge. A reign begun with fuch mo¬
deration and juftice, only wanted continuance to have
made the empire happy j but after enjoying the empire
about fix months, he died of a fever in his march to op-
3
t 4*3 .
the Probus rai-
pofe the Perfians and Scythians, who had invaded the Rome.,
eaftern parts of the empire.
Upon the death of Tacitus the army feemed divided ^
in the choice of an emperor ; one part of it chofe Flo-
rianus, brother to the deceafed } but the majority were
for fome time undetermined. They alleged amongft
each other the neceflxty of choofing one eminent for va¬
lour, honour, piety, clemency, and probity j but the laft
virtue being that chiefly infilled upon, the whole army,
as if by common confent, cried out that Probus ftiould
be emperor. He wras accordingly confirmed in this dig¬
nity with the ufual folemnities: and Florianus finding
himfelf deferted, even by thole legions who had promif-
ed to ftand up in his fupport, opened his arteries and
bled himfelf to death.
Probus was 44 years old, when he afcended
throne, being born of noble parentage at Sirmium infed to the
Pannonia, and bred up a foldier from his youth. HeemFre*
began early to diltinguilh himfelf for his dilcipline and
valour; being frequently the firft man who in befieging
towns {baled the walls, or that buift into the enemy’s
camp. He was no lefs remarkable for Angle combats,
and faving the lives of many eminent citizens. Nor
was his ablivity and courage, when eledted to the em¬
pire, lefs apparent, than in his private ftation. He firft
repreffed the Germans in Gaul, of whom he flew 400,000.
Pie then marched into Dalmatia, to oppole and fubdue
the Sarmatians. From thence he led his forces into
Thrace, and forced the Goths to fue for peace. He af-His cen¬
ter that turned his arms towards Afia •, fubdued the queft*.
province of Ifauria •, and marching onward, conquered
a people called the Blcmyes; who, leaving their native
forefts of Ethiopia, had poffeffed themlelves of Arabia
and Judea, and had continued in a ftate of rebellion fince
the reign of Gallienus. Narles alfo, the king of Perfia,
fubmitted at his approach : and upon his return into
Europe, he divided the depopulated parts of Thrace
among its barbarous invaders : a circumftance that after-
wTards produced great calamities to the empire.
His diligence w as not lefs confpicuous in fupprefling
inteftine commotions. Saturninus, being compelled by
the Egyptians to declare himfelf emperor, was defeated
and flain. Proculus alfo (a perfon remarkable only for
his great attachment to women, and who boafted in a
letter, that, having taken xco Sarmatian virgins prifo-
ners, he deprived ten of that name in one night, and all
the reft within a fortnight) fet up againft the emperor J
but was compelled to fly, and at length delivered up by
the Germans. At the fame time Bonofus (who w-as a
remarkable votary to Bacchus, being able to drink a«
much wine as ten could do, without being difordered)
rebelled, and being overcome hanged himfelf in defpair.
Probus, when he faw him immediately after his death,
could not avoid pointing to him, and faying, “ There
hangs not a man but a calk.” Still, however, not-
withftanding every effort to give quiet to the empire,
the barbarians wdro furrounded it kept it in continual
alarms. They were frequently repulfed into their na¬
tive wdlds, but they as certainly returned with freftr rage
and increafed ferocity. The Goths and Vandals, find¬
ing the emperor engaged in quelling domeftic difputes,
renewed their accuftomed inroads, and once more felt
the puniihment of their prefumptions. They were con¬
quered in feveral engagements ; and Probus returned in
triumph to Rome. His ablive temper, however, would
not
ROM
[ 239
R O M
Rome.
4*5.
Is murder¬
ed.
426
Reigns of
Carus, Ca-
rinus, and
Numeria-
417
Bioclefian
railed to
the em¬
pire.
not rufTer him to continue at reft whilft a Angle enemy
; was lei t to conquer. In his laft expedition he led his
foldiers againlt the Periians ; and going through Sir-
miuni, the place of his nativity, he there employed fe-
veral thoufands of his foldiers in draining a fen that was
incommodious to the inhabitants. The fatigues of this
undertaking, and the great reftraint that was laid upon
the ibldiers licentious manners, produced a confpiracy,
which ended in his ruin : for taking the opportunity as
he was marching into Greece, they fet upon and flew
him after he had reigned fix yeais and four months with
general approbation.
Carus, who was praetorian prefer to the deceafed
emperor, was chofen by the army to fucceed him ; and
' he, to rtrengthen his authority, named his two fons
Carinus and Numerianus with him in command ; the
former of whom was as much fullied by his vices, as
the youngelt was virtuous, model!:, and courageous.
The new emperor had fcarce time to punith the mur¬
derers of the late monarch, when he was alarmed by a
freih irruption of the Sarmatians ; over whom be gain¬
ed a fignal vicftory. The Perfian monarch alfo made
fome attempts upon the empire ; but Carus affured his
ambafiadors, that if their mailer perfilled in his obftina-
cy, all his fields (hould fhortly be as bare as his own
bald head, which he {bowed them. In confequence of
this threat, he marched to the very walls of Ctefiphon,
and a dreadful battle enfuing, he once more gained a
complete victory. What the refult of this fuccefs
might have been, is not known ; for he was Ihortly af¬
ter ftruck by lightning in his tent, with many others
that were round him. Numerianus, the youngeft fon,
who accompanied his father in this expedition, was in-
confolable for his death ; and brought fuch a diforder
upon his eyes with weeping, that he was obliged to be
carried along with the army, fhut up in a clofe litter.
The peculiarly of his fituation, after fome time, excited
the ambition of Aper, his father-in-law, who fuppofed
that he could now, without any great danger, aim at the
empire himfelf. He therefore hired a mercenary villain
to murder the emperor in his litter ; and the better to
conceal the fa£t, gave out that he was ftill alive, but
unable to endure the light. In this manner was the
dead body carried about for fome days, Aper continuing
to attend it with the utmoft appearance of refpefl, and
to take orders as ufual. The offenfivenefs, however, of
its finell at length difcovered the ti'eachery, and excited
an univerfal uproar throughout the army. In the midft
of this tumult, Dioclefian, one of the moft noted com¬
manders of his time, was chofen emperor, and with his
own hand flew Aper; having thus, as it is faid, fulfilled
a prophecy, which had faid, that Dioclefian ftiould be
emperor after he had {lain a boar •, alluding to the name
of his rival, which fignifies a boar. Carinus, the re¬
maining fon, did not long furvive his father and brother ;
for giving himfelf up to his vices, and yet at the fame
time oppofing the new-made emperor, the competitors led
their forces into Moefia ; where Dioclefian being vic¬
torious, Carinus was fiain by a tribune of his own army,
whofe wife he had formerly abufed.
Dioclefian was a perfon of mean birth 5 being ac¬
counted, according to fome, the fon of a ferivener ; and
of a Have, according to others. He received his name
from Dioclea, the town in which he was born j and was
Rotntf.
about 40 years old when he was eleSed to the empire.
He pardoned all who had joined Carinus, without in¬
juring either their fortunes or honours. Ccnfcious alfo
that the weight of empire was too heavy for one alone
to fultain, he took in Maximian, his general, as a part¬
ner in the fatigues of duty, making him his equal and
companion on the throne. Thus mutually affilting each Takes Ma-
other, thefe two continued to live in Uriel friendlhip j xitnian for
and though fomewhat differing in temper (as Maximian *us
was rather a man of vicious inclinations), yet they con¬
curred in promoting the general good, and humbling
their enemies. And it mull be obferved, that there ne¬
ver was a period in which there were more numerous or
formidable enemies to oppofe. 429
The peafants and labourers in Gaul made a dange- Ipfinrcc-
rous infurredlion, under the condufl of Amandus and '
Helianus, but were fubdued by Maximian. Achilleus,
who commanded in Egypt, proclaimed himfelf empe¬
ror ; and it was not without many bloody engagements
that he was overcome, and condemned by Dioclefian
to be devoured by lions. In Africa, the Roman legions,
in like manner, joined with many of the natives, feized
upon the public revenues, and plundered thofe who con¬
tinued in their duty. Thefe were alfo fubdued by Maxi¬
mian •, and, after a long dubious war, conftrained to fuc
for peace. About the fame time, a principal comman¬
der in Britain named Carau^us, proclaimed himfelf em¬
peror, and poffefled himfelf of the illand. To oppofe this
general’s claims, Maximian made choice of Conftantius
Chlorus, whom he created Caefar, and married to The¬
odora his daughter-in-law. He, upon his arrival in
Britain, finding Caraufius very ftrong, and continually
reinforced from Germany, thought proper to come to
an accommodation ; fo that this ufurper continued for
feven years in quiet pcffeflion of the whole illand, till
he was (lain by Aleflus, his friend and intimate. About
this time alfo, Narfes, king of Perfia, began a danger¬
ous war upon the empire, and invaded Mefopotamia.
To Hop the progrefs of the enemy upon this quarter,
Dioclefian made choice of Galerius (furnamed Armen-
tarius, from the report of his being born of a cow-herd
in Dacia) •, and he likewife was created Caefar. His
fuccefs aifo, though very doubtful in the beginning,
wTas in the end terminated according to his wifhes. The
Perfians were overcome in a decifive engagement, their
camp plundered and taken, and their king’s wives and
children made prifoners of war. There only remained,
of all the enemies of the Roman empire, thofe who lay
to the northward unfubdued. Thefe were utterly un¬
conquerable, as well upon account of their favage fierce-
nefs, as the inhofpitable feverity of the climate and
foil from whence they iffued. Ever at war with the
Romans, they iffued forth, when the armies that were
to reprefs their invafions were called away; and upon
their return, they as fuddenly withdrew into cold, bar¬
ren, and inacceflible places, which only themfelves
could endure. In this manner the Goths, SarmatianSj
Alani, Quadi, &c. poured down in incredible num¬
bers ; while every defeat feemed but to increafe their
ftrength and perfeverance. Of thefe, multitudes were
taken prifoners, and fent to people the more fouthern
parts of the empire ; ftill greater numbers were dellroy-
ed; and though the reft were driven back to their na¬
tive forefts, yet they continued ever mindful of their
inveterate
ROM
r 240 ]
ROM
Rome.
430
The Chri-
ftians cruel¬
ly perfecu-
ted.
. 431
Dioclefian
and Viaxi-
m;an re-
%n.
43*
Conltan-
tius i hlo-
rus, and
Galerius,
inveterate enmity, and, like a favage beaft, only conti¬
nued ina&ive, till they had licked their wounds for a
new encounter.
During this interval, as if the external miferies of the
empire were not fufficient, the tenth and laft great per-
fecution was renewed againft the Chriftians. i his is
faid to have exceeded all the former in feverity : and
fuch was the zeal with which it was puifued, that, in
an ancient infcription, we are informed that they had
effaced the name and fuperflition cf the Chriftians, and
had reftored and propagated the wrorfhip of the gods.
Their attempts, however, were but the malicious efforts
of an expiring party 5 for Chriftianity fhortly after was
eftablifhed by law, and triumphed over the malice of all
its enemies. -In the midft of the troubles raifed by this
perfecution, and of the contefts that ftruck <it the in¬
ternal parts of the ftate, Dioclefian and Maximian fur-
prifed the world by refigning their dignities on the fame
day, and both retiring into private ftations. Hiftorians
are much divided concerning the motives that thus in¬
duced them to give up thofe honours which they_ had
purchafed with fo much danger. Some afcribe it to
the philofophical turn of Dioclefian j and others, to
his being dxigufted with the obftinacy of his Chriftian
fubje&s : but La£tantius afferts, that he was compelled
to it, together with his partner, by Galerius, who co¬
ming to Nicomedia, upon the emperor’s recovery from
a great ficknefs, threatened him with a civil wTar in cafe
he refufed to refign. However, of this we are well af-
fured, that he ftill preferved a dignity of fentiment in
his retirement, that might induce us to believe he had
no other motive for refignation than the love of quiet,
and the confcioufnefs of his inability to difcharge on a
fick-bed the duties of a fovereign. Having retired to his
birth-place, he fpent his time in cultivating his garden,
a (Turing his vifitors that then only he began to enjoy the
world, when he was thought by the reft of mankind to
forfake it. When alfo fome attempted to perfuade him
to refume the empire he replied, That if they knew his
prefent happinefs, they would rather endeavour to imi¬
tate than difturb it. In this contented manner he lived
fome time, and at laft died either by poifon or madnefs,
it is uncertain which. His reign, which continued 20
years, was aftive and ufeful", and his authority, tinc¬
tured with feverity, was well adapted to the depraved
Hate of morals at that time.
Maximian, his partner in the empire and in refigna¬
tion, was by no means fb contented with his fituation.
He longed once more for power, and difturbed the two
fucceeding reigns with various efforts to refume it", at¬
tempting to engage Dioclefian in the fame defign.
Being obliged to leave Rome, where be had bred great
confufion, he went over into Gaul, where he was kind¬
ly received by Conftantine, the then acknowledged em¬
peror of the weft. But here alfo continuing his in¬
trigues, and endeavouring to force his own daughter
and deftroy herhufband, he was detefled, and condemn¬
ed to die by whatever death he fhould think proper 5
and La£lantius tells us that he chofe hanging.
Upon the refignation of the two emperors, the two
Caefar's whom they had formerly chofen were univerfal-
ly acknowledged as their fucceffors. Conffantius Chlo-
rus, who was fo called from the plainnefs of his com¬
plexion, was virtuous, valiant, and merciful. Galerius,
on the other hand, was brave, but brutal, incontinent,
4
and cruel. As there was fuch a difparity in their tem- Rome*
pers, they readily agreed, upon coming into full power,
to divide the empire j Conftantias being appointed to
govern the weftern parts 5 namely, Italy, Sicily, the
gieateft part of Africa, together with Spain, Gaul, Bri¬
tain, and Germany j Galerius had the eaftern parts al¬
lotted to hisftiare 5 to wit, Illyricum, Pannonia,'Ihrace,
Macedonia, all the provinces ot Greece, and the Lelfer
Alia, together with Egypt, Syria, Judea, and all the
countries eaftward. The greatnefs of the divifion, how¬
ever, loon induced the emperors to take in two partners
more, Severus and Maximin, who were made Caefars,
and aflifted in the conducing of affairs •, fo that the em¬
pire now was under the guidance of four perfons, all in-
vefted with fupreme authority.
We are informed but of few particulars of the reign
of Conftantius, except a detail of his character, which
appears in every light moft amiable. He was frugal,
chafte, and temperate. His mercy and juftice were
equally confpicuous in his treatment of the Chriftians,
whom he would not fuffer to be injured ; and when at
length perfuaded to difplace all the Chriftian officers of
his houfehold that would not change their religion, when
fome of them complied he fent them away in difgrace $
alleging, that thofe who were not true to their God,
would never be faithful to their prince.
In the fecond year of his reign he went over into
Britain ; apd leaving his fon Conftantine as a kind of
hoftage in t^e court of his partner in the empire, took
up his refidehce at York. He there continued in the
praftice of his ufual virtues $ till falling fick, he began
to think of appointing his fon for his fucceffor. He
accordingly fent for him with all fpeed ; but he was
pait recovery before his arrival: notwithftanding, he re¬
ceived him with marks of the utmoft affedlion, and raff¬
ing himfelf in his bed, gave him feveral ufeful inftruc-
tions, particularly recommending the Chriftians to his
prote&ion. He then bequeathed the empire to his care 5
and crying out, that none but the pious Conftantine
ffiould fucceed him, he expired in his arms.
In the mean time, Galerius, his partner in the em-^
pire, being informed of Conftantine’s advancement, tefti-
fied the moft; ungovernable rage, and was even going to
condemn the meffenger who brought him the account:
but being diffuaded, he feemed to acquiefce in what he
could not prevent, and fent him the marks of royalty j
but at the fame time declared Severus emperor, in op-
pofition to his intererts. Juft about this time alfo, ano- ^
ther pretender to the empire ftarted up. This was Maxentlm
Maxentius, a perfon of mean extraction •, but very much ufurps the
favoured by the foldiers, whom he permitted to pillage ftirone-
at difcretion. In order to oppofe Maxentius, Severus
led a numerous army towards the gates of Rome", but
his foldiers confidering againft whom they were to
fight, immediately abandoned him *, and fhortly after
he put an end to his own life, by opening his veins.
To revenge his death, Galerius marched into Italy, re-
folving to ruin the inhabitants, and to deftroy the whole
fenate. His foldiers, however, upon approaching the
capital began to waver in their refolutions : wffierefore
he was obliged to have recourfe to intreaties, imploring
them not to abandon him *, and, retiring by the fame
route by which he had advanced, made Licinius, who
was originally the fon of a poor labourer in Dacia, Cae-
far, in the room of Severus who was llain. This feem-
’ ad
ft O M
Roaie.
434
Dreadful
death of
Galerius.
. 435
Conftan-
tine’s vi-
Son and
converfion
to Chrifli-
anity.
ed to be tbe laft a6l of his potver j for fhortly after he
was feized with a very extraordinary diforder in his
privities, which baffled all the (kill of his phyficians,
and carried him off, after he had languifhed in torments
for near the fpace of a year. His cruelty to the Chri-
flians wTas one of the many crimes alleged againft him j
and their hiftorians have not failed to aggravate the cir-
cumftances of his death as a judgment from Heaven
for his former impiety. However this be, he abated
much of his feverities againft them on his deathbed;
and revoked thofe edicts which he had formerly pub-
liflied, tending to their perfecution, a little before his
death.
Conftantine being thus delivered from his greateft
opponent, might now be confidered as poffefling more
power than any of his rivals who were yet remaining.
The empire was at that time divided between him and
three others: Maxentius, who governed in Rome, a per-
fon of a cruel difpofition, and a ftedfaft fupporter of pa-
ganifm j Licinius, who was adopted by Galerius, and
commanded in the eaft ; and likewife Maximin, who
had formerly been declared Caefar with Severus, and
who alfo governed fome of the eaftern provinces.
For fome time all things feemed to wear a peaceful
appearance 5 till at length, either ambition, or the ty¬
rannical conduct of Maxentius, induced Conftantine to
engage in an expedition to expel that commander from
Rome, and to make the proper preparations for march¬
ing into Italy. It was upon this occafion that he form¬
ed a refolution which produced a mighty change in the
politics as w-ell as the morals of mankind, and gave a
new turn to the councils of the wife, and the purfuits
of ambition. One evening, as we are told by Eufebius,
the army being upon its march toward Rome, Con¬
ftantine was taken up with various confiderations upon
the fate of fublunary things, and the dangers of his ap¬
proaching expedition : fenfible of his own incapacity
to fucceed without divine afliftance, he employed his
meditations upon the opinions that then wrere chiefly
agitated among mankind, and fent up his ejaculations
to Heaven to infpire him with wifdom to choofe the
path he ought to purfue. It was then, as the fun was
declining, that there fuddenly appeared a pillar of light
in the heavens, in the form of a crofs, with this in-
fcription, TOTTJ2 NIKH, “ In this overcome.” So ex¬
traordinary an appearance did not fail to create afto-
nifflment both in the emperor and his whole army, who
confidered it as their difpofttions led them to believe.
Thofe who wTere attached to paganifm, prompted by
their aufpices, pronounced it a moft inaufpicious omen,
portending the moft unfortunate events. But it made
a different impreflion on the emperor’s mind ; who, as
the account goes, was farther encouraged by vifions the
lame night. He therefore, the day following, caufed a
royal ftandard to be made, like that which he had feen
in the heavens j and commanded it to be carried before
him in his wars, as an enftgn of victory and celeftial
prote6lion. After this, he confulted wflth feveral of the
principal teachers of Chrifiianity, and made a public
avowal of that facred perfuafion.
Conftantine having thus attached to his intereft his
foldiers, who w7ere moftly ol the Chriftian perfuafion,
loft no time in entering Italy with 90,000 foot and
8000 horfe } and foon advanced to the very gates of
Home. The unfortunate Maxenbius who had long gi-
Vol. XVIII. Part I.
[ 241 1
ft O M
ven himfelf up to eafe and debauchery, now begaft to ft.oiwS.
make preparations when it was too late. He firft put' 
in praftice all the fuperftitious rites which paganifm 43<5.-
taught to be neceffary > and then confulted the Sibyl- defeated
line books j from whence he was informed, that on that and kill-
great day the enemy of Rome ftiould perifli. This pre-ed<
di&ion, which w’as equivocal, he applied to Conftan¬
tine j fo that, leaving all things in the beft pofture,
he advanced from the city with an army of 100,000
foot and 1 8,000 horfe. The engagement was for fome
time fierce and bloody, till his cavalry being routed,
vi&ory declared upon the fide of his opponent, and he
himlelf was drowned in his flight by the breaking down
of a bridge as he attempted to crofs the river Tiber.
Conftantine, in confequence of this vidtory, entering
the city, difclaimed all praifes which the lenate and
people were ready to offer ; afcribing his fuccefs to a
fuperior power. He even caufed the crofs, which
it is faid he faw in the heavens, to be placed at the
right of all his ftatues, with this infcription : “ That
under the influence of that victorious crofs, Conftantine
had delivered the city from the yoke of tyrannical
power, and had reftored the fenate and people of Rome
to their ancient authority.” He afterwards ordained,
that no criminal ftiould for the future fuffer death by
the crofs j which had formerly been the moft ufual way
of punilhing flaves convidted of capital offences. Edidts
were foon after iffued, declaring that the Chriftians
fflould be eafed from all their grievances, and received
into places of truft and authority. Thus the new reli¬
gion was feen at once to prevail over the whole Roman
empire j and as that enormous fabric had been built and
guided upon pagan principles, it loft a great deal of its
ftrength and coherence when thofe principles were thus
at once fubverted.
Things continued in this ftate for fome time, Con¬
ftantine all the while contributing what was in his power
to the intereft of religion, and the revival of learning,
which had long been upon the decline, and was almoft
wholly extindl in the empire. But in the midft of thefe
afflduities, the peace of the empire was again difturbed
by the pneparations of Maximin, who governed in the
eaft, and who, defirous of a full participation of power,
marched againft Licinius with a very numerous army. 4.3?. v
In confequence of this ftep, after many conflidls, a ge- defeaTand
neral engagement enfued, in which Maximin fuffered a death,
total defeat j many of his troops were cut in pieces
and thofe that furvived fubmitled to the conqueror.
Maximin, however, having efcaped the general carnage,
once more put himfelf at the head of another army, re-
fblving to try the fortune of the field ; but death pre¬
vented his defign. As he died by a very extraordinary,
kind of madnefs, the Chriftians, of whom he was the
declared enemy, did not fail to afcribe his end to a
judgment from heaven ; but this was the age in which
falle judgments and falfe miracles made up the bulk of
their uninftrudlive hiftory.
Conftantine and Licinus thus remaining undifputed 4.3S
poffeffors and partners in the empire, all things promi-W'r be-
fed a peaceable continuance of friendftip and power.tween Co”'’
However, it was foon found, that the fame ambition iTjLid-
that aimed after a part, would be content with nothing nius.
lefs than the whole. Pagan writers afcribe the rupture
between thele two potentates to Conftantine; while
the Chriftkns, on the other hand, impute it wholly ta
H h Licinius*
Rome.
439
Licinius
overcome
and put to
death.
44°
Conftan-
tine puts
his whe
and Ion to
death.
R O M r 242 ] R O M
Liclmus. Both, perhaps, might have concurred: for
Licinius is convifled of having perfecuted Chriflianity,
which was fo highly favoured by his rival ; and Con-
ftantine is known to have been the fir ft to begin the
preparations for an open rupture. Both tides exerted
all their power to make oppofition ; and at the head
of very formidable armies, came to an engagement near
Cybalis, in Pannonia. Conftantine, previous to the
battle, in the midft of his Chriftian bifhops, begged the
affiftance of Heaven 5 while Licinius, with equal zeal,
called upon the pagan priefts to intercede with the gods
in his favour. Conftantine, after an obftinate refiftance
from the enemy, became viclorious; took their camp*,
and, after feme time, compelled Licinius to fue for a
truce, which was agreed upon. But this was of no long
continuance ; for foon after, the war breaking out a-
frefh, and the rivals coming once more to a general en¬
gagement, it proved decifive. Licinius was entirely de¬
feated, and purfued by Conftantine into Nicomedia,
where he furrendered himfelf up to the vidlor *, having
ftrft obtained an oath that his life fhould be fpared, and
that he fhould be permitted to pafs the remainder of his
days in retirement. This, however, Conftantine ftiort-
ly after broke *, for either fearing his deftgns, or find¬
ing him aflually engaged in freftr confpiracies, he com¬
manded him to he put to death, together with Martian
his general, who fome time before bad been created
Ctefar.
Conftantine being now foie monarch of the empire,
without a rival to divide his power, or any perfon fiom
whofe claims he could have the leaft apprehenfions, re-
folved to eftablifh Chriftianity on fo fare a bafis, that no
new Regulations fhould (hake it. He commanded that
in all the provinces of the empire the orders of the bi-
fhops fhould be exaftly obeyed ; a privilege of which,
in fuccecding times, thefe fathers made but a very indif¬
ferent iTe. He called alfo a general council of thefe, to
meet at Nicea, in order to reprefs the herefies that had
already crept into the church, particularly that of Arms.
To this place repaired about 3 18 bifhops, befides a mul¬
titude of prefhyters and deacons, together with the em¬
peror himfelf; who al*, to about 17, concurred in con¬
demning the tenets of Arius; who, with his alfociates,
was banifhed into a remote part of the empire.
Having thus reftored univerfal tranquillity to the
empire, he was not able to ward off calamities of a
more domeftic nature. As the hiftories of that period
are entirely at variance with each other, it is not eafy to
difeover the motives which induced him to put his wife
Faufta and his fon Crifpus to death. The moft plau-
fible account is this : Faufta the emprefs, who was a
woman of great beauty, but of extravagant defires, had
long, though fecretly, loved Crifpus, Conftantine’s fon
by a former wife. She had tried every art to infpire
this youth with a mutual paffion ; but, finding her more
diftant efforts ineffefhial, had even the confidence to
make him an open confeffion of her defires. This pro¬
duced an explanation, which was fatal to both. Crif¬
pus received her addreffes with deteftation ; and (lie, to
be revenged, accufed him to the emperor. Cohftantine,
fired at once with jealoufy and rage, ordered him to die
wkhout a hearing ; nor did his innocence appear till it
was too late for redrefs. The only reparation, there¬
fore that remained, was the putting Faufla, the wicked
inftrument of his former cruelty, to death; which" was
accordingly executed upon her, together with fome Roue,
others who had been accomplices in her falfehood and v*—-**'
treachery.
But the private misfortunes of a few were not to be
weighed againft evils of a more general nature, which {
the Roman empire fhortly after experienced. Thefe xransfcis
arofe froift a meafure which this emperor conceived and the feat of
executed, of transferring the feat ol the empire from empire to
Rome to Byzantium, or ConJIantinople, as ii was after-f
wards called. Whatever might have been the realons
which induced him to this undertaking ; whether it
was becaufe he was offended at fome affronts he recei¬
ved at Rome, or that he fuppofed Conftantinople more
in the centre of the empire, or that he thought the eaf-
tern parts more required his prefence, experience has
fhown that they were weak and groundlefs. The em¬
pire had long before been in the moft declining ftate ;
but this in a great meafure gave precipitation to its down¬
fall. After this it never refumed its former fplendor,
but languifhed.
His firft defign was to build a city which he might
make the capital of the world ; and for this purpofe,
he made choice of a fituation at Chalcedon in Alia Mi¬
nor ; but we are told, that in laying out the ground-
plan, an eagle caught up the line and flew with it over
to Byzantium, a city which lay upon the eppofite fide
of the Bofphorus. Here, therefore, it was thought ex¬
pedient to fix the feat of the empire ; and indeed nature
feems to have formed it with all the conveniences and
all the beauties which might induce power to make it
the feat of refidence. It was fituated on a plain that
rofe gently from the water ; it commanded that flrait
which unites the Mediterranean with the Euxine fea,
and was furnifhed with all the advantages which the
moft indulgent climate could beftow. rI his city, there¬
fore, he beautified with the moft magnificent edifices ,
he divided it into 14 regions; built a capitol, an amphi¬
theatre, many churches, and other public works ; and
having thus rendered it equal to the magnificence of his
idea, he dedicated it in a very folemn manner to the
God of martyrs; in about two years after, repairing
thither with his whole court.
The removal produced no immediate alteration in
the government of the empire ; the inhabitants of Rcme,
though with reluflance, fubmitted to the change ; nor
was there for two or three years any difturbance in the
ftate, until at length the Goths, finding that the Ro¬
mans had withdrawn all their garrifons along the Da¬
nube, renewed their inroads,* and ravaged the country
with unheard-of cruelty. Conftantine, howeier, foon
repreffed their incurfions, and fo ftrartened them, that
near ioo,oco of their number ptrifhed by cold and
hunger. Thefe and fome other infurre&ions being hap-
pily^fuppmTed, the government of the empire was di¬
vided as follows. Conftantine, the emperor’s eldeft fon,
commanded in Gaul and the weftern provinces ; Con-
ftantius governed Africa and Ulyricum ; and Conftans
ruled in Italy. Dalmaiius, the emperor’s brother, was
fent to defend thofe parts that bordered upon the Goths;
and Annibalianus, his nephew, had the charge of Cap¬
padocia and Armenia Minor. This divifion of the em¬
pire ftill farther contributed to its downfall : for the
united ftrength of the ftate being no longer brought to
reprefs invafions, the barbarians fought with fupericr
numbers; and conquered at laft, though often defeated.
Conftantine,
R O M
[ 243 ]
R O M
Rr.me.
447
Death of
Conftan-
tine.
443
Reign of
Valenti-
nian.
Conftantine, however, did not live to feel thefe calctrai-
u ties. The latter part of his reign was peaceful and fplen-
did 5 ambalTadors from'the remoteft Indies came to ac-
knowlcdge his authority ; the Perlians, who were ready
for freih inroads, upon finding him prepared to oppofe,
fent humbly to defire his friendihip and forgivenefs. He
was above 60 years old, and had reigned above 30 years,
when he found his health began to decline. To obvi¬
ate the eiTefls of his diforder, which was an intermitting
fever, he made ufe of the warm baths of the city ; but
receiving no benefit from thence, he removed for change
of air to Hek-nupolis, a city which he had built to the
memory of his mother. His diforder increafing, he
changed again to Nicomedia ; where finding him-
felf without hopes of recovery, he caufed himfelf to
be baptized; and having foon after received the fa-
crament, he expired, after a memorable and aftive reign
of 32 years. This monarch’s charaefer is reprefented to
us in very different lights: the Chrilfian writers of that
time adorning it with every 11 rain of panegyric ; the
heathens, on the contrary, loading it with all the viru¬
lence of inveftive. He eftablifhed a religion that con¬
tinues the bleffing of mankind ; but punued a fcheme
of politics that dertroyed the empire.
From the time of Conftantine to the divifion of the
empire between Valentinian and his brother Valens, the
hiftory of Rome is related under the article Constan¬
tinople, where alfo that of the eaftern part is carried
down to the final deftruflion of that city by the Turks.
In the beginning of the reign of Valentinian, the pro¬
vince of Libya Tripolitana was grievoufly opprefied by
the barbarians of the defert, and almok equally fo by
Romanus its own governor. His conduft was fo ex¬
ceedingly oppreffive, that the inhabitants fent a deputa¬
tion to Valentfnian, complaining of their unhappy fitua-
tion, and defiring redrefs. Palladius was accordingly
fent to inquire into the Hate of the province 5 but being
gained over by Romanus, he made a falfe report to the
emperor 5 and thus the unhappy province was left a prey
to the mercilefs invaders and rapacious governor. Du¬
ring the reft of this reign the barbarians continued
their inroads into the empire-, and among others, we
find the Saxons now putting in for a {hare of the fpoils
of the ruined empire : however, their army was at this
time entirely cut oil. At laft Valentinian himfelf took
the field againft thefe northern barbarians; and enter¬
ing the country of the Quadi, deftroyed all with fire
and fword. The barbarians on this were fain to fiae
tor peace in a very humble manner ; but Valentinian,
falling into a great pafiion while fpeaking to them,
threatened to extirpate the whole nation at once. His
fury on this occafion produced an apoplexy, or feme
other mortal diforder-, for he fuddenly fell down, and
being cpnveyed by his attendants into his chamber, he
was feized with violent convulfive fits and contortions
of all his limbs, in the agonies of which he expired, in
the year 375, the 55th of his age, and 12th of his reign.
After the death of Valentinian, his fon Gratian took
upon him the imperial dignity : foon after becoming
mafter of the whole empire by the death of Valens.
The tranfacHons of his reign, and thofe of his partner
Theodofius, are related under the article Constanti¬
nople, N° 77—89. The death of Theodofius gave
the finilbing ftroke to the Roman affairs; his fon Ho-
norius, to whom he left the weftern empire, being pof-
feffed of no abilities whatever, and indeed feeming to Rome,
have, been but very little removed from an idiot. The
barbarians appear to have been abundantly jenfible of
the advantages offered them by the death of Theodofius,
He expired in the month of January ; and before the ^ ^
acceftlon of fpring, the Goths were in arms. The bar- Invafion
barian auxiliaries alfo now declared their independency j of the
and along with their countrymen, furioufiy affailed the ^ot“s l]n*
declining empire. The Goths were now headed by an1^'1 ^auc-
experienced commander, their celebrated king Alaric ;
who would have proved formidable even in better times
of the empire. He firft overran Greece, which he ac-
complilhed without oppofition, through the treachery
of the governor, who commanded the troops that de¬
fended the pafs at Thermopylae to retire at the ap¬
proach of the enemy. Athens, Corinth, Argos, Spar¬
ta, yielded without refiftance; and the whole country
was ravaged and deftroyed by the blood-thirfty bar¬
barians. At laft, in the year 397, he was oppofed by
Stilicho, the general of Honorius, a man of gieat va¬
lour and experience in war. The Goths were defeated
with great lofs, and afterwards befieged in their camp j
but through miftake or negligence in the Roman com¬
mander, they were fuffered to efcape, and make them-
felves mafters of the province of Epirus. Alaric then,
having found means to conclude a treaty with the mi-
nifters of Conftantinople, Stilicho was obliged to retire.
Not long after this, Alaric invaded Italy itfelf. The
emperor, ftruck with terror, would have abandoned
the country and fled into Gaul: but this difgraceful
and pernicious meafure was oppofed by Stilicho j who
propofed to the court of Honorius, at that time at Mi¬
lan, that if they would maintain their ground during
his abfence he would foon return with an army ca¬
pable of oppofing the barbarians. This being agreed
to, St licho immediately fet out for Rhaetia, where the
moft confiderable body of the Roman forces at that
time was, and colledted his troops with the utmoft di¬
ligence. Rut in the mean time Honorius was in the
greateft danger ; having been obliged to take refuge
in the town of Afta in Piedmont. To this place the
Goths inftantly laid fiege, and a capitulatioff had been
propofed, when the drooping fpirits of Honorius were
at once revived by the arrival of Stilicho, whom he ^.
had fo long expefted. The Goths were now befieged Goths ck-.
in their turn, and obliged to come to a decifive battletCHtec^ at
at Pollentia. The engagement lafted the whole day j ollentia.
but at laft the Goths were compelled to retreat. Their
camp was inftantly invefted -, their entrenchments for¬
ced with great (laughter; the wife of Alaric was taken,
with all the wealth which had been amaffed in plun¬
dering Greece-, while many thoufands of Roman pri-
foners were releafed from the moft deplorable flavery.
The viffory, however, was not fo decifive but that A-
laric continued ftill extremely formidable; and Stilicho
chofe rather to conclude a treaty with him, and allow
him an annual penfion, than to continue the war with
vigour. Alaric, who was not very fcrupulous in his
cbfervance of this treaty, in his retreat attempted to
make himfelf mafter of the city of Verona : but Stili¬
cho coming up with him near that place, gave him a
terrible defeat, in which the lofs was little lefs than it
had been at Pollentia ; after which he effefted a retreat
out of Italy, but not without the greateft difficulty and
danger.
PI h 2 Italy
Rome.
446
Honorius
retires to
Ravenna.
447
Mr Gib-
bo.i’s ac¬
count of
the revo¬
lutions in
China.
ROM [ 244 ] ROM
Italy being thus happily delivered, Honorius enter¬
ed Rome in triumph, having Stilicho along with him
in the triumphal chariot. On his entry into the city, he
abolidied the (hows of gladiators 5 which, though for¬
bidden by Conftantine, had been tolerated by his fuc-
ceffors, and even by Theodofius himfelf, out of com-
plaifance to the people, who w’ere beyond meafure fond
of that inhuman diverlion. However, foon after, the
emperor was obliged to leave the metropolis and retire
to Ravenna, in order to fecure himfelf from the barba¬
rians, who now broke in upon the empire on all fides.
Such multitudes now made their appearance, that it is
not a little difficult to account for their hidden emi¬
gration. Mr Gibbon accounts for it from a fuppofed
revolution in the north-eaftern parts of China. “ The
Chinefe annals (fays he), as they have been interpre¬
ted by the learned induftry of the prefent age, may
be ufefully applied to reveal the fecret and remote
caufes of the fall of the Roman empire. The extenfive
territory to the north of the great wall was pofleffed,
after the flight of the Huns, by the victorious Sienpi;
who were fometimes broken into independent tribes,
and fometimes re-united under a fupreme chief j till at
length ftyling themfelves Topa, or “ matters of the
earth,” they acquired a more lolid confiftence, and a
more formidable power. The Topa foon compelled
the paftoral nations of the eaftern defert to acknow¬
ledge the fuperiority of their arms j they invaded China
in a period of weaknefs and inteftine difcord ; and
thefe fortunate Tartars, adopting the laws and man¬
ners of the vanquifhed people, founded an imperial dy-
nafty, which reigned near 160 years over the northern
provinces of the monarchy. Some generations before
they afcended the throne of China, one of the Topa
princes had enlitted in his cavalry a (lave of the name
of Moko, renowned for his valour ; but wffio was tempt¬
ed, by the fear of punifliment, to defert his ftandard,
and to range the defert at the head of 100 followers.
This gang of robbers and outlaws fwelled into a camp,
a tribe, a numerous people, diftinguifhed by the ap¬
pellation of Geouqen; and their hereditary chieftains,
the pofterity of Moko the Have, aflumed their rank
among the Scythian monarchs. The youth Toulun,
the greatett of his defcendants, wras exercifed by thofe
misfortunes which are the fchool of heroes. He bravely
ft niggled with adverfity, broke the imperious yoke of
the Topa, and became the legiflator of his nation, and
the conqueror of Tartary. His troops w'ere dittributed
into regular bands of 100 and of 1000 men j cowards
were ftoned to death *, the mott: fplendid honours were
propofed as the reward of valour j and Toulun, who
had knowledge enough to defpife the learning of Chi¬
na, adopted only fuch arts and inftitutions as were fa¬
vourable to the military fpirit of his government. His
tents, which he removed in the winter feafon to a more
fouthern latitude, w’ere pitched during the fummer on
the fruitful banks of the Selinga. His conquetts
ftretched from the Corea far beyond the river Irtiih.
He vanquifhed, in the country to the north of the Caf-
pian fea, the nation of the Huns •, and the |new title of
Khan, on Cagan, exprefled the fame and power which
he derived from this memorable vidlory.
“ The chain of events is interrupted, or rather is con¬
cealed, as it paffes from the Volga to the Vittula,
thsQUgh the dark interval which feparates the extreme
limits of the Chinefe and of the Roman geography. Rome.
Yet the temper of the barbarians, and the experience
of ’fucceffive emigrations, fufficiently declare, that the
Huns, who were opprefled by the arms of the Geougen,
foon withdrew from the prefence of an infulting victor.
The countries towards the Euxine were already occu¬
pied by their kindred tribes} and their hatty flight,
which they foon converted into a bold attack, would
more naturally be directed towards the rich and level
plains through which the Vittula gently flows into the
Baltic fea. Tire north mutt again have been alarmed
and agitated by the invafion of the Huns 5 and the na¬
tions who retreated before them mifft have preffed
with incumbent weight on the confines of Germany.
The inhabitants of thofe regions which the ancients
have affigned to the Suevi, the Vandals, and the Bur¬
gundians, might embrace the refolution of abandoning
to the fugitives of Sarmatia their woods and morafles;
or at leatt of difchargiwg their fuperfluous numbers on
the provinces of the Roman empire. About four years
after the victorious Toulun had aflumed the title of khan
of the Geougen, another barbarian, the haughty Rho-
dogaft, or Radagaii’us, marched from the northern ex¬
tremities of Germany almott to the gates of Rome, and
left the remains of his army to atchieve the deftruCfion
of the weft. The Vandals, the Suevi, and the Bur¬
gundians, formed the ftrength of this mighty hoft : but
the Alani, who had found an hofpitable reception in
their new feats, added their aftive cavalry to the heavy
infantry of the Germans; and the Gothic adventu¬
rers crowded fo eagerly to the ftandard of Radagaifus,
that by fome hiftorians he has been ftyled the king of the ,
Goths. Twelve thoufand warriors, dittinguithed above ^aja!ra;_
the vulgar by their noble birth or their valiant deeds, fus invades
glittered in the van •, and the whole multitude, which Italy
was not lefs than 200,000 fighting men, might be in-a P'^'g1*
creafed by the acceffion of women, of children, and Ofousarm3'*
flaves, to the amount of 400,000 perfens. This formi¬
dable emigration iffued from the fame coaft of the Bal¬
tic which had poured forth the myriads of the Cim-
bri and Teutones to aflault Rome and Italy in the vi¬
gour of the republic. After the departure of thofe
barbarians, their native country, which was marked by
the veftiges of their greatnefs, long ramparts, and gi¬
gantic moles, remained during fome ages a vaft and
dreary folitude 5 till the human fpecies was renewed
by the powers of generation, and the vacancy was fill¬
ed up by the influx of new inhabitants. The nations
who now ufurp an extent of land which they are un¬
able to cultivate, would foon be affiited by the indu-
ftrious poverty of their neighbours, if the government
of Europe did not proteCt the claims of dominion and
property.
“ The correfpondence of nations was in that age fo
imperfeCt and precarious, that the revolutions of the
north might efcape the knotvledge of the court of Ra¬
venna ) till the dark cloud which was collefted along
the coaft of the Baltic burft in thunder upon the banks
of the Upper Danube. The emperor of the weft, if
his minifters difturbed his amufements by the news of
the impending danger, was fatisfied with being the cc-
cafion and the IpeClator of the war. The fafety of
Rome was intrufted to the counfels and the fword of
Stilicho •, but fuch was the feeble and exhaufted ftate
of the empire, that it was impofixble to reftore the for¬
tifications,
ROM [ 245 ] ROM
Romfe.
Defeated
and de-
ftroyed by
Stilicho.
tifications of the Danube, or to prevent, by a vigorous
effort, the invafion of the Germans. The hopes of the
vigilant tninifter of Honorius were corrfined to the de¬
fence of Italy. He once more abandoned the provinces;
recalled the troops j preffed the new levies, wrhich were
rigoroufly exacted, and pufillanimoufly eluded •, em¬
ployed the mod efficacious means to arreft or allure
the deferters; and offered the gift of freedom, and of
two pieces of gold, to ail the Haves who would enlift.
By thefe efforts he painfully collefted from the fub-
^etffs of a great empire an army of 30,000 or 40,000
men ; which, in the days of Scipio or Camillus, would
have been inftantly furnifhed by the free citizens of
the territory of Rome. The 30 legions of Stilicho
were reinforced by a large body of barbarian auxilia¬
ries j the faithful Alani were perfonally attached to his
lervice •, and the troops of Huns and of Goths, who
marched under the banners of their native princes
Hulden and Sarus, were animated by interelf and re-
fentment to oppofe the ambition of Radagaifus. The
king of the confederate Germans paffed, without re¬
finance, the Alps, the Po, and the Appenine : leaving
on one hand the inacceffible palace of Honorius, fe-
curely buried among the marfhes of Ravenna; and
on the other, the camp of Stilicho, who had fixed his
head quarters at Ticinum, or Pavia, but who feems to
have avoided a decifive battle till he had affembled his
diftant forces. Many cities of Italy were pillaged, or
deftroyed ^ and the fiege of Florence by Radagaifus
is one of the earlieft events in the hiftory of that cele¬
brated republic, whofe firmnefs checked and delayed
the unfkilful fury of the barbarians. The fenate and
people trembled at their approach within 180 miles of
Rome; and anxiouffy compared the danger which they
had efcaped with the new perils to which they were
expofed. Alaric was a Chriftian and a foldier, the
leader of a difciplined army ; who underftood the laws
of war, who refpedled the fanflity of treaties, and who
had familiarly converfed with the fubjefts of the em¬
pire in the fame camps and the fame churches. The
favage Radagaifus was a ftranger to the manners, the
religion, and even the language, of the civilized na¬
tions of the fouth. The fiercenefs of his temper was
exafperated by cruel fuperftition ; and it was univer-
fally believed, that he had bound himfelf by a folemn
vow to reduce the city into a heap of Hones and afhes,
and to facrifice the moft illuftrious of the Roman fe-
nators on the altars of thofe gods who were appeafed
by human blood. The public danger, -which ffiould
have reconciled all domeffic animofities, difplayed the
incurable madnefs of religious faction. The oppreffed
votaries of Jupiter and Mercury refpedfed, in the im¬
placable enemy of Rome, the character of a devout
pagan loudly declared, that they were more appre-
henfive of the facrifices than of the arms of Radagai¬
fus and fecretly rejoiced in the calamities of their
country, which condemned the faith of their Chriftian
adverfaries.
“ Florence was reduced to the laft extremity •, and the
Hinting courage of the citizens was fupported only by
the authority of St Ambrofe, who had communicated
in a dream the promife of a fpeedy deliverance. On a
fudden they beheld from their walls the banners of Sti¬
licho, who advanced with his united force to the relief
©f the faithful city ; and who foon marked that fatal
fpot for the grave of the barbarian hoft. The apparent
contradictions of thofe writers who varioufly relate the
defeat of Radagaifus, may be reconciled without offer¬
ing much violence to their refpeCHve teftimonies. Oro-
fius and Auguffin, who were intimately connected by
friendlhip and religion, afcribe this miraculous victory
to the providence of God rather than to the valour of
man. They itriCtly exclude every idea of chance, or
even of bloodfhed 5 and pofitively affirm, that the Ro¬
mans, whofe camp was the fcene of plenty and idlenefs,
enjoyed the diitrefs of the barbarians, Howly expiring
on the (harp and barren ridge of the hills of Faefulae,
which rile above the city of Florence. Their extrava¬
gant affertion, that not a fingle foldier of the Chriftian
army was killed, or even wounded, may be dilmiffed
with filent contempt ; but the reft of the narrative of
Auguftin and Orofius is confident with the ftate of the
xvar and the character of Stilicho. Conlcious that* he
commanded the laft army of the republic, his prudence
would not expofe it in the open field to -the headftrong
fury of the Germans. The method of furrounding the
enemy wuth ftrong lines of circumvallation, which he
had trvice employed again ft the Gothic king, was re¬
peated on a larger fcale, and with more confiderable
effeCl. The examples of Ccefar muft have been fami¬
liar to the moft illiterate of the Roman warriors ; and
the fortifications of Dyrrhachium, which connected 24
caftles by a perpetual ditch and rampart of 15 miles,
afforded the model of an intrenchment which might
confine and ftarve the moft numerous hoft. of barba¬
rians. The Roman troops had lefs degenerated from-
the induftry than from the valour of their, anceftors $
and if the fervile and laborious work offended the pride
of the foldiers, Tufcany could fupply many thoufand.
peafants, who would labour, though perhaps they would
not fight, for the falvation of their native country.-—
The imprifoned multitude of horfes and men was gra¬
dually deftroyed by famine, rather than by the fword ;
but the Romans were expofed, during the progrefs of
fuch an extenfive work, to the frequent attacks of an
impatient enemy. The defpair of the hungry barbari¬
ans would precipitate them againft the fortifications of
Stilicho 5 the general might fometimes indulge the ar¬
dour of his brave auxiliaries, who eagerly preffed to af-
fault the camp of the Germans ; and thefe various inci¬
dents might produce the (harp and bloody conflicts which
dignify the narrative of Zofimus, and the Chronicles
cf Rrofper and Marcellinus. A feafonable fupply of
men and provifions had been introduced into the walls
ot Florence ; and the famifhed hoft of Radagaifus was
in its turn befieged. The proud monarch of fo many
warlike nations, after the lofs of his braveft warriors,
was reduced to confide either in the faith of a capitula¬
tion, or in the clemency of Stilicho. Eut the death of
the royal captive, who was ignominioufty beheaded, dif-
graced the triumph of Rome and of Chriftianity ; and
the ftiort delay of his execution was fufficient to brand
the conqueror with the guilt of cool and deliberate
cruelty. I he lamiffied Germans who efcaped the fury
of the auxiliaries were fold as Haves, at the contemptible
price of as many fingle pieces of gold : but the difference
of food and climate fwept away great numbers of thole
unhappy ftrangers; and it was obferved, that the inhuman
purchalers, inftead of reaping the fruit of their labour,
were foon obliged to add to it the expence of interring
them.
Rome.
—y—
mj
Rome.
4.S®
Account of
the remain¬
der of the
army of
Radagaifus.
451
The Van¬
dals defeat
ed by the
Franks.
ROM I2+6] ROM
them. StiJicho informed the emperor and the fenate
of his fuccefs } and deferved a fecond time the glorious
title of Deliverer of Italy.
“ The fame of the viftory, and more efpecially of
the miracle, has encouraged a vain perfuafion, that the
whole army, or rather nation, of Germans, who migra¬
ted from the (hores of the Baltic, miferably perifhed
under the walls of Florence. Such indeed was the fate
of Kadagaifus himfelf, of his brave and faithful com¬
panions, and of more than one-third of the various mul¬
titude of Sueves and Vandals, of Alani and Burgundi¬
ans, who adhered to the ftandard of their general. The
union of fuch an army might excite our furprife, but the
caufes of feparation are obvious and forcible ; they were
the pride of birth, the infolence of valour, the jealoufy of
command, the impatience of fubordination, and the
obftinate confhdl of opinions, of interefts, and of pai-
fions, among fo many kings and warriors, who were
untaught to yield or to obey. After the defeat of Ba-
dagaifus, two parts of the German hoft, which muft
have exceeded the number of 100,000 men, hill re¬
mained in arms between the Apennine and the Alps, or
between the Alps and the Danube, It is uncertain whe¬
ther they attempted to revenge the death of their gene¬
ral : but their irregular fury was foon diverted by the
prudence and firmnefs of Stilicho, who oppofed their
march, and facilitated their retreat; who confidered
the fafety of Home and Italy as the great objeft of his
care, and who facrificed with too much indifference the
wealth and tranquillity of the diftant provinces. The
barbarians acquired, from the jundlion of fome Panno-
nian deferters, the knowledge of the country and of the
roads ; and the invafion of Gaul, which Alaric had de-
ligned, was executed by the remains of the great army
of Radagaifus.
“Yet if they expelled to derive any affiftance from
the tribes of Germany who inhabited the banks of the
Rhine, their hopes were difappointed. The Alemanni
preferved a Rate of inaclive neutrality \ and the Franks
diffinguifhed their zeal and courage in the defence of
the empire. In the rapid progrefs down the Rhine,
which was the frft act of the adminiftration of Stilicho,
he had applied himfelf with peculiar attention to fecure
the alliance of the warlike Franks, and to remove the
irreconcileable enemies of peace and of the republic.
Marcomir, one of their kings, was publicly convifted
before the t ribunal of the Roman magiltrate of violating
the faith of treaties. He was fentenced to a mild, but
diflant exile, in the province of Tufcany ; and this de¬
gradation of the regal dignity was fo far from exciting
the refentment of his fubjefts, that they punillied with
death the turbulent Sunno, who attempted to revenge
his brother, and maintained a dutiful allegiance to the
princes who were eftablifhed on the throne by the choice
of Stilicho. When the limits of Gaul and Germany
were fhaken by the northern emigration, the Franks
bravely encountered the fmgle force of the Vandals •,
who, regardlefs of the leffcns of adverfity, had again
feparated their troops from the ftandard of their barba¬
rian allies. They paid the penalty of their rafhnefs;
and 20,000 Vandals, with their king Godigifclus, were
Rain in the field of battle. The uhole people muft have
been extirpated, if the fqusdrons cf the Alani, advan¬
cing to their relief, had not trampled down the infantry
of the Franks; who, aftet an honourable refiftance,
2
were compelled to relinquifh the unequal contefl. The Rom.-,
viftorious confederates purfued their march j and on v
the lad day of *he year, in a feafon when the waters of
the Rhine were molt probably frozen, they entered
without oppofition the defencelefs provinces of Gaul.
This memorable pafl'age of the Suevi, the Vandals, the
Alani, and the Burgundians, who never afterwards re¬
treated, may be confidered as the fall of the Roman
empire in the countries beyond the Alps j and the bar¬
riers, which had lo long feparated the favage and the
civilized nations of the earth, were from that fatal mo¬
ment levelled with the ground.
“ While the peace of Germany was fecured by the
attachment of the Franks and the neutrality of the
Alemanni, the fubjefts of Rome, unconfcious of their
approaching calamities, enjoyed a ftate of quiet an^
profperily, which had feldom bleffed the frontiers of
Gaul. Their flocks and herds were permitted to graze
in the paftures of the barbarians; their huntfmen pe¬
netrated, without fear or danger, into the darkelt re-
cefles of the Hercynian wood. The banks of the Rhine
were crowned, like thole of the Tiber, with -elegant
houfes and well cultivated farms j and if a poet defend¬
ed the river, he might exprefs his doubt on which fide
was fituated the territory of the Romans. This feene Gaui^ava-
of peace and plenty was fuddenly changed into a defert,gerl by the
and the profpeft of the fmoking ruins could alone di-barbarians,
ftinguilh the folitude of nature from the deflation of
man. The flourifhing city of Mentz was furprifed and
dettroyed •, and many thoufand Chriftians were inhu¬
manly maftacred in the church. Worms perifhed after
a long and obftinate fiege : Strafburg, Spires, Rheims,
Tournay, Aras, Amiens, experienced tha* cruel oppref-
fion of the German yoke ; and the confuming ilames of
war fpread from the banks of the Rhine over thegreatefl
part of the 17 provinces of Gaul. That rich and ex-
tenfive country, as far as the ocean, the Alps, and the
Pyrenees, was delivered to the barbarians, who drove
before them, in a promifeuous crowd, the bithop, the
fenator, and the virgin, laden with the fpoils of their
houfes and altars.” 453
In the midft of thefe calamities a revolt happened inR-evoito^
Britain, where one Conftantine, a common foldier, was^,^1^
raifed to the imperial throne, merely for the fake of hisHon’orius
name. However, he feems to have been a man oPicknow-
confidcrable abilities, and by no means unfit for the highle.dSes as
dignity to which he was raifed. He governed Britain
with great profperity ; pafled over into Gaul and Spain,pire<
the inhabitants of which fubmitted without oppofition,
being glad of any proteftor whatever from the barba¬
rians. Honorius, incapable of defending the empire,
or repreffing the revolt, was obliged lo acknowledge
him for his partner in the empire. In the mean time,
Alaric, with his Goths, threatened a new invafion un-
lefs he was paid a certain fum of money. Stilicho is
faid to have occafioned this demand, and to have infill¬
ed upon fending him the money he demanded ; and this
was the caufe of his difgrace and death, which happen¬
ed foon after, with the extirpation of his family and ^
friends. Nay, fuch was the general hatred of this un-Stiiicho dif-
fortunate minifter, that the foldiers quartered in the ci-graced and
ties of Italy no fooner heard of his death, than they
murdered the wives and children of the barbarians whom '
Stilicho had taken into the fervice of Honorius. The
enraged hulbands went over to Alaric, who made a
new
455
Rome ta¬
ken and
plundered
by Alaric.
456
Death of
that con¬
queror.
, ROM [2
new demand of money j which not being readily lent,
' he laid fiege to Rome, and would have taken it, had
not the emperor complied with hi4 demand. The ran-
fom of the city was 5000 pounds of gold, 30,000 of
filver, 4000 {ilk garments, 3000 {kins dyed purple, and
3000 pounds of pepper. On this occahon the heathen
temples were dripped of their remaining ornaments, and
among others of the ftalue of Valour ; which the pa¬
gans did not fail to interpret as a prefage of the i’peedy
ruin of the date.
Alaiic having received this treafure, departed for a
fliort time : but foon after he agaih blocked up the city
with a numerous army ; and again an accommodation
with Honorius was fet on foot. However, for lome rea-
fons which do not clearly appear, the treaty was bro¬
ken off, Rome was a third time befieged, and at lad
taken and plundered. Alaric, when upon the point of
breaking into the city, add reding his foldiers, told them,
that all the wealth in it was theirs, and therefore he
gave them full liberty to feize it ; but at the fame time
he driiftly enjoined them to died the blood of none but
fueh as they ihould find in arms; and above all, to fpare
thofe who fhould take fan£iuary in the holy places,
efpecially in the churches of the apodles St Peter and
St Paul ; which he named, becaufe they were mod fpa-
cious, and confequently capable of affording an afylum
to great numbers of people, Having given thefe or¬
ders, he abandoned the city to his Goths, who treated
it no better, according to St Jerome, than the Greeks
are faid to have treated ancient Troy ; for after having
plundered it for the fpace of three, or, as others will
have it, of fix days, they fet fire to it in feveral places;
fo that the {lately palace of Sallud, and many other
magnificent buildings, were reduced to afhes; nay, Pro¬
copius writes, that there was not in the whole city one
houfe left entire ; and both St Jerome and Philodorgius
affert, that the great metropolis of the empire was re¬
duced to an heap of adies and ruins. Though many
of the Goths, purfuant to the orders of their general,
refrained from {bedding the blood of fuch as made no
reiiftance ; yet others, more cruel and blood-thirfty,
maffacred all they met: fo that the ftreets in fome quar¬
ters of the city were feen covered with dead bodies, and
fwimming in blood. However, not the lead injury
was offered to thofe who fled to the churches; nay, the
Goths themfeives conveyed thither, as to places of fafe-
ty, fuch as they were defirous fhould be fpared. Many
of the ftatues of the gods that had been left entire by
the emperors as excellent pieces of art, wrere on this occa-
fion defiroyed, either by the Goths, who, though moftly
Arians, were zealous Chriftians, or by a dreadful llorm
of thunder and lightning which fell at the lame time
upon the city, as if it had been fent on purpofe to
complete with them the defirudlion of idolatry, and
abolilh the fmall remains of pagan fuperftition. Not-
withllanding theie accounts, fome affirm that the city
fuffered very little at this time, and even not fo much
as when it was taken by Charles V.
Alaric did not long furvive the taking of Rome, be¬
ing cut off by a violent fit of ficknefs in the neighbour¬
hood of Rhegium. After his death the affairs of Ho¬
norius feemed a little to revive by the defeat and death
of Condantine and fome other ulurpers ; but the pro¬
vinces of Gaul, Britain, and Spain, were now aimed
entirely occupied by barbarians ; in which date they
17 ] it o M
continued till the death of Honorius, which happened Rome,
in tlie year 423, after an unfortunate reign of 28
years.
After fome ufurpations which took place on the
death of Honorius, his nephew Valentinian III. was
declared emperor of the wed, and his mother Placidia
regent during his minority. He was fcarce feated on
the throne, when the empire was attacked by the Huns
under the celebrated Attila. The Romans, however,
wretched and degenerate as they were, had they been
unanimous, wTould even yet have been fuperior to their
enemies. The emprefs then had two celebrated generals,
Bonifacius and Aetius ; who by their union might have
faved the empire : but unhappily, through the treachery
of Aetius, Bonifacius w?as obliged to revolt ; and a ci¬
vil war enfued, in which he loll his life. Aetius, how¬
ever, notwithdanding his treachery, was pardoned, and
put at the head of the forces of the empire. He de¬
fended it againd Attila with great fpirit and fuccefs,
notwithdanding the deplorable fituatidn of affairs, till
he was murdered by Valentinian with his own hand,
on a fufpicion that he afpired to the empire. But in
the mean time the provinces, except Italy itfelf, were
totally overrun by the barbruians. Genferic king of
the Vandals ravaged Africa and Sicily ; the Goths,
Suevians, Burgundians, &c. had taken poffeffion of
Gaul and Spain ; and the Britons were opprefled by
the Scots and Pidls, fo that they -were obliged to call
in the Saxons to their affidance, as is related under the
article England. In the year 455, Valentinian was
murdered by one Maximus, whole wife he had ravilh-
ed. Maximus immediately aflumed the empire ; but
felt fuch violent anxieties, that he defigned to refign
it and fly out of Italy, in order to enjoy the quiet of
a private life. However, being diffuaded from this by
his friends, and his own wife dying foon after, he forced
the emprefs Eudoxia to marry him. Eudoxia, who
had tenderly loved Valentinian, provoked beyond mea-
fure at being married to his murderer, invited Genferic
king of the Vandals into Italy. This proved a molt
fatal fcheme : for Genferic immediately appeared before
Rome; a violent tumult enfued, in which Maximus
loft Ills life ; and the city was taken and plundered by ken and
Genferic, who carried oft’ what had been left by the pb" dered
Goths. A veffel was loaded with coftly ftatues; half
the covering of the capitol, which was of brafs plated K1K’
over with gold ; facred veffels enriched with precious
{tones; and thofe which had been taken by Titus out
of the temple of Jerufalem ; all of which were loit with
the veffel in its paffage to Africa.
Nothing could now be more deplorable than theftate
of the Roman affairs : neverthelefs, the empire conti¬
nued to exilt for fome years longer; and even feemed
to revive for a little under Marjorianus, who was decla¬
red emperor in 458. He was a man of great courage,
and poflefltd of many other excellent qualities. He
defeated the Vandals, and drove them out of Italy.
With great labour he fitted out a fleet, of which the
Romans had been long deftitute. With this he defign¬
ed to pafs over into Africa ; but, it being furprifed and
burnt by the enemy, he hinafelf was foon after murder¬
ed by one Ricimer a Goth, who had long governed ^3,
every thing with an abfolute fway. After the death and uy
of Marjorianus, one Anthemius was raifed to the em- Ricimer.
pire : but beginning to counteraft Ricimer, the latter
openly ■
*
Rome.
459
Total fai¬
lure of the
empire.
ROM £ 248 ] ROM
openly revolted, befieged and took Rome ; where he
committed innumerable cruelties, among the reft put¬
ting to death the unhappy emperor Anthemius, and
railing one Oly'oius to the empire. The tranlaftions
of his reign were very lew, as he died foon after his ac-
ceflion. On his death, one Glycerins ufurped the em¬
pire. He was depofed in 474, and one Julius Nepos
had the name of etnperor. He was driven out the next
year by his general Oreftes, who caufed his fon Augu-
ftus or Auguftulus to be proclaimed emperor. But
the following year, 476, the barbarians who ferved in
the Roman armies, and were diftinguilhed with the
title of allies, demanded, as a reward for their fervices,
the third part of the lands in Italy ; pretending, that
the whole country, which they had fo often defended,
belonged of right to them. As Oreftes refufed to
comply with this infolent demand, they refolved to do
themfelves juftice, as they called it •, and openly re¬
volting, chofe one Odoacer for their leader. Odoacer
was, according to Ennodius, meanly born, and only a
private man in the guards of the emperor Auguftulus,
when the barbarians revolting, chofe him for their lead¬
er. He is faid to have been a man of uncommon
parts, equally capable of commanding an army and
governing a ftate. Having left his own country when
he w'as yet very young, to ferve in Italy, as he was of
a ftature remarkably tall, he was admitted among the
emperor’s guards, and continued in that ftation till the
prefent year 5 when, putting himfelf at the head of the
barbarians in the Roman pay, who, though of different
nations, had, with ©ne confent, chofen him for their
leader, he marched againft Oreftes and his fon Augu¬
ftulus, who ftill refufed to give them any lhare of the
lands in Italy.
As the Roman troops rvere inferior, both in num¬
ber and valour, to the barbarians, Oreftes took refuge
in Pavia, at that time one of the beft fortified cities in
Italy : but Odoacer, invefting the place without lofs of
time, took it foon after by affault, gave it up to be
plundered by the foldiers, and then fet fire to it; which
reduced moft of the houfes, and two churches, to alhes.
Oreftes was taken prifoner, and brought to Odoacer,
who carried him to Placentia, and there caufed him to
be put to death, on the 28th of Auguft, the day on
which he had driven Nepos out of Ravenna, and ob¬
liged him to abandon the empire. From Placentia,
Odoacer marched ftraight to Ravenna, where he found
Paul, the brother of Oreftes, and the young emperor
Auguftulus. The former he immediately put to death ;
but fpaiing Auguftulus, in confideration of his youth,
he ftripped him of the enfigns of the imperial dignity,
and confined him to Lucullanum, a caftle in Campa¬
nia ; wrhere he was, by Odoacer’s orders, treated with
great humanity, and allowed an handfome maintenance
to fupport himfeli and his relations. Rome readily
fubmitted to the conqueror, who immediately caufed
himfelf to be proclaimed king of Italy, but wTould not
affume the purple, or any other mark of the imperial
dignity. Thus failed the very name of an empire in
the Weft. Britain had been long fince abandoned by
the Romans j Spain was held by the Goths and Sue-
vans Africa, by the Vandals 5 the Burgundians,
Goths, Fianks, and Alans, had erected feveral te-
trarchies in Gaul 5 at length Italy itfelf, with its proud
metropolis, which for fo many ages had given law' to
I
the reft of the world, w’as enflaved by a contemptible
barbarian, whofe family, country, and nation, are not
w'ell known to this day.
From this lime, Rome has ceafed to be the capital
of an empire j the territories of the pope, to whom the
oity is now iubjeft, being inconfiderable. The origin
of the pope’s temporal pow’er, and the revolutions of
Italy, are related under the article Italy j and a fketch
of the fpiritual ufurpations of the popes may be feen
under the articles History, left. ii. and Reforma¬
tion ; and likewife under the various hiftorical articles
Rort ^
as they occur in the courfe of this wmrk. 460
It is thought that the w'alls of modern Rome take Defcription
in nearly the lame extent of ground as the ancient; but mo^em
the difterence between the number of buildings on this
fpot is very great, one half of modern Rome lying
wafte, or occupied with gardens, fields, meadow's, and
vineyards. One may walk quite round the city in
three or four hours at moft, the circumference being
reckoned about 13 Italian miles. With regard to tbe
number of the inhabitants, modern Rome is alfo great¬
ly inferior to the ancient: for, in 1709, the whole of
thefe amounted only to 138,568 $ among which were
40 bifhops, 2686 priefts, 3559 monks, 1814 nuns, 393
courtefans, about 8000 or 9000 Jews, and 14 Moors.
In 1714, the number was increafed to 143,000. In
external fplendour, and the beauty of its temples and pa¬
laces, modern Rome is thought by the moft judicious
travellers to excel the ancient. There was nothing in
ancient Rome to be compared with St Peter’s church
in the modern city. That Rome was able to recover it¬
felf after fo many calamities and devaftations, will not be
matter of furprife, if wre confider the prodigious iums
that it has fo long annually drawn from all countries of
the Popifti perfuafion. Thefe fums, though ftill confi-
derable, have been continually decreafing fince the Re¬
formation. The furface of the ground on which Rome
was originally founded is furprifingly altered. At pre¬
fent it is difficult to diftinguilfi the feven hills on which
it was firft built, the low grounds being almoft filled up
with the ruins of the ancient ftreets and houfes, and
the great quantities of earth waflied down from the hills
by the violence of the rains. Anciently the fuburbs
extended a vaft way on all fides, and made the city ap¬
pear almoft boundlefs; but it is quite othervvife now7,
the country about Rome being almoft a defert. To
this and other caufes it is owing, that the air is
not very wholefome, efpecially during the fummer
heats, when few go abroad in the day-time. No city
at prefent in the world furpaffes, or indeed equals,
Rcme, for the multiplicity of fine fountains, noble
edifices, antiquities, curiofities, paintings, ftatues, and
fculplures. The city Hands on the Tiber, 10 miles
from the Tufcan fea, 380 from Vienna, 560 from Pa¬
ris, 740 from Amfterdam, 810 from London, and
900 from Madrid. The liber is fubjedl to fre¬
quent inundations, by which it often does great da¬
mage. A fmall part of the city is feparated from the
other by the river, and is therefore called Travelers,
or beyond the Tiber. There are feveral bridges
over the river, a great number of towers on the walls,
and 20 gates. The remains of Rome’s ancient gran¬
deur confift of ftatues, coloffufes, temples, palaces,
theatres, naumachias, triumphal arches, circufes, co¬
lumns, obelifks, fountains, squedu&s, maufoleums, ther¬
ms
R O M
Rome, mse ©r liot-baths, and other ftrufl:ures.  
—   buildings, the fplendid churches and palaces are the
molt remarkable. Mr Addifon fays, it is almoft im-
poflible for a man to form in his imagination fuch bean-
tilul and glorious fcenes as are to be met with in fe-
veral of the Roman churches and chapels. This gen¬
tleman tells us alfo, that no part of the antiquities of
Rome pleafed him fo much as the ancient llatues, of
which there is ftill an incredible variety. Next to the
ftatues, he fays, there is nothing more furprifing than
the amazing variety of ancient pillars of fo many kinds
of marble. Rome is faid to be well paved ; but not
well lighted, nor kept very clean. Two-thirds of the
houfes are the property of the churches, convents, and
alms houfes. Proteftants are not obliged to kneel at
the elevation of the hoft, or at meeting the eucharift
in the ftreets *, and they may have fiefh-tneat always at
the inns, even during Lent. Here are many acade¬
mies for promoting arts and fciences, befides the uni-
verfity. The carnival here is only during the eight
days before Lent, and there are no fuch fcenes of riot
at Venice : proflitutes, however, are publicly to¬
lerated. To maintain good order, there is a body of
300 Sbirri, or Halberdeers, under their barigella, or
colonel. There is little or no trade carried on in Rome,
but a vart deal of money is fpent by travellers and
other Grangers. The principal modern ftruftures are
the church of St Peter, and the other churches ; the
aqueducts and fountains 5 the Vatican, and the other
palaces; the Campidolio, where the Roman fenate re-
fides, &c. The principal remains of antiquity are the
pila miliaria of fine marble ; the equeftrian brafs fta-
tue of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus 5 the marble monu¬
ment of the emperor Alexander Severus ; marble bulls
of the emperors and their conforts j three brick arches
of the temple of Peace, built by the emperor Vefpa-
fzan ; the triumphal arch of Septimus Severus and
of Gallienus ; the circus of Antoninus Caracalla ;
fome parts of the cloaca maxima •, the columna Anto¬
nina, reprefenting the principal aftions of Marcus Au¬
relius j the columna'I'rajani, or Trajan’s pillar; fome
fragments of the curia, or palace of Antoninus Pius,
and of Nerva’s forum ; the maufoleum of Auguflus,
in the Strada Pontifici; the remains of the emperor
Severus’s tomb without St John’s gate ; the pyramid
of Caius Ceftius near St Paul’s gate ; the porphyry cof¬
fin of St Helen, and the original ftatue of Conftantine
the Great, in the church of St John of Lateran : a font
of oriental granite, in the chapel of St Giovanni in
fonte, faid to have been erefled by Conftantine the
Great; an Egyptian obelilk near the church of St
Maria Maggiore ; the ftately remains of Dioclefian’s
baths ; the celebrated Pantheon ; the obelilks of Se-
foftris and Auguftus by the Clementine college ; the
church of St Paul fuori della Mura, faid to have been
built by Conftantine the Great ; the Farnefe Hercu¬
les, in white marble, of a coloflal fize and exquifite
workmanlhip, in a court of the Farnefe palace, and an
admirable group cut out of one block of marble, in
another court of the fame palace. Befides thefe there
are a great many more, which our bounds will not
allow us to take any further notice of. Here is a
great number of rich and well-regulated hofpitals.
Near the church of St Sebaftiano alle Catacombe, are
the moft fpacious of the catacombs, where the Chri-
Vol. XVIII. Part I.
[ 249 ] It O N
Of modern ftians, who never burned their dead, and fuch of the
Pagan Romans as could not afford the expence of
burning, were buried. Along the Via Appia, with-1
out St Sebaftian’s gate, were the tombs of the prin¬
cipal families of Rome, which at prefent are ufed for
cellars and ftore-houfes by the gardeners and vine-
dreffers.
Rome was entered, in February 1798, by the French,
and in confequence of a tumult which enfued, when
their general Duphot was killed, they depofed the pope,
aboliftied the papal government, and erefted in its Head
a republic, to which they gave the defignation of the
Roman republic. They fent the pope himfelf to France,
where he died on his various removals; they likewife
fent away great numbers of the moft valuable ftatues
and paintings of antiquity, and compelled the inhabi¬
tants to pay heavy contributions. In the month of Sep¬
tember 1799, the allies retook this city, and the new
French government was overthrown. It was afterwards
obliged to yield to the infatiable ambition of Bonaparte,
as well as the whole of Italy, which now forms a confti-
tuent part of his unwieldy dominions. See France and
Italy.
ROMNEY, a town of Kent in England. It is one
of the cinque-port towns, and is ffeated on a marfli of
the fame name, famous for feeding cattle ; but the air
is very unhealthy. It was once a large and populous
place, but the retiring of the fea has reduced it very
much ; it (ends two members to parliament.
ROMORENTIN, is a fmall town fituated on the
river Saudre, in the territory of Blafois in France, fa¬
mous for its wmollen manufadlure. It is faid to be a
very ancient place ; and the inhabitants pretend that
Caefar built a tower here, of which there are ftill fome
confiderable remains. They have a manufa&ure of
ferge and cloth, which is ufed for the clothing of the
troops.
ROMPEE, or Rompu, in Heraldry, is applied to
ordinaries that are reprefented as broken ; and to
chevrons, bends, or the like, whofe upper points are
cut off.
ROMULUS, the founder and firft king of Rome.
See Rome, N° 14.
RONCIGLIONE, is a town of Italy, in the £c-
clefiaitic State, and Patrimony of St Peter, in E. Long,
13. N. Lat. 42. 12. It is a fmall place, but had a
pretty good trade, and was one of the richeft in the
province, while it belonged to the dukes of Parma,
w’hich was till 1649, w'hen Pope Innocent X. became
mafter of it, and it has ever fince continued in the pof-
feflion of his fucceffors.
RONDELETIA, a genus of plants belonging to
the pentandria clafs, and in the natural method ranking
with thofe of which the order is doubtful. See Botany
Index.
RONA, one of the Hebrides iflands, is reckoned
about 20 leagues diftant from the north-eaft point of
Nefs m Lewis—and is about a mile long, and half a
mile broad. It has a hill in the weft part, and is only vi-
fible from Lewis in a fair fummer’s day. There is a
chapel in the ifland dedicated to St Ronan, fenced with
a ftone wall round it. This church the natives take
care to keep very neat and clean, and fweep it every
day. There is an altar in it, in which there lies a big
plank of wood about 10 feet long. Every foot has a
I * hole
Rome
l!
Rona.
RON [ 25c
Rohfard. Hole in It, and in every hole is a Hone, to which the na-
*■"—V lives afcribe feveral virtues 5 one of them is lingular (as
they fay) for promoting fpeedy delivery to a woman in
travel. The inhabitants are extremely ignorant, and
very fuperftitious. See Martin's Defcription.
RONSARD, Peter de, a French poet,wasbornat the
caflle of Poiffoniere in Vendomois in 15 24. He was _dei-
cended of a noble family, and was educated at Paris in
the college of Navarre. Academical purfuits not luit-
ing his genius, he left college, and became page to the
duke of Orleans, who refigned him to James Stuart, king
of Scots, married to Magdalene of France. Ronfard con-
tinued in Scotland with King James upwards of two
years, and afterwards went to France, where he was
employed by the duke of Orleans in feveral negocia-
tions. He accompanied Lazarus de Baif to tne diet of
Spires. Having from the converfation of this learned
man imbibed a paffion for the belles-lettres, he ftudied
the Greek language with Baif’s fon under Dorat. It is
reported of Ronfard, that his pra£tice was to lludy till
two o’clock in the morning j and when he went to bed,
to awaken Baif, who refumed his place. Jhe mufes
pofielfed in his eyes an infinity of charms 5 and lie cul¬
tivated them with fuch fuccefs, that he acquired the ap¬
pellation of the Prince of the Poets of his time. Hen¬
ry II. Francis II. Charles IX. and Henry III. loaded
him with favours. Having gained the firft prize of tne
Jeux Floraux, they thought the reward promifed below
the merit of the work, and the reputation of the poet.
The city of Toulcufe caufed a Minerva of maffy filyer
of confiderable value to be made and fent to him. 1 his
■prefent was accompanied with a decree, declaring him
The French Poet, by way of diftinaion. Ronfard af¬
terwards made a prefent of his IVImerva to Henry II.
and this monarch appeared as much elated with this
mark of the poet’s efteem for him, as the poet himfelf
could have been had he received the prefent from his
fovereign. Mary, the beautiful and unfortunate^ queen
of Scots, who was equally fenfible of his merit with the
Toulonefe, gave him a very rich fet of table-plate,
among wdiich was a vtffel in the form of a rofe-bufh, re-
prefenting Mount Parnafifus, on the top of which was a
Pegafus with this infcription :
yj Ronfard, F Apollon de la fource des mufes.
From the above two anecdotes of him may eafily be in¬
ferred the reputation in which he was held, and which
he continued to keep till Malherbe appeared. His
works poffefs both invention and genius j but his affec¬
tation of everywhere thrufting in his learning, and of
forming words from the Greek, the Latin, and the dif¬
ferent provmcialifms of France, has rendered his verfiS-
cation difagreeable and often unintelligible.
Ronfard, dit Defpreaux, par une autre methode,
Rcglant tout, bromlla tout, ft un at t a fa mode ;
Et toutcfois long temps eut vn heureux dejhn;
Mail fa mufe, en Franpois parlant Grec et Latin,
Vit dans Page fuivdnt, par 1111 retour grotefque,
Tomber de fes grands mots le fafe pedantefque.
Tie wrote hymns, odes, a poem called the Franciad,
eclogues, epigrams, fonnets, &c. In his odes he takes
bcmbafl for poetical raptures. He wifhes to imitate
Pindar j and by labouring too much for lofty expref-
ficns, he Ides himfelf in a cloud of words. He is ob-
, ] HON
fcure and harfh to the laft degree: faults which he Ronfan?.
might eafrly have avoided by Itudying the works of'—v—*
Marot, who had before he wrote brought French poe¬
try very near to perfedlion. “ Marot’s turn and ftyle
of compofition are fuch (fays Bruyere), that he feems
to have written after Ronfard: there is hardly any dif¬
ference, except in a few words, between Marot and us.
Ronfard, and the authors his contemporaries, did more
differvice than good to ftyle : they checked its courfe
in the advances it was making towards perfedion, and
had like to have prevented its ever attaining it. It is
furprifing that Marot, whole works are fo natural and
eafy, did not make Ronfard, who was fired with the
ftrong enthufiafm of poetry, a greater poet than either
Ronfard or Marot.” But what could be expe&ed from
a man who had fo little tafte, that he called Marot’s
works ‘ a dunghill, from which rich grains of gold by
induftrious working might be drawn ?’ As a fpecimen
of our author’s intolerable and ridiculous affe&ation of
learning, which we have already cenfured, Boileau cites
the following verfe of Ronfard to his miftrefs : Efes-
vcus pas tna feule entelechie ? ‘ are not you my only cn-
telechia ?’ Now entelechia is a word peculiar to the pe¬
ripatetic philofophy, the fenfe of which does not appear
to have ever been fixed. Hermolaus Barbarus is faid to
have had recourfe to the devil, in order to know the
meaning of this new term ufed by Ariftotle 5 but he did
not gain the information he wanted, the devil, probably
to conceal his ignorance, fpeaking in a faint and whii-
pering fort of voice. What could Ronfard’s miftrefs
therefore, or even Ronfard himfelf, know of it j and,
what can excufe in a man of real genius the low affe&a-
tion of uftng a learned term, becaufe in truth nobody
could underftand it. He has, however, feme pieces not
deftitute of real merit j and there are perhaps few effu-
fions of the French mufe more truly poetical than his
Four Seafons of the Year, where a moft fertile imagina¬
tion difplays all its riches.
Ronfard, though it is doubtful whether he ever was
in orders, held feveral benefices in commendam •, and he
died at Saint-Cofme-les-Tours, one of thefe, December
27. 1585, being then 61 years of age. He appeared
more ridiculous as a man than as a poet : he was parti¬
cularly vain. He talked of nothing but his family and
his alliances with crowned heads. In his panegyrics,
which he addreffes to himfelf without any ceremony, he
has the vanity to pretend, that from Ronfard is derived
the word Rojignol, to denote both a mufician and a poet
together. He was born the year after the defeat of
Francis I. before Pavia : “ Juft as heaven (faid he)
wiftied to indemnify France for the Ioffes it had fuftain-
ed at that place.” He blufhed not to tell of his in¬
trigues. All the ladies fought after him } but he never
faid that any of them gave him a denial of their favours.
His immoderate indulgence in pleafure, joined to his li¬
terary labours, ferved to haften his old age. In his 50th
year he was weak and valetudinary, and fubjeft to at¬
tacks of the gout. He retained his wit, his vivacity,
and his readinefs at poetic cornpofition, to Ids hift mo¬
ments. Like all tbofe who afpire after public efteem,
he had a great number of admirers and fome enemies.
Though Melin de Saint-Gelais railed at him continual¬
ly, Rabelais was the perfon whom he moft dreaded. He
took always care to inform himfelf where that jovial
re£lcr of Maiden went, that he might not be found in
StridVures
on -various
kinds of
roofs.
R O O [25
Rood, the fame place with him. It is reported that Voltaire
Roof. aiSled a limilar part with regard to Peron of whofe
extemporary Tallies and bon mots he was much afraid.
Ronfard’s poems appeared in 1567 at Paris in 6 vols 4to,
and in 1604 in 10 vols 1 2mo.
ROOD, a quantity of land equal to 40 fquare perch-
x es, or the fourth part of an acre.
Definition. ROOF, expreffes the covering of a houfe or building,
by which its inhabitants or contents are protected from
the injuries of the weather. It is perhaps the elTential
part of a houfe, and is frequently ufed to exprefs the
whole. To corns under a pa-fan's roof is to enjoy his
protection and fociety, to dwell with him. TeBum was
ufed in the fame fenfe by the Romans. To be within
our walls rather expreffes the being in our poffefTion : a
roof therefore is not only an eiTential part of a houfe,
-i but it even feems to be its chara&eriftic feature. The
Greeks, who have perhaps excelled all nations in tafte,
and who have given the moft perfect model of architec¬
tonic ordonnance within a certain limit, never ereCted a
building which did not exhibit this part in the diftinCtelt
manner ; and though they borrowed much of their mo¬
del from the orientals, as will be evident to any who
compares their architecture with the ruins of Perfepolis,
and of the tombs in the mountains of Schiras, they added
that form of roof which their own climate taught them
was neceffary for fheltering them from the rains. The
roofs in Perfia and Arabia are flat, but thofe of Greece
are without exception Hoping. It Teems therefore a
groTs violation of the true principles of tafte in architec¬
ture (at leaft in the regions of Europe), to take away
or to hide the roof of a houfe 5 and it muft be aferibed
to that rage for novelty which is fo powerful in the
minds of the rich. Our anceftors Teemed to be of a ve¬
ry diflerent opinion, and turned their attention to the
ornamenting of their roofs as much as any other part of
a building. They fliowed them in the moft confpicuous
manner, running them up to a great height, broke them
into a thoufand fanciful fhapes, and ftuck them full of
highly drefi'ed windows. We laugh at this, and call it
Gothic and clumfy \ and our great architects, not to
offend any more in this "way, conceal the roof altoge¬
ther by parapets, baluftrades, and other contrivances.
Our forefathers certainly did offend againft the maxims of
true tafte, when they enriched a part of a houfe with
marks of elegant habitation, which every fpectator muft
know to be a cumberfome garret i but their fucceffors
no lefs offend, who take off the cover of the houfe alto¬
gether, and make it impoflible to know whether it is
3 not a mere fkreen or colonnade we are looking at.
Error of We cannot help thinking that Sir Chriftopher Wren
Sir erred when he fo induftrioufly concealed the roof of St
!n the roof Faul’s church in London. The whole of the upper or-
of St Paul’s der is a mere fereen. Such a quantity of wall would
London. have been intolerably offenfive, had he not given it fome
appearance of habitation by the mock windows or
niches. Even in this ftate it is gloomy, and it is odd,
and is a puzzle to every fpeCIator—-There fhould be no
puzzle in the defign of a building any more than in a
difeourfe. It has been faid that the double roof of our
great churches which have aifles is an incongruity,
looking like a houfe ftanding on the top of another
houfe. But there is not the leaft occafton for fuch a
thought. We know that the aifle is a fhed, a cloifter.
Suppofe only that the lower roof or {bed is hidden by
i ] HOG
a baluftrade, it then becomes a portico, againft which
the connoiJfeur has no objection : yet there is no differ- * v
cnce •, for the portico muft have a cover, otherwife it
is neither a fired, cloifter, nor portico, any more than a
building without a roof is a houTe. A houfe without a
vilible roof is like a man abroad without his hat} and
we may add, that the whim of concealing the chimneys,
now fo fafhionable, changes a houfe to a barn or ftore-
houfe. A houfe fhould not be a copy of any thing.
It has a title to be an original j and a fcreen-like houfe
and a piliar-like candleftick are fimilar folecifms in
tafte. *
The architeCl is anxious to prefent a fine objeCT, and Little at.
a very fimple outline difeuffes all his concerns with the161]11011
roof. He leaves it to the carpenter, whom he freqilent- '^chiteefts
ly puzzles (by his arrangements) with coverings almoft t0 th;s part
impoflible to execute. Indeed it is feldom that the idea of a build-
of a roof is admitted by him into his great compofitions j
or if he does introduce it, it is from mere affeClation,
and we may fay pedantry. A pediment is frequently
ftuck up in the middle of a grand front, in a fituation
where a roof cannot perform its office ; for the rain
that is fuppofed to flow down its fides muft be received
on the top of the level buildings which flank it. This
is a manifeft incongruitj*. The tops of drefled windows,
trifling porches, and fometimes a projecting portico, are
the only fituations in which w7e fee the figure of a roof
correfpond with its office. Having thus loft fight of
the principle, it is not furprifing that the draughtfman
(for he ihould not be called architect) runs into every
whim : and we fee pediment within pediment, a round
pediment, a hollow pediment, and the greateft of all
abfurdities, a broken pediment. Nothing could ever
reconcile us to the fight of a man with a hat without
its crown, becaufe wre cannot overlook the ufe of a
hat. s
But when one builds a houfe, ornament alone wall Advantages
not do. Wc muft have a cover ; and the enormous ex-of a high-
pence and other great inconveniences which attend the P‘tc^e<1
concealment of this cover by parapets, baluftrades, and ic0t‘
fereens, have obliged architects to confidcr the pent
roof as admiffible, and to regulate its form. Any man
of fenfe, not under the influence of prejudice, would be
determined in this by its fitnefs for arifwering its pur-
pofe. A high-pitched roof will undoubtedly flioot oft
the rains and fnows better than one of a lower pitch.
The wind will not fo eafily blow the dropping rain in
between the flates, nor will it have fo much power to
ftrip them off. A high-pitched roof will exert a fmaller
thruft on the walls, both becaufe its ftrain is lefs hori¬
zontal, and becaufe it will admit of lighter covering.
But it is more expenfive, becaufe there is more of it.
It requires a greater fize of timbers to make it
equally ftrong, and it expofes a greater furface to the
wind. ^
There have been great changes in the pitch of roofs ; Remarks
our forefathers made them very high, and we make them 0n the
very low. It does not, however, appear, that this changes in
change has been altogether the efleCl of principle. Intlie hh-d1 of
the Ample unadorned habitations of private perfons, eve- ro°^’
ry thing comes to be adjufted by an experience of in¬
conveniences which have refulted from too low pitched
roofs 5 and their pitch will always be nearly fuch as
fuits the climate and covering. Our architects, how¬
ever, go to work on different principles. Their pro-
I i 2 felted
II o o
Roof. felled aim is to make a beautiful objc-£f. The fources
""“""v of the pleafures aiifing from what we call tajle are fo
various, fo complicated, and even fo whimfical, that it
is almoit in vain to look for principle in the rules adopt¬
ed by our profeffed architects. We cannot help think¬
ing, that much of their pradtice refults from a pedantic
Veneration for the beautiful productions of Grecian ar¬
chitecture. Such architects as have written on the
principles of the art in refpeCt of proportions, or what
^ they call the ordonnance, are very much puzzled to
And of the make a chain of reafoning ; and the molt that they
Gieekar- have made of the Greek architecture is, that it exhibits
ch'tf'dture a njce adjultment of ftrength and itrain. But when we
oi tiien3‘ confider the extent of this adjuftment, we find that it is
wonderfully limited. The whole of it conlilts of a
bafement, a column, and an entablature j and the en¬
tablature, it is true, exhibits fomething of a connection
with the framework and roof of a wooden building ;
and we believe that it really originated from this in the
hands of the orientals, from whom the Greeks certainly
borrowed their forms and their combinations. We could
eafily (how in the ruins of Perfepolis, and among the
tombs in the mountains (which were long prior to the
Greek architecture), the fluted column, the bafe, the
Ionic and Corinthian capital, and the Doric arrange¬
ment of lintels, beams, and rafters, all derived from
unqueftionable principle. The only addition made by
the Greeks was the pent roof j and the changes made
by them in the fubordinate forms of things are fuch as
■yve fhould expeCt from their exquifite judgement of
beauty.
But the w7bole of this is very limited; and the Greeks,
after making the roof a chief feature of a houfe, went
no farther, and contented themfelves with giving it a
flope fuited to their climate. This we have followed,
becaufe in the milder parts of Europe we have no co¬
gent reafon for deviating from it y and if any architeft
flrould deviate greatly in a building where the outline is
exhibited as beautiful, wTe fliould be difgufled ; but the
difguft, though felt by almoft every fpeCtalor, has its
origin in nothing but habit. In the profeffed architect
or man of education, the difguft arifes from pedantry :
for there is not fuch a clofe connection between the form
and ufes of a roof as fhall give precife determinations ;
8 and the mere form is a matter of indifference.
Difference We fhould not therefore reprobate the high-pitched
between roofs of our anceftors, particularly on the continent,
the ancient js ^iere where we fee them in all the extremity of
modern t^ie folhion, and the tafte is by no means exploded as it
roofs; is with us. A baronial caftle in Germany and France
is feldom rebuilt in the pure Greek ftyle, or even like
the modern houfes in Britain ; the high-pitched roofs
are retained. We ftiould not call them Gothic, and
ugly becaufe Gothic, till w7e {how their principle to be
falfe or taftelefs. Now we apprehend that it will be
found quite the reverfe ; and that though we cannot
bring ourfelves to think them beautiful, we ought to
think them fo. The conftruClion of the Greek architec¬
ture is a transference of the practices that are neceffary
in a wooden building to a building of ftone. To this
the Greeks have adhered, in fpite of innumerable diffi¬
culties. Their marble quarries, however, put it in their
power to retain the proportions which habit had render¬
ed agreeable. But it is next to impoffible to adhere to
thefe proportions with freeftone or brick, when the or-
R O O
der is of magnificent dimenfions. Sir Chriftopher Wren Roof,
favv this j for his mechanical knowledge was equal to 1 *'"' ’
his talie. He compofed the front of St Paul’s church
in London of two orders, and he coupled his columns j
and ftill the lintels which form the architrave are of luch
length that they could carry no additional weight, and
he was obliged to trufs them behind. Had he made but
one order, the architrave could not have carried its own
weight. It is impoffible to execute a Doric entablature
of this fize in brick. It is attempted in a very noble
front, the Academy of Arts in St Peteribugh. But the
architeft was obliged to make the mutules and other
projefting members of the corniche of granite, and ma¬
ny of them broke down by their own weight. p
Here is furely an error in principle. Since ftone is and the ef-
the chief material of our buildings, ought not the mem- our!
bers of ornamented atchitefture to be refinements on uflrS ^one«
the effentij and unaftefted parts of a fimple ftone-
building. There is almoft as much propriety in the ar-
chitefture of India, where a dome is made in imitation
of a lily or other flower inverted, as in the Greek imi¬
tation of a wooden building. The principles of mafon-
ry, and not of carpentry, ffiould be feen in our archi-
tefture, if we would have it according to the rules of
juft tafte. Now we affirm that this is the charafteriftic
feature of wdiat is called the Gothic architefture. In
this no dependence is had on the tranfverfe ftrength of
ftone. No lintels are to be feen j no extravagant pro¬
jections. Every ftone is prefled to its neighbours, and
none is expofed to a tranfverfe ftrain. The Greeks were
enabled to execute their colcffal buildings only by uling
immenfe blocks of the hardeft materials. The Norman
maffin could raife a building to the Ikies without ufing a
ftone which a labourer could not carry to the top on his
back. Their architefts ftudied the principles of equili¬
brium ; and having attained a wonderful knowledge of
it, they indulged themfelves in exhibiting remarkable
inftances. We call this falfe tafte, and fay that the ap¬
pearance of infecurity is the greateft fault. But this is
owing to our habits : our thoughts may be faid to run
in a wooden train, and certain fimple maxims of car¬
pentry are familiar to our imagination ; and in the care¬
ful adherence to thefe confifts the beauty and fymmetry
of the Greek architefture. Had we been as much ha¬
bituated to the equilibrium of preffure, this apparent in¬
fecurity wTould not have met our eye : we would have
perceived the ftrength, and we ffiould have reliflrcd the
ingenuity. ... . . ic
The Gothic architefture is perhaps intitled to the Rational
name of rational architefture, and its beauty is founded natuie
on the charafteriftic diftinftion of our fpecies. It de-^^j9°^c
ferves cultivation : not the pitiful, fervile, and un- tureo
{killed copying of the monuments ; this wdll produce
incongruities and abfurdities equal to any that have
crept into the Greek architefture : but let us examine
with attention the nice difpofition of the groins and
fpaundrels •, let us ftudy the tracery and knots, not as
ornaments, but as ufeful members ; let us obferve how
they have made their walls like honey-combs, and ad¬
mire their ingenuity as we pretend to admire the inftinft
infufed by the great Architeft into the bee. All this
cannot be underftood without mechanical knowledge $ a
thing which few of our profeffional architefts have any
{hare of. Thus would architeftonic tafte be a mark of
Ikill j and the perfon who prefents the defign of a build-
t 252 ]
Roof.
ii
The Nor-
man archi¬
tects often
roofed with
(tone.
EffeCls of
the rival-
fliip be¬
tween the
mai'ons ai d
carpenters
of ancient
times.
R O Q
sng would know how to execute it
it entirely to the mafon and carpenter
Thele obfervations are not a digrefiiun from our fub-
jeft. The fame principles of mutual preffure and equi¬
librium have a place in roofs and many wooden edifices;
and if they had been as much ftudied as the Normans
and Saracens feem to have ftudied inch of them as were
applicable to their purpofes, we might have produced
wooden buildings as far fuperior to what we are fami¬
liarly acquainted with, as the bold and wonderful
churches dill remaining in Europe are fuperior to the
timid productions of our ftone architecture. The cein-
tres ufed in building the bridge of Orleans and the
corn-market of Paris, are late inilances of what may
be done in this way. The laft mentioned is a dome of
200 feet diameter, built of fir planks; and there is not
a piece of timber in it more than nine feet long, a foot
broad, and three inches thick.
The Norman architects frequently roofed with ftone.
Their wooden roofs were in general very fimple, and
their profeffed aim was to dilpenfe with them altoge¬
ther. Fond of their own fcience, they copied nothing
from a wooden building, and ran into a fimilar fault
with the ancient Greeks. The parts of their buildings
which were neceffarily of timber were made to imitate
ftone-buildings } and Gothic ornament confifts in cram¬
ming every thing full of arches and fpaundrels. No¬
thing elfe is to be feen in their timber works, nay even
in their fculpture. Look at any of the maces or
fceptres Hill to be found about the old cathedrals 5 they
are (liver fteeples.
But there appears to have been a rivallhip in old
times between the mafons and the carpenters. Many
of the baronial halls are of prodigious width, and are
roofed with timber : and the carpenters appeared to
have borrowed much knowledge from the mafons of
thofe times, and their wide roofs are frequently con-
ftruCted with great ingenuity. Their aim, like the ma¬
fons, was to throw a roof over a very wide building
without employing great logs of timber. We have feen
roofs 60 feet wide, without having a piece of timber in
it above 10 feet long and 4 inches fquare. The Par¬
liament Ploufe and Tron-Church of Edinburgh, and the
great hall of Tarnaway cattle near Forres, are fpecimens
of thofe roofs. They are very numerous on the conti¬
nent. Indeed Britain retains few monuments of private
-magnificence. Arittocratic ftate never was fo great
with us; and the rancour of our civil wars gave moft
of the performances of the carpenter to the flames.
Weftminfter-hall exhibits a fpecimen of the falfe tafte
of the Norman roofs. It contains the eflential parts in¬
deed, very properly difnofed ; but they are hidden, or
intentionally covered, with what is conceived to be or¬
namental ; and this is an imitation of ftone arches, cram¬
med in between flender pillars which hang down from
the principal frames, trufles, or rafters. In a pure Nor¬
man roof, fuch as Tarnaway hall, the eflential parts are
exhibited as -things underftood, and therefore relithed.
They are refined and ornamented 5 and it is here that
the inferior kind of tafte or the want of it may appear.
And here we do not mean to defend all the whims of
our anceftors ; but we aflert that it is no more neceflary
to confider the members of a roof as things to be con¬
ceded like. a garret or privy, than the members of a
ceiling, which form the moft beautiful part of the
t 253 ]
without committing Greek architedure.
HOC
Should it be faid that a roof is
g to keep oflf the rain, it may be anfwered,'
Roof.
only a thing
that a ceiling is only to keep off the duft, or the floor
to be trodden under foot, and that we ihould have neB
ther copartments in the one nor inlaid work or carpets
on the other. The ftru&ure of a roof may therefore
be exhibited with propriety, and made an ornamental
feature. This has been done even in Italy. The church
of St Maria Maggiore in Rome and feveral others are
fpecimens: but it muft be acknowledged, that the forms
of the principal frames of thefe roofs, which referable
thofe of our modern buildings, are very unfit for agree¬
able ornament. As we have already obferved, our imagi¬
nations have not been made fufficiently familiar with the
principles, and we are rather alarmed than pleafed with
the appearance of the immenie logs of timber which
form the couples of thele roofs, and hang over our
heads with every appearance of weight and danger. It
is quite otherwife with the ingenious roofs of the Ger¬
man and Norman architefts. Slender timbers, inter¬
laced with great fymmetry, and thrown by neceflity in¬
to figures which are naturally pretty, form altogether
an object which no carpenter can view without pleafure.
And why fhould the gentleman refufe himfelf the fame
pleafure of beholding feientific ingenuity ?
The roof is in faff the part of the building which Neceffity
requires the greateft degree of fkill, and where fcienceof fcience
will be of more fervice than in any other part. The1” f°rminS
architefl feldom knows much of the matter, and leaves ’
the talk to the carpenter. The carpenter confiders the
framing of a great roof as the touchftone of his art; and
nothing indeed tends fo much tofliow his judgement and
his fertility of refource.
It muft therefore be very acceptable to the artift to
have a clear view of the principles by which this diffi¬
cult problem may be folved in the belt manner, fo that
the roof may have all the ftrength and fecurity that
can be wifhed for, without an extravagant expence of
timber and iron. We have faid that mechanical fcience
can give great afliftance in this matter. We may add
that the framing of carpentry, whether for roofs, floors,
or any other purpofe, affords one of the moft elegant
and moft fatisfadtory applications which can be made 14
of mechanical fcience to the arts of common fife. Un-and the
fortunately the practical artift is feldom poflefled even1 :tt^. at;.
of the fmall portion of fcience which would almoft in-pafj
fure his practice from all rifle of failure 5 and even our to it.
moft experienced carpenters have feldom any more
knowledge than what arifes from their experience and
natural fagacity. The moft approved author in our
language is Price in his Britifh Carpenter. Mathurin
Jouffe is in like manner the author moft in repute in
France j and the publications of both theie authors are
void of every appearance of principle. It is not un¬
common to fee the works of carpenters of the greateft
reputation tumbledown, in confequence of miftakes from
which the moft elementary knowledge would have faved
them. , 5
We (hall attempt, in this article, to give an account Purpofe
of the leading principles of this art in a manner fo fami-°ftllisar"
liar and palpable, that any perfon who knows the commontlcle*
properties of the lever, and the compofition of motion,
lhall fo far underftand them as to be able, on every oc-
cafion, fo to difpofe his materials, with refpett to the
ftrains to which they are to be expofed, that he Ihall
always
Roof.
16
Principles
which re¬
gulate the
ftrength of
the mate¬
rials.
R O O [ 254 j
always know tke effeftive ftrain on every piece, and pofe this
{hall, in moil cafes, be able to make the difpofition fuch
as to derive the greatert poffible advantage from the ma¬
terials which he employs.
It is evident that the tvhole mull; depend on the prin¬
ciples which regulate the ftrength of the materials, re¬
lative to the manner in which this ftrength is exert¬
ed, and the manner in wrhich the ftrain is laid on the
piece of matter. With refpe£t to the firft, this is not
the proper place for conftdering it, and we mull refer
the reader to the article STRENGTH of Materials in
Mechanics. We (hall juft borrow from that article two
or three propofitions fuited to our purpofe.
The force with which the materials of our edifices,
roofs, floors, machines, and framings of every kind, re¬
fill being broken or cruftied, or pulled afunder, is, im¬
mediately or ultimately, the cohefion of their particles.
When a wreight hangs by a rope, it tends either imme¬
diately to break all the fibres, overcoming the cohefion
among the particles of each, or it tends to pull one
parcel of them from among the reft, with which they
are joined. This union of the fibres is brought about
by fome kind of gluten, or by twilling, which caufes
them to bind each other fo hard that any^ one will
break rather than come out, fo much is it withheld by
fridlion. The ultimate refillance is therefore the cohe¬
fion of the fibre j the force or ftrength of all fibrous
materials, fuch as timber, is exerted in much the fame
manner. The fibres are either broken or pulled out
from among the reft. Metals, Hone, glafs, and the
like, refill being pulled afunder by the Ample cohefion
of their parts.
The force which is neceffary for breaking a rope or
wire is a proper meafure of its ftrength. In like man¬
ner, the force neceflary for tearing diredtly afunder any
rod of wood or metal, breaking all its fibres, or tearing
them from among each other, is a proper meafure
of the united ftrength of all thefe fibres. And it
is the fimpleft ftrain to which they can be expofed,
being juft equal to the fum of the forces neceffary
for breaking or difengaging each fibre. And,, if the
body is not of a fibrous ftrufture, which is the
cafe with metals, Hones, glafs, and many other fub-
ftances, this force is Hill equal to the Ample fum of
the cohefive forces of each particle which is feparated
by the fraclure. Let us diftinguifh this mode of exer¬
tion of the cohefion of the body by the name of its Ab¬
solute Strength.
When folid bodies are, on the contrary, expofed to
great compreflion, they can refill only a certain de¬
gree. A piece of clay or lead will be fqueezed out $
a piece of freeftone will be crulhed to powder j a beam
-of wood will be Crippled, fwelling out in the middle,
and its fibres lofe their mutual cohefion, after which it
is eafily crulhed by the load. A notion may be form¬
ed of the manner in which thefe llrains are refilled by
conceiving a cylindrical pipe filled with fmall Ihot, Well
lhaken together, fo that each fphericle is lying in the
clofeft manner poflible, that is, in contact with fix
others in the fame vertical plane (this being the pofi-
lion in which the Ihot will take the leaft room). Thus
each touches the reft in fix points : Now fuppofe them
all united, in thefe fix points only, by fome cement.
This affemblage will Hick together and form a cylindri¬
cal pillar, which may be taken out of its mould. Sup-
4
It o o
pillar Handing upright, and loaded above. Roof.
The fupports ariling from the cement atl obliquely,
and the load tends either to force them afunder late¬
rally, or to make them Hide on each other: either of
thefe things happening, the v/hole is crulhed to pieces.
The refiftance of fibrous materials to fuch a ftrain is a
little more intricate, but may be explained in a way
very fimilar.
A piece of matter of any kind may alfo be deftroyed
by wrenching or twilling it. We can eafily form a
notion of its refiftance to this kind of ftrain by confi-
dering what would happen to the cylinder of fmall fhot
if treated in this wTay.
or a bar of metal, or piece of
may be broken tranfverfely.
rafter or joift fupported at the
or to a beam having one end
fall in a wall and a load laid on its projefting
This is the ftrain to which materials are molt
And laftly, a beam,
Hone or other matter,
This will happen to a
ends when overloaded,
ftuck
part
17
commonly expofed in roofs ; and, unfortunately, it is
the ftrain which they are the leaf! able to bear j or ra¬
ther it is the manner of application which caufes an ex¬
ternal force to excite the greateft poflible immediate
ftrain on the particles. It is againll this that the car¬
penter mull chiefly guard, avoiding it when in his
power, and in every cafe, diminilhing it as much as
poflible. It is neceffary to give the reader a clear no-11161/
tion of the great weaknefs of materials in relation weaknefs
to this tranfverfe ftrain. But we lhall do nothing
more, referring him to the articles Strain, Stress, verfe
and Strength. fi rains.
Let ABCD (fig. 1.) reprefent the fide of a beam pro- Plate
jefling horizontally from a wall in which it is firmly cccclxiix*
fixed, and let it be loaded with a weight W appended
to its extremity. This tends to break it j and the leal!
refleftion will convince any perfon that if the beam is
equally ftrong throughout, it will break in the line CD,
even with the furface of the wall. It will open at D,
while C will ferve as a fort of joint, round which it will
turn. The crofs fedlion through the line CD is, for
this reafon, called the feciion of fraElure, and the hori¬
zontal line, drawn through C on its under furface, is
called the axis of fraElure. The fra&ure is made by
tearing afunder the fibres, fuch as DE or FG. Let us
fuppofe a real joint at C, and that the beam is really
fawTed through along CD, and that in place of its natu¬
ral fibres threads are fubftituted all over the feftion of
fraflure. The weight now tends to break thefe threads $
and it is our bufinefs to find the force neceffary for this
purpofe.
It is evident that DCA may be confidered as a bend¬
ed lever, of which C is the fulcrum. If/be the force
which will juft balance the cohefion of a thread when
hung on it fo that the fmalleft addition will break it,
we may find the weight which will be fiifficient for this
purpole when hung on at A, by faying, AC : CD
~/: <p, and <p will be the weight which will juft break
the thread, by hanging <2> by the point A. This gives
CD
us ty—f X ttx' If weight be hung on at a, the
C-A
force lull fufficient for breaking the fame thread will be
=/
CD
cT7
In like manner the force ?>, which mull be
hung on at A in order to break an equally ftrong or an
0 - equally
R O O
C 255 3 R O O
equally refilling fibre at F, mull be —fX,
fo on of all the reft.
If we fuppofe all the fibres to exert equal refiftances
at the inftant of frafture, we know, from the fimpleft
elements of mechanics, that the refiftance of all the par¬
ticles in the line CD, each afting equally in its own
place, is the fame as if all the individual refiftances were
united in the middle point g. Now this total refiftance
is the refiftance or ftrengthyof each particle, multiplied
by the number of particles. This number may be ex-
prefled by the line CD, becaufe we have no reafon to
luppofe that they are at unequal diftances. Therefore,
in comparing different feftions together, the number of
particles in each are as the feftions themfelves. There¬
fore DC may reprefent the number of particles in the
line DC'. Let us call this line the depth of the beam,
and exprefs it by the fymbol d. And fince we are at
prefent treating of roofs whofe rafters and other parts
are commonly of uniform breadth, let us call AH or
BI the breadth of the beam, and exprefs it by b, and
let CA be called its length, /. We may now exprefs
the ftrength of the whole line CD by fxd, and we
may fuppofe it all concentrated in the middle point g.
Its mechanical energy, therefore, by which it refills
the energy of the weight ic, applied at the diftance /,
is f. CD. C g, while the momentum of w is w. CA.
We muft therefore have f. CD. Cgzzw. CA, or fd.\ d
— xv. /, and fd: ’w~i: i d, or fd : vo— 'll\ d. That
is, twice the length of the beam is to its depth as the
abfolute ftrength of one of its vertical planes to its re¬
lative ftrength, or its power of refilling this tramfverfe
fra£lure.
It is evident, that what has been now demonftrated
of the refiftance exerted in the line CD, is equally true
of every line parallel to CD in the thicknefs or breadth
of the beam. The abfolute ftrength of the whole fec-
tion of fra&ure is properly reprefented by f. d. b, and
we ftill have 'll \ d—fd b : w ; or twice the length of
the beam is to its depth as the abfolute ftrength to the
relative ftrength. Suppofe the beam 12 feet long and
one foot deep •, then whatever be its abfolute ftrength,
the 24th part of this will break it if hung at its extre¬
mity.
But even this is too favourable a ftatement; all the
fibres are fuppofed to a6t alike in the inftant of frac¬
ture. But this is not true. At the inftant that the
fibre at D breaks, it is ftretched to the utmoft, and is
exerting its whole force. But at this inftant the fibre
at^ is not fo much ftretched, and it is not then exert¬
ing its utmoft force. If we fuppofe the extenfion of
the fibres to be as their diftance from C, and the actual
exertion of each to be as their extenfions, it may eafily
be Ihown (fee Strength and Strain), that the whole
rehftance is the fame as if the full force of all the fibres
vvere united at a point r diftant from C by one-third of
CD. In this cate we muft fay, that the abfolute
ftrength is to the relative ftrength as three times the
length to the depth •, fo that the beam is weaker than
Ly tne former ftatement in the proportion of two to
three.
Even this is more ftrength than experiment juftifies •,
and xve can fee an evident reafon for it. When the
beam is ftrained, not only are the upper fibres ftretched,
out the lower fibres are compreffed. Tills is very di-
ftnnftly feen, if we attempt to break a piece of cork cut Roof,
into the ftiape of a beam : this being the cafe, C is not '■“""V"1 1
the centre of fradture. There is fome point c which lies
between the fibres which are ftretched and thofe that
are compreffed. This fibre is neither ftretched nor
fqueezed ; and this point is the real centre of frafture :
and the lever by wdiich a fibre D refifts, is not DC, but
a ftiorter one D c ; and the energy of the whole refift¬
ances muft be lefs than by the fecond ftatement. Till
we know the proportion between the dilatability and
compreflibility of the parts, and the relation between
the dilatations of the fibres and the refiftances which
they exert in this ftate of dilatation, we cannot pofitive-
ly fay where the point c is fituated, nor wrhat is the fum
of the aftual refiftances, or the point where their action
may be fuppofed concentrated. The firmer woods, fuch
as oak and chefnut, may be fuppofed to be but llightly
compreflible j we know that willow and other loft
woods are very compreflible. Thefe laft muft therefore
be weaker: for it is evident, that the fibres which are
in a ftate of compreflion do not refill the fradture. It is
well known, that a beam of willow may be cut through
from C to ^ without weakening it in the leaft, if the cut
be filled up by a wedge of hard wood ftuck in.
We can only fay, that very found oak and red fir
have the centre of effort fo fituated, that the abfolute
ftrength is to the relative ftrength in a proportion not
lefs than that of three and a half times the length of
the beam to its depth. A fquare inch of found oak will
carry about 8000 pounds. If this bar be firmly fixed
in a wall, and projedt 12 inches, and be loaded at the
extremity with 200 pounds, it will be broken. It will
juft bear 190, its relative ftrength being of its abfo¬
lute ftrength ; and this is the cafe only with the fineft
pieces, fo placed that their annual plates or layers are in
a vertical pofition. A larger log is not fo ftrong tranf-
verfely, becaufe its plates lie in various diredtions round
the heart. jg
Thefe obfervations are enough to give us a diftindt Pradtical
notion of the vaft diminution of the Itrength of timber inferer,C2'*
when the ftrain is acrofs it •, and we fee the juftice of
the maxim which we inculcated, that the carpenter, in
framing roofs, ftiould avoid as much as poflible the ex-
pofing his timbers to tranfverfe ftrains. But this cannot
be avoided in all cafes. Nay, the ultimate ftrain, arifing
from the very nature of a roof, is tranfverfe. The raft¬
ers muft carry their own weight, and this tends to break
them acrofs : an oak beam a toot deep will not carry its
own weight if it projedt more than 60 feet. Befides
this, the rafters muft carry the lead, lyling, or flates.
We mutt therefore confider this tranfverfe Itrain a little
more particularly, fo as to know what ftrain will be laid
on any part by an unavoidable load, laid on either at
that part or at any other.
We have hitherto fuppofed, that the beam had one EfE'cAv/han
of its ends fixed in a wall, and that it was loaded at the beams are
other end. This is not an ufual arrangement, and wasfiiPPorted
taken merely as affording a fimple application of t]leat the ends
mechanical principles. It is much more ufual to have ^
the beam fupparted at the ends, and loaded in thedle.&c.
middle. Let the beam FEGH (fig. 2.) reft on the
props E and G, and be loaded at its middle point C
with a weight W. It is required to determine the
ftruin at the feftion CD ? It is plain that the beam will
receive the fame fupport, and buffer the fame ftrain, if,
initead .
Roof.
H O 0 [ 2
iuflead of tlie blocks E and G, we fubftltute tbe ropes
E/e, G hg, going over the pulleys f and g, and load¬
ed with proper weights e and g. The weight e is equal
to the fupport given by the block E ; and g is equal to
the fiipport given by G. The fum of e and g is equal
to W ; and, on whatever point W is hung, the weights
€ and-jT are to W in the proportion of DG and DE
to GE. Now, in this ftate of things, it appears
that the ftrain on the feflion CD arifes immediately
from the upward adlion of the ropes Ff and H /q or
the upward preflions of the blocks E and G •, and that
the office of the weight W is to oblige the beam to op-
pofe this ftrain. Things are in the fame ftate in refpe6l
cf ftrain as if a block •were fubftituted at D for the
Weight W, and the weights e and g were hung on at
E and G j only the direftions will be oppofite. The
beam tends to break in the feftion CD, becaufe the
ropes pull it upwards at E and G, while a weight W
holds it down at C. It tends to open at D, and C be¬
comes the centre of frafture. The ftrain therefore is
the fame as if the half ED were fixed in the rvall, and
a weight equal to g, that is, to the half of W, were
hung on at G.
Hence wc conclude, that a beam fupported at both
ends, but not fixed there, and loaded in the middle,
will carry twice as much weight as it can carry at its
extremity, when the other extremity is faft in a wall.
The ftrain occafioned at any point L by a weight
W, hung on at any other point D, is — W x
DE
jrg- X LG. For EG is to ED as W to the preffure
occafioned at G. This would be balanced by fome
weight g a6fing over the pulley h; and this tends to
break the beam at L, by a£ting on the lever GL. The
DE
preffure at G is W. and therefore the ftrain at L
5<S 1
It o o
EG’
„ T_7 DE _ _
,S vV' EG • LG'
In like manner, the ftrain occafioned at the point will be
DE
D by the weight W hung on there, is W —--l x DG j
EG
which is therefore equal to 4 W, when D is the middle
point.
Hence we fee, that the general ftrain on the beam
arifing from one weight, is proportionable to the rec-
, , f . f . , ,f W.DE.DG.
tangle or the parts of the beam, (for  is as
EG
DE.DG), and is greateft wdien the load is laid on the
middle of the beam.
We alfo fee, that the ftrain at L, by a load at D, is
equal to the ftrain at D by the fame load at L. And
the ftrain at L, from a load at D, is to the ftrain by the
fame load at L as DE to LE. Thefe are all very ob¬
vious corollaries ; and they fufficiently inform us con¬
cerning the drains which are produced on any part of
the timber by a load laid on any other part.
If we now fuppofe the beam to be fixed at the two
ends, that is, firmly framed, or held down by blocks at
I and K, placed beyond E and G, or framed into ports,
it will carry twice as much as when its ends were free.
For fuppofe it fawn through at CD ; the weight W
hung on there will be juft fufficient to break it at E and
G. Now reftore the connexion of the fe&ion CD, it
will require another weight W to break it there at the Reef,
fame time. v
Therefore, when a rafter, or any piece of timber, is
firmly connected with three fixed points G, E, I, it w ill
bear a greater load between any two of them than if its
connection with the remote point were removed ; and if
it be faftened in four points, G, E, I, K, it will be twdee
as ftrong in the middle part as without the twro remote
connexions.
One is apt to expeX from this that the joift of a floor
wall be much ftrengthened by being firmly built in the
wall. It is a little ftrengthened ; but the hold which
can thus be given it is much too ftiort to be of any fen-
fib! e fervice •, and it tends greatly to (hatter the wall,
becaufe, when it is bent down by a load, it forces up
the wTall with the momentum of a long lever. Judicious
builders therefore take care not to bind the joifts tight
in the wall. But when the joifts of adjoining rooms lie
in the fame direXion, it is a great advantage to make
them of one piece. They are then twice as ftrong as
when made in two lengths. 20
It is eafy to deduce iiom thefe premiffes the ftrain on Inferences,
any point which arifes from the weight of the beam it-
felf, or from any load which is uniformly diffufed over
the wLole or any part. We may always confider the
whole of the w'eight which is thus uniformly diffufed
over any part as united in the middle point of that
part; and if the load is not uniformly diff'ufed, w e may
(till fuppefe it united at its centre of gravity. Thus,
to know the ftiain at L arifing from the weight of the
whole beam, we may fuppofe the w'hole weight accu¬
mulated in its middle point D. Alfo the ftrain at L,
anting from the weight of the part ED, is the fame as
if th’s weight wTere accumulated in the middle point d
of ED ; and it is the fame as if half the weight of ED
were hung on at D. For the real ftrain at L is the
upward preffure at G, aXing by the lever GL. Now
call the weight of the part DEe,- this upward preffure
X</E 4<?xDE
EG
EG
Therefore the ftrain on the middle of a beam, ari¬
fing from its own weight, or from any uniform load, is
ED
the weight of the beam or its load X X DG j that
is, half the weight of the beam or load multiplied or aX-
ED .
ing by the lever DG ; for is 4*
Alfo the ftrain at L, arifing from the weight of the
beam, or the uniform load, is 4 the weight of the beam
or load aXing by the lever LG. It is therefore propor¬
tional to LG, and is greateft of all at D. Therefore a
beam of uniform ftrength throughout, uniformly loaded,
will break in the middle.
It is of importance to know the relation between ReIa^ron
the drains arifing from the weights of the beams, orjJttween
from any uniformly diffufed load, and the relative >he weights
ftrength. We have already feen, that the relativeor ftiains
CdbJ . . and the re-
ftrength is / ts where m is a number to be difeo- lative
& J ml ftrength.
vered by experiment for every different fpecies of mate¬
rials. Leaving out every circumftance but what de¬
pends on the dimenfions of the beam, viz. </, /?>, and /,
we
3
Roof.
Pi O 0
We fee that the relative ftrength is in the proportion of
d* b
—j-y that is, as the breadth and the fquare of the depth
direftly and the length inverfely.
Now, to confider firft the drain ariiing from the
weight of the beam itfelf, it is evident that this weight
increafes in the fame proportion with the depth, the
breadth, and the length of the beam. Therefore its
power of refilling this drain mud be as its depth direct¬
ly, and the fquare of its length inverfely. To confider
this in a more popular manner, it is plain that the in-
creafe of breadth makes no change in the power of re¬
dding the aftual drain, becaufe the load and the abfo-
lute drength increafe in the fame proportion with the
breadth. But by increafing the depth, we increafe the
refiding feCtion in the fame proportion, and therefore
the number of refiding fibres and the abfolute drength :
but we alfo increafe the weight in the fame propor¬
tion. This makes a compenfation, and the relative
drength is yet the fame. But by increafing the depth,
we have not only increafed the abfolute drength, but
alfo its mechanical energy : For the refidance to frac¬
ture is the fame as if the full drength of each fibre wTas
exerted at the point which we called the centre of ef¬
fort j and we (bowed, that the didance of this from the
underfide of the beam was a certain portion (a half, a
third, a fourth, &c.) of the whole depth of the beam.
This didance is the arm of the lever by which the cohe-
lion of the wood may be fuppofed to aft. Therefore -
this arm of the lever, and confequently the energy of
the refidance increafes in the proportion of the depth
of the beam, and this remains urtcompenfated by any
increafe of the drain. On the whole, therefore, the
power of the beam to fudain its own wreight increafes
in the proportion of its depth. But, on the other
hand, the power of withdanding a given drain applied
at its extremity, or to any aliquot part of its length,
is diminilhed as the length increafes, or is inverfely as
the length j and the drain arifing from the weight
of the beam alfo increafes as the length. Therefore
the power of refiding the drain aftually exerted on it
by the weight of the beam is inverfely as the fquare of
the length. On the whole, therefore, the power of a
beam to carry its own weight, varies in the proportion of
its depth direftly and the fquare of its length inverfely.
As this drain is frequently a confiderable part of the
■whole, it is proper to confider it apart, and then to rec¬
kon only on what remains for the fupport of any extra¬
neous load.
In the next place, the power of a beam to carry any
load which is uniformly diffufed over its length, mud
carry a load be inverfely as the fquare of the length : for the power
diffufed o- w^hdanding any drain applied to an aliquot part
’rer its of the length (which is the cafe here, becaufe the load
length. niay be conceived as accumulated at its centre of gra¬
vity, the middle point of the beam) is inverfely as
the length ; and the actual drain is as the length, and
therefore its momentum is as the fquare of the length.
1 herefore the power of a beam to carry a weight uni¬
formly dilTufed over it, is inverfely as the fquare of the
length. A. B. It is here underdood, that the uniform
load is of fome determined quantity for every foot of
the length, fo that a beam of double length carries a
double load.
We have hitherto fuppofed that the forces which
Vol. XVIII. Part I,
257 ] ft 0 O
tend to break a beam tranfverfely, are afting in a direc- Roof,
tion perpendicular to the beam. This is always the ' v ' 1
cafe in level floors loaded in any manner •, but in roofs, Effg^when
the aftion of the load tending to break the rafters is ob- the adtion
lique, becaufe gravity always afts in vertical lines. It of the load
may al(b frequently happen, that a beam is drained byis oblique,
a force afting obliquely. This modification of the
drain is eafily difcufled. Suppofe that the external
force, which is meafured by the weight W in fig. r.
afts in the direftion A w' indead of AW. Draw C d
perpendicular to A w. Then the momentum of this
external force is not to be meafured by W X AC, but
by W X d C. The drain therefore by which the fibres
in the feftion of frafture DC are torn afunder, is di-
minidied in the proportion of CA to C d, that is, in
the proportion of radius to the fine of the angle CA d,
which the beam makes with the direftion of the exter¬
nal force.
To apply this to our purpofe in the mod familiar
manner, let AB (fig. 3.) be an oblique rafter of a build- Fig. 3,
ing, loaded with a weight W fufpended to any point
C, and thereby occafioning a drain in fome part D.
We have already feen, that the immediate caufe of the
drain on D is the reaftion of the fupport which is gi¬
ven to the point B. The rafter may at prefent be con-
fidered as a lever, fupported at A, and pulled down by
the line CW. This occafions a preffure on B, and the
fupport afts in the oppofite direftion to the aftion of
the lever, that is, in the direftion B b, perpendicular to
BA. This tends to break the beam in every part.
W x AE
The preffure exerted at B is  ^— , AE being a
horizontal line. Therefore the drain at D will be
w X AE
— X BD. Had the beam been lying horizon-
AiS
Power of a
beam to
tally, the drain at D, from the weight W fufpended at
C, would have been
W.AC
AB
X BD. It is therefore di-
minifhed in the proportion of AC to AE, that is, in
the proportion of radius to the cofine of the elevation,
or in the proportion of the fecant of elevation to the
radius.
It is evident, that this law of diminution of the drain
is the fame whether the drain arifes from a load on any
part of the rafter, or from the weight of the rafter it¬
felf, or from any load uniformly diffufed over its length,
provided only that thefe loads aft in vertical lines.
We can now compare the drength of roofs which Strength of
have different elevations. Suppofing the wfidth of the roofs ha-
building to be given, and that the weight of a fquare ving differ,
yard of covering is alfo given. Then, becaufe the load e.nt e*eva"
on the rafter will increafe in the fame proportion with
its length, the load on the flant-fide BA of the roof1
wrill be to the load of a fimilar covering on the half AF
of the flat roof, of the fame width, as AB to AF.
But the tranfverfe aftion of any load on AB, by which
it tends to break it is to that of the fame load on AF
as AF to AB. The tranfverfe drain therefore is the
fame on both, the increafe of real load on AB being
compenfated by the obliquity of its .aftion. But the
drengths of beams to refid equal drains, applied to fi¬
milar points, or uniformly diffufed over them, are in¬
verfely as their lengths, becaufe the momentum or ener¬
gy of the drain is proportional to the lencrth. There-
K k fore
Roof.
% 4-
2 5
XfTedl of
other
/trains,
prefiures,
or thrufts.
F'g- S-
R O O
fore the power of AB to withftand the 11 rain to which
it is really expofed, is to the power of AF to refill its
Brain as AF to AJB. If, therefore, a rafter AG of a
certain fcantling is juft able to carry the roofing laid
on it, a raiter AB of the fame fcantling, but more
elevated, will be too weak in the proportion of AG to
AB. Therefore fteeper roofs require llouter rafters, in
order that they may be equally able to carry a roofing
of equal weight per fquare yard. To be equally ftrong,
they mult be made broader, or placed nearer to each
other, in the proportion of their greater length, or they
muft be made deeper in the fubduplicate proportion of
their length. The following eafy conftruttion will en¬
able the artift not familiar with computation to propor¬
tion the depth of the rafter to the Hope of the roof.
Let the horizontal line af (fig. 4.) be the proper
depth of a beam whole length is half the width of the
building 5 that is, fuch as would make it fit for carry¬
ing the intended tiling laid on a flat roof. Draw the
vertical Imey'Zq and the line a h having the elevation of
the rafter *, make a g equal to af, and defcribe the fe-
micircle b dg ; draw a d perpendicular io a b, a d 'te the
required depth. The demonftralion is evident.
We have nowr treated in fufficient detail, what relates
to the chief ftrain on the component parts of a roof,
namely, what tends to break them tranfverfely j and vve
have enlarged more on the fubjecl than what the pre¬
fect occafion indifpenfably required, becaufe the propo-
iitions which wre have demonftrated are equally appli¬
cable to all framings of carpentry, and are even of great¬
er moment in many cafes, particularly in the conftruc-
tion of machines. Thefe conlift of levers in various
forms, which are {trained tranfverfely •, and fimilar (trains
frequently occur in many of the fupporting and connec¬
ting parts. We lhall give in the article Timber an
account of the experiments which have been made by
different naturalifts, in order to afeertain the abfolutc
ftrength of fome of the materials which are moft gene¬
rally framed together in buildings and engines. The
houfe-carpenter will draw’ from them abfolute numbers,
which he can apply to his particular purpofes by
means of the propofitions which we have now’ efta-
blilhed.
We proceed, in the next place, to confider the other
flra’ms to which the parts of roofs are expofed, in con-
fequence of the fupport which they mutually give each
other, and the preffures (or thrafts as they are called "in
the language of the houfe carpenter} which they exert
on each other, and on the w’alls or piers of the build-
ing.
Let a beam or piece of timber AB (fig. 5.} be fuf-
pended by twm lines AC, BD •, or let it be fupported
by two props AE, BF, which are perfedlly moveable
round their remote extremities E, F, or let it reft on the
two poliflied plains KAH, LEM. Moreover, let G
be the centre of gravity of the beam, and let GN be a
line through the centre of gravity perpendicular to the
horizon. The beam will not be in equilibrio unlefs the
vertical line GN either paffes through P, the point in
which the diredtions of the twTo lines AC, BD, or the
diredlions of the two props EA, FD, or the perpendi¬
culars to the two planes KAH, LBM interfedl each
other, or is parallel to thefe direftions. For the fup-
ports given by the lines or props are unqueftionably ex¬
erted in the diredtion of their lengths j and it is as well
R O O
known in mechanics that the fupports given by planes
are exerted in a diredlion perpendicular to thole planes ^
in the point* of contadl; and wre know that the weight
of the beam adts in the fame manner as if it w’ere all
accumulated in its centre of gravity G, and that it adls
in the diredlion GN perpendicular to the horizon. More¬
over, w’hen a body is in equilibrio between three forces,
they are adting in one plane, and their diredlions are
either parallel or they pafs through one point.
The fupport given to the beam is therefore the fame
as if it were fufpended by twro lines which are attached
to the fingle point P. We may alfo infer, that the
points of fufpenfion C, D, the points of fupport E, F*
the points of contadl A, B, and the centre ot gravity
G, are all in one vertical plane.
When this pofition of the beam is difturbed by any
external force, there muft either be a motion of the
points A and B round the centres of fufpenfion C and
D, or of the props round thefe points of fupport E and
F, or a Hiding of the ends of the beam along the po-
lilhed planes GH and IK ; and in confequence of thefe
motions the centre of gravity G will go cut of its place,
and the vertical line GN will no longer pais through
the point where the diredlions of the lupports inlerfedh
each other. If the centre of gravity rifes by this mo¬
tion, the body wall have a tendency to recover its form¬
er pofition, and it will require force to keep it away-
from it. In this cafe the equilibrium may be faid to
be ft able, or the body to have ft ability. But if the cen¬
tre of gravity defeends when the body is moved from
the pofiiion of equilibrium, it will tend to move {till
farther; and fo far will it be from recovering its former
pofi'ion, that it will now fall. This equilibrium may be
called a lettering equilibrium. Thefe accidents depend on
the fituations of the points A, B, C, D, E, F ; and they,
maybe determined by confidering the' iubjtdl geome¬
trically. It does not much intereft us at prefent ^ it is-
rarely that the equilibrium cf fufpenfion is tottering, or
that of props is liable. It is evident, that if the beam
were fufpended by lines from the point P, it would
have liability, for it would fwing bke a pendulum round
P, and therefore would always tend towards the pofi-
tion of equilibrium. The interfeftion of the lines of
fupport would Hill be at P, and the vertical line drawn
through the centre of gravity, when in any other fitua-
tion, w’ould be on that fide of P towards winch this
centre has been moved. Therefore, by the rules of
pendulous bodies, it tends to come back. This would be
more remarkably the cafe if the points of fufpenfion C
and D be on the fame fide of the point P with the points
of attachment A and B ; for in this cafe the new’ point of
interfeclion of the lines of fupport would Ihift to the
oppofite fide, and be Hill farther from the vertical line
through the new pofition cf the centre of gravity. But
if the points of fufpenfion and of attachment are on op¬
pofite fides of P, the new point of interfeflion may Ihift
to the fame fide with the centre of gravity, and lie be¬
yond the vertical line 5 in this cafe the equilibrium is
tottering. It is eafy to perceive, too, that if the equi¬
librium of fufpenfion from the points C and D be liable,
the equilibrium on the props AE and BF muft be tot¬
tering. It is not neceffary for our prefent purpofe to
engage more particularly in this difeulhon.
It is plain that, with refpedl to the mere momentary
equilibrium, there is no difference in the fupport by
threads,
[ 258 ]
P.oof,
‘I'ig. 6.
atf
Examples.
Fig- 7-
Fig
R O O [ 259 ] 11 O O
threads, or props, or planes, and ws may fubftitute the
one for the other. We fliall find this fubllitution ex¬
tremely ufeful, becaufe we eafily conceive diitinft no¬
tions of the fupport of a body by firings.
Obferve farther, that if the whole figure be inverted,
and firings be fubllituted for props, and props for
firings, the equilibrium will flill obtain : for by com¬
paring fig. 5. with fig. 6. w7e fee that the vertical line
through the centre of gravity will pais through the in-
teife£lion of the two firings or props j and this is all
that is neceffary for the equilibrium : only it mull be
obferved in the fubllitution of props for threads, and
of threads for props, that if it be done without invert¬
ing the whole figure, a liable equilibrium becomes a
tottering one, and vice verfa.
This is a molt ufeful propofilion, efpecially to the un¬
lettered artifan, and enables him to make a practical
ufe of problems which the greateil mechanical geniufes
have found no eafy talk to folve. An inilance will
fhow the extent and utility of it. Suppofe it wTere re¬
quired to make a manfard or kirb roof whofe width is
AB (fig. 7.), and confiding of the four equal rafters
AC, CD, DE, EB. There can be no doubt but that
ks belt form is that which will put all the parts in equi-
librio, fo that no ties or flays may be neceffary for op-
pofing the unbalanced thruil of any part of it. Make
a chain a c de b (fig. 8.) of four equal pieces, loofely
connefted by pin-joints, round which the parts are per-
fedlly moveable. Sufpend this from two pins «, b, fix¬
ed in a horizontal line. This chain or fefloon will ar¬
range itfelf in fuch a form that its parts are in equili-
brio. Then vre knoxv that if the figure be inverted, it
will compofe the frame or trufs of a kirb-roof a t b,
which is alfo in equilibrio, the thrufts of the pieces ba¬
lancing each other in the fame manner that the mutual
pulls of the hanging fefloon ac deb did. If the pro¬
portion of the height dfto the width a b is not flich as
pleal'es, let the pins a, b be placed nearer or more di-
flant, till a proportion between the width and height is
obtained which pleafes, and then make the figure
ACDEB, fig. 7. fimilar to it. It is evident that this
propofition ■will apply in the fame manner to the deter¬
mination of the form of an arch of a bridge j but this is
not a proper place for a farther difcuflion.
We are now able to compute all the thrufls and other
preffures which are exerted by the parts oT a roof on
each other and on the w'alls. Let AB (fig. 9.) be a
beam {landing anyhow obliquely, and G its centre of
gravity. Let us fuppofe that the ends of it are fup-
ported in any direftions AC, BD, by firings, props,
or planes. Let thefe direftions meet in the point P of
the vertical line PG paffing through its centre of gra¬
vity. Through G draw lines G a, G b parallel to PB,
PA. Then
The weight of the beam 1 f PG
The preffure or thruft at A > are proportional to P <7
The preffure at B j L P A
For when a body is in equilibrio between three forces,
thefe forces are proportional to the fides of a triangle
which have their direftions.
In like manner, if A £ be drawn parallel to P Z>, vve
fhall have
Weight of the beam ("?<?■
Thrufl on A > proportional to < PA
Thruft on B j
Or, drawing B y parallel to P a Roof!
Weight of beam 1 f P y J
Thruft at A >■ are proportional to < B y
Thruft at B j L PB ^
It cannot be difputed that, if ftrength alone be confi-The proper
dered, the proper form of a roof is that which puts thefornri ot a
whole in equilibrio, f@ that it would remain in that
fhape although all the joints were perfectly loofe or^cwhofeU
flexible. If it has any other fliape, additional ties or in equiii-
braces are neceffary for preferving it, and the parts are brio,
unneceffarily flrained. When this equilibrium is ob¬
tained, the rafters which compofe the roof are all acting
on each other in the direflion of their lengths ; and by
this aftion, combined with their weights, they fuftain
no ftrain but that of compreflion, the ftrain of all others
that they are the moft able to refill. We may confider
them as fo many inflexible lines having their weights
accumulated in their centres of gravity. But it will al¬
low an eafier inveftigation of the fubjeft, if we fuppofe
the weights to be at the joints, equal to the real verti¬
cal preflures which are exerted on thefe points. Thefe
are very eafily computed : for it is plain, that the weight
of the beam AB (fig. 9.) is to the part of this weight
that is fupported at B as AB to AG. Therefore, if
W reprefent the weight of the beam, the vertical pref¬
fure at B will be W X > and the vertical preffure at
A will be Wx
BG
In like manner, the
BF
* q* j-iivv, uiatinci9 luc prop
being confidered as another beam, and f as its centre of
gravity and w as its weight, a part of this weight, equal
jnr
BF’
to Tox^rfri is fupported at B, and the whole vertical
preffure at B is W X T to X JTp
And thus we
greatly Amplify the confideration of the mutual thrurts
of roof frames. We need hardly obferve, that although
thefe preffures by which the parts of a frame fuppdrt
each other in oppofition to the vertical action of gravi¬
ty, are always exerted in the direction of the pieces,
they may be refolved into preffures afling in any other
dire&ion which may engage our attention.
All that we propefe to deliver on this fubjeft at pre-
fent may be included in the following propofition.
Let ABODE (fig. 10.) be an affemblage of rafters Fig. 10.
in a vertical plane, relting on two fixed points A and
E in a horizontal line, and perfectly moveable round all
the joints A, B, C, D, E and let it be.fuppoftd to he
in equilibrio, and let us inveftigate what adjuftment of
the different circumflances of weight and inclination of
its different parts is neceffary for producing this equili¬
brium.
Let F, G, H, I, be the centres of gravity of the
different rafters, and let thefe letters exprefs the w^eightfc
of each. Then (by wLat has been faid above) the weight
AF
which preffes B dire&ly downwards is Fx f-G x
tTtj- The weight on C is in like manner Gx^-f
H X 7^5’ and tliat on D ^ H x-§^+1X
Let A b c d JL be the figure ABODE inverted, in
the manner already delcribed. It may be conceived as
a thread faftened at A and E, and loaded at 6>, c, and
K k 2 d
R O O
Roof, d with the weights which are really prefling on K, C,
v and I). It will arrange itfelf into luch a form that all
will be in equilibrio* We may difcover this form by
means of this Angle confideration, that any part b c oi
the thread is equally ftretched throughout in the di-
rediion of its length. Let us therefore invefligate the
proportion between the weight /S, wdiich we fuppofe to
be pulling the point b in the vertical diredfion b to the
weight which is pulling dowm the point in a Amilar
manner. It is evident, that Ance AE is a horizontal
line, and the Agures AbcdlL and ABCDE equal and
Amilar, the lines B b, C c, T> d, are vertical. Take b f
to reprefent the w'eight hanging at b. By ftretching
the threads b A and iritis fet in oppofltion to the con-
tradiile powers of the threads, adling in the diredlions
b A and b c, and it is in immediate equilibfio with the
equivalent of thefe two contradlile forces. Therefore
make b g equal to bf, and make it the diagonal of a
parallelogram h b ig. It is evident that b //, b z, are the
forces exerted by the threads b A, b c. Then, feeing
that the thread b c \s equally ftretched in both direc¬
tions, make c k equal to £ f; c i is the contradlile force
« ■which is excited at c by the weight which is hanging
there. Draw k l parallel to c d, and Im parallel to be.
The force /c is the equivalent of the contradlile forces
ck, cm, and is therefore equal and oppoflte to the force
of gravity adling at C. In like manner, make dn—c m,
and complete the parallelogram n dpo, having the ver¬
tical line o d for its diagonal. Then dn and dp are the
contradlile forces excited at d, and the weight hanging
there muft be equal to o d.
Therefore, the load at b is to the load at z/as to
dc. But we have feen that the compreffing forces at
B, C, D may be fubftituted for the extending forces at
b, c, d. Therefore the weights at B, C, D w7hich pro¬
duce the compreflions, are equal to the weights at b, c, d,
which produce the extenfions. Therefore bg : d o—
„ AF _ CG TT CH T El
* x ab+Gxbc :Hxcd+Ixde*
Let us enquire w7hat relation there is between this
proportion of the loads upon the joints at B and D, and
the angles which the rafters make at tbefe joints wuth
each other, and with the horizon or the plumb lines.
Produce AB till it cut the vertical C c in () j draw BR
parallel to CD, and BS parallel to DE. The Amilarity
of the Agures ABCDE and A£c*/E, and the Ami¬
larity of their poAtion with refpedt to the horizontal
and plumb lines, fhow7, without any further demonftra-
tion, that the triangles QCB and gbi are Amilar, and
that QB : BCrzo-z : ib,—hb:ib. Therefore QB
is to BC as the contradlile force exerted by the thread
A b to that exerted by be; and therefore QB is to BC
as the compreflion of BA to the compreflion on BC
(a). Then, becaufe bi\s equal to ch, and the triangles
CBR and chi are Amilar, CB : BR=c^ :kl,—
c h \ c m, and CB is to BR as the compreflion on CB
R O O
to the compreflion on CD. And, in like manner, be- Roof;
caufe cm—dn, we have BR to BS as the compreflicn —-v—-■*
on DC to the compreflion on DE. Alfo BR : RS—
n d: dc, that is, as the compreflion on DC to the load
on D. Finally, combining all thefe ratios
QC : CB—^ b : b i,~g b : k e
CB : BR=£ c : k l—k c : dn
BR : BS—zz d : n o~dn : n o
BS : RS—« o : do—n o \ do, we have Anally
QC : RSzrjf b : o z/—Load at B : Load at D.
Now
QC : BC=y; QBC BQC,=y; ABC -./ABb
BC : BR=/, BRC :/BCR-/CD d :fb BC
. BR : RS=/ BSR :/ RBS—/ dDE :/ CDE
Therefore
pc : RS=/ ABC./ CD d./,dDK :f CDE./ AB b.
BC.
Or
OC • .«■- fABC . /CUE
-[AB/-./CB6 ■/,rfUC,/,./DE'
That is, the loads on the different joints are as the
Anes of the angles at thefe joints diredlly, and as the
produdls of the flnes of the angles which the rafters make
with the plumb-lines inverfely.
Or, the loads are as the Anes of the angles of the
joints diredlly, and as the produdts of the coAnes of
the elevations of the rafters jointly.
Or, the loads at the joints are as the flnes of the
angles at the joints, and as the produdls of the fecants
of elevation of the rafters jointly: for the fecants of
angles are inverfely as the coAnes.
Draw the horizontal line BT. It is evident, that
if this be conftdered as the radius of a circle, the lines
BQ, BC, BR, BS are the fecants of the angles
which thefe lines make with the horizon. And they
are alfo as the thrufts of thofe rafters to which they
are parallel. Therefore, the thruft which any rafter
makes in its own diredtion is as the fecant of its ele¬
vation.
The horizontal thruft is the fame at all the angles.
Tor i i~k x.,—tn [&,—n v,—p tt. Therefore both walls
are equally preffed out by the weight of the roof. We
can And its quantity by comparing it with the load on
one of the joints :
Thus, QC : CB=r/ ABC :/ AB b
BC : BT= Rad. :/ BCT, =Rad. :/ CB b
Therefore, QC : BT—Rad. x/ABC : f,b BA* f,bBC
It deferves remark, that the lengths of the beams-phe length
do not affedf either the proportion of the load at of the
the different joints, nor the poAtion of the rafters, beams de-
This depends merely on the weights at the angles. Pcnds on.
If a change of length affedfs the weight, this indeed
affedls the form alfo : and this is generally the cafe. gles.
For
[ 260 ]
(a) This proportion might have been fhown diredlly without any ufe of the inverted Agure or conAderation of
contradtile forces •, but this fubftitution gives diftindl notions of the mode of adling even to perfons not much con-
verfant in fuch difqmfttions 5 and wTe rvilh to make it familiar to the mind, becaufe it gives an eafy folution of the
moft complicated problems, and furnifties the pradfical carpenter, w7ho has little fcience, with folutions of the moll
difficult cafes by experiment. A feftoon, as we called it, may eaflly be made ; and we are certain, that the forms
into which it will arrange itfelf are models of perfedl frames,,
Roof.
29
Pra&ical
inferences
3°
To deter¬
mine the
bed form
of a kirb-
roof.
Pig. 11.
R O O [ 261
For it feidom happens, indeed it never fhould happen,
J that the weight on rafters of longer bearing are not
greater. The covering alone increafes nearly in the
proportion of the length of the rafter.
If the proportion of the weights at B, C, and D
are given, as alfo the pofition of any two of the lines,
the polition of all the reft is determined.
If the horizontal diftances between the angles are
all equal, the forces on the different angles are pro¬
portional to the verticals drawn on the lines through
thefe angles from the adjoining angle, and the thrufts
from the adjoining angles are as the lines which conned
them.
If the rafters themfelves are of equal lengths, the
weights at the different angles are as thefe verticals and
as the fecants of the elevation of the rafters jointly.
This propofition is very fruitful in its pradical con-
fequences. It is eafy to perceive that it contains the
whole theory of the conftrudion of arches j for each
ftone of an arch may be conftdered as one of the rafters
of this piece of carpentry, fince all is kept up by its
mere equilibrium. We may have an opportunity in
fome future article of exhibiting fome very elegant and
limple folutions of the moft difficult cafes of this im¬
portant problem ; and we now proceed to make ufe of
the knowledge we have acquired for the conftrudion of
roofs.
We mentioned by the bye a problem which is not
unfrequent in pradice, to determine the beft form of a
kirb-roof. Mr Couplet of the Royal Academy of Paris
has given a folution of it in an elaborate memoir in 1726,
occupying feveral lemmas and theorems.
Let AE (fig. 11.) be the width, and CF the height;
it is required to conftrud a roof ABCDE whofe rafters
AB, BC, CD, DE, are all equal, and which ftiall be in
equilibrio.
Draw CE, and bifed it perpendicularly in H by the
line DHG, cutting the horizontal line AE in G. A-
bout the centre G, with the diftance GE, defcribe the
circle EDC. It mull pafs through C, becaufe CH is
equal to HE and the angles at H are equal. Draw
HK parallel to FE, cutting the circumference in K.
Draw CK, cutting GH in D. Join CD, ED ; thefe
lines are the rafters of half of the roof required.
We prove this by (bowing, that the loads in the
angles C and D are equal. For this is the proportion
which refults from the equality of the rafters, and the
extent of furface of thd uniform roofing which they are
fuppofed to fupport. Therefore produce ED till it
meet the vertical FC in N j and having made the fide
CBA fimilar to CDE, complete the parallelogram
BCDP, and draw DB, which will bifed CP in R,
as the horizontal line KH, bifeds CF in £). Draw
KF, which is evidently parallel to DP. Make CS per¬
pendicular to CF, and equal to FG 5 and about S, with
the radius SF, defcribe the circle FKW. It mull pafs
through K, becaufe SF is equal to CG, and C £) =:
OF. Draw WK, WS, and produce BC, cutting ND
in O.
I he angle WKF at the circumference is one-half of
the angle WSF at the centre, and is therefore equal to
WSC, or CGF. It is therefore double of the angle
CEF or ECS. But ECS is equal to ECD and DCS,
and ECD is one-half of NDC, and DCS is one half
of DCO, or CDP. Therefore the angle WKF is
] R O O
equal to NDP, and WK is parallel to ND, and CF is Roof,
to CW as CP to CN j and CN is equal to CP. But' » ~ ^
it has been (hown above, that CN and CP are as the
loads upon D and C. Thefe are therefore equal, and
the frame ABCDE is in equiiibrio.
A comparifon of this folution with that of Mr Coup¬
let will (how its great advantage in refped of fimplicity
and perfpicuity. And the intelligent reader can eafily
adapt the conftrudion to any proportion between the
rafters AB and BC, which other circumftances, fuch
as garret-rooms, &c. may render convenient. The con¬
ftrudion muft be fuch that NC may be to CP as CD to
~~~——• Whatever proportion of AB to BC is af-
fumed, the point D' will be found in the circumference
of a femicircle H' D' /i\ whofe centre is in the line CE,
and having AB : BC —CH': HE', ~ch' : h' E.—The
reft of the conftrudion is fimple.
In buildings which are roofed with (late, tyle, or
fhingles, the circumftance which is molt likely to limit
the conftrudion is the (lope of the upper ratters CB;
CD. This muft be Efficient to prevent the penetration
of rainp and the dripping by the winds. The only cir¬
cumftance left in our choice in this cafe is the propor¬
tion of the rafters AB and BC. Nothing is eafier than
making NC to CP in any defired proportion when the
angle BCD is given. ^
We need not repeat that it is always a defirable thing The lruf3
to form a trufs for a roof in fuch a manner that it (hall for a roof
be in equilibrio. When this is done, the whole force of ^10U^
the ftruts and braces which are added to it is employed ■^aeysu^||
in preferving this form, and no part is expended in un-t,rio.
neceffary (trains. For we muft now obferve, that the
equilibrium of which we have been treating is always
of that kind which we called the tottering, and the roof
requires (lays, braces, or hanging timbers, to give it
(tiffnefs, or keep it in (hape. We have alfo faid enough
to enable any reader, acquainted with the moft elemen¬
tary geometry and mechanics, to compute the tranfverfe
(trains and the thrufts to which the component parts of
all roofs are expofed.
It only remains now to (how the general maxims by General
which all roofs muff; be conftruded, and the circum- maxims by
(lances which determine their excellence. In doing this
wre (hall be exceedingly brief, and almoft content our-hcconft/uc.
felves with exhibiting the principal forms, of which the ted.
endlefs variety of roofs are only flight modifications 
We (hall not trouble the reader with any account of
fuch roofs as receive part of their fupport from the inte¬
rior walls, but confine ourfelves to the more difficult
problem of throwing a roof over a wide building, with¬
out any intermediate fupport ; becaule when fuch roofs
are conftrufled in the beft manner, that is, deriving the
greateft poffible (Length from the materials employed,
the beft conftnuftion of the others is neceffrrily included.
For all fuch roofs as reft on the middle walls are roofs
of fmaller bearing. The only exception deferving no¬
tice is the roofs of churches, which have aides feparated
from the nave by columns. The roof muft rife on thefe.
But if it is of an arched form internally, the horizontal
thrufts muft be nicely balanced, that they may not pufti
the columns afide.
The fimpleft notion of a roof-frame is, that it confifts Sjm{;j^.
of two rafters AB and BC (fig. 12.), meeting in the notion of
ridge B. a roof.
Events-
’R.oof.
34
Beft form
of rafters.
^‘g- I3-
R O O L
Even this Ample form is fufceptible of better and
worfe. We have already feen, that when the weight
of a fquare yard of covering is given, a deeper roof
requires llronger rafters, and that when the fcantling of
the timbers is alfo given, the relative ftrength of a rafter
is inverfely as its length. But there is now another cir-
cumftance to be taken into the account, viz. the fupport
which one rafter leg gives to the other. The bed form
of a rafter wTill therefore be that in which the relative
drength of the legs, and their mutual fupport, give the
greated product. Mr Muller, in his Military Engineer.,
gives a determination of the bed pitch of a roof, which
has confiderable ingenuity, and has been copied into
many books of military education both in this idand
and on the continent. Deferibe on the width A C,
fig. 13. the femicircle AFC, and bifeft it by the radius
FD. Produce the rafter AB to the circumference
in E, join EC, and draw the perpendicular EG.—
AD v AC
Now AB : AD=AC : AE, and AE = ,
’ AB 7
and AE is inverfely as AB, and may therefore repre-
fent its drength in relation to the weight actually lying
on it. Alfo the fupport which CB gives to AB is as
CE, becaufe CE is perpendicular to AB. Therefore
the form which renders AE X EC a maximum feems
to be that which has the greated drength. But AC :
Roof.
35
AE= EC: EG, and EG =
AE. EC
AC
fore proportional to AE.EC. Now EG is a maximum
when B is in F, and a fquare pitch is in this refpe£l
the dronged. But it is very doubtful whether this con-
ftrudlion is deduced from jud principles. There is an¬
other drain to which the leg AB is expofed, which is
not taken into the account. This arifes from the curva¬
ture which it unavoidably acquires by the tranfverfe
preffure of its load. In this date it is preffed in its
own direction by the abutment and load of the other
leg. The relation between this drain and the refidance
of the piece is not very diftinftly known. Euler has
given a differtation on this fubjeft (which is of great
importance, becaufe it affefts pods and pillars of all
kinds ; and it is very well known that a pod of ten feet
long and fix inches fquare will bear with great fafety a
•weight which would crufh a pod of the fame fcantling
and 20 feet long in a minute) •, but his determination
has not been acquiefced in by the fird mathematicians.
Now it is in relation to thefe two drains that the drengt'h
of the rafter Ihould be adjuded. The firmnefs of the
fupport given by the other leg is of no confequence, if
its own drength is inferior to the drain. The force
which tends to crufh the leg AB, by comprefling it in
its curved date, is to its weight as AB to BD, as is
eafily feen by the compofition of forces } and its incur¬
vation by this force has a relation to it, which is of intri¬
cate determination. It is contained in the properties
demondrated by Bernoulli of the eladic curve. This
determination alio includes the relation between the cur¬
vature and the length of the piece. But the whole of
,this feemingly fimple problem is of much more difficult
invedigation than Mr Muller w7as aware of; and his
rules for die pitch of a roof, and for the Tally of a dock
gate, which depends on the fame principles, are of no
value. He is, however, the fird author who attempted
to folve either of thefe problems on mechanical princi-
2
262 ] R O O
pies fufceptible of precife reafoning. Belidor’s folu-
tions, in his ArchiteBiire Hydraulique, are below notice.
Reafons of economy have made carpenters prefer a
low pitch $ and although this does diminiih the iup-
port given by the oppoiite leg falter than it increafes
the relative drength of the other, this is not of mate¬
rial confequence, becaufe the drength remaining in the
oppofite leg is dill very great j for the fupporting leg
is aiding againd compreffion, in which cafe it is vadly
dronger than the fupported leg adting againd a tranf¬
verfe drain.
But a roof of this fimplicity will not do in mod cafes. Thruit on
There is no notice taken in its condrudtion of the thruft the walls,
which it exerts on the walls. Now this is the drain
which is the mod hazardous of all. Our ordinary walls,
indead of being able to refid any confiderable drain
prelfing them outwards, require, in general, fome ties
to keep them on foot. When a perlon thinks of the
thinnefs and height of the w7alls of even a drong houfe.,
he will be furprifed that they are not blown down by
any drong puff of wind. A wall of three feet, thick,
and 60 feet high, could not withdand a wind blowing
at the rate of 30 feet per fecond (in which cafe it a£ts
with a force confiderably exceeding two pounds on every
fquare foot), if it were not diffened by crofs walls, joids,
and roof, which all help to tie the different parts of the
.building together. 36
, and is there- A carpenter is therefore exceedingly careful to avoid how avoid-
every horizontal thrud, or to oppole them by other e£h
forces. And this introduces another effential part into
the condrudlion of a roof, namely the tie or beam A C,
(fig. 14.), laid from wall to wall, binding the feet A Fig. 14.
and C of the rafters together. This is the foie office of
the beam j and it fhould be confidcred in no other light
than as a firing to prevent the roof from puffiing out the
walls. It is indeed ufed for carrying the ceiling of the
apartments under it 5 and it is even made to fupport a
flooring. But, confidered as making part of a roof, it
is merely a firing ; and the drain which it withdands
tends to tear its parts afunder. It therefore ads wuth
its whole abfc*ate force, and a very finall fcantling would
fuffice if we could contrive to faden it firmly enough to
the foot of the rafter. If it is of oak, we may fafely
fubjed it to a drain of three tons for every fquare inch
of its fedion. And fir will fafely bear a drain of two
tons for every fquare inch. But we are obliged to give
the tie-beam much larger dimenfions, that wTe may be
able to conned: it with the foot of the rafter by a mor-
tife and tenon. Iron draps are alfo frequently added.
Bv attending to this office of the tie-beam, the judicious
carpenter is direded to the proper form of the mortife
and tenon and of the drap. We fliall confider both of
thefe in a proper place, after we become acquainted with
the various drains at the joints of a roof.
Thefe large dimenfions of the tie-beam allow us to
load it with the ceilings without any rilk, and even to
lay floors on it wuth moderation and caution. But
when it has a great bearing or fpan, it is very apt to
bend downwards in the middle, or, as the workmen term
it, to fway or fvvag *, and it requires a fupport. The
queflion is, wdrere to find this fupport ? What fixed
points can we find with which to conned the middle of
the tie-beam ? Some ingenious carpenter thought of
fufpending it from the ridge by a piece of timber BD
(fig. 15.), called by our carpenters the king-pqfl. It Fig. 15.
muff
BOO [ 263 ] R O O
Ri.of. rauft be acknowledged that there was great ingenuity
in this thought. It was alfo perfectly juft. For the
■weight of the rafters BA, BC tends to make them fly
out at the foot. This is prevented by the tie-beam, and
this excites a preffure, by which they tend to comprefs
each other. Suppofe them without weight, and that a
great weight is laid on the ridge B. This can be fup-
ported only by the butting of the rafters in their own
direftions AB and CB, and the weight tends to com¬
prefs them in the oppoftte direffions, and, through their
intervention, to ftretch the tie-beam. If neither the
rafters can be compreffed, nor the tie beam ftretched, it
_is plain that the triangle ABC mult retain its fhape,
and that B becomes a fixed point, very proper to be
tiled as a point of fufpenfion. To this point, there¬
fore, is the tie-beam lufpended by means of the king-
poll. A common fpeftator, unacquainted with carpen¬
try, views it very differently, and the tie-beam appears
to him to carry the roof. The king poft appears a pil¬
lar refting on the beam, whereas it is really a firing ^
and an iron-rod of one-fixteenth of the fize would have
done juft as well. The king poll is fometimes mortifed
into the tie-beam, and pins put through the joint, which
gives it more the look of a pillar with the roof refting
on it. This does well enough in many cafes. But the
beft method is to connect them by an iron ftrap, like a
flirrup, which is bolted at its upper ends into the
king-poll, and pafies round the tie-beam. In this way
a fpace is commonly left between the end of the kingr
poll and- the upper fide of the tie-beam. Here the
beam plainly appears hanging in the ftirrup ; and this
method allows us to reftore the beam' to an exa6t level,
when it has funk by the unavoidable compreffion or
other yielding of the parts. The holes in the fides of
the iron llrap are made oblong inftead of round ; and
the bolt which is drawn through all is made to taper
on the under fide 5 fo that driving it farther draws the
tie beam upwards. A notion of this may be formed by
tig. 16. looking at fig. 16. which is a fedfion of the poft; and
beam.
It requires confiderable attention, however, to make
this fufpenfion of the tie-beam fufticiently firm. The
top of the king-poft is cut into the form of the arch-
ftone of a bridge, and the heads of the rafters are firm¬
ly mortifed into this projedling part. Thefe projec¬
tions are called joggles, and are formed by working
the king-poft out of a much larger piece of timber, and
cutting off the unneceffary wood from the two fides *
and, left all this Ihould not be fufticlent, it is ufual
in great works to add an iron-plate or ftrap of three
branches, which are belted into the heads of the king-
poft and rafters.
The rafters, though not fo long as the beam, feem to
ftand as much in need of fomething to prevent their
bending, for they carry the weight of the covering.—
This cannot be done by fufpenfion, for we have no fixed
points above them : But w'e have now got a very firm
point of fupport at the foot of the king-poft.—Braces,
Fjg. 17. or Jlruts, ED, 1D, (fig. 17.), are put under the middle
of the rafters, where they are {lightly mortifed, and their
lower ends are firmly mortifed into ioggles formed on
the foot of the king-poll. As thefe braces are very
powerful in their refiftance to compveftxon, and the king-
poft equally fo to refill extenfion, the points E and F
may be confidered as fixed ; and the rafters being thus
reduced to half their former length, have now four times Roof,
their former relative ftrength. w—v—*
Roofs do not always conlill of two Hoping fides meet- rorfi17 ,
ing in a ridge.. They have lometimes a tiat on the top, tlon af flat-
with two Hoping fides. They are fometimes formed topped
with a double Hope, and are called kirb or manfarde rootf'
roofs. They fomeliines have a valley in the middle,
and are then called M roofs. Such roofs require ano¬
ther piece which may be called the trufs-beam, becaule
all fuch frames are called trujfes, probably from the
French word troujfe, becaufe fucii roofs are like portions
of plain roofs, tronffes or thortened.
A fiat-topped roof is thus conlirufled. Suppofe the
three rafters AB, BC, CD (fig. 18.) of which AB rig 18,
and CD are equal, and BC horizontal. It is plain that
they will be in equilibrio, and the roof have no tendency
to go to either fide. The tie beam AD withftands the
horizontal ihrults of the whole frame, and the two raf¬
ters AB and CD are each prefled in their own directions
in confequence of their baiting with the middle rafter
or trufs-beam BC. It lies between them like the key-
ftone of an arch. They lean towards it,, and it refts on.
them. The preflure winch the tiufs-beam and its load
excites on the two rafters is the very fame as if the raf¬
ters were produced till they meet in G, and a weight
were laid on thefe equal to that of BC and its load, if
therefore the trufs-beam is of a fcantling liifticient for
carrying its own load, and withftanding the comprefiion
from the two rafters, the roof will be equally ftrong,
(while it keeps its lliape) as the plain roof AGD, fur-
nilhed with king-poft and braces. We may conceive
this another way. Suppofe a plain roof AGD, without
braces to fupport the middle B and C of the rafters.
Then let a beam BC be put in between the rafters, but¬
ting upon little notches cut in the rafters. It is evident
that this mull prevent the rafters from bending down--
wards, becaufe the points B and C cannot defeend, mo¬
ving round the centres A and D, without ftiortening
the diftance BC between them. This cannot be with¬
out comprefling the beam BC. It is plain that BC
may be wedged in, or wedges driven in between its ends
B and C and the notches in which it is lodged. Thefe
wedges may be driven in till they even force out the
rafters GA and GD. Whenever this happens, all the
mutual preffure of the heads of thefe rafters at G is taken
away, and the parts GB and GC may be cut away, and
the roof ABCD will be as llrong as the roof AGD fur-
niflied with the king-poft and braces, becaufe the trufs-
beam gives a fupport of the fame kind at B and C as
the brace would have done.
But this roof ABCD would have no firmnels of
fhane. Any addition of weight on one fide would de-
ftroy the equilibrium at the angle, would deprefs that
angle, and caufe the oppofite one to rife. To give it
ftiffnefs, it muft cither have ties or braces, or fome¬
thing partaking of the nature of both. The ufual me¬
thod of framing is to make the heads of the rafters
butt on the joggles of two fide-pofts BE and CF, while
the trufs-beam, or ftrut as it is generally termed by
the carpenters, is mortifed fquare into the infide of
the heads. The lower ends E and F of the fide-pofts
are connected with the tie-beam either by mortifes or
ftraps.
This conllruflion gives firmnefs to the frame 5 for
the angle B cannot detcend in confequence of any ine-
i quality
Hoof.
They are
not i'o
ftrong as
the plain
reefs.
Fig. i<j.
39
Members
of which
the frame
of a roof
confilts,
R O O [ 2^4 ] R 0 O
quality of preffure, without forcing the other angle C
to rife. This it cannot do, being held down by the
port CF. And the fame conftrudlion fortifies the tie-
beam, which is now fufpended at the points E and F
from the points B and C, whofe firmnefs we have juit
now fhowrn.
But although this roof may be made abundantly
ftrong, it is not quite fo ftrong as the plain roof AGD
of the fame fcantling. The compreflion which BC
muft fuftain in order to give the fame fupport to the
rafters at B and C that was given by braces properly
placed, is confiderably greater than the compreffion
of the braces. And this ftrain is an addition to the
tranfverfe Itrain which BC gets from its own load.
Alfo this form neccffarily expofes the tie-beam to crofs
ffrains. If BE is mortifed into the tie-beam, then the
ftrain which tends to deprefs the angle ABC preffes
on the tie-beam at E tranfverfely, while a contrary
ftrain a£ts on F, pulling it upwards. Thefe ftrains how¬
ever are fmall 5 and this conftruflion is frequently ufed,
being fufceptible of fufficient ftrength, without muchin-
creafe of the dimenfions of the timbers j and it has the
great advantage of giving free room in the garrets.
Were it not for this, there is a much more perfedl form
reprefented in fig. 19. Here the twyo polls BE, CF are
united below. All tranfverfe aflion on the tie-beam is
now entirely removed. We are almoft difpofed to fay
that this is the ftrongeft roof of the fame width and
flope : for if the iron ftrap tvhich connects the pieces
BE, CF with the tie-beam have a large bolt G through
it, confining it to one point of the beam, there are five
points, A, B, C, D, G, which cannot change their pla¬
ces, and there is no tranfverfe ftrain in any of the con¬
nexions.
When the dimenfions of the building are very great,
fo that the pieces AB, BC, CD, wrould be thought
too weak for withftanding the crofs ftrains, braces may
be added as is expreffed in fig. 18. by the dotted lines.
The reader will obferve, that it is not meant to leave
the top flat externally : it muft be raifed a little in the
middle to fhoot off the rain. But this mull not be
done by incurvating the beam BC. This would foon
be crufhed, and fpring upwards. The flopes muft be
given by pieces of timber added above the ftrutting
beam.
And thus we have completed a frame of a roof. It
confifts of thefe principal members : The rafters, which
are immediately loaded with the covering $ the tie-beam,
which withftands the horizontal thruft by which the
roof tends to fly out below and pufh out the walls j
the king-polls, which hang from fixed points and ferve
to uphold the tie-beam, and alfo to afford other fixed
points on which we may reft the braces which fupport
the middle of the rafters j and laftly the trufs or ftrut-
ting-beam, which ferves to give mutual abutment to
the different parts which are at a diftance from each
ether. The rafters, braces, and truffes are expofed to
compreflion, and muft; therefore have not only cohefion
but ftiffnefs. For if they bend, the prodigious com-
preflions to which they are fubjeXed would quickly
crufh them in this bended ftate. The tie-beams and
king-pofts, if performing no other office but fuppert-
ing the roof, do not require ftiffnefs, and their places
might be fupplied by ropes, or by rods of iron of
one-tenth part of the feftion that even the fmalieft
1
oak ftretcher requires. Thefe members require nb Roof,
greater dimenfions than what is neceffary for giving fuf-v—
ficient joints, and any more is a needlefs expence and
load. All roofs, however complicated, confift of thefe
effential parts, and if pieces of timber are to be feen
which perform none of thefe offices, they muft be pro¬
nounced ufelefs, and they are frequently hurtful, by
producing crofs ftrains in feme other piece. In a roof
properly conftrudled there Ihould be no fuch ftrains.
All the timbers, except thofe which immediately carry
the covering, ftiould be either puftied or drawn in the
direXion of their length. And this is the rule by
which a roof fhould always be examined. 4Q
Thefe effential parts are fufceptible of numberlefs com- are fufeep-
binations and varieties. But it is a prudent maxim to tible of
make the conftruXion as Ample, and confiding of as few numberlefs
parts, as poffible. We are lefs expofed to the imperfec-^^s !,"a[j'
tions of workmanfhip, fuch as loofe joints, &c. Another varieties,
effential harm arifes from many pieces, by the compref¬
fion and the (hrinking of the timber in the crofs di-
reXion of the fibres. The effeX of this is equivalent
to the fhortening of the piece which butts on the joint.
This alters the proportions of the fides of the triangle
on which the ftiape of the whole depends. Now in a
roof fuch as fig. 18. there is twice as much of this as
in the plain pent roof, becaufe there are two polls.
And when the direXion of the butting pieces is very
oblique to the aXion of the load, a fmall fhrinking per¬
mits a great change of lhape. Thus in a roof of what
is called pediment pitch, where the rafters make an
angle of degrees with the horizon, half an inch
compreffion of the king-poll will produce a fagging of
an inch, and occaficn a great ftrain on the tie-beam if
the polls are mortifed into it. In fig. 2. of the roofs in
the article Architecture, Plate LIE half an inch
Ihrinking of each of the two polls will allow the middle
to fagg above five inches. Fig. 1. of the fame plate is
faulty in this refpeX, by cutting the llrutting-beam in
the middle. The ftrutting-beam is thus Ihortened by
three Ihrinkings, while there is but one to Ihorten the
rafters. The confequence is, that the trufs which is in¬
cluded within the rafters will fag away from them, and
then they muft bend in the middle till they again reft
on this included trufs. This roof is, however, con-
ftruXed on the whole on good principles, and we adduce
it only to fhow the advantages of fimplicity. This cut¬
ting of the truffing beam is unavoidable, if we would
preferve the king-poll. But we are in doubt whether
the fervice performed by it in this cafe will balance the
inconvenience. It is employed only to fupport the mid¬
dle of the upper half of each rafter, which it does but
imperfeXly, becaufe the braces and ftrut muft be cut
half through at their crofting : if thefe joints are made
tight, as a workman would wilh to do, the fettling of th£
roof will caufe them to work on each other croffwife
with infuperable lorce, and will undoubtedly ftrain them
exceedingly.
This method of including a trufs within the rafters
of a pent roof is a very confiderable addition to the art
of carpentry. But to infure its full effeX, it Ihould al¬
ways be executed in the manner reprefented in fig. 1.
Plate LII. with butting rafters under the principal ones,
butting on joggles in the heads of the polls. Without
this the ftrut beam is hardly of any fervice. We would
therefore recommend fig. 20. .as a proper conftruXion.of fig. ^
H O O
■Rjoof. a truffed roof, and the king-poft which is placed in it
rnay be employed to fupport the upper part of the raf¬
ters, and alio for preventing the ftrut-beatn from bend¬
ing in their direftion in confequence of its great com-
preflion. It will alfo give a fufpenlion for the great
burdens which are fometimes neceflary in a theatre.
The machinery has no other firm points to which it Can
be attached j and the portion of the fingle rafters which
carry this king-poll are but Ihort, and therefore may be
•onfiderably loaded with fafety.
We obferve in the drawings which we fometimes
have of Chinefe buildings, that the trulfing of roofs is
underftood by them. Indeed they mull be very experi¬
enced carpenters. We fee wooden buildings run up
to a great height, which can be fupported only by fuch
Fig. if. trufiing. One of thefe is Iketched in fig. 21. There
are fome very excellent fpecimens to be feen in the
buildings at Deptford, belonging to the vl<5!ualiing-
oftice, ufually called the Red ffou/e, which were ere£led
about the year 1788, and we believe are the perform¬
ance of Mr James Arrow of the Board of Works,
one of the moll intelligent artills in this kingdom.
Remarks Thus have we given an elementary, but a rational or
addrefled to fcientific, account of this important part of the art of
pradhcal carpentry. It is fuch, that any practitioner, with the
«rpenteis. jrou^]e 0f a little relleftion, may always proceed with
confidence, and without relling any part of his practice
on the vague notions which habit may have given him
of the llrength and fupports of timbers, and of their
manner of adding. That thefe frequently miflead, is
proved by the mutual criticifms which are frequently
publilhed by the rivals in the profeffion. They have
frequently fagacity enough (for it feldom can be called
fcience) to point out glaring blunders ; and any perfon
who -will look at fome of the performances of Mr Price,
Mr Wyatt, Mr Arrow, and others of acknowledged re¬
putation, will readily fee them diltinguilhable from the
works of inferior artills by fimplicity alone. A man
without principles is apt to confider an intricate cgn-
ftru£lion as ingenious and effeddual j and fuch roofs fome¬
times fail merely by being ingenioully loaded with timber,
but more frequently Hill by the wrong aflion of fome
iifelefs piece, which produces ftrains that are tranfverfe
to other pieces, or which, by rendering fome points too
firm, caufe them to be deferted by the reft in the gene¬
ral fubfiding of the whole. Inftances of this kind are
pointed out by Price in his Britilh Carpenter. Nothing
fliews the Ikill of a carpenter more than the diftin£tnefs
with which he can forefee the changes of lhape which
muft take place in a Ihort time in every roof. A know¬
ledge of this will often correft a conftruflion which the
mere mathematician thinks unexceptionable, becaufe he
does, not reckon on the a&ual compreftion which muft
obtain, and imagines that his triangles, which fuftain no
crofs ftrains, invariably retain their lhape till the pieces
break. The fagacity of the experienced carpenter is
not, however, enough without fcience for perfecting the
art. But when he knows how much a particular piece
will yield to compreflion in one cafe, fcience will tell
him, and nothing but fcience can do it, what will be the
comprelfion of the fame piece in another very different
cale. I hus he learns how far it will now yield, and
then he proportions the parts fo to each other, that when
all have yielded according to their ftrains, the whole is
•f the ftiape he wilhed to produce, and every joint is in
Vol, XVIII. Part I, J
R Q O
a Hate of firmnefs. It is here that we obferve the Roof!
greateft number of improprieties. The iron ftraps are —v”
frequently in pofitions not fuited to the aftual ftrain on
them, and they are in a ftate of violent twill, which
Both tends ftrongly to break the ftrap, and to cripple
the pieces which they furround.
In like maimer, we frequently fee joints or mortifes
in a ftate of violent ftrain on the tenons, or on the
heels and ftioulders. The joints were perhaps properly
fhaped for the primitive form of the trufs j but by its
fettling, the bearing of the pufti is changed : the brace,
for example, in a very low pitched roof, comes to prefs
with the upper part of the Ihoulder, and, adling as a
powerful lever on the tenon, breaks it. In like manner,
the lower end of the brace, which at firft butted firmly
and fquarely on the joggle of the king-poft, now prtffes
with one corner in prodigious force, and feldom fails
to fplinter off on that fide. We cannot help recom¬
mending a maxim of Mr Perror.et the celebrated hy¬
draulic architect of France, as a golden rule, viz. to
make all the (boulders of butting pieces in the form of
an arch of a circle, having the oppofitejend of the piece
for its centre. Thus, in fig. 18. if the joggle-joint B
be of this form, having A for its centre, the fagging of
the roof will make no partial bearing at the joint j for
in the fagging of the roof, the piece AB turns or bends
round the centre A, and the counter preffure of the
joggle is ftill direfted to A, as it ought to be. We
have juft now faid bends round A. This is too fre¬
quently the cafe, and it is always very difficult to give
the tenon and mortile in this place a true and invariable
bearing. The rafter pufhes in the direclion BA, and
the beam refills in the direflion AD. The abutment
Ihould be perpendicular to neither of thefe but in an
intermediate diredlion, and it ought alfo to be of a cur- i
ved lhape. But the carpenters perhaps think that
this would 'weaken the beam too much to give it this
lhape in the Ihoulder j they do not even aim at it in
the heel of the tenon. The Ihoulder is commonly even
with the furface of the beam. When the bearing there¬
fore is on this Ihoulder, it caufes the foot of the rafter
to Hide along the beam till the heel of the tenon bears
againft the outer end of the mortife (See Price’s Bri¬
tilh Carpenter, Plate C. fig. IK). This abutment
is perpendicular to the beam in Price’s book, but it is
more generally pointed a little outwards below, to make
it more fecure againft ftarting. The confequence of
this conftrudlion is, that when the roof fettles, the
Ihoulder comes to bear at the inner end of the mortife,
and it rifes at the outer, and the tenon taking held of
the wood beyond it, either tears it out or is itfelf bro¬
ken. This joint therefore is feldom trufted to the
llrength of the mortife and tenon, and is ufually fecu-
red by an iron ftrap, which lies obliquely to the beam,
to which it is bolted by a large bolt quite through, and
then embraces the outfide of the rafter foot. Very fre¬
quently this ftrap is not made fufficiently oblique, and
we have feen fome made almoft fquare with the beam.
When this is the cafe, it not only keeps the foot of the
rafter from flying out, but it binds it down. In this
cafe, the rafter a£ls as a powerful lever, whofe fulcrum
is in the inner angle of the Ihoulder, and then the ftrap
never fails to cripple the rafter at the point. All this
can be prevented only by making the llrap very long
and very oblique, and by making its outer end (the
L I ftirrup
r 265 ]
R O O
f 266 ]
R O O
Roof.'
4s
Mode of
calculating
iti ains or
tliruib.
43
and the
flrength of
the trufs.
ftirrup part) fquare with its length, and making a notch
in the rafter foot to receive it. It cannot now cripple
the rafter, for it will rife along with it, turning round
the bolt at its inner end. We have been thus particu¬
lar on this joint, becaufe it is here that the ultimate
flrain of the whole roof is exerted, and its lituation will
not allow the excavation neceffary for making it a good
mortife and tenon.
Similar attention muft be paid to fome other ftraps,
fuch as thofe which embrace the middle of the rafter,
and connect it with the port or trufs below it. We
mud attend to the change of (hape produced by the fag¬
ging of the roof, and place the ftrap in fuch a manner
as to yield to it by turning round its bolt, but fo as not
to become loofe, and far lefs to make a fulcrum for
any thing ailing as a lever. The drains arifing from
fuch aitions, in framings of carpentry which change
their {hape by fagging, are enormous, and nothing can
refill them.
We fir all clofe this part of the fubjeil with a fimple
method, by wdrich any carpenter, without mathematical
fcience, may calculate with fufficient precifion the {trains
or thrufts which are produced on any point of his w'ork,
whatever be the obliquity of the pieces.
Let it be required to find the horizontal thruft act¬
ing on the tie-beam AD of fig. 18. This will be the
fame as if the weight of the whole roof were laid at G
on the two rafters GA and GD. Draw the vertical
line GH. Then, having calculated the weight of the
whole roof that is fupported by this fingle frame
ABCD, including the weight of the pieces AB, BC,
CD, BE, CF themfelves, take the number of pounds,
tons, &c. which expreffes it from any fcale of equal
parts, and fet it from G to H. Draw' HK, HL pa¬
rallel to GD, GA, and draw' the line KL, which wall
be horizontal when the two Tides of the roof have the
fame flope. Then ML meafured on the fame fcale
will give the horizontal thruft, by which the ftrength
of the tie-beam is to be regulated. GL will give the
thruft which tends to crufh the rafters, and LM will
alfo give the force which tends to crufh the ftrut-beamBC.
In like manner, to find the drain ot the king-poft
BD of fig. 17. confider that feach brace is preflfed by
half the weight of the roofing laid on BA or BC, and
this preffure, or at lead its hurtful effeft, is diminiftied
in the proportion of BA to DA, becaufe the aflion of
gravity is vertical, and the efifedft which we w'ant to coun-
teraft by the braces is in a diredfion perpendicular to
BA or BC. But as this is to be refifted by the brace
/E atling in the directionE, we muft draw/T per¬
pendicular to E e, and fuppofe the drain augmented in
the proportion of E e to E^i
Having thus obtained in tons, pounds, or other mea-
fures, the ft. ains which muft be balanced at ./by the co-
hefion of the king-poft, take this meafure from the
fcale of equal parts, and fet it off in the directions of
the braces to G and H, and complete the parallelogram
G/HK ; and/K meafured on the fame fcale will be
the drain on the king-poft.
The artift may then examine the ftrength of his
trufs upon this principle, that every fquare inch of oak
will bear at an average 7000 pounds compreffing or
firetching it, and may be fafely loaded with 3500 for
any length of time } and that a fquare inch of fir will Roof,
in like manner fecurely bear 2500. And, becaufe
{traps are ufed to refift fome of thefe {trains, a fquare
inch of well wrought tough iron may be fafely {trained
by 50,000 pounds. But the artift will always recoi¬
led!, that we cannot have the fame confidence in iron
as in timber. The faults of this lad are much more
eafily perceived ; and when timber is too weak, it
gives us warning of its failure, by yielding fenfibly be¬
fore it breaks. This is not the cafe w'ith iron ; and
much of its fervice depends on the honefty of the black-
fmith' . r .44
In this w'ay may any defign of a roof be examined. Sketch of
We {hall here give the reader a Iketch of twm or three forme truffed
truffed roofs, which have been executed in the chief roo^»
varieties of circumftances which occur in common prac¬
tice.
Fig. 2 2. is the roof of St Paul’s Church, Covent Gar- Fig. 22.
den, London, the work of Inigo Jones. Its conftrudtion
is lingular. The roof extends to a confiderable diftance
beyond the building, and the ends of the tie-beams
fupport the Tufcan corniche, appearing like the mu-
tules of the Doric order. Such a roof could not reft
on the tie-beam. Inigo Jones has therefore fupported
it by a trufs below it ; and the height has allow'ed him
to make this extremely ftrong with very little timber.
It is accounted the higheft roof of its width in Lon¬
don. But this was not difficult, by reafon of the great
height which its extreme width allowed him to em¬
ploy without hurting the beauty of it by too high a
pitch. The lupports, however, are difpofed with judge¬
ment (a).
Fig. 23. is a kirb or manfard roof by Price, and fup-pjg.
pofed to be of large dimenfions, having braces to carry
the middle of the rafters.
It will ferve exceedingly w'ell for a church having pil¬
lars. The middle part of the tie-beam being taken away,
the {trains are very wTell balanced, fo that there is no
rifk of its pufhing afide the pillar on which it refts.
Fig. 24. is the celebrated roof of the theatre of the Fig. 24,
univerfity of Oxford, by Sir Chriftopher Wren. The fpan
between the walls is 75 feet. This is accounted a very
ingenious, and is a lingular performance. The middle
part of it is almoft unchangeable in its form *, but from
this circumftance it does not diftribute the horizontal
thruft with the fame regularity as the ufual conftruftion.
The horizontal thruft on the tie-beam is about twice
the weight of the roof, and is withftood by an iron
ftrap below the beam, which ftretches the whole width
of the building in the form of a rope, making part of
the ornament of the ceiling.
In all the roofs which we have confidered hitherto, Cafes^
the thrurt is difeharged entirely from the walls by thewhich the
tie-beam. But this cannot always be done. We fre-thruft can-
quently want great elevation within, and arched ceil-,10! fo
ings. In fuch cafes, it is a much more difficult matter
to keep the walls free of all preffure outwards, and wa]g
there are few' buildings where it is completely done, tie-beam.
Yet this is the greakft fault of a roof. We ftiall juft
point out the methods which may be molt fuccefifully
adopted.
We have faid that a tie-beam juft performs the office
of a firing. We have faid the fame of the king-poft.
Now
(a) This church was burnt down a few years ago.
R.oof.
Fig. 25.
?5.
Fig. 27.
R O P
Now fappofe two rafters AB, BC (fig.
about the point B, and reding on the top of the walls
If the line BD he fufpended from B, and the two lines
JDA, DC be fattened to the feet of the rafters, and if
thefe lines be incapable of extenfion, it is plain that all
thmft is removed from the walls as effectually as by a
common tie-beam. And by (hortening BD toB*/, we gain
a greater infide height, and more room for an arched
ceiling. Now if we fubttitute a king-poll BD (fig. 26.)
and two ftretchers or hammer-beams DA, DC for the
other firings, and conned them firmly by means of iron
(traps, we obtain our purpofe.
Let us compare this roof with a lie-beam roof in
point of drain and ftrength. Recur to fig. 25. and
complete the parallelogram ABCF, and draw the dia¬
gonals AC, BF croffing in E. Draw BG perpendi¬
cular to CD. We have feen that the weight of the
roof (which we may call W) is to the horizontal thrull
at C as BF to EC ", and if we exprefs this thrull by
T, we have T = —-g——. We may at prefent con-
fider BC as a lever moveable round the joint B, and
pulled at C in the direClion EC by the horizontal
thruft, and held back by the firing pulling in the direc¬
tion CD. Suppofe that the forces in the directions
EC and CD are in equilibrio, and let us find the force
S by which the firing CD is drained. Thefe forces
mutt (by the property of the lever) be inverfely as the
perpendiculars drawn from the centre of motion on the
lines of their dire&ion. Therefore BG : BE m: T : S,
and S _ T x £G, — W x jbf.BG*
Therefore the drain upon each of the ties DA and
DC is always greater than the horizontal timid or the
drain on a dmple tie-beam. This would be no great
inconvenience, becaufe the fmalled dimcnfions that we
could give to thefe ties, fo as to procure fufficient fix¬
tures to the adjoining pieces, are always fufficient to
withdand this drain. But although the fame may be
faid of the iron draps which make the ultimate connec¬
tions, there is always feme hazard of imperfect work,
cracks, or daws, which are not perceived. We can
judge with tolerable certainty of the foundnefs of a
piece of timber, but cannot fay fo much of a piece of
iron. Moreover, there is a prodigious drain excited
on the king-pod, rvhen BG is very ffiort in comparifon
of BE, namely, the force compounded of the two drains
S and S on the ties DA and DC.
But there is another defeeff from which the ftraight
tie-beam is entirely free. All roofs fettle a little. 
When this roof fettles, and the points B and D de-
feend, the legs B \, BC mud fpread further out, and
thus a preffure outwards is excited on the walls. It is
feldom therefore that this kind of roof can be executed
in this fimple form, and other contrivances are neceffary
for countera<ding this fupervening a£lion on the walls.
Fig. 27. is one of the bed which we have feen, and is
executed with great fuccefs in the circus or equedrian
theatre (now, 1809-. a concert room) in Edinburgh, the
width being 60 feet. The pieces EF and ED help to
take c ff fome of the weight, and by their greater up-
rightnefs they exert a fmaller thrud on the walls. The
beam D 2/is aifo a for of trufs-oeam, having fomethinp’
of the fame effefl. Mr Price has given another very
%
1
t
Roof.
[ 267 1 R O O
25.) moveable judicious one of this kind, Britilh Carpenter, Plate IK,
fig. C, from which the tie-beam may be taken away, and
there will remain very little thrud on the walls. Thofe
which he has given in the following Plate K are, in
our opinion, very faulty. The whole drain in thefe lad
roofs tends to break the rafters and ties tranfverfely, and
the fixtures of the ties are alfo not well calculated to re¬
fid the drain to which the pieces are expofed. We hard¬
ly think that thefe roofs could be executed. ^
it is fcarcely neceffary to remind the reader, thgt in General ob-
all that we have delivered on this fubjebt, we have at-fetvations.
tended only to the condrudlion of the principal rafters ,
or truffes. In fmall buildings all the rafters are of one
kind •, but in great buildings the whole- weight of the
covering is made to red on a few principal rafters,
which are connefted by beams placed horizontally, and
either mortifed into them or fcarfed on them. Thefe
aue called purlins. Small rafters are laid from purlin to
purlin and on thefe the laths for tiles, or the (kirting-
boards for dates, are nailed. Thus the covering does
not immediately red on the principal frames. This al¬
lows fome more liberty in their condruclion, becaufe the
garrets can be fo divided that the principal rafters diall
be in the partitions and the red left unencumbered.
'Phis condruiSlion is fo far analogous to that of doors
which are condrudled with girders, binding, and bridge-
ing joids.
It may appear prefuming in us to quedion the
propriety of this pra6lice. There are durations in
which it is unavoidable, as in the roofs of churches, *
which can be allowed to red on fome pillars. In other
durations, where partition-walls intervene at a didance
not too great for a dout purlin, no principal rafters
are neceffary, and the whole may be roofed with ffiort
rafters of very (lender fcantling. But In a great uni¬
form roof, which has no intermediate fupports, it re¬
quires at lead fome reafons for preferring this method
of carcafe-roofing to the dmple method of making all
the rafters alike. The method of carcafe-roofing re¬
quires the feleftion of the greated logs of timber, which
are feldom of equal (Irength and foundnefs with thinner
rafters. In thefe the outfide planks can be taken off,
and the bed part alone worked up. It alfo expofes to
all the defe£ls of workmandiip in the mortifing of pur¬
lins, and the weakening of the rafters by this very
mortifing ; and it brings an additional load of purlins
and ffiort rafters. A roof thus condrufted may furely
be compared with a door of fimilar condrindion. Here
there is not a (hadow of doubt, that if the girders were
fawed into planks, and thefe planks laid as joids fudici-
ently near for carrying the flooring boards, they will
have the fame flrength as before, except fo much as is
taken out of the timber by the faw. This will not
amount to one-tenth nart of the timber in the binding,
bridging, and ceiling joifls, which are an additional load j
and all the mortifes and other joinings are fo many di¬
minutions of the flrength of the girders; and as no part
of a carpenter’s work requires more (kill and accuracy
of execution, we are expofed to manv chances of imper-
feflion. But, not to red on thefe confiderations, how¬
ever reafonable they may appear, we (hall relate an ex¬
periment made by one on whofe judgment and exaflnefs
we can depend. . 47
Two models of floors were made 18 inches fquare of[;0rfimied
the fined uniform .deal, which had been long feafoned. ^ye^pm”
LI 2 The
11 O 0 t 268 ] ROD
K.oof. The one confifted of Ample joifls, and the other was
1 v—framed with girders, binding, bridging, and ceiling
joilts. The plain joifts of the one contained the fame
quantity of timber with the girders alone of the other,
and both were made by a molt accurate workman.
They were placed in wmoden trunks 18 inches fquare
within, and retied on a ilrong projeftion on the infkle.
Small ihot wras gradually poured in upon the floors, fo as
to fpread uniformly over them. The plain joifted floor
broke down with 487 pounds, and the carcaie floor with
327. The fir It broke without giving any warning ; the
other gave a violent crack when 294 pounds had been
poured in.
A trial had been made before, and the loads were
341 and 482. But the modelshaving been made by a
lets accurate hand, it wTas not thought a fair fpecimen of
the ftrength w’hich might be given to a carcafe floor.
The only argument of weight wfliich wTe can recol¬
lect in favour of the compound conftruCtion of roofs is,
that the plain method would prodigioufly increafe the
quantity of work, would admit nothing but long tim¬
ber, which would greatly add to the expence, and
would make the garrets a mere thicket of planks. We
admit this in its full force; but we continue to be of
the opinion that plain roofs are greatly fuperior in point
of ftrength, and therefore ftiould be adopted in cafes
where the great difficulty is to infure this neceffary cir-
cumftance.
ii8 It would appear very negleClful to omit an account of
Of the the roofs put on round buildings, fuch as domes, cupolas,
roofs put an(j t|ie They appear to be the moft difficult talks
buildings. carpenter art. But the difficulty lies entirely in
b ‘ the mode of framing, or what the French call the trait
de charpenterie. The view which we are taking of the
fubjeCl, as a part of mechanical fcience, has little con¬
nection with this. It is plain, that whatever form of a
trufs is excellent in a fquare building muff be equally fo
as one of the frames of a round one 5 and the only dif¬
ficulty is how to manage their mutual interfeilions at
the top. Some of them muff be difcontinued before
they reach that length, and common fenfe will teach us
to cut them ffrort alternately, and always leave as many,
that they may ftand equally thick as at their firft fpring-
ing from the bafe of the dome. Thus the length of the
purlins which reach from truls to trufs will never be too
great.
The troth is, that a round building which gathers
in at top, like a glafs houfe, a potter’s kiln, or a fpire
fteeple, inftead of being the moft difficult to ereft with
liability, is of all others the eafleft. Nothing can ffiow
this more forcibly than daily practice, where they are
run up without centres and without fcaffoldingsj dnd it
requires grofs blunders indeed in the choice of their out¬
line to put them in much danger of falling from a wrant
of equilibrium. In like manner, a dome of carpentry
can hardly fall, give it what lhape or what conftru&ion
you will. It cannot fall unlefs fome part of it flies out
at the bottom: an iron hoop round it, or ftraps at the
joinings of the truffes and purlins, which make an equi¬
valent to a hoop, will effeflually fecure it. And as
beauty requires that a dome {hall fpring almoff perpen¬
dicularly from the wall, it is evident that there is hard¬
ly any thruft to force out the walls. The only part
where this is to be guarded againft is, where the tan¬
gent is inclined about 40 or degrees to the Wruon,
Here it will be proper to make a courfe of firm horizon- Roof,
tal joinings. »
We doubt not but that domes of carpentry will now
be raifed of great extent. The Halle du Bled at Pa¬
ris, of 200 feet in diameter, was the invention of an in¬
telligent carpenter, the Sieur Moulineau. He was not
by any means a man of fcience, but had much more me¬
chanical knowledge than artifans ufually have, and was
convinced that a very thin (hell of timber might not only
be fo fliaped as to be nearly in equilibrio, but that if hoop¬
ed or firmly connefted horizontally, it would have all
the ftiffnefs that was neceflary ; and he prefented his
projedl to the magiftracy of Paris. The grandeur of it
pleafed them, but they doubted of its poffibility. Be-
ing a great public work, they prevailed on the Acade¬
my of Sciences to confider it. The members, who
were competent judges, were inftantly ftruck with the
juftnefs of Mr Moulineau’s principles, and aftoniffied
that a thing fo plain had not been long familiar to eve¬
ry houfe-carpenter. It quickly became an univerfal tc»-
pic of converfation, difpute, and cabal, in the polite
circles of Paris. But the Academy having given a
very favourable report of their opinion, the project was
immediately carried into execution, and foon comple¬
ted 5 and now ftands as one of the great exhibitions of
Paris.
The conftru&ion of this dome is the fimpleft thing
that can be imagined. The circular ribs which com-
pofe it confift of planks nine feet long, 13 inches broad,
and three inches thick j and each rib conlifts of three of
thefe planks bolted together in fuch a manner that two
joints meet. A rib is begun, for inftance, with a plank
of three feet long Handing between one of fix feet and
another of nine, and this is continued to the head of it.
No machinery was neceffary for carrying up fuch fmall
pieces, and the whole went up like a piece of brick¬
layer’s work. At various diftances thefe ribs were con-
nedted horizontally by purlins and iron ftraps, which
made fo many hoops to the whole. When the work
had reached fuch a height, that the diftance of the riba
was two-thirds of the original diftance, every third rib
was difeontinued, and the fpace was left open and gla¬
zed. When carried fo much higher that the diftance of
the ribs is one-third of the original diftance, every fecond
rib (now confifting of two ribs very near each other) is
in like manner difcontinued, and the void is glazed. A
little above this the heads of the ribs are framed into a.
circular ring of timber, which forms a wide opening in
the middle ; over which is a glazed canopy or umbrella,
with an opening between it and the dome for allowing
the heated air to get out All who have feen this dome
fay, that it is the moft t mtiful and magnificent obje®
they have ever beheld.
The only difficulty which occurs in the conftroflion
of wooden domes is, when they are unequally loaded,
by carrying a heavy lanthexn or cupola in the middle.
In fuch a cafe, if the dome were a mere (hell, it would
be cruftied in at the top, or the a£lion of the wind oa
the lanthern might tear it out of its place. Such a.
dome muft therefore confift of truffed frames. Mr
Price has given a very good one in his pla.e OP, though
much ftronger in the trofffes than there was any oc-
cafion for. This caufes a great lofs of room, and
throws the lights of the lanthern too far up. It is evi¬
dently copied from Six Chriftopher Wren’s dome oi
SM3e// //. //a/.•frr/A
ROD [ 269 ] . R O O
Roof. St Paul’s church in London j a model of propriety in
'V——' its particular fituation, but by no means a general mo¬
del of a wooden dome. It reds on the brick cone
within it ; and Sir Chriftopher has very ingenioufly
made ufe of it for ftiffening this cone, as any intelligent
perfon will perceive by attending to its conftru&ion (See
Price, Plate OP).
Fig. aS. pjg, 28. reprefents a dome executed in the Regifter
Office in Edinburgh by James and Robert Adam, and
is very agreeable to mechanical principles. The fpan is
50 feet clear, and the thicknefs is only 4I.
49
Further re- We cannot take leave of the fubjecl without taking
N^m T f°me notice of what we have already ipoken of with com-
roofs ^ mendation by the name of Norman roofs. We called
them Norman, becaufe they were frequently executed
by that people foon after their eftabliffiment in Italy and
other parts of the fouth of Europe, and became the pre¬
vailing tafte in all the great baronial caftles. Their ar¬
chitects were rivals to the Saracens and Moors, who a-
bout that time built many Chriltian churches j and the
architecture which we now call Gothic feems to have a-
rifen from their joint labours.
The principle of a Norman roof is extremely limple.
The rafters all butted on joggled king-pods AF, EG,
Fig. 29. CH, &c. (fig. 29-), and braces or ties were then dif-
pofed in the intervals. In the middle of the roof HE
and HD are evidently ties in a date of exteniion,
while the pod CH is compreffed by them. Towards
the walls on each fide, as between B and F, and be¬
tween F and L, they are braces, and are compreffed.
The ends of the pods were generally ornamented with
knots of flowrers, emboffed globes, and the like, and
the whole texture of the trufs was exhibited and dreded
out.
This condruCHon admits of employing very diort
timbers; and this very circumdance gives greater drength
to the trufs, becaufe the angle which the brace or tie
makes with the rafter is more open. We may alfo per¬
ceive that all thrud may be taken off the walls. If
*he pieces AF, BF, LF, be removed, all the remaining
diagonal pieces aft as ties, and tire pieces direfted to
the centre aft as druts; and it may alfo be obferved,
that the principle will apply equally to a draight or
fiat roof or to a door. A door fuch as a b c, having
the joint in two pieces a b, b c, with a drut b d, and
two ties, will require a much greater weight to break
it than if it had a continued joid <7 c of the fame fcant-
ling. And, ladly, a piece of timber afting as a tie is
much dronger than the fame piece afting as a drut:
for in the latter fitua^on it is expofed to bending, and
when bent it is much lefs able to withdand a very great
drain. It mud be acknowledged, however, that this
advantage is balanced by the great inferiority of the
joints in point of drength. The joint of a tie depends
wholly on the pins; for this reafon ties are never ufed
in heavy works without drapping the joints with iron.
In the roofs we are now defcribing the diagonal pieces
©f the middle part only aft purely as ties, while thofe
towards the fides aft as druts or braces. Indeed they
are feldom of fo very fimple condruftion as we have
defcribed, and are more generally condrufted like the
(ketch in fig. 30. having two fets of rafters AB, a b,
and the angles are filled up with thin planks, tvhich give
•real diJEotfs and drength. They have aifo a double
fet of purlins, which conneft the different truffes. The Hoof
roof being thus divided into fquares, other purlins nm t!
between the middle points E of the rafters. The raf-,
ter is fupported at E by a check put between it and
the under rafter. The middle point of each fquare of
the roof is fupported and diffened by four braces, one
of which fprings from e, and its oppofite from the fi-
milar part of the adjoining trufs. The other two bra¬
ces fpring from the middle points of the lower purlins,
which go horizontally from a and b to the next trufs,
and are fupported by planks in the fame manner as the
rafters. By this contrivance the whole becomes very
diff and drong. 5©
We hope that the reader will not be difpleafed with Conclufiom
our having taken fome notice of what was the pride of
our ancedors, and condituted a great part of the finery
of the grand hall, where the feudal lord affembled his
vaffals and difplayed his magnificence. The intelligent
mechanic will fee much to commend ; and all who look
at thefe roofs admire their apparent dimfy lightnefs, and
wonder at their duration. We have feen a hall of jy
feet wide, the roof which was in four divifions, like a
kirb roof, and the truffes were about 16 feet afunder.
They were Angle rafters, as in fig. 30. and theii dimen-
fions were only eight inches by fix. The roof appeared
perfeftly found, and had been danding ever lince the
year 142 5.
Much of what has been faid on this fubjeft may be
applied to the condruftion of wooden bridges and the
centres for turning the arches of done-bridges. But the.
farther difcuffion of this mud be the employment of ano ¬
ther article.
ROOFING, the materials of which the roof of a
houfe is compofed. See the foregoing article.
ROOK. See Ccrvus, Ornithology Index.
Rooks are very dedruftive of corn, efpecially of
wheat. They fearch out the lands where it is forvn, and
watching them more carefully than the owners, they
perceive when the feed fird begins to dioot up its blade ;
this is the time of their feeding on it. They will not be
at the pains of fearching for it at random in the fown
land, for that is more trouble than fo fmail a grain will
requite them for: but as foon as thefe blades appear,,
they are by them direfted, without lofs of time or pains,
to the places where the grains lie; and in three or four
days time they will root up fuch vad quantities, that a
good crop is often thus dedroyed in embryo. After a
few days the wheat continuing to grow, its blades appear
green above ground ; and then the time of danger from
thefe birds is over ; for then the feeds are fo far robbed
of their mealy matter, that they are of no value to that
bird, and it will no longer give itfelf the trouble to de-
droy them.
Wheat that is fown fo early as to ffioot up its green
blades before the harved is all carried in, is in no dan¬
ger from thefe birds ; becaufe while it is in a date
worth their fearching for, the fcattered corn in the har¬
ved fields is eafier comeat, and they feed wholly on
this, neglefting the fown grain. But as this cannot al¬
ways be done, the farmers, to drive away thefe ravenous
and mifchievous birds, dig holes in the ground and dick
up the feathers of rooks in them, and hang up dead
rooks on dicks in feveral parts of the fields : but all
this is of very little ufe ; for the living rooks will tear
up the ground about the feathers, and under the dead
enesj.
Rook
R O O [ 270 ] R O O
11
Rooke.
ones, to fteal tbe feeds. A mucli better way than ei¬
ther is to tear feveral rooks to pieces, and to fcatter the
pieces over the fields; but this lalts but a little while,
for the kites and other birds of prey foon carry off the
pieces and feed upon them. A gun is a good remedy
while the perfon who has it is prefenf, but as foon as he
is gone, they wall return with redoubled vigour to the
field and tear up every thing before' them.
The beft remedy the farmer has is to wratch wTell the
time of the corn’s being in the condition in which they
feed upon it; and as this lafts only a few days, he
fhould keep a boy in conftant pay to w'atch the field
from daybreak till the dufk of the evening. Every
time they fettle upon the ground to fly over it, the boy
is to holloa, and throw up a dead rook into the air :
this will always make them rife ; and by degrees they
will be fo tired of this conftant difturbance, that they
will feek out other places of preying, and will leave the
ground even before the time of the corn’s being unfit
for them. The reafon of their rifing at the toffing up
of their dead fellow creature is, that they are a bird
extremely apprehenfive of danger, and they are always
alarmed when one of their comrades rifes. They take
this for the rifing of an out-bird, and all fly off at the
fignal.
ROOKE, Sir. George, a gallant naval commander,
born of an ancient and honourable family in Kent, in
1650. His merit raifed him by regular fteps to be
vice admiral of the blue : in which llation he ferved in
the battle of La Hogue, on the 22d of May 1692 j
when it was owing to his vigorous behaviour, that the
laft ftroke was given on that important day, which threw'
the French entirely into confufion. But the next day
he obtained ftill more glory; for he had orders to go
into La Hogue, and burn the enemy’s (hips as they
lay there. There were 13 large men of war, wdiich
had crowded as far up as pofiible j and the tranfports,
tenders and ammunition fhips, were difpofed in fuch a
manner that it wras thought impoflible to burn them.
Befides, the French camp was in fight, writh all the
French and Irifii troops that were to have been em¬
ployed in the invafion of England 5 and feveral batteries
were raifed on the coaft, well provided with heavy ar¬
tillery. The vice-admiral made the neceffary prepara¬
tions for obeying his orders, but found it impoflible to
carry in the fhips of his fquadron : he therefore ordered
his light frigates to ply in elefe to the {bore 5 and hav¬
ing manned out all his boats, went himfelf to give direc¬
tions for the attack, burnt that very night fix three-
deck-flrips, and the next day fix more, from 76 to 60
guns, together with moft of the tranfports and ammu¬
nition veffels •, and this under the fire of all the batteries
juft mentioned, and in fight of all the French and Irifh
troops : yet this bold aefion coft the lives of no more
than ten men. The vice-admiral’s behaviour on this
occafion appeared fo great to King William, that ha¬
ving no opportunity at that time of promoting him, he
fettled a penfion of ioo''l. rer annum on him for li^e ;
and afterwards g^ing to Portfmouth to view the fleet,
went on board Mr Rooke’s flrip, dined with him, and
then conferred on him the hon ur of knighthood, he
having a little before made him vice-admiral of the
red.
In confequence of other fervices he was in 1694 rai¬
fed to the rank of admiral of the blue: towards the clofe
4
of the next year, he was admiral of the white ; and was iloofc
alfo appointed admiral and commander in chief in the
Mediterranean. Root<
During King William’s reign, Sir George was tw’ice
eledted member for Portfmouth •, and upon the accef-
fion of Queen Anne in 1702, he was conftituted vice-
admiral and lieutenant of the admiralty of England, as
al(o lieutenant of the fleets and feas of this kingdom.
Upon the declaration of war againft France, he was
ordered to command a fleet fent againft Cadiz, the
duke of Ormond having the command of the land for¬
ces. On his paffage home, receiving an account that
the galleons, under the efcort of a Itrong French fqua¬
dron, were got into the harbour of Vigo, he refolved
to attack them j and on the 11th of Odober came be¬
fore the harbour of Rondondello, where the French
commander had negleded nothing neceffary for putting
the place into the beft pofture of defence. But not-
withftanding this, a detachment of 15 Englilh and 10
Dutch men of wrar, of the line of battle, wdth all the
fire-ftrips, were ordered in *, the frigates and bomb-vef¬
fels followed ; the great fhips moved after them, and
the army landed near Rondondello. The whole fervice
W’as performed under Sir George’s diredions, with ad¬
mirable condud and bravery •, for, in ftiort, all the fhips
wTere deftroyed or taken, prodigious damage done to the
enemy, and vaft wrealth acquired by the allies. For
this adion Sir George received the thanks of the Houfe
of Commons, a day of thankfgiving w7as appointed both
by the queen and the ftates-general, and Sir George
was appointed to a feat in the privy-council j yet, not-
withftanding this, the Hnufe of Lords refolved to in*
quire into his condud at Cadiz. But he fo fully juf*
lifted himfelf, that a vote was paffed, approving his be¬
haviour.
In the fpring of the year 1704, Sir George command¬
ed the fhips of wyar wdiich convoyed King Charles III. of
Spain to Lifbon. In July, he attacked Gibraltar j when,
by the bravery of the Englilh feamen, the place was ta¬
ken on the 24th, though the town was extremely ftrong,
well furnifhed wdth ammunition, and had 100 guns
mounted, all facing the fea and the narrow paffes to the
land : An adion which w7as conceived and executed in
lefs than a week ; though it has fince endured fieges of
many months continuance, and more than once baffled
the united forces of France and Spain. This brave of¬
ficer being at laft obliged, by the prevalence of party-
fpirit, to quit the fervice of his country, retired to his
feat in Kent j where he fpent the remainder of his days
as a private gentleman.
He was thrice married ; and by his fecond lady Mrs
Lattrell left one fon. He died January 24. 1708-9,
in his (;8th year, and w'as buried in Canterbury cathe¬
dral, rvhere a monument is ereded to his memory. In
his private life he w’as a good hi fband and a kind maf-
ter, lived hofpitably towards his neighbours, and left
behind him a moderate fortune ; fo moderate, that rvhen
he came to make his will, it furprifed thofe wTho wrere
prefont: but Sir George affigned the reafon in a few
words, “ I do not leave much (faid he), but w7hat I leave
w7as honeftly gotten 5 it never coft a failor a tear, or the
nation a farthing.”
ROOM, chamber, parlour, or other apartment in a
houfe. See Architecture and Ventilaton.
ROOT, among botanifts, denotes that part of a
plasst
Tl O P
C 271 ]
R O' P
Root plant wliich imbibes the nutritious juices of the earth,
_ II and tranfmits them to the other parts. See Plant and
RoPe- Radix.
Colour extraBedfrom ROOTS. See C'OLO UR - Making
N° 41.
Root, in Algebra and Arithmetic, denotes any num¬
ber which, multiplied by itlell once or'oftener, produces
any other number j and is called the fquare, cube, bi-
quadrate, &c. root, according to the number of multi¬
plications. Thus, 2 is the fquare of 4 j the cube-root
of 8 5 the biquadrate root of 16, &c.
ROOT of an equation, denotes the value of the unknown
quantity in an equation, which is fuch a quantity,as being
fubftituted inftead of that unknown letter, into the equa¬
tion, {hall make all the terms to vanifh, or both fides
equal to each other. Thus, of the equation 3*-}-5r=i4,
the root or value of a? is 3, becaufe lubftituting 3 for x
makes it become 9-1-5=14.
ROOTS, real and imaginary. The odd roots, as the
3d, 5th, yth, &c. of all real quantities, whether pofitive
or negative, are real, and are refpeftively pofitive or ne¬
gative. So the cube root of a} is a, and of —a* is —a,
.But the even roots, as the 2d, 4th, 6th, &c. are only
real when the quantity is pofitive, being imaginary or
impoffible when the quantity is negative. So the fquare
root of a1 is a, which is real \ but the fquare root of
—-tf*, that is, —a}, is imaginary or impoflible, be¬
caufe there is no quantity, neither -\-a nor —a, which
by fquaring will make the given negative fquare —a*.
ROPE, is a word too familiar to need a defini¬
tion ; and we need fay no more than that it is only
applied to a confiderable colledlion of twilled fibres.
Smaller bands are called lines, firings, cords ; and it is
not applied with great propriety even to thole, unlefs
they are compofed of fmaller things of the fame kind
twilled together. Two hay bands twilled together
would be called a rope. All the different kinds of this
manufacture, from a fifhirig-line or whip-cord to the ca¬
ble of a firfl-rate fliip of war, go by the general name of
Cordage.
Ropes are made of every fubflance that is fufficiently
fibrous, flexible, and tenacious, but chiefly of the barks
of plants. The Chinefe and other orientals even make
them of the ligneous parts of feveral plants, fuch as cer¬
tain bamboos and reeds, the Items of the aloes, the fi¬
brous covering of the cocoa nut, the filament of the cot¬
ton pod, and the leaves of fome graffes fuch as the fparte
(^Lijgeum, Linn.) The aloe (Agave, Linn.) and the
fparte exceed all others in ftrength. But the barks of
plants are the mod produftive of fibrous matter fit for this
manufafture. Thofe of the linden tree (Tilia), of
the willow, the bramble, the nettle, are frequently
ufed : but hemp and flax are of all others the befl; and
of thefe the hemp is preferred, and employed in all cor¬
dage exceeding the free of a line, and even in many of
this denomination.
Hemp is very various in its ufeful qualities. Thefe
are great flrength, and the length and finenefs of the
fibre. Being a plant of very greedy growth, it fucks
up much of the unaltered juices of the foil, and there¬
fore 'differs greatly according to its foil, climate, and
culture. Ihe befl in Europe comes to us through
Riga, to which port it is brought from very diflant
places to the fouthward. If is known by the name of
Riga rein (that is, clean) hemp. Its fibre is not the
longefl (at leafl in the drelfed flate in which we get it) Rop?-
of all others, but it is the finefl, moll flexible, and making,
flrongefl. The next to this is fuppofed to be the Pe-
terfburgh braak hemp. Other hemps are elteemed
nearly in the following order :—Riga outfhot, Peterf-
burgh outfhot, hemp from Koningfhurg, Archangel,
Sweden, Memel. Clinching is a name given to a hemp
that comes from various places, long in the fibre, but
coarfe and harfh, and its ftrength is inferior to hemps
which one would think weaker. Its texture is fuch,
that it does not admit fplitting with the hatchet fo as
to be more completely drefled. It is therefore kept in
its coarfe form, and ufed for inferior cordage. It is,
however, a good and Itrong hemp, but will not make
fine work. There are doubtlefs many good hemps in
the fouthern parts of Europe, but little of them is
brought to our market. Codilla, half clean, &c, are
portions of the above-mentioned hemps, leparated by
the drefling, and may be confidered as broken fibres of
thofe hemps.
Only the firfl qualities are manufaflured for the rig¬
ging ot the royal navy and for the fhips of the Eaft In¬
dia company.
Rope-making is an art of very great importance, and importance
there are few that better deferve the attention of the in- of the art
telligent obferver. Hardly any art can be carried on 0l‘ roPe'
without the affiftance of the rope-maker. Cordage
makes the very finevvs and mufcles of a flap j and every
improvement wdiich can be made in its preparation, ei¬
ther in refpedt to flrenglh or pliablenefs, mult be of im-
menfe fervice to the mariner, and to the commerce and
the defence of nations.
We lhall give a very fhort account of the manufadlure,
which will not indeed fully inftruft the artificers, but wall
give fuch a view of the procefs as fhall enable the reader
to judge, from principles, of the propriety of the different
parts of the manipulation, and perceive its defedts, and
the means for removing them.
o 2
The aim of the rope-maker is to unite the flrength The aim of
of a great number of fibres. This wrould be done in which is to
the completed: manner by laying the fibres parallel tolimle jj,16
each other, and fattening the bundle at the two ends: ^merous^
but this would be of very limited ufe, becaule the fi- fibres,
bres are fhort, not exceeding three feet and a half at an
average. They mufl therefore be entangled together,
in fuch a manner that the ftrength of a fibre fhall not
be able to draw it out from among the reft of the bun¬
dle. This is done by twilling or twining jhem together,
wdiich caufes them mutually to comprefs each other.
When the fibres are fo difpofed in a long fkain, that
their ends fucceed each other along its length, without
many of them meeting in one place, and this fkain is
twilled round and round, we may caufe them to comprefs
each other to any degree we pleafe, and the fridlion on a
fibre which we attempt to pull out may be more than its
col teflon can overcome. It will therefore break. Con-
fequently, if we pull at this twilled fkain, we will not
feparate it by drawing one parcel out from among the
reft, but the whole fibres will break; and if the diflribu-
tion of the fibres has been very equable, the fkain will
be nearly of the fame ftrength in every part. If there'
is any part where many ends of fibres meet, the fkain
will break in that part.
We know very well that we can twift a fkain of
fibres fo very hard, that it will break with any attempt
to
lyttpe-
vnaking.
.3
Hiele fi¬
bres rnay
R O P [272
IS) tvvlft it harder. In this ftate all the fibres are al¬
ready drained to the utmoft of their drength. Such a
fkain of fibres can have no drenglh. It cannot carry a
weight, becaufe each fibre is already drained in the
fame manner as if loaded with as much weight as it is
R.'jpr«
making.
twifted as to
break with
the lead
additional
twill.
4
Praftical
inference.
SJethod to
be fo much a^e to t3car> What we have faid of this extreme cafe is
true in a certain extent of every degree of twid that we
give the fibres. Whatever force is a&ually exerted by
a twifted fibre, in order that it may diffidently comprefs
the red to hinder them from beiug drawn out, mud be
conddered as a weight hanging on that dbre, and mud be
deduced from its abfolute drength of cobefion, before we
can eftimate the ftrength of the Ikain. The ftrength of
the fkain is the remainder of the abfolute ftrength of the
fibres, after we have deduced the force employed in twill¬
ing them together.
From this obfervation may be deduced a fundamental
principle in rope-making, that all twilling, beyond what
is neceflary for preventing the fibres from being drawn
out without breaking, diminiffies the ftrength of the cor¬
dage, and Ihould be avoided when in our power. It is
of importance to keep this in mind.
It is neceffary then to twill the fibres of hemp toge-
be obfenred ther, in order to make a rope ; but we Ihould make a
in twitting very bad rope if we contented ourfelves with twafting
tie fibres., a bunch of hemp fufficiently large to with-
ftand the drains to which the rope is to be expofed.
As foon as we let it go out of our hands, it would un-
t-wift itfelf, and be again a loofe bundle of hemp ; for
the fibres are ftrained, and they are in a confiderable
degree elallic j they contrnft again, and thus untwift
the rope or Ikain. It is neceffary to continue the twill
in fuch a manner, that the tendency to untwdft in one
part may ad againft the fame tendency in another and
balance it. The procefs, therefore, of rope-making is
more complicated.
The firft part of this procefs is SPINNING of ROPE-
YARNS. This is done in various ways, and with difter-
ent machinery, according to the nature of the intended
cordage. We (hall confine our defeription to the manu-
fadure of the larger kinds, fuch as are ufed for the Hand¬
ing and running rigging of ffiips.
An alley or walk is inclofed for the purpofe, about
200 fathoms long, and of a breadth fuited to the extent
paratus and of the manufadure. It is fometimes covered above.
Bianner of upper end of this ROPE-WALK is fet up the fpin-
ning-wheel, of a form refembling that in fig. 1. The
band of this wffieel goes over feveral rollers called
WHIRLS, turning on pivots in brafs holes. The pivots
at one end come through the frame, and terminate in
little hooks. The wheel being turned by a winch,
gives motion in one diredion to all thofe wffiirls. The
fpinner has a bundle of dreffed hemp round his wraift,
with the two ends meeting before him. The hemp is
laid in this bundle in the fame w^ay that women fpread
the flax on the dillaff. There is great variety in this $
but the general aim is to lay the fibres in fuch a man¬
ner, that as long as the bundle lafts there may be an
equal number of the ends at the extremity, and that a
fibre may never offer itfelf double or in a bight. The
fpinner draws out a proper number of fibres, twifts them
with his fingers, and having got a fufficient length de¬
tached, he fixes it to the hook of a whirl. The wheel
is now turned, and the fkain is twifted, becoming what
is called a EOPK-YARN, and the fpinner walks back-
3
6
Spinning
of rope-
yarns.
7 .
Defcription
of the ap-
Ufing it.
Plate
•CCCLXV.
Tig. 1.
p Fi O P
wards DOWN the rope-walk. The part already twifted
draws along with it more fibres out of the bundle. The
fpinner aids this with his fingers, fupplying hemp in due
proportion as he walks awfay from the wheel, and taking
care that the fibres come in equally from both fides of
his bundle, and that they enter always with their ends,
and not by the middle, which would double them. He
Ihould alfo endeavour to enter every fibre at the heart
of the yarn. This will caufe all the fibres to mix equal-*
ly in making it up, and will make the work fmooth,
becaufe one end of each fibre is by this -means buried
among the reft, and the other end only lies outward
and this, in paffing through the grafp of the fpinner,
who preffes it tight with his thumb and palm, is alfo
made to lie fmooth. The greateft fault that can be
committed in fpiiming is to allow a fmall thread to be
twifted off from one fide of the hemp, and then to cover
this with hemp fupplied from the other fide : for it is
evident that the fibres of the central thread make very
long fpirals, and the ikin of fibres which covers ther*
mull be muc^i more oblique. This covering has but
little connexion with what is below it, and will eafily
be detached. Tut even while it remains, the yam can¬
not be ftrong •, for, on pulling it, the middle part,
which lies the ftraightefl, muft bear all the drain, while
the outer fibres, that are lying obliquely, are only
drawn a little more parallel to the axis. This defett
will always happen if the hemp be fupplied in a confi¬
derable body to a yarn that is then fpinning fmall. Into
whatever part of the yarn it is made to enter, it becomes
a fort of loofely connedled wrapper. Such a yarn, when pig. 3>
untrvifted a little, will have the appearance of fig. 3.
while a good yarn looks like fig. 3. A good fpinner
therefore endeavours always to fupply the hemp in the
form of a thin flat Ikain with his left hand, while his
right is employed in grafping firmly the yarn that is
twining off, and in holding it tight from the whirl, that
it may not run into loops or KINKS.
It is evident, that both the arrangement of the fibres
and the degree of twdfting depend on the (kill and dex¬
terity of the fpinner, and that he muft be inftrufled,
not by a book, but by a mafter. The degree of twift
depends on the rate of the wheel’s motion, combined
with the retrograde walk of the fpinner.
We may fuppofe him arrived at the lower end of the
walk, or as far as is neceffary for the intended length of
his yarn. He calls out, and another fpinner immedi¬
ately detaches the yarn from the hook of the whirl,
gives it to another, who carries it afide to the reel, and
this fecond fpinner attaches his owm hemp to the whirl
hook. In the mean time, the firft fpinner keeps faft
hold of the end of his yarn j for the hemp, being dry,
is very elaftic, and if he w’ere to let it go out of his hand
it would inftantly untwift, and become little better than
loofe hemp. He w aits, therefore, till he fees the reeler
begin to turn the reel, and he goes flowdy up the walk,
keeping the yarn of an equal tightnefs all the way, till
he arrives at the wheel, where he waits with his yam in
hand till another fpinner has finiffied his yarn. The firft
fpinner takes it off the whirl hook, joins it to his own, that
it may follow it on the reel, and begins a new yarn. ^
Rope-yarns, for the greateft part of the large Hg-j)jjrer<nt
ging, are from a quarter of an inch to fomewhat morekir>d« of
than a third of an inch in circumference, or of fuch arope-yanu>
fize that 160 fathoms weieffi from three and a half to
' ' four
Rope-
making:.
Converting
the ro.ne-
yarns into
ropes,
cords, or
Lines.
HOP [
four pounds when white. The different fizes of yarns
are named from the number of them contained in a
"* ftrand of a rope of three inches in circumference. Few
are fo coarfe that 16 will make a ftrand of Britifh cor¬
dage ; 18 is not unfrequent for cable yarns, or yarns
fpun from harlh and coarfe hemp 5 25 is, we believe,
the fineft fize which is worked up for the rigging of a
fhip. Much finer are indeed fpun for founding lines,
fifhing lines, and many other marine ufes, and for the
ether demands of fociety. Ten good fpinners will work
up above 600 weight of h*mp in a day but this de¬
pends on the weather. In very dry weather the hemp
is very elaftic, and requires great attention to make
fmooth wmrk. In the warmer climates, the fpinner
is permitted to moiiien the rag with which he grafps
the yarn in his right hand for each yarn. No work
can be done in an open fpinning walk in rainy weather,
becaufe the yarns would not take on the tar, if immedi¬
ately tarred, and would rot if kept on the reel for a
9 long time.
Method of The fecond part of the procefs is the converfion of
the yarns into what may with propriety be called a rope,
cord, or line. That we may have a clear concepdon of
the principle which regulates this part of the procefs,
we (hall begin with the fimpleft poffible cafe, the union
of twm yarns into one line. This is not a very ufual
fabric for rigging, but we feledl it for its limplicity.
When hemp has been fplit into very fine fibres by the
hatchel, it becomes exceedingly foft and pliant, and af¬
ter it has lain for fome time in the form of fine yarn, it
may be unreeled and thrown loofe, without lofing much
of its twift. Two fuch yarns may be put on the whirl
of a fpinning wheel, and thrown, like flaxen yarn, fo
as to make fewing thread. It is in this way, indeed,
that the failmaker’s fewing thread is manufaftured ; and
when it has been kept on the reel, or on balls or bob¬
bins, for fome time, it retains its twift as well as its ufes
require. But this is by no means the cafe with yarns
fpun for great cordage. The hemp is fo elaftic, the
number of fibtes twilled together is fo great, and the
diameter of the yarn (which is a fort of lever on which
the elafticity of the fibre exerts itfelf) is fo confiderable,
that no keeping will make the fibres retain this con-
ftrained pofition. The end of a rope-yarn being thrown
loofe, it will immediately untwift, and this with confi-
dcrable force and fpeed. It would, therefore, be a
fruitlefs attempt to twift two fuch yarns together ; yet
the ingenuity of man has contrived to make ufe of this
very tendency to untwift not only to counteradl itfelf,
but even to produce another and a permanent twift,
which requires force to undo it, and which will recover
itfelf when this force is removed. Every perfon muft
recolleft that, when he has twifted a packthread very
hard with his fingers between his two hands, if he flac-
kens the thread by bringing his hands nearer together,
the packthread will immediately curl up, running into
loops or kinks, and will even twift itfelf into a neat and
firm cord. Familiar as this faft is, it would puzzle any
perfon not accuftomed to thefe fubjefts to explain it
with diftinflnefs. We fhall confider it with fome care,
not as a p'ece of mechanical curiofity, but as a funda¬
mental principle in this manufacture, which will give us
clear instructions to direCt us in the molt delicate part
at the whole procefs. And we beg the attention of the
Vol. XVIII. Parti. 6
2 y’ 1
!
artifts themfelves to a
overlooked.
Let m d, n d (fig.
It o i*
thing which they feem to have
Rope-
making.'
fixed to one
4.) be two yarns uacu to unc p-
point d, and let both of them be twitted, each round its
own axis, in the direction ab c, which will caufe the
fibres to lie in a ferew form, as reprefented in the figure.
If the end d of the yarn m d were at liberty to turn
round the point */, it would turn accordingly, as often
as the end m is turned round, and the yarn- would ac¬
quire no twift 5 but being attached to fome folid body
it cannot turn without turning this body. It has, how¬
ever, this tendency, and the body muft be forcibly pre¬
vented from turning. If it be held faft for a time, and
then let go, it wall be turned round, and it will not
flop till it has turned as often as the end m has been
twifted, and now all the tvvift will be undone. Thus
it is the tendency of the yarn m d to untwift at the end
d (becaufe it is kept faft at 772), which produces this
motion of the body attached to it at d. What wc
have faid of the yarn m d is equally true of the yarn
n d. Both tend to turn, and will turn, the body at¬
tached at d round the common axis, in the fame direc¬
tion in which they are tw’ifted. Let fig. 5. be fuppofed 5*
a crofs feCtion of the tw?o yarns touching each other at
d, and there glued to a board. The fibres of each pull
obliquely, that is, they both pull away from the board,
and pull laterally. The direction of this lateral ‘pull of
the fibres in the circumference of each yarn is repre-
fented by the little darts drawn round the circumfe¬
rences. Thefe aCtions direCtly oppofe and balance each
other at d; but in the fernicircles 0 f /, tf 0, they evi¬
dently confpire to turn the board round in the lame di¬
rection. The fame may be faid of the outer halves of
any circles dsferibed within thefe. In the inner halves'
of thefe inner circles the aCtions of fome fibres oppofe
each other ; but in every circle there are many more
confpiring aCtions than oppofing ones, and the confpir-
ing aCtions exert themfelves by longer levers, fo that
their joint momentum greatly exceeds that of the oppo¬
fing forces. It may be demonftrated, that if all the
fibres exert equal forces, the force which tends to turn
the board round the common axis is tw'O-thirds of the
force employed to twift both the yarns.
Suppofe then that the folid body to which the yarns
are attached is at liberty to turn round the common
axis ; it cannot do this without carrying the yarns
round with it. They muft, therefore, turn round each
other, and thus compofe a rope or cord khaving its
component yarns (now calledJtrands') lying in a direc¬
tion oppofite to that of the fibres in each itrand. The
rope will take this twift, wThile each of the ftrands is
really untwifting, and the motion will not ftop till all
is again in equilibrio. If the yarns had no diameter and
no rigidity, their elaftic contraction would not be ba¬
lanced till the cord had made half the number of turns
which had been given to that part of the yarn which is
thus doubled up. But, as the yarns have a fenfible dia¬
meter, the fame ultimate contraction of the fibres will
be expended by the twilling of the cord in fewer turns,
even if the yarns had no rigidity. The turns neceflary
for this purpofe will be fo much fewer, in proportion to
the twift of the yarns, as the fibres of the yarn lie
more obliquely, that is, as the yarns are more twifted.
But further, this contraCtile force has to overcome the
M m rigidity
Tiepe-
aaaking.
10
Sefcription
of the ma¬
chinery,
and mode
of ufing it.
Fig. 6.
Fig. 7.
SOP [ 274 ] HOP
rigidity or UiiTnefs of the yarns. This requires force
merely to bend it into the fcrew form ; and therefore,
when all is again at reft, the fibres are in a ilate of ftrain,
and the rope is not fo much clofed by doubling as it
would have been had the yarns been fofter. If any
thing can be done to it in this date which will foften
the yarns, it will twill itfelf more up. It has therefore
a tendenaj to twift more up j and if this be aided by an
external force which will bend the ftrands, this will hap¬
pen. Beating it with a foft mallet will have this ef-
fedl; or, if it be forcibly twilled till the fibres are al¬
lowed to contrail as much as they would have done had
the yarn been perfectly foft, the cord will keep this
twift without any effort; and this mull be confidered as
its moll perfeit iiate, in relation to the degree of twift
originally given to the yarns. It will have no tendency
to run into kinks, which is both troublefome and dan¬
gerous, and the fibres will not be exerting any ufelefs
effort.
To attain this ftate Ihould therefore be the aim of
every part of this fecond procefs y and this principle
fhould be kept in view through the whole of it.
The component parts of a rope are called ftrands, as
has been already obferved ; and the operation of uniting
them with a permanent twdft is called laying or clojing,
the latter term being chiefly appropriated to cables and
other very large cordage.
Lines and cordage lefs than inches circumference
are laid at the fpinning-wheel. The workman fattens
the ends of each of twro or three yarns to feparate whirl-
hooks. The remote ends are united in a knot. This is
put on one of the hooks of a fwivel called the loper, re-
prefented in fig. 6. and care is taken that the yarns are
of equal lengths and twift. A piece of foft cord is put
on the other hook of the loper 5 and, being put over a
pulley feveral feet from the ground,*a weight is hung on
it, which ftretches the yarn. When the workman fees
that they are equally ftretched, he orders the wdieel to
be turned in the fame direftion as when twining the
yarns. This would twine them harder ; but the fwivel
of the loper gives way to the ftrain, and the yams im¬
mediately twift around each other, and form a line or
cord. In doing this the yarns lofe their twift. This is
reftored by the wheel. But this fimple operation would
make a very bad line, which would be flack, and would
not hold its twift } for, by the turning of the loper, the
ftrands twift immediately together, to a great diftance
from the loper. By this turning of the loper the yarns
are untwifted. The wheel reftores their twift only to
that part of the yarns that remains feparate from the
others, but cannot do it in that part where they are al¬
ready twined round each other, becaufe their mutual
preffure prevents the twdft from advancing. It is, there¬
fore, neceffary to retard this tendency to twine, by
keeping the yarns apart. This is done by a little tool
called the top, reprefented in fig. 7.
It is a truncated cone, having three or more notches
along its fides, and a handle called the ftaff. This is
put between the ftrands, the fmail end next the loper,
and it is preffed gently into the angle formed by the
yarns which lie in the notches. The wheel being now
turned, the yarns are more twifted, or hardened up, and
their preffure cn the top gives it a ftrong tendency to
come out of the angle, and alfo to turn round. The
workman does not allow this till he thinks the yarns
fufficiently hardened. Then he yields to the preffure, Rope-
and the top comes avray from the fvvivel, which imme- making,
diately turns round, and the line begins to lay.—Gra-
dually yielding to this preffure, the workman flowly
comes up towards the wheel, and the laying goes on,
till the top is at laft clofe to the wheel, and the work is
done. In the mean time, the yarns are Ihortened, both
by the twining of each and the laying of the cord. The
weight, therefore, gradually rifes. The ufe of this
weight is evidently to oblige the yarn to take a proper
degree of twift, and net run into kinks.
A cord or line made in this way has ahvays fome
tendency to twift a little more. However little friftion
there may be in the loper, there is fome, fo that the
turns which the cord has made in the laying are not
enough to balance completely the elafticity of the yarns y
and the weight being appended caufes the ftrands to be.
more nearly in the direction of the axis, in the fame
manner as it would ftretch and untwift a little any rope
to which it is hung. On the whole, however, the twift of
a laid line is permanent, and not like that upon thread
doubled or thrown in a mill, which remains only in con-
fequence of the great foftnefs and flexibility of the yarn. lz
The procefs for laying or clofing large cordage is Large or
confiderably different from this. The ftrands of which hawfer-
the rope is compofed confift of many yarns, and re-r".,.
quire a confiderable degree of hardening. This cannot
be done by a whirl driven by a wheel band j it requires formed.
the power of a crank turned by the hand. The ftrands,
when properly hardened, become very ftiff, and when
bent round the top are not able to tranfmit force enough
for laying the heavy and unpliant rope which forms
beyond it. The elaftic twift of the hardened ftrands
mutt, therefore, be aftifted by an external force. All
this requires a different machinery and a different procefs. t
At the upper end of the walk is fixed up the tackle- Machinery,
board, fig. 8. This confifts of a ftrong oaken plank and mode'
called a breajl-board, having three or more holes in it, nfing it
Inch as A, B, C, fitted with brafs or iron plates. Into^ cafe*
thefe are put iron cranks, called heaversj which have1 ^ ‘
hooks, or forelocks, and keys, on the ends of their
fpindles. They are placed at fuch a diftance from each
other, that the workmen do not interfere with each
other while turning them round. This breaft-board is
fixed to the top of ftrong pofts well fecured by ftruts
or braces facing the lower end of the walk. At the
lower end is another breaft-board fixed to the upright
pofts of a fledge, which may be loaded with ftones or
other weights. Similar cranks are placed in the holes
of this breaft-board. The whole goes by the name of
the Jledge ; (fee fig. 9.). The top neceffary for clofing F;g_ ^
large cordage is too heavy to be held in the hand. It
therefore has a long ftaff, which has a truck on the
end. This refts on the ground ; but even this is not
enough in laying great cables. The top muft be fup-
ported on a carriage, as ftiown in fig. 10. where it muft pig. ie.
lie very fteady, and need no' attendance, becaufe the ma-?
fter workman has fufficient employment in attending to
the manner in which the ftrands clofe behind the top,
and in helping them by various methods. The top is,
therefore, fixed to the carriage by laftiing its ftaff to
the two upright pofts. A piece of foft rope, or ftrap,
is attached to the handle of the top by the middle, and
its two ends are brought back and wrapped feveral times
tierbt round the rone," in. the direction of its twill, and
bound
EOF [ 275 ] R O P
ftt>pe- bound down. This is fhown at W, and it greatly af-
;uak:ng. J-ybig of the rope by its friflion. 'This both
^ keeps the top from flying too far from the point of
union of the llrands, and brings the ftrands more regu¬
larly into their places.
The firit operation is war/>:'r?g the yarns. At each
end of the walk are frames called warping frames, which
carry a great number of reels or winches filled with
rope-yarn. The foreman of the walk takes oft’ a yarn
end from each, till he has made up the number ivecef-
fary for his rope or llrand, and bringing the ends toge¬
ther, he paffes the whole through an iron ring fixed to
the top of a Hake driven into tire ground, and draws
them through : then a knot is tied on the end of the
bundle, and a workman pulls it through this ring till
the intended length is drawn off the reels. The end is
■made faff at the bottom of the walk, or at the fledge,
and the foreman comes back along the Ikain of yarns,
to fee that none are hanging flacker than the reft. He
takes up in his hand fuch as are flack, and draw's them
tight, keeping them fo till he reaches the upper end,
where he cuts the yarns to a length, again adjufts their
tightnefs, and joins them all together in a knot, to
which he fixes the hook of a tackle, the other block of
which is fixed to a firm poll, called the v:arping-pcfl. The
fkain is well ftretched by this tackle, and then feparated
into its different ftrands. Each of thefe is knotted a-
part at both ends. The knots at their upper ends are
made faft to the hooks of the cranks in the tackle-board,
and thofe at their lower ends are faftened to the cranks
in the fledge. The fledge itfelf is kept in its place by
a tackle, by wducb the ftrands are again ftretched in
their places, and every thing adjufted, fo that the fledge
Hands fquare on the w’alk, and then a proper w'eight
is laid on it. The tackle is now call off, and the cranks
are turned at both ends, in the contrary direction to
the ttvift of the yarns. (In fome kinds of cordage
the cranks are turned the fame way with the fpinning
twift). By this the ftrands are twifted and hardened
up; and as they contrafl by this operation, the fledge
is dragged up the walk. When the foreman thinks the
ftrands fufficiently hardened, which he ellimates by
the motion of the fledge, he orders the heavers at the
cranks to ftop. The middle ftrand at the fledge is ta¬
ken off from the crank. This crank is taken out, and
a ftrongcr one put in its place at D, fig. 9. The other
'ftrands are taken off from their cranks, and all are join¬
ed on the hook which is now in the middle hole. The
top is then placed between the ftrands, and, being prefs-
ed home to the point of their union, the carriage is
placed under it, and it is firmly fixed down. Some
weight is taken off the fledge. The heavers now' begin
to turn at both ends. Thofe at the tackle-board con¬
tinue to turn as they did before ; but the heavers at the
fledge turn in the oppofite direflton to their former mo¬
tion, fo that the cranks at both ends are now' turning
one wray. By the motion of the fledge crank the top
is forced away from the knot, and the rope begins to
clofe. 1 he heaving at the upper end reftores to the
itrand the twift which they are conftantly lofing by the
laying of the rope. The workmen judge of this by
making a chalk mark on intermediate points of the
ft rand, where they lie on the flakes which are fet up
along the Walk for their fupport. If the twift of the
ftrands is dimini fired by the motion of clofmg, they
will lengthen, and the chalk mark will move away from ftape-
the tackle-board : but if the Uvift increafes by turning making.,
the cranks at the tackle-board, the ftrands will fliorten, '—“■'V"**"
and the mark will come nearer to it.
As the clcfing of the rope advances, the whole
fhortens, and. the fledge is dragged up the, walk. The
top moves fafter, and at laft reaches the upper end of
the w'alk, the rope being now laid. In the mean time,
the fledge has moved leveral fathoms from the place
where it was when the laying began.
Thefe motions of the fledge and top muft be exaflly
adjufted to each other. The rope muft be of a certain
length. Therefore the fledge muft ftop at a certain
place. At that moment the rope ftrould be laid ; that
is, the top ftiould be at the tackle-board. In this con-
fills the addrefs of the foreman. Ke has his attentibrt
direhled both ways. He looks at the ftrands, and when
he fees any of them hanging flacker between the Hakes
than the others, he calk to the heavers at the tackle-
board to heave more upon that ftiand. He finds it
more difficult to regulate the motion of the top. It re-
quires a confiderable force to keep it in the angle of the
ftrands, and it is always difpofed to ftart forward. To
prevent or check this, fome ftraps of foft rope are
brought. round the ftaff of the top, and then wrapped
fsveral times round the rope behind the top, and kept
firmly down by a lanyard or bandage, as is flrown in
the figure. This both holds back the top and greatly
affifts the laying of the rope, caufing the ftrands to fall
into their places, and keep clofe to each other. This is
fcmetimes very difficult, efpecially in ropes compofed of
more than three ftrands. It will greatly improve the
laying the rope, if the top have a ffiarp, fmooth,
tapering pin of hard wood, pointed at the end, projecl-
rng fo far from the middle of its fmalier end, that it
gets in between the ftrands which are clofing. This
fupports them, and makes their clofing more° gradual
and regular. The top, its notches, the pin, and the
warp or ftrap, which is lapped round the rope, are all
fmeared with greafe or foap to affift the clofing. The
foreman judges of the progrefs of clofing chiefly by his
acquaintance with the walk, knowing that when the
fledge is abreaft of a certain ftake the top ftiould be a-
breaft of a certain other flake. When he finds the top
too far down the walk, he fiackens the motion at the
tackle-board, and makes the men turn briflcly at the
fledge. JBy this the top is forced up the walk, and the
laying of the rope accelerates, while the fledge remains
in the fame place, becaufe the ftrands are lofing their
twift, and are lengthening, while the clofed rope is
fhortening., When, on the other hand, he thinks the
top too far advanced, and fears that it will be at the
head of the walk before the fledge has got to its proper
piace, he makes the men heave bnftfly on the ftrands
and the heavers at the fledge crank to work foftly.—
This quickens the motion of the fledge by fliortening
the ftrands; and by thus compenfating what has
been overdone, the fledge and top come to their places
at once, and the work appears to anfwer the intention.
But* this is a bad manner of proceeding. It is evi-Somefm-
dent, that if the ftrands be kept to one degree of hard-proPrjeti£s
nefs throughout, and the heaving at the fledge be uni-in this Pro\
formly continued, the rope will be unifornn It may cers poi"ted
be a little longer or ftvorter than was intended, and the
laying may be too hard in proportion to the twift of
•M m 2 the
HOP [ 276 ] HOP
Rcpe- tlie (hands, in which cafe it will not keep it ; or it may
be ^00 (lack, and the rope will tend to twill more. Ei¬
ther of thefe faults is difccverable by flackening the
rope before it come oft' the hooks, and it may then be
correfted. But if the error in one place be compenfated
by that in another, this will not be eafily feen before
■ taking off the hooks •, and if it is a large and (tiff rope,
it will hardly ever come to an equable Hate in its different
parts, but will be apt to run into loops during fervice.
It is, therefore, of importance to preferve the uni¬
formity throughout the whole. M. Du Hamel, in his
great work on rope-making, propofes a method which
is very exadl, but requires an apparatus which is cum-
berfome, and which would be much in the way of the
workmen. We think that the following method would
bq extremely eafy, embarrafs no one, and is perfedlly
exa6t. Having determined the proportion between the
velocity of the top and (ledge, let the diameter of the
truck of the top carriage be to that of another truck
fixed to the (ledge, in the proportion of the velocity of
the top to that of the (ledge. Let a mark be made on
the rim of each j let the man at the (ledge make a fig-
nal every time that the mark-on the (ledge truck is up-
permoft. The mark on the carriage truck (hould be
uppermoft at the fame inftant } and in this way the
ioreman knows the (late of the rope at all times with¬
out quitting his (lation. Thus, in making a cable of
j 20 fathoms, it is ufual to warp the yarns 180 fathoms,
and to harden them up to 140 before doling. 'Ihere-
fore, in the doling, the top mud have 140 fathoms,
and the (ledge only 20. The diameter of the carriage
truck (hould therefore be feven times the diameter of
the (ledge truck.
We have hitherto proceeded on the fuppofition, that
Bie twift produced by the cranks is propagated freely
along the ftrands and along the clofing rope. But
this is not the cafe. It is almoft unavoidable that the
twift is greater in the neighbourhood of the crank
which produces it. The ftrands are frequently of very
confiderable weight, and lie heavy on the (lakes. Force
is therefore neceffary to overcome their fridion, and it
is only the overplus that is propagated beyond the (lake.
Ft is proper to lift them up from time to time, and let
them fall down again, as the fawer does with his
marking line. This helps the twift to run along the
ftrand. But this is not enough for the clofed rope,
which is of much greater weight, and much (lifter.—
When the top approaches the tackle-board, the heaving,
at the (ledge could not caufe the ftrands, immediately be¬
hind the top to clofe well, without having previoufly
produced an extravagant degree of twift in the inter¬
mediate rope. The effort of the crank mud therefore
be aftifted by men ftationed along the rope, each fur-
nifhed with a tool called a woolder* This is a (lout oak
flick about three feet long, having a ftrap of foft rope-
yarn or cordage faftened on its middle or end. The
ftrap is wrapped round the laid rope, and the workman
works walk the (lick as a lever, twifting the rope round
in the direftion of the crank’s motion. The woolders
(hould keep their eye on the men at the crank, and
make their motion correfpond with his. Thus they
fend forward the twift produced by the crank, without
either increafing or diminiftung it, in that part of the
rope which lies between them and the fledge.
another
method
propofed,
&C.
JR.cpe-
makinj'.
It is ufual before taking the rope from the hooks to
heave a while at the fledge end, in order to harden the
rope a little. They do this fo as to take it up about1
•rio-. The propriety or impropriety of this practice de¬
pends entirely on the proportion which has been previ-
oufty obferyed between the hardening of the ftrands and
the twifting of the clofing rope. It is, in all cafes,
better to adjuft thefe precifely, and then nothing re¬
mains to be done when the top has arrived at the upper
end of the walk. The making of two ftrand and three
ftrand line pointed out the principle which (hould be
attended to in this cafe j namely, that the twift given
to the rope in laying (hould be precifely what a per-
fedlly foft rope would give to itfelf. We do not fee
any reafon for thinking that the proportion between the
number cf turns given to the ftrands and the number
of turns given to the laid line by its own elafticity, will
vary by any difference of diameter. We would there¬
fore recommend to the artifts to fettle this proportion
by experiment. The line (hould be made of the fineft,
fmalleft, and fofteft threads or yarn. The(e (hould be
made into ftrands, and the ftrands fhould be harden¬
ed up in the diredlion contrary to the fpinning twift:.
The rope (hould then be laid, hanging perpendicularly,
with a fmall weight on the top to keep it down, and a
very fmall weight at the end of the rope. The num¬
ber of turns given to the ftrands {hould be carefully
noticed, and the number of turns which the rope takes
of itfelf in clofing. The weight (hould then be taken
off, and the rope will make a few turns more. This
whole number will never exceed what is neceffary for
the equilibrium ; and we imagine it will not fall much
ftiort of it. We are clearly of opinion that an exaft ad-
juftment of this particular will tend greatly to improve
the art of rope-making, and that experiments on good
principles for afeertaining this proportion would be
highly valuable, becaufe there is no point about which
the artifts themfelves differ more in their opinions and
pratftice.
The cordage, of which we have been deferibing the Mode'of
manufacture, is faid to be HAWSER-LAID. It is notmakiny
uncommon to make ropes of four ftrands. Thefe are ftroud-laid
ufed for fhrouds, and this cordage is therefore called
SHROUD-LAID cordage. A rope of the fame fize and ftrands,
weight muft be fmoother when it has four ftvands, be¬
caufe the ftrands are (mailer : but it is more difficult
to lay clofe. When three cylindrical (lands are (imply
laid together, they leave a vacuity at the axis amounting
to of the fe&ion of a ftrand. This is to be filled
up by comprefling the ftrands by twifting them. Each
muft fill up of it by changing its (liape 5 and \ of this
change is made on each fide of the ftrand. The great-
eft change of (hape therefore made on any one part of
a ftrand amounts only to -rg-g- of the feftion of the
ftrand. The vacuity between four cylinders is of
oVie cf them. This being divided in-to eight parts, is
-j’-gj of a ftrand, and is the greateft compreflion which
any part of it has to undergo. This is nearly five times
greater than the former, and muft be more difficult to
produce. Indeed it may be feen by looking at the fi¬
gures 11. and 12. that it will be eafier to comprefs aFig. n. and
ftrand into the obtufe angle of 1 20 degrees than into14*
the right angle of 90 j and without reafoning more
about the matter, it appears that the difficulty will in-
creafe
15
HOP [ 277 ] R O P
Rope- create with the number of ftrands. Six ftrands muft
making, touch each ether, and form an arch leaving a hollow in
' ’ the middle, into which one of the ftrands will flip, and
then the reft will not completely lurround it. Such a
rope would be uneven on the furface. It would be
weak; becaufe the central ftrand would be flack in
comparifon of the reft, and would not be exerting its
whole force when they are juft ready to break. We
fee then that a four ftrand rope muft; be more difficult
to lay well than a hawfer-laid rope. With care, how¬
ever, they may be laid well and clofe, and are much
ufed in the royal navy.
and with Ropes are made of four ftrands, with a heart or
a heart in flrand in the middle. This gives no additional ftrength,
the middle. for the reafon juft now given. Its only ufe is to make
the work better and more eafy, and to fupport all the
ftrands at the fame diftance from the axis of the rope.
This is of great confequence 5 becaufe when they are
at unequal diftances fr’om the axis, fome muft be more
Hoping than others, and they will not refift alike. This
heart is made of inferior fluff, flack laid, and of a fize
juft equal to the fpace it is to fill. When a rope of
this fabric has been long ufed and become unferviceable,
and is opened out, the heart is always found cut and
chaffed to pieces, like very ftiort oakum. This happens
as follows: When the rope is violently drained, it
ftretches greatly ; becaufe the ftrands furround the ax¬
is obliquely, and the ftrain draws them into a pofition
more parallel to the axis. But the heart has not the
obliquity of parts, and cannot ftretch fo much ; at the
fame time, its yarns are firmly grafped by the hard
ftrands which furround them 5 they muft therefore be
torn into fhort pieces.
The procefs for laying a rope with a heart is not
very different from that already deferibed. The top
has a hole pierced through it, in the dire&ion of the
axis. The fkain or ftrand intended for the heart paffes
through this hole, and is ftretched along the walk. A
boy attends it, holding it tight as it is taken into
the clofing rope. But a little attention to what has
been faid will fhow this method to be defeftive. The
wick will have no more turns than the laid rope 5 and
'as it lies in the very axis, its yarns will be much
ftraighter than the ftrands. Therefore when the rope
is ftrained and ftretched, the wick cannot ftretch as
much as the laid ftrands j and being firmly grafped by
them, it muft break into fhort pieces, and the ftrands,
having loft their fupport in thofe places, will fink in,
and the cordage grow loofe. We ftiould endeavour to
enable all to ftretch alike. The wick therefore fhould
be twilled in the fame manner as the ftrands, perhaps
even a little more. It will thus communicate part of
its ftrength to the rope. Indeed it will not be fo uni¬
formly folid, and may chance to have three fpiral va¬
cuities. But that this does no harm, is quite evident
from the fuperior ftrength of cable-laid cordage, to be
deferibed prefenlly, which have the fame vacuities. In
this way are the main and fore flays made for fhips of
the line. They are thought ftronger than hawfer-
laid ropes, but unfit for running rigging} becaufe their
ftrands are apt to get out of their places when the rope
is drawn into loops. It is alfo thought that the heart
retains water, rots, and conununicates its putrefa&ion to
the furrounding ftrands.
Such is the general and effential procefs of rope rna- Rope-
king. The fibres of hemp are twilled into yarns, that, ma^'ng- ;
they may make a line of any length, and flick among ^
each other with a force equal to their own cohefion. Recapitu-
The yarns are made into cords of permanent twift by latum,
laying them ; and, that we may have a rope of any de¬
gree of ftrength, many yarns are united in one ftrand,
for the fame reafon that many fibres were united in one
yarn ; and in the courfe of this procefs it is in our
power to give the rope a folidity and hardnefs which
makes it lets penetrable by water, which would rot it in
a fhort while. Some of thefe purpofes arc inconfiftent
with others: and the {kill of a rope-maker lies in ma¬
king the beft compenfation •, fo that the rope may on
the whole be the beft in point of ftrengtb, pliancy, and
duration, that the quantity of hemp in it can produce. 18
There is another fpecies of cordage in very general Mode of
ufe. A rope of two or more ftrands may be ufed as
ftrand, in order to compofe a ftill larger rope 5 and incordage
this manner are cables and other ground tackle com-^ *
monly made ; for this reafon fuch cordage is called
CABLE-LAID cordage.
The procefs of cable-laying hardly differs from that,
of hawfer-laying. Three ropes, in their ftate of per¬
manent twift, may be twilled together ; but they will
not hold it, like fine thread, becaufe they are ftiff and
elallic. They muft therefore be treated like ftrands
for a hawfer. We muft give them an additional twift,
which will difpofe them to lay or clofe themfelves ; and
this dilpofition muft be aided by the workmen at the
fledge. We fay the twift ftiould be an addition to their
twift as a rope. A twift in the oppofite direilion will
indeed give them a difpofttion to clofe behind the top ;
but this will be very fmall, and the ropes (nowT ftrands)
will be exceedingly open, and will become more open
in laying. The twift is therefore given in the direc¬
tion of their twill as a rope, or oppolite to that of the
primary ftrands, of which the ropes are compofed.
Thefe primary ftrands are therefore partly untwilled in
cable-laying a rope, in the fame manner as the yarns
are untwilled in the ufual procefs of rope-making.
We need not inftft farther on this part of the manu-
fadlure. The reader muft be fenfible that the hawfers
intended for ftrands of a cable muft not be fo much
twilled as thofe intended to remain hawfers; for the
twill given to a finilhed hawfer is prefumed to be that
which renders it moll perferil, and it muft be injured by
any addition. The precife proportion, and the dillri-
bution of the working up between the hardening of the ■
ftrands and clofing the cable, is a fubject about w’hich
the artifts are no better agreed than in the cafe of haw¬
fer-laid cordage. We did not enter on this fubjeft '
while deferibing the procefs, becaufe the introduction
of reafonings and principles would have hurt the fim-
plicity of the defeription. The reader being now ac¬
quainted with the different parts of the manipulation,
and knowing what can be done on any occafion, will
now be able to judge of the propriety of the whole,
when he learns the principle on which the llrength of
a rope depends. ^
We have already faid, that a rope-yarn fhould be Mode of
twilled till a fibre will break rather than be pulled outeftimatin£
from among the reft, and that all twilling beyond this is^.^11^
injurious to the ftrength of the yarn: And we advanced0 r°P";>
this l.
hop r 478 ] hop
Rope-
making.
tbis maxim upon this plain confidsraUon, that it is need-
lefs to bind them clofer together, for they will already
break rather than come out } and becaufe this clofer
binding is produced only by forcibly wrapping the out¬
er fibres round the inner, and drawing the outer ones
tight. Thus thefe fibres are on the ftretch, and are
ftrained as if a weight were hung on each of them.
The procefs of laying lines, of a permanent twill, fhows
that we mull do a little more. We mull give the yarn
a degree of elaftic contraftility, which will make it lay
-itfelf and form a line or cord which will retain its twill.
This mull leave the fibres of the yarns in a ilate of
greater comprelfion than is neceffary for juft keeping
them together. But more than this feems to be need-
lefs and hurtful. The fame maxim mull diredl us in
forming a rope confifting of brands, containing more
than one yarn. A needlefs excels of twill leaves them
* ftrained, and lefs able to perform their office in the
rope.
Tt not unfrequently happens, that the workman, in
order to make his rope folid and firm, hardens up
the ftrands till they really break : and we believe that,
in the general praflice of making large hawfers, many
of the outer yarns in the ftrands, efpecially thofe which
chance to be outermoft in the laid rope, and are there¬
to fore moll ftrained, are broken during the operation,
of But there is another confideration which fhould alfo
the ft0Ii ma^e us £^ve no greater twill in any part of the opera-
of ropes ° tlon than is abfolutely neceffary for the firm cohefion of
.fire. the parts, and this independent of the ftrain to which
the fibres or yarns are fubje£led. Twilling caufes all
the fibres to lie obliquely with refpedl to the axis or
general diredlion of the rope. It may juft happen that
one fibre or one yarn lhall keep in the axis, and remain
llraight; all the reft mult be oblique, and the more
oblique as they are farther from the axis, and as they
are more twilled. Now it is to be demonftrated,
that when any ftrain is given to the rope in the direc¬
tion of its length, a ftrain greater than this is aflually
excited on the oblique fibres, and fo much the greater
as they are more oblique ; and thus the fibres which
are already the weakeft are expofed to the greateft
ftrains.
Fig* I3* Let CF (fig. 13.) reprefent a fibre hanging from a
hook, and loadtd with a weight F, which it is juft able
to bear, but not more. This weight may reprefent the
abfolute force of the fibre. Let fuch another fibre be
Fi8- I4* laid over the two pulleys A, B (fig. 14.), which are in
a horizontal line AB, and let weights F andyj equal
to the former, be hung on the ends of this fibre, while
another weight R, lefs than the fum of F and f, is hung
on the middle point C by a hook or thread. This weight
will draw down the fibre into fiich a pofition ACB,
that the three weights F, R, and f are in equilibrio by
the intervention of the fibre. We affirm that this weight
R is the meafure of the relative ftreng.th of the fibre in
relation to the form ACB ; for the fibre is equally
ftretched in all its parts, and therefore in every part it
is ftrained by the force F- If therefore the weights F
and ./are held fall, and any addition is made to the
weight R, the fibre mull break, being already ftrained
to its full ^ftrength ; therefore II meafures its {Length
in relation to its fituation. Complete the parallelogram
ACBD, and draw the diagonal CD 5 becaufe AB is
horizontal, and AC—BC, DC is vertical, and coin¬
cides with the direClion CR, by which the weight R Rop?.*
acts. The point C is drawn by three fc. Ces, which are making.^
in equiiibrio. They are therefore proportional to the ^
fidcs of a triangle, which have the fame directions •, or,
the force aCling in the direction CA is to that acting
in the direction CR as C A to CD. The point R is {up-
ported by the two forces CA, CB, which are equivalent
to CD j and therefore the weight F is to the weight R
as CA is to CD. Therefore the ablolute {Lengths of
the two fibres AC, BC, taken feparately, are greater
than their united {Lengths in relation to their pofition
with refpeCt to CR : and fince this proportion remains
the fame, whatever equal weights are hung on at F and
it follows, that when any ftrain DC is made to aft o»
this fibre in the direction DC, it excites a greater {Lain
on the fibre, becaufe CA and CB taken together are
greater than CD. Each fibre fuitains a ftrain greater
than the half of CD.
Now let the weight R be turned round the axis CR.
This will caufe the trvo parts of the fibre ACB to lap
round each other, and cotnpofe a twilled line or cord
CR, as in fig. 15. and the parallelogram ACBD will Fig-*5’
remain of the fame form, by the yielding of the weights
F and./ as is evident from the equilibrium of forces.
The fibre will always ailume that iorm which makes the
fides and diagonal in the proportion of the weights.
While the fibres lap round each other, they are {trained
to the fame degree, that fs, to the full extent of their
{Length, and they remain in this degree of ftrain in
every part of the line or cord CR. If therefore each
of the fibres has the {Length AB, the cord has the
{Length DC ; and if F and/'be held fall, the fmalleft
addition to R will break the cord. The fum of the
abfolute {Length of the two fibres of which this thread
is compofed is to the fum of their relative {Lengths, or
to the {Length cf the thread, as AC-j-CB is to CD, or
as AC is to EC.
If the weights F and f are not held fail, but allowed
to yield, a heavier weight V may be bung on at C with¬
out breaking the fibre j for it will draw it into another
pofition A c B, fuch that r {hall be in equilibrio with F
and f. Since F and f remain the lame, the fibre is as
much ftrained as before. Therefore make c a, c b equal
to CA and CB, and complete the parallelogram acbcL
c d will now be the mealure of the ■weight r, becaufe it
is the equivalent of c t? and c b. It is evident that c d
is greater than CD, and therefore the thread formed by
the lapping of the fibre in the pofition a c b is {Longer
than the former, in the proportion of c d to CD, or c e
to CE. The cord is therefore fo much {Longer as the
fibres are more parallel to the axis, and it muft be
ftrongeft of all when they are quite parallel. Bring the
pulleys A, B, dole to each other. It is plain that if
we hang on a weight R lefs than the fum of F and ./
it cannot take down the bight of the fibre } but if equal
to them, although it cannot pull it down, it will keep
it down. In this cafe, when the fibres are parallel to
each other, the {Length of the cord, (improperly fo
called) is equal to the united abfolute {Lengths of the
fibres.
It is eafy to fee that the length of each of the fibres
which compofe any part CR of this cord is to the
length of the part of the cord as AC to EC ; and this
is the cafe even although they ftrould lap round a cylin¬
der of any diameter. This will appear very clearly to
1
any-
,R OP [ 279 ] R O P
Rope-
making.
Fig. r6.
any pcrlbn who confiders the thing with attention. Let
a c (fig. 16.) be an indefinitely finall portion of the
fibre which is Japped obliquely round the cylinder, and
let HKG be a fedlion perpendicular to the axis. Draw
a e parallel to the axis, and draw e c \.o the centre of the
circle HKG, and a e? parallel to e c. It is plain that e' c
is the length of the axis correfponding to the finall por¬
tion a c, and that e' c is equal to a e.
Hence we derive another manner of expreffing the
ratio of the abfolute and relative flrength ; and we may
lay that the abfolute ftrength of a fibre, which has the
fame obliquity throughout, is to its relative flrength as
the length of the fibre to the length of the cord of
which it makes a part. And we may fay, that the
flrength of a rope is to the united abfolute ftrength of
its yarns as the length of the cord to the length of the
yarns; for although the yarns are in various Hates of
obliquity, they contribute to the ftrength of the cord
in as much as they contribute immediately to the ftrength
of the ftrands. The ftrength of the yarns is to that of
the ftrands as the length of the yarns to that of the
ftrands, and the ftrength of the. ftrands is to that of the
rope as the length of the firft to that of the laft.
And thus we fee that twilling the fibres diminilhes
the ftrength of the afiemblage; becaufe their obliquity,
which is its neceffary confequence, enables any external
force to excite a greater ftrain on the fibres than it
could have excited had they remained parallel ; and
fince a greater degree of twifting neceflarily produces a
greater obliquity of the fibres, it muft more remarkably
diminiih the ftrength of the cord. Moreover, fince the
greater obliquity cannot be produced without a greater
lirain in the operation of twifting, it follows, that immo¬
derate twifting is doubly prejudicial to the ftrength of
2I cordage.
Theoretical Thefe theoretical dedudtions are abundantly confirmed
deductions by experiment; and as many perfons give their affent
confirmed more readily to a general propofition wdien prefented as
rnur^exp- an "adudlion from unexceptionable particulars, than when
riments, offered as the confequence of uncontroverted principles,
we ftiall mention fome of the experiments which have
been made on this fubjeft. Mr Reaumur, one of the moft
zealous, and at the fame time judicious, obfervers of na¬
ture made the following experiments. {Mem. Acad. Pa¬
ris, 1711.)
1. A thread, confifting of 832 fibres of filk, each of
which carried at a medium I dram and 18 grains, would
hardly fupport pounds, and fometimes broke with
5 pounds. The fum of the abfolute ftrengths of the
fibres is 1040 drams, or upwards of- 8 pounds 2 oun¬
ces.
2. A fkain of white thread wras examined in many pla¬
ces. Every part of it bore 9^ pounds, but none of it
wmuld bear 10. When twifted flack into a cord of 2
yarns it broke with 16 pounds.
3. Three threads were twifted together. Their mean
ftrength was very nearly 8 pounds. It broke with 174,
whereas it fhould have carried 24.
4. Four threads wTere twifted. Their mean ftrength
was 71. It broke with 214 inftead of 30. Four threads,
whofe ftrength w>as nearly 9 pounds, broke with 22 in¬
ftead of 36.
5. A finall and very well made hempen cord broke
indifferent places with 58, 63, 67, 72 pounds. Ano¬
ther part of it was untwifted into its three ftrands. One
of them bore 29*, another 33I, and the third 35 ; there- Rope-
fore the fum of their abfolute ftrengths w'as 98. In ano- making-
ther part which broke with 72, the ftrands which had* ^
already borne this ftrain were feparated. They bore 26,
28, and 30 j the fum of which is 84. 12
Admiral Sir Charles Knowdes made many experi- ancl by
ments on cordage of fize. A piece of rope 34- inches
in circumference was cut into many portions. Each of
thefe had a fathom cut off, and it was carefully opened
out. It wras white, or untarred, and contained 72
yarns. They were each tried leparately, and their
mean ftrength was 90 pounds. Each correfponding
piece of rope was tried apart, and the mean ftrength of
the nine pieces was 4552 pounds. Eut 90 limes 72 is
64So' .... 23
Nothing is more familiaily known to a feaman than Further re-
the liiperior ftrength of rope-yarns made up into a fkain marks on
without twifting. They call fuch a piece of rope atwiftin£'
Salvage. It is ufed on board the king’s fhips for
rolling tackles, flinging the great guns, butt-flings,
nippers for holding the viol on the cable, and in every
fervice where the utmoft ftrength and great pliancy are
wanted.
It is therefore fufficiently eftablifhed, both by theory
and obfervation, that the twifting of cordage diminifhes
its ftrength. Experiments cannot be made with fuffi-
cient precifion for determining whether this diminution
is in the very proportion, relative to the obliquity of
the fibres, which theory points out. In a hawfer the
yarns lie in a great variety of angles with the axis. The
very outermoft yarn of a ftrand is not much inclined to
the axis of the rope : for the inclination of this yarn
to the axis of its own ftrand nearly compenfates for
the inclination of the ftrand. But then the oppofite
yarn of the fame ftrand, the yarn that is next the axis,
ef the rope lies with an obliquity, which is the fum of
the obliquities of the ftrand and of the yarn. So that
all the yarns which are really in the axis of the rope
are exceedingly oblique, and, in general, the infide of
the rope has its yarns more oblique than the oulfide.
But in a laid rope we fhould not confider the ftrength
as made up of the ftrengths of the yarns ; it is made
up of the ftrengths of the ftrands : For when the rope is
violently ftretched, it untwifts as a rope, and the ftrands
are p little more twifted j fo that they are refifting as
ftrands, and not as yarns. Indeed, when we confider
the prccefs of laying the rope, we fee that it muft be fo.
We know, from what has been already faid, that the
three ftrands would carry more when parallel that when
twilled into a rope, although the yarns would then be
much mere oblique to the axis. The chief attention
therefore fhould be turned to the making the moft per-
fedl ftrands.
We are fully authorned to fay that the trvift given to
cordage ftiould be as moderate as poffible. We are cer¬
tain that it diminifhes the ftrength, and that the appear¬
ance of ftrength which its fuperior fmoothnefs and hard-
nefs gives is fallacious. But a certain degiee of this is
neceffary for its duration. If the lope is laid too flack,
its parts are apt to open when it happens to be catched
in inert loops at its going into a pulley, &c. in which
cafe fome of the ftrands or yarns are apt to kink and
break. It alto becomes too pervious to water, which
foaks and rots it. To prevent thefe and other fuch in¬
conveniences, a confiderable degree of firmnefs or hard-
nefs-
'll <5 P r 23° 1 HOP
Rope- nefs is neceffiiry j and in order to give tlie cordage this
. mdkmg. ^ appe3rance 0f fupenor ftrength, the manufadiurer is drf-
2, pofed to exceed.
Expert- Mr Da Hamel made many experiments in the royal
merits of dock yards in France, with a view to afcertain wdiat is
?ame* the beft degree of twift. It is ufual to work up the
• the*1 be del. >'arns to t of their length. Pvlr Du Hamel thought this
gree of too much, and procured fome to be worked up only to
twill, &c. ^ of the length of the yarns. The llrength of the firft,
by a mean of three experiments, was 4321, and that of
the laft was 5187.
He caufed three ropes to be made from the fame hemp,
fpun with all poffible equability, and in fuch proportion
of yarn that a fathom of each wras of the fame wreight.
The rope which was worked up to ^ bore 4098 pounds j
that which was wrorked up to ^ bore 4850 } and the one
worked up to y bore 6205. In another trial the ilrengtbs
tvere 4250, 6753, and 7397. Thefe ropes were of dif¬
ferent fizes.
He had influence enough, in confequence of thefe
experiments, to get a conliderable quantity of rigging
made of yarns worked up only to E of their length,
and had them ufed during a whole campaign. The
officers of the fhips reported that this cordage was
about ^ lighter than the ordinary kind ; nearly flen-
derer, fo as to give lefs hold to the wind, was therefore
more fupple and pliant, and run eafier through the
blocks, and did not run into kinks; that it required
fewer hands to work it, in the proportion of two to
three ; and that it w’as at lead j flronger. And they
faid that it did not appear to have fuffered more by uling
than the ordinary cordage, and was fit for another cam¬
paign.
Mr Du Hamel alfo made experiments on other fa¬
brics of cordage, which made all twifting unneceffary,
fuch as fimply laying the yarn in fkains, and then co¬
vering it wnth a worming of fmall line. This he found
greatly fuperior in flrength, but it had no duration,
becaufe the covering opened in every fhort bending, and
was foon fretted off. He alfo covered them with a wo¬
ven coat in the manner prafHfed for hovife-furniture.
But this could not be put on with fufficient tightnefs,
without an enormous expence, after the manner of a
horfe-whip. Small ropes were woven folid, and were
prodigioufly ftrong. But all thefe fabrics were found
too foft and pervious to water, and vrere foon rendered
unferviceable. The ordinary procefs of rope-making
therefore muff be adhered to; and we muff endeavour
to improve it by diminifhing the twill; as far as is compa¬
tible with the neceffary folidity.
In purfuance of this principle, it is furely advifable
to lay flack all fuch cordage as is ufed for (landing rig¬
ging, and is never expofed to fliort bendings. Shrouds,
Hays, backflays, pendants, are in this fituation, and
can eafily be defended from the water by tarring, fer-
ving, &c.
The fame principle alfo dire&s us to make fuch cor¬
dage of four ftrands. When the flrands are equally
hardened, and when the degree of twill given in the
laying is precifely that which is correfpondent to the
tw’ifl of the ftrands, it is demonftrable that the ftrands
are lying lefs obliquely to the axis in the four-ftrand cor¬
dage, and fhould therefore exert greater force. And
experience fully confirms this. Mr Du Hamel caufed
two very fmall bawfers to be made, in which the ftrands
3
Rope-
making.
2S
were equally hardened. One of them had three ftrands,
and the other fix with a heart. They were worked up
to the fame degree. The firft; broke with 865 pounds,
and the other with 1325. Several comparifons were
made, with the fame precautions, between cordage of
three and of four ftrands, and in them all the four-ilrand
cordage was found greatly fuperior -f and it appeared
that a heart judicioufly put in not only made the work
eafier and more perfeft to the eye, but alfo increafed the
ftrength of the cordage.
It is furely unreafonable to refufe credit to fuch a
uniform courfe of experiment, in which there is no mo¬
tive for impofition, and which is agreeable to every
clear notion that we can form on this complicated fub-
je6l; and it argues a confiderable prefumption in the
profeffional artifts to oppofe the vague notions which
they have of the matter to the calm refledlions, and
minute examination of every particular, by a man of good
underftanding, who had no intereft in mifleading them.
The fame principles will explain the fuperiority ofSuperiontjr
cable-laid cordage. The general aim in rope-making °lcaWe-
is to make every yarn bear an equal (hare of the gene-
ral ftrain, and to put every yarn in a condition to bear “ ’
it. But if this cannot be done, the next thing aimed at
is, to put the yarns in fuch fituations that the drains to
which they are expofed in the ufe of the rope may be
proportioned to their ability to bear it. Even this point
cannot be attained, and we mull content ourfelves with
an approach towards it.
The greateft difficulty is to place the yarns of a large
ftrand agreeably to thofe maxims. Suppofing them
placed with perfe£l regularity round the yarn which is
in the middle: they will lie in the circumferences of
concentric circles. When this whole mafs is turned
equally round this yarn as an axis, it is plain that they
will all keep their places, and that the middle yarn is
limply twilled round its axis, while thofe of the fur¬
rounding circles are lapped round it in fpirals, and that
thefe fpirals are fo much more oblique as the yarns are
farther from the axis. Suppofe the Hedge kept fall, fo
that the ftrand is not allowed to Ihorten. The yarns
mull all be ftretched, and therefore drained j and thofe
mult be the mod extended which are the fartheft from
the middle yarn. Now allow the fledge to approach.
The ilrand contrafts in its general length, and thofe
yarns contrail moll which were moll extended. The
remaining extenfion is therefore diminiftied in all 3 but
Hill thofe which are moll remote from the middle are
molt extended, and therefore molt drained, and have
the fmallelt remainder of their abfolute force. Unfor¬
tunately they are put into the moll unfavourable fitua¬
tions, and thofe which -are already moll drained are left
the moll oblique, and have the greateft ftrain laid on
them by any external force. But this is unavoidable :
Their greateft hurt is the drains they fuftain in the ma¬
nufacture. When the ftrand is very large, as in a nine-
inch hawfer, it is almoft impoflible to bring the whole ^
to a proper firmnefs for laying without (training the
outer yarns to the utmoft, and many of them are broken the ftrands
in the operation. are twitted
The reader will remember that a two-ftrand line wasm a ‘Dec-
laid or clofed merely by allowing it to twill itfelf up ^t°ent°p^’t
the fwivel of the loper ; and that it was the elafticity 0f fpinnin^
arifing from the twill of the yarn which produced thisandare
effeCl : and he would probably be furprifed when weconfequent-
ftmnger-
g n /frr/.r
IGtrtfS
Itzutt&t
ror f<r '"W
fnr>/r
fitx'k
/took
stnffy
'J\ir/\Je boani
f/nW/W>,
HOP [ 281 1 R O P
Rape- fald, that, in laying a larger rope, the flrancls are Lwiit-
, making- ^ e(j jn a direftion oppofite to that of the fpinning.
Since the tendency to clofe into a rope is nothing but
the tendency of the ftrands to untwift, it would feem
natural to twift the itrands as the yarns were twilled
before. This would be true if the elafticity of the
fibres in a yarn produced the lame tendency to untwift
in the ftrand that it does in the yarn. But this is not
the cafe. The contraction of one of the outer yarns
of a ftrand tends to pull the ftrand backward round
the axis of the ftrand : but the contraction of a fibre
of this yarn tends to turn the yarn round its own axis,
and not round the axis of the ftrand. It tends to un¬
twift: the yarn, but not to untwift the ftrand. It tends
to unt-wift the ftrand only fo far as it tends to contract
the yarn. Let us fuppofe the yarn to be fpun up to
one-half the length of the fibres. The contracting
power of this yarn will be only one half of the force
exerted by the fibres : therefore, whatever is the force
neceflary for doling the rope properly, the fibres of
the yarns muft be exerting twice this force. Now let
the fame yarn, fpun up to one-half, be made up in a
ftrand, and let the ftrand be twilled in the oppofite di¬
rection to the fpinning till it has acquired the fame
elafticity fit for laying. The yarns are untwdfted. Sup-
pofe to three fourths of the lengths of the fibres. They
are now exerting only four thirds of the force neceffary
for laying, that is, two-thirds of what they were obliged
to exert in the other cafe •, and thus we have ftronger
yarns when the ftrands are equally drained. But they
require to be more drained than the other j which, be¬
ing made of more twfifted yarn, fooner acquire the ela¬
fticity fit for laying. But fince the elafticity which fits
the ftrand for laying does not increafe fo fall as the
drain on the fibres of the yarn wdiich produces it, it is
plain, that wdien each has acquired that elafticity v/hich
is proper for laying, the ftrands made of the llack-twift-
cd yarn are the ftrongeft 5 and the yarns are alfo the
Itrongeft j and being fofter, the rope will clofe better.
Experience confirms all this 5 and cordage, whofe
ftrands are twifted in the oppofite direction to the twill
of fpinnlng, are found to be ftronger than the other in
27 a proportion not lefs than that of feven to fix.
Great cor- Such being the difficulty of making a large ftrand,
by laying an^ defefts when made, we have fallen on a method
it twice. of making great cordage by laying it twuce. A haw-
fer-laid rope, flack fpun, little hardened in the ftrands,
and flack laid, is made a ftrand of a large rops called a
cab/e or cablet. The advantages of this fabric are evi¬
dent. The ftrands are reduced to one-third or one-fourth
of the diameter which they would have in a hawfer of
the fame fize. Such ftrands cannot have their yarns
lying very obliquely, and the outer yarns cannot be
much more drained than the inner ones. There muft
therefore be a much greater equality in the whole fub-
ftance of cable-laid cordage, and from this we ffiould ex-
peCt fuperior ftrength.
Accordingly, their fuperiority is great, not lefs than
in the proportion of 13 to 9, which is not far from the
proportion of four to three. A cable is more than a
fourth part, but is not a third part, ftronger than a haw¬
fer of the fame fize or weight.
They are feldom made of more than three hawfers
of three ftrands each, though they are fometimes made
of three four-ftranded hawfers, or of four three-ftrand-
Vol. XVIII. Part I.
ed. The firft of tliefe two is preferred, becaufe four Rope
frnall ftrands can be laid very clofe j whereas it is dif- mak,nS'1
ficult to lay well four hawfers, already become very
hard.
The fuperiority of a cable-laid cordage being attri¬
buted entirely to the greater perfefticn of the ftrands,
and this feeming to arife entirely from their fmallnefs,
it was natural to expeft ftill better cordage by laying
cables as the ftrands of ftill larger pieces. It has been
tried, and with every requifite attention. But although
they have always equalled, they have not decidedly ex¬
celled, common cables of the fame weight ; and they
require a great deal more work. We (hall not there¬
fore enter upon the manipulations of this fabric. 2s
There is only one point of the mechanical procefs of D'ftriku-
rope-making which we have not confidered minutely j tl°n ot tf,e
and it is an important one, viz. the diftribution of the^^f1^-'
total ffiortening of the yarns between the hardening of the yarns
the ftrands and the laying the rope. This is a point'>etween
about which the artifts are by no meags agreed. There l-*16 bar£len*
is certainly a pofition of the ftrands of a laid rope which j^nd/and
puts every part in equilibrio \ and this is what an ela-laying the
ftic, but perfeftly foft rope (were fuch a thing poflible^rope.*
would affume. But this cannot be difeovered by any
experiments made on large or even on firm cordage ; and
it may not be thought fufficiently clear that the pro¬
portion which would be difeovered by the careful fabri¬
cation of a very fmall and foft line is the fame that will
fuit a cordage of any diameter. We muft proceed much
on conjefture ; and we cannot fay that the arguments
ufed by the partifans of difierent proportions are very
convincing.
The general praflice, we believe, is to divide the
whole of the intended fliortening of the yarns, or the
working up into three parts, and to employ two of thefe
in hardening the ftrands, and the remaining third in
doling the hawfer.
_ Mr Du Hamel thinks, that this repartition is injudi- Opinion
cious, and that the yarns are too much ftrained, and and experi-
the ftrands rendered wreak. He recommends to invertmfnts of
this proportion, and to Ihorten one-third in the harden- Du
ing of the flrands, and two-thirds in laying the hawfer.
But if the ft rain of the yarns only is confidered, one
fliould think that the outfide yarn of a ftrand will be
more ftrained in laying, in proportion to the yarn of
the fame ftrand, that is, in the very axis of the rope.
We can only fay, that if a very foft line is formed in
this way, it will not keep its twift. This ffiows that
the turns in laying were more than what the elafticity
or hardening of the ftrands required. The experiments
made on foft lines always {bowed a tendency to take a
greater twift when the lines were made in the firft man¬
ner, and a tendency to lofe their twift when made in
Mr Du Hamel’s manner. We imagine that the true
proportion is between thefe two extremes, and that we
(hall not err greatly if we have the total ffiortenina be¬
tween the two parts of the procefs. If working up to
two-thirds be infilled upon, and if it be really too much
Mr Du Hamel’s repartition may be better, becaufe part
of this working will quickly go off when the cordage is
ufed. But it is furely better to be right in the main
point, the total working up, and then to adjuft the di¬
ftribution of it fo that the finilhed cordage Ihall preciie-
ly keep the form we have given to it.
ihere muft be the fame uncertainty in the quadruple
N n diftribution
Rope-
making.
30
Of the
Amins
n acie ufe
ef during
the opera¬
tion.
/
jt
General
rule for
computing
the ftrength
cf cordage.
HOP [2
diftrlbulion of the working up a cable. When a cable
has its yarns fhortened to two-thirds, we believe the or¬
dinary practice has been, ift, To warp 180 fathoms j
2d, To harden up the {hands 30 fathoms j 31!, To lay
or clofe up 13 fathoms; 4th, To v/oik up the hawfers
nine fathoms; 5th, To clofe up eight fathoms. This
leaves a cable of 120. Since Mr Du Hamel’s experi¬
ments have had an influence at Rochefort, the p'radice
has been to warp 190, to harden up 38, to lay up 12,
to work up the hawfers xo, and then to dole up fix ;
and when the cable is finilhed, to fhoi ten it two fathoms
more, which our v orkmen call throwing the turn well
up. This leaves a cable of 122 fathoms.
As there feems little doubt of the fuperiority of cor¬
dage ftiortened one-fourth over cordage fliortened ohe-
third, the following diftribution may be adopted : warp
190 fathoms, harden up 12, lay up 11, work up the
hawfers 12, and clofe up 12 more, which will leave a
cable of 143.
There is another queftion about which the artifls are
divided in their opinions^ viz. the drains made ufe of
during the operation. This is produced by the weight
laid on the fledge. If this be too fmall, the ft rands
will not be fufficicntly tightened, and will run into
kinks. The fledge vciil come up by fttarts : and a fmall
inequality of twiftt in the fi rands will throw it aikew.
The top will not run well without a conliderable pref-
fure to throw it from the clofing point, and therefore
the cordage will neither clofe fairly nor firmly ; on the
other hand, it is evident, that the drain on the ft rands
is a complete expenditure of fo much of their force, and
it may be fo great as to break them. Thefe are the
extreme pofitions. And we think that it may be fair¬
ly deduced from our principles, that as great a ftrain
ftrould be laid on the ftrands as will make good work,
that is, as will enable the rope to clofe nearly and com¬
pletely, but no more. Eut can any general rule be gi¬
ven for this purpofe ?
The practice at Rochefort was to load the fledge
till its weight and load were double the weight of the
yarns when v/arped 180 fathoms. A fix-inch bawfer
will require about a ton. If we fuppofe the friction
one-third of the weight; the ftrain on each ftrand will
be about two hundred and a quarter weight. Mr Du
Hbmel thinks this too great a load, and propofes to put
only five-fourths or three-feconds of the weight of the
cordage ; and ftill kfs if a fhorter piece be warped, be-
caufe it does not require fo much force to throw the
twift from the twro cranks to the middle of the firand.
We fnall only fay, that ftronger ropes are made by hea¬
vy loading the carriage, and w’orking up moderately,
than by greater fhortening, and a lighter load ; but ail
this is very vague.
The reader will naturally afk, after this account of
the manufacture, what is the general rule for computing
the ftrength of cordage ? It cannot be expedited to be
very precife. But if ropes are made in a manner per¬
fectly fimilar, we ftioukl expeCt the ftrength to be in
proportion to the area of their fedtion ; that is, to the
fquare of their diameters or circumferences, or to the
number of equal threads contained in them.
Nor dees it deviate far from this rule ; yet Mr Du
Hamel fliows, from a range of experiments made on
all cordage of 34 inch circumference and under, that
the ftrenglh increafes a little fafter than the number
82 ] it o p
of equal threads. Thus he found that ropes of
9 threads bore 1014 pounds, inflead of 946 >
12 1j64 1262
18 2148 1S93
We cannot pretend to account for this. We mufi:
aifo obferve, that the ftrength of cordage is greatly im¬
proved by making them oi yarn fpun fine. This re¬
quires finely drelled hemp ; and being more nipple, the
fibres lie clofe, and do not form fuch oblique fpirals.
But all hemp will not fpin equally fine. Every ftaik
feems to conlift of a certain number of principal fibres,
w hich fplit more eafily into a lecond fet, and thefe more
difficultly into a third fet, and fo on. The ultimate
finenefs, therefore, which a reafonable degree of drel-
fing can give to hemp, bears iome proportion, not in¬
deed very precife, to the fize of the ftaik. The Brititu
and Dutch uie the belt hemp, fpin their yarn the fineft^
and their cordage is confiderably ftronger than the
French, much of which is made of their own hemp, and
others of a ccarfe and harffi quality.
The following rule for judging of the weight which
a rope will bear is not far from the truth. It luppoles
them rather too ftrong ; but it is fo ealiiy remembered
that it may be of ufe.
Multiply the circumference in inches by itfelf, and,
take the fifth part of the produft, it will exprefs the
tons which the rope will carry. Thus, if the rope have
fix inches circumference, 6 times 6 is 36, the fifth o£
which is 7~ tons; apply this to the rope of 3J-, on
which Sir Charles Knowles made the experiments for¬
merly mentioned, 3^ X 3}= 10.25, of which is 2.05
tons, or 4592 pounds. It broke with 4 35c.
This may fuffice fer an account of the mechanical 0f tapin'-,
part of the manufa&uve. But we have taken no notice ?.ad its e/-’~
of the operation of tarring ; and our reaibn was, that Cels on ther
the methods prailifed in different rope-works are lo tX-^‘engtlj of
ceedingly different, that we could hardly enumerate™1^
them, or even give a general account of them. It is
evidently proper to tar in the date cf twine or yarn, this
being the only way that the hemp could be uniformly
penetrated. The yarn is made to wind off one reel,
and having paiied through a vefiel containing hot tar,
it is wound up on another reel; and the fuperfluous tar
is taken off by paffing through a hole furrounded with
fpongy oakum ; or it is tarred in fkains or hauls, which
are drawn by a capftern through the tar-kettle, and
through a hole formed of tw'o plates of metal, held to¬
gether by a lever loaded with a weight.
It is eftablilhed beyond a doubt, that tarred cordage
when new is weaker than -while, and that the difference
increafes by keeping. The following experiments were
made by Mr Du Hamel at Rochefort on cordape- of
three inches (French) in circumference, made of the
beft Riga hemp.
Auguft 8. 1741.
W'hite. Tarred.
Broke with 4500 pounds. 3400 pounds.
49°° 33°°
4800 3250
April 25. 1 743.
4600 3500
5co° 34°o
5000 3400
September
R -pe-
rruking.
R O P [ 28
September 5. 1746.
3800 3000
4000 2700
4200 2800
A parcel of white and tarred cordage was taken out
of a quantity which had been made February 12. 1746*
It was laid up in the magazines, and companions were
made from time to time as follows:
White bore.
1746 April t 4. 264 5 pounds.
1747 May 18. 1762,
1747 Ocl. 21. 2710
1748 June 19. 2575
1748 Off. 2. 2425
1749 ScP* 25- 7
Tarred bore.
2312 pounds.
2155
2050
i752
i837
1865
Differ.
333
607
66o
823
588
1052
Mr Du Hamel fays, that it is decided by experience,
3. That white cordage in continual fervice is one-third
more durable than tarred. 2. That it retains its force
much longer while kept in ft ore. 3. That it refills the
ordinary injuries of the weather one-fourth longer.
We know this one remarkable fact. In 1758 the
fhrouds and flays of the Sheer hulk at Portfmouth dock¬
yard were overhawled, and when the worming r.nd fer¬
vice were taken off, they rvere found to be of white cor¬
dage. On examining the florekeeper’s books, they were
found to have been formerly the ihrowds and rigging of
the Royal William, 110 guns, built in 1715, and rigg¬
ed in 1716. She was thought top-heavy and unfit for
fea, and unrigged and her tlores laid up. Some few
years afterwards, her fhrouds and flays were fitted on
the Sheer hulk, where they remained in conftant and
very hard fervice for about 30 years, while every tarred
rope about her had been repeatedly renewed. This in¬
formation we received from Mr Brown, boatfwain of
the Royal William during the war 1758, &c.
Why then do we tar cordage ? We thus render it
more unpliant, weaker, and lefs durable. It is chiefly
ferviceable for cables and ground tackle, which rnuft be
continually wetted and even foaked. The refult of
careful obfervalion is, 1. That white cordage, expofed
to be alternately very wet and dry, is weaker than tar¬
red cordage. 2. That cordage which is fuperficially
tarred is conftantly ftronger than what is tarred through¬
out, and it refifts better the alternatives of wet and dry.
N. B. The fhrouds of the Sheer hulk were well tarred
and blacked, fo that it was not known that they were of
white cordage.
Tar is a curious fubftance, mifcible completely with
water. Attempts were made to anoint cordage with
oils and fats which do not mix with water. This was
expefted to defend them from its pernicious effeffs. But
it was diftinflly found that thefe matters made the fibres
of hemp glide fo eafily on each other, that it was hardly
poflible to twifl: them permanently. Before they grafp-
ed each other fo hard that they could not be drawn, they
^ were flrained almoft to breaking.
EfTeft of Attempts have been made to increafe the firength of
tanning. cordage by tanning. But though it remains a conflant
practice in the mrmrafture of nets, it does not appear
that much addition, either of firength or durability, can
be given to cordage by this -means. The trial has been
made with great care, and by perfons fully able to con*
ctu£l the procefs with propriety. But it is found that
3 ] R o S
the yarns take fo long time in drying, and are fo much R >pe-
hurt by drying flowly, that the room required for a con- m»^inS
fidcrable rope-work would be immenfe ; and the im-
provement of the cordage is but trifling, and even eqix-'
vocal. Indeed tanning is a chemical procefs, and it^
effects depend entirely on the nature of the materials
to which the tan is applied. It unquellionably corldenics,
and even ftrengthens, the fibre of leather : but for any
thing that we know a priori, it may deftroy the cohe-
fion of hemp and flax ; and experiment alone could de¬
cide the queftion. The refult has been unfavourable ;
but it does not follow from this that a tan cannot be
found which ihall produce on the texture of vegetables
effects fimilar to what oak-bark and other aftringents
produce on the animal fibre or membrane. Jt is well
known that fome dyes increafe the firength of flax and
cotton, notwithftanding the corrofion which we know
to be produced by fome of the ingredients. "This is a
fubject highly worth the attention of the chemiil and
the patriot.
ROPE Dancer. See Rope DancEB.
ROPE-Yarn, among Tailors, is the yarn of any rope
untwiiled, but commonly made up of junk j its ufe is to
make finnet, matts, &c.
ROQUET. See Rocket.
RORlDULA, a genus of plants belonging the pent-
andria clais. See Botany Index.
RQSi\, the Rose 5 a genus of plants belonging to
the icofandria clafs \ and in the natural method ranking
under the 35th order, Senticofec. See Botany Index.
The forts of rofes are very numerous j and ;he botan-
ilfs find,it very difficult to determine with accuracy which
are fpecies and which are varieties, as well as which are
varieties of the refpedlive fpecies. On ibis account Lin-
naeus, and fome other eminent authors, are inclined to
think that there is only one real fpecies or rofe, which
is the rofa canina, or “ dog rofe of the hedges, &c. and
that all the other forts -are accidental varieties of it.
However, according to the prelent Linnsean arrangement,
they ftand divided into 14 fuppofed fpecies, each com¬
prehending varieties, which in fome forts are but few, in
others numerous.
The fuppofed fpecies and their varieties according to
the arrangement of modern botanifts, are as follows :
1. The canina, canine rofe, wild dog-rofe of the
hedges, or hep-tree, grows five or fix feet high, having
prickly ftalks and branches, pinnated five or feven-
lol'ed leaves, with aculeated foot-ftalks, fmooth pedun-
culi, oval frrooth germina, and fmall ftngle flowers.
There are two varieties, red-flowered and white-flower¬
ed. They grow -wild in hedges abundantly all over
ihe kingdom j and are fometimes admitted into gar¬
dens, a few to increafe the variety of the ftuubbevy col-
ledtion.
2. The alba, or common white-rofe, grows five or fix
feet high, having a green ftem and branches, armed with
prickles, hifpid pedunculi, oval fmooth germina, and larre
white flowers. The varieties are,—large double white
rofe—-dwarf Angle white rofe—piaidens-blufh white rofe,
being large, produced in cluflers, of a white and blulh-
red colour.
3. The' Gallica, or Gallican rofe, See. grows from
about three or four to eight or ten feet high, in differ¬
ent varieties, with pinnated, three, five, or feven-lobed
leaves, and large red and other coloured flowers in dif-
N n 2 ferent
Pi O S [ 284 ] Pi o s
Rofa. ferent lurts. This fpecies is very extenfive in fuppofed
varieties, bearing the above fpecific diftinftion, fevera'of
v.’liich have been fornjerly confidercd as diltintt fpecies,
but are now ranged among the varieties of the Galilean
rofe, confiding ol the following noted varieties.
-•» Common red officinal rofe, grows ere£f, about three
or four feet high, having fmall branches, with but few
prickles, and large fpreading half-double deep-red
liowers.—Rofa mundi (rofe of the -world) or Itriped
red rofe, is a variety of the common red rofe, growing
but three or four feet high, having large fpreading femi-
double red flowers, beautifully firiped with white—and
deep red.—York and Lancaiter variegated rofe, grows
five, fix, or eight feet high, or more ; bearing variega¬
ted red flowers, confuting of a mixture of red and
white ; alfo frequently dilpofed in elegant ftripes, fome-
times in half of the dower, and fometimes in fome of
the petals.—Monthly rofe, grows about four or five
feet high, with green very prickly fliootsj producing
middle fized, moderately-double delicate flowers, of
different colours in the varieties. The varieties are,
common red-flowered monthly rofe—bluffi-flowered 
white-flowered—ilriped-flowercd. All of which blow
both early and late, and often produce flowers feveral
months in the year, as May, June, and July •, and fre¬
quently again in Augufl or September, anj fometimes,
in fine mild feafons, continues till November or De¬
cember : hence the name monthly rofe.—Double virgin-
role, grows five or fix feet high, having greenith branches
with fcarce any ipines ; and with large double pale-
red and very fragrant flowers.—Red damalk rofe, grows
eight or ten feet high, having greenifh branches, armed
with fliort aculea \ and moderately-double, fine foft-red,
very fragrant flowers.—White damalk rofe, grows eight
or ten feet high, with greenifh very prickly branches,
and white-red flowers, becoming gradually of a whiter
colour.—Blufh Belgic rofe, grows three or four feet
high, or more 3 having greenifh prickly branches, five
or feven lobed leaves, and numerous, very double, bluffi-
red flowers, with ffiort petals, evenly arranged.—Red
Belgic rofe, having greeniffi and red ffioots and leaves,
and fine double deep-red flowers.—Velvet rofe, grows
three or four feet high, armed with but few prickles •,
producing large velvet-red flowers, comprifing femi-dou-
ble and double varieties, all very beautiful rofes.—Mar¬
bled rofe, grows four or five feet high, having brownifh
branches, with but few prickles j and large, double,
finely-marbled, red flowers.—Red-and-yellow Auftrian
rofe, grows five or fix feet high, having flender reddiffi-
branches, armed with ffiort browniffi aculea 5 and with
flowers of a reddifh copper colour on one fide, the other
fide yellow. This is a curious variety, and the flowers
affume a Angularly agreeable appearance.—Yellow Au¬
ftrian rofe, grows five or fix feet high, having reddiffi
very prickly flioots; and numerous bright-yellow flowers.
—Double yellow rofe, grows fix or feven feet high;
with brownifh branches, armed with numerous large and
fmall yellowifh prickles; and large very double yellow
flowers.—Frankfort rofe, grows eight or ten feet high,
3S a vigorous (hooter, with brownifh branches thinly
firmed with ftrong prickles j and produces largiffi
Rouble purpliffi-red flowers, that blow irregularly, and
have but little fragrance.
4. The centifolia, or hundred-leaved red rofe, &c.
grows from about three or four to fix or eight feet
high, in different forts, all of them hifpid and prickly 5
pinnated three and five lobed leaves j and large very
double red flowers, having very numerous petals, and
of different ffiades in the varieties. The varieties are,
—common Dutch hundred-leaved rofe, grows three or
four feet high, with erefl greenifh branches, but mo¬
derately armed with prickles 5 and large remarkably
double red flowers, with ffiort regularly arranged petals.
—B!u!h hundred-leaved roie, grows like the other, with
large very double pale-red flowers.—Provence rofe,
grows five or fix feet, with greenith brown prickly
branches, and very large double globular red flowers,
with large petals folding over one another, more or lefs
in the varieties.—The varieties are, common red Pro¬
vence rofe, and pale Provence rofe; both of which ha¬
ving larger and fomewhat loofer petals than the fol¬
lowing fort.—Cabbage Provence rofe j having the pe.-
tals cloiely folded over one another like cabbages.—
Dutch cabbages rofe, very large, and cabbage tolerably.-
—Childing Provence rofe—Great royal rofe, grows fix
or eight feet high, producing remarkably large, fome¬
what loofe, but very elegant flowers.—All thefe are
large double red flowers, fomewhat globular at firft
blowing, becoming gradually a little fpreading at top,
and are all very ornamental fragrant rofes.—Mofs Pro¬
vence role, fuppofed a variety of the common rofe j
grows ereftly four or five feet high, having browniffi
italks and branches, very clofely armed with ffiort pric¬
kles, and double crirnfon-red flowers; having the calyx
and upper part of the peduncle furrounded with a rough
moffy-like fubfiance, effe&ing a curious Angularity.
This is a fine delicate rofe, of a high fragrance, which
together with its moffy calyx, renders it of great eftima-
tion as a curiofity.
5. The cinnamomea, or cinnamon rofe, grows five or
fix feet high, or more, with purpliffi branches thinly acu-
leatedj pinnated five or feven lobed leaves, having al-
mofl inermous petioles, fmooth pedunculi, and fmooth
globular germina •, with fmall purplifh-red cinnamon-
feented flowers early in May. There are varieties with
double flowers.
6. The Alpina, or Alpine inermous rofe, grows five
or fix feet high, having fmooth or unarmed reddifh
branches, pinnated feven-lobed fmooth leaves, fomewhat
hifpid pedunculi, oval germina, and deep-red fingle
flowers ; appearing in May. This fpecies, as being free
from all kinds of armature common to the other forts of
rofes, is efteemed as a Angularity $ and from this proper¬
ty is often called the virgin rofe.
7. The Carolina, or Carolina and Virginia rofe, &c.
grorvs fix- or eight feet high, or more, having fmooth
reddith branches, very thinly aculeated j pinnated feven-
lobed fmooth leaves, with prickly foot-ftalks j fomewhat
hifpid pedunculi, globofe hifpid germen, and fingle red
flowers in clufters, appearing moflly in Augult and
September. The varieties arc, dwarf Pennfylvanian rofe,
with fingle and double red flowers—American pale-red
rofe. This fpecies and varieties grow naturally in dif¬
ferent parts in North America j they efretff a fine varie¬
ty in our gardens, and are in eftimation for their late-
flowering property, as they often continue in blow from
Auguft until Oflober •, and the flowers are fucceeded by
numerous red berry-like heps in autumn, caufing a va¬
riety all winter.
8^ The villofa, or villofe apple-bearing rofe, grows
fix
11 O S [ 285 ] R O S
Rofa. fix or eiglit feet high, having flrong ereft brownifli
fmooth branches ; aculeated fparfedly pinnated feven-
lobed villofe or hairy leaves, downy underneath, with
prickly foot-ftalks, hifpid penduncles, a globular piickly
germen ; and largo fmgle red flowers, fucceeded by
large round prickly heps, as big as little apples. This
fpecies merits admittance into every colledlion as a cu-
riofity for the Angularity of its fruit, both for variety
and ufe ; for it having a thick pulp of an agreeable acid
relifh, is often made into a tolerable good fweetmeat.
q. The pimpinellifolia, or burnet-leaved rofe, grows
about a yard high, aculeated fparfedly j fmail neatly
pinnated feven-lobed leaves, having obtufe folioles and
rough petioles, fmooth penducles, a globular fmooth
germen, and fmall Angle floweis. There are varieties
with red flowers—and with white flowers. They grow
wild in England, &c. and are cultivated in flirubberies
for variety.
10. The fpinofiffima, or mofl: fpinous, dwarf burnet-
kaved rofe, commonly called Scotch rofe, grows but two
or three feet high, very clofely armed with fpines j
fmall neatly pinnated feven-lobed leaves, with prickly
foot-ftalks, prickly pendunculi, oval fmooth germen, and
numerous ftnall Angle flowers, fucceeded by round dark-
purple heps. The varieties are, common white-flowered
 red-flowered— ftriped-flowered marbled-flowered.
They grow naturally in England, Scotland, &c. The
firft variety rifes near a yard high, the others but one
or two feet, all of which are fingle-flowered •, but the
flowers being numerous all over the branches, make a
pretty appearance in the colleftion.
11. The eglanteria, eglantine rofe, or fweet-briar,
grows five or fix feet high, having green branches,
armed with ftrong fpines fparfedly 5 pinnated feven-
iobed odoriferous leaves, with acute folioles and rough
foot-ftalks, fmooth pedunculi, globular fmooth germina,
and fmall pale-red flowers. The varieties are, common
fingle-flowrered—femi-double flowered—double-flowered
—bluth double-flowered—yellow-flowered. This fpe¬
cies grsws naturally in fome parts of England, and in
Switzerland. It claims culture in everv garden for the
odoriferous property of its leaves *, and ihould be plant¬
ed in the borders, and other compartments contiguous
to walks, or near the habitation, where the plants will
impart their refreftiing fragrance very profufely all
around ; and the young branches are excellent for im¬
proving the odour of nofegays and bow-pots.
12. The mofchata, or mulk-rofe, fuppofed to be a
variety only of the ever-green mulk-rofe, hath weak
fmooth green ftalks and branches, riling by fupport
from fix to eight or ten feet high or more, thinly arm¬
ed with ftrong fpines ; pinnated feven-lobed fmooth
leaves, with prickly foot-ftalks ; hifpid peduncles ; oval
hifpid germen ; and all the branches terminated by large
umbellate clufters of pure-white mulk-fcented flowers in
Auguft, &c.
13. The fempervirens, or ever-green mufk-rofe, hath
a fomewhat trailing ftalk and branches, rifing by fup¬
port five or fix feet high or more, having a fmooth bark
armed with prickles 5 pinnated five-lobed fmooth ftiining
evergreen-leaves, with prickly petioles, hifpid peditnculi,
oval hifpid germen •, and all the branches terminated by
clufters of pure-white flowers of a mulky fragrance ; ap¬
pearing the end of July, and in Auguft. The femper-
virent property of this elegant fpecies renders it a curl- Rofa.
only among the rofy tribe j it alfo makes a fine appear-
ance as a flowering flirub. There is one variety, the
deciduous mulk-roie abov«-mentioned. This fpecies and
variety flowers in Auguft, and is remarkable for produ¬
cing them numeroufly in cluflers, continuing in fuccef-
fion till Oflober or November.
The above 13 fpecies of rofa, and their refpe&ive va¬
rieties, are of the Ihrub-kind ; all deciduous, except the
laft fort, and of hardy growth, fucceeding in any com¬
mon foil and fituation, and flowering annually in great
abundance from May till Odlober, in different forts ;
though the general flowering feafon for the principal
part of them is June and July : but in a full cclledlion
of the different fpecies, the blow is continued in con-
ftant fucceflron feveral months, even fometimes from
May till near Chriftmas 5 producing their flowers uni-
verlally on the fame year’s flioots, rifing from thofe the
year before, generally on long pedunculi, each termi¬
nated by one or more rofes, which in their characteri-
ftic ftate confift each of five large petals and many fla-
mina j but in the doubles, the petals are very numerous j
and in fome forts, the flowers are fucceeded by fruit ri¬
pening to a red colour in autumn aad winter, from the
feed of which the plants may be raifed ; but the moft
certain and eligible mode of propagating mofl ©f the
forts is by fuckers and layers ; and by which methods
they may be increafed very expeditioufly in great abun¬
dance.
The white and red rofes are ufed in medicine. The-
former diftilled with wTater yields a fmall portion of a
butyraceous oil, whofe flavour exaftly refembles that of
the rofes themfelves. This oil and the diftilled w-ater
are very ufeful and agreeable cordials. Thefe rofes al¬
fo, befides the cordial and aromatic virtues which refide
in their volatile parts, have a mild purgative one, which
remains entire in the decoftion left after diftillation.
The red rofe, on the contrary, has an aftringent and
gratefully corroborating virtue.
ROSA, Salvator, an admirable painter, born at
Naples in 1614. He w^as firft inftrufted by Francefco
Francazano, a kinfman : but the death of his father
reduced him to fell drawings fketched upon paper for
any thing he could get; one of which happening to
fall into the hands of Lanfranc, he took him under his
protection, and enabled him to enter the fchool of
Spagnoletto, and to be taught moreover by Daniel
Falcone, a diftinguiftied painter of battles at Naples.
Salvator had a fertile imagination. He ftudied nature
with attention and judgement \ and ahvays reprefented
her to the greateft advantage : for every tree, rock,
cloud, or fituation, that enters into his compofition,
fhows an elevation of thought that extorts admiration.
He was equally eminent for painting battles, animals,
fea or land ftorms ; and he executed thefe different
fubjeCIs in fuch tafte as renders his works readily di-
ftinguifhable from all others. His pieces are exceed¬
ingly fcarce and valuable; one of the moft capital is that
reprefenting Saul and the witch of Endor, which was
preferved at Verfailles. He died in 1673 j anc* as his-
paintings are in few hands, he is more generally known
by his prints, of which he etched a great number. He
painted landfcapes more than hiftory ; but his prints
are chiefly hiftorical. The capital landfcape of this
maffor
HOS [2
niafter at Chifwick. is a noble piilure. lio'.vever, he is
faid to have been ignorant of the management of light,
and to have fomelimes {haded faces in a dilagreeable man¬
ner. Ke was however a man of undoubted genius ; of
which he has given frequent fpecimens in his works. A
roving difpohtion, to which he is faid to have given full
fcope, feems to have added a wildnefs to all his thoughts.
We are told that he {pent the early part of his life in
a troop of banditti; and that the rocky defolate fcenes
in which he was accuitomed to take refuge, furnifhed
him with thole romantic ideas in landfcape, of which he
is fo exceedingly fond, and in the defcription of which
he lb greatly excels. His robbers, as his detached figures
are commonly called, are luppofed alio to have been ta¬
ken from the life.
Salvator Rofa is fufficiently known as a painter ; but
he is little known as a mufician. Among the mufical
manufcripts purchafed at Rome by Dr Burney, was a
mufic book of Salvator, in which are many airs and can¬
tatas of different mailers, and eight entire cantatas,
written, fet, and tranfcribed by this celebrated painter
himlelf. From the fpecimen of his talents for mufic
here given, we make no fcruple of declaring, that he
had a truer genius for this fcience, in point of melody,
than any of his predeceflbrs or cotemporaries : there is
nlfo a llrength of exprelfion in hisverfes, which fets him
far above the middle rank as a poet. Like moft other
arliils of real original merit, he complains of the ill
ufage of the world, and the difficulty he finds in procu¬
ring a bare fubfiftence.
ROSACEA. See Gutta Rofacea.
ROSACEOUS, among botanifis, an appellation gi-
Ten to fuch flowers as are compofed of feveral petals or
leaves difpofed in a fort of circular form, like thofe of a
rofe.
ROSAMOND, daughter of Walter Lord Clifford,
was a young lady of exquifite beauty, fine accomplifh-
ments, and bleffed with a moft engaging wit and fweet-
nefs of temper. She had been educated, according to
the cuflom of the times, in the nunnery of God flow ■,
mad the popular ftory of her is as follows: Henry II.
law her, loved her, declared his paffion, and triumphed
over her honour. To avoid the jealoufy of his queen
Elinor, he kept her in a wonderful labyrinth at Wood-
ftock, and by his connexion with her bad William
Longfword earl of Salifbury, and Geoffrey biffifcp of
Lincoln. On Henry’s abftnce in France, however,
on account of a rebellion in that country, the queen
found means to difcover her, and, though {truck with
her beauty, {he recalled fufficient refentment to poifon
her. The queen, it is faid, difcovered her apartment
by a thread of fiik j but how fhe came by it is different¬
ly related. This popular flory is not however fupport-
ed by hiitory •, feveral writers mention no more of her,
than that the queen fo vented her fpleen on Rofamond
as that the -ady lived not long after. Other writers
affert that ihe died a natural death : and the flory of her
being porfoned is thought to have arifen from the figure
of a cup on her tomb. She was buried in the church
of Godflow, oppofite to the high altar, where her body
remained till it was ordered to be removed with every
mark of difgrace by Hugh bithop of Lincoln in 1191.
She was, however, by many confidered as a faint after
her death, as appears from an inferiptioh on a crok
jvhich Leland fays flood near Godflow :
2
86 ] R O S
treat hac orct, Jigntnn fahips adoret,
Vtquejlbi detur veniatn. Rojamunda precetur.
And plfo by the following flory : Rofamond during
her refidence at her bower, made ieveral viiits to God- Gi oje . An-
flovv 5 where being frequently reproved for th# life {he^'F'*^ °f
led, and threatened with the confequences m.a fatuie
Rate, flie always anlwered, that {he knew ffie fhould*” .
be laved j and as a token to them, Ihowed a tree which p. 176, Sec.
{he laid would be turned into a {tone when ihe was with
the faints in heaven. Soon after her death this won¬
derful metamorphofis happened, and the fione was
fliown to ftrangers at Godflow till the time of the difib-
lution.
ROSARY, among the Roman Catholics. See Chap¬
let.
ROSBACH, a town of Germany, in Saxony, fa¬
mous for a vi&ory obtained here by the king of Pruffia
over the French, on November 5. 1757, in which
10,000 of the French were killed or taken prifoneis,
with the lofs of no more than 300 Pruffians. Sec Prus¬
sia, N° 30.
ROSCHILD, a town of Denmark, in the ifle of
Zealand, with a biffiop’s fee and a fmall univerfity. It
is famous for a treaty concluded here in 1658 ; and in
the great church there are feveral tombs of the kings of
Denmark. It is feated at the bottom of a fmall bay, in
E. Long. 12. 20. N. Lat. 55. 40.
ROSCOMMON, a county of Ireland, in the pro¬
vince of Connaught, bounded on the weft by the river
Sue, on the eaft by the Shannon, on the north by the
Curlew mountains, on the fouth and fouth-eaft by the
King’s county and part of Galway. Its length is 50
miles, its breadth 28. The air of the county, both on
the plains and mountains, is healthy j the loil yields
plenty of grafs with fome corn, and feeds numerous
herds of cattle. The Curlew mountains on the north
are very high and fteep ; and, till a road with great la¬
bour and difficulty was cut through them, were imp af¬
fable. This county contains 59 parifhes, and formerly
font eight members to parliament,
Roscommon, which gives the title of earl to the
family of Dillon, and name to the county, though not
large, is both a parliamentary borough, and the county
town.
Roscommon, Wentworth Di/Ion, Ear! of, a celebra¬
ted poet of the 17th century, was the fon of James Dil-
Icn earl cf Rcfcommon j and was born in Ireland, un¬
der the adminiftration of the firft earl of Straffoid, who
was his uncle, and from whom he received the name of
Wentworth at his baptifm. He paffed his infancy in
Ireland ; after which the earl of Strafibrd fent for him
into England, and placed him at his own feat in York-
ffiire, under the tuition of Dr Hall, afterwards biffiop
of Norwich, who inftrudled him in Latin, without
teaching him the common rules of grammar, which he
ccu’d never retain in his memory, and yet he learnt to
write in that language with claffical elegance and pro¬
priety. On the earl of Strafford’s being impeached, he
went to complete his education at Caen in Normandy j
and after feme years travelled to Rome, where he be¬
came acquainted with the mofl: valuable remains of an¬
tiquity, and in particular Mas well {killed in medals,
and learned to fpeak Italian with fuch grace and fluen¬
cy, that he was frequently taken far a native. He re¬
turned
B. O S [2
turned to England foon after the RcAoration, and was
mad . captain of the band cf penfiohers} but a difpute
v it4 the lord privy-’.-.al.. about a part of his eftate, obli¬
ged him to refign his poll, and revifit his native coun¬
try, where the duke of Ormond appointed him captain
of the guards. He was'unhappily very fond of gaming }
and as he was returning to his lodgings from a gaming¬
table in Dublin, he was attacked in the dark by three
ruffians, who were employed to affaffinate him. The
earl defended himfelf with fuch refolution, that he had
dilpatched one of the aggreffors, when a gentleman puf¬
fing that way took his part, and difarmed another, on
which the third fought Ins liiiety in flight. This gene¬
rous affiftant was a difbanded officer of good family and
fair reputation, but reduced to poverty j and his lord-
fliip rewarded his bravery by refigning to him his poll
of captain of the guards. He at length returned to Lon¬
don } when he was made mailer of the horfe to the
ducheik of York, and married the lady Frances,, eldeft
daughter of Richard earl of Burlington, who had been
the wife of Colonel Courtney. He here diilinguifhed
himfelf by his writings •, and in imitation of thofe learn¬
ed and polite TTembiies with which he had been ac¬
quainted abroad, began to form a fociety for refining
and fixing the ilandard of the Engliffi language, in
which his great friend Mr Dryden was a principal af-
iiftant. '! his fcheme was entirely defeated by the reli¬
gious commotions which enured on King James’s accef-
fion to the throne. In 1683 he was feized with the
gout ; and being too impatient of pain, he permitted a
bold French empiric to apply a repelling medicine, in-
order to give him prefent relief; this drove the di-
ftemper into his bowels, and in a fhort time put a period
to hTs life, in January 1684. He was buried with great
pomp in Wellminfler-abbcy.
His poems, which are not numerous, are in the body
of Englilh poetry collcdled by Dr Johnfon, His “ Ef-
fay on Tranflated Verfe,” and his tranflation of “ Ho¬
race’s Art of Poetry,” have great merit. Waller ad-
dreffed a poem to his lordlhip upon the latter, when he
was 75 years of age. “ In the writings of this noble¬
man we view (fays Fenton) the image of a mind natu¬
rally ferious and folic! 5 richly furniihed and adorned
with all the ornaments of art and fcience } and thofe or¬
naments unaffeftediy difpofed in the moft regular and
elegant order. His imagination might probably have
been more fruitful and fprightly, if his judgement had
been lefs fevere ; but that feverity (delivered in a maf-
culine, clear, fuccindl fiyle) contributed to make him
fo eminent in the dida&ical manner, that no man, with
juftice, can affirm he was equalled by any of our na¬
tion, without confeffing at the fame time that he is in¬
ferior to none. In fome other kinds of writing his ge¬
nius feems to have wanted fire to attain the point of per-
fe&ion •, but who can attain it ? He was a man of an
amiable difpofition, as well as a good poet *, as Pope, in
his ‘ Eflay on Criticifm,’ hath tellificd in the following
lines:
 Rofcommon not more learn’d than good,
With manners generous as his noble blood ;
7'o him the wit of Greece and Rome was known,
And every author’s merit but his own.”
We muft allow of Rofcommon, what Fenton has not
mentioned fo diftinftly as he ought, and, what is yet
87 ] R O S
very much to his honour, that he is perhaps the only
cox reef writer in verfe before Addifon j and that, if
there are not fo many or lo great beauties in his compo-
fitions as in thofe of fome contemporaries,, there are at
leait fewer faults. Nor is this his higheft praife ; for
Pope has celebrated him as the only moral writer of
King Charles’s reign :
Unhappy Dryden ! in all Charles’s days,
Rofcommon only boalls unfpotted lays.
Of Rofcommon’s works, the judgement of the public
feems to be right. He is elegant, but not great; he
never labours alter exquifite beauties, and he feldom
fails into grofs faults. His verfification is fmooth, but
rarely vigorous, and his rhymes are remarkably exaft. ,
He improved talk, if he did not enlarge knowledge,
and may be numbered among the benefactors to Englith
literature.
ROSE, in Botany. See Rosa.
E/fence of Roses. See ROSES, Otter of.
ROSE of Jericho, fo called becaufe it grows in the
plain of Jericho, though it did not originally grow there.
It has perhaps been fo named by travellers who did not
know that it was brought from Arabia Petra;a. Rofe
bufhes are frequently found in the fields about Jericho j
but they are of a fpecies much inferior to thole fo much
extolled in Scripture, the flowers of which fbrne natura-
lills pretend lo have in their cabinets.
“ The rofe fhrub of Jericho (fays Mariti) is a fmall
plant, with a buffiy root, about an inch and a half in
length. It has a number of Items which diverge from
the earth : they are covered with few leaves; but it is
loaded with flowers, which appear red when in bud,
turn paler as they expand, and at length become white
entirely. Thefe flowers appear to me to have a great
refemblance lo thofe of the elder-tree j with this difier-
ence, that they are entirely deftitute of frnell. The
Items never rife more than four or five inches from the
ground. This fhrub flieds its leaves and its flowers as it
withers. Its branches then bend in the middle, and,
becoming entwined with each other to the top, form a
kind of globe. This happens during the great heats;
but during moitk and rainy weather they again open and
expand.
“ In this country of ignorance and fuperffition, peo¬
ple do not judge with a philofophicai eye of the alter¬
nate (hutting and opening of this plant : it appears to
them to be a periodical miracle, which heaven operates
in order to make known the events of this world,
The inhabitants of the neighbouring cantons come and
examine thefe (limbs when they are about lo under¬
take a journey, to form an alliance, to conclude any
affair of importance, or on the birth of a fon. If the
ffems of the plants are open, they do not doubt of fuc-
cefs 5 but they account it a bad omen to fee them (hut,
and therefore renounce their projeft if it be not too
late.
“ This plant is neither fubjeft to rot nor to wither.
It will bear to be tranfplanted ; and thrives without de ¬
generating in any kind of foil whatever.”
ROSES, Otter or ejfential oil of, is obtained from
rofes by Ample difliilation, and may be made in the fol¬
lowing manner : A quantity of freflx rofes, for example
40 pounds, are put in a dill with 60 pounds of wateiv
the rofes being left as they are with their calyxes, but
with
'Rofc.
<t Vol. i.
33*-
nos [ 288 ] no s
with the Items cut clofe. The mafs is then well mixed
together with the hands, and a gentle fire is made under
the Hill ; when the water begins to grow hot, and fumes
to rife, the cap of the Hill is put on, and the pipe fixed;
the chinks are then well luted with pafte, and cold wa¬
ter put on the refrigeratory at top : the receiver is alfo
adapted at the end of the pipe ; and the fire is continued
under the Hill, neither too violent nor too weak. When
the impregnated water begins to come over, and the
Hill is very hot, the fire is leffened by gentle degrees,
and the diftillation continued till 30 pounds of water are
come over, which is generally done in about four or
five hours; this rofe-water is to be poured again on a
frefh quantity (40 pounds) of rofes, and from 15 to 20
pounds of water are to be drawn by diftillation, follow¬
ing the fame procefs as before. The rofe-water thus
made and cohobated will be found, if the rofes were
good and frefh, and the diftillation carefully performed,
highly fcented with the rofes. It is then poured into
pans either of earthen ware or of tinned metal, and left
expofed to the frelh air for the night. The otter or el-
fence will be found in the morning congealed, and
fwimming on the top of the water; this is to be care¬
fully feparated and collefted either with a thin fliell or
a Ikimmer, and poured into a vial. When a certain
quantity has thus been obtained, the water and feces
muft be feparated from the clear eflence, which, with
refpe£l to the firft, will not be difficult to do, as the ef-
fence congeals with a flight cold, and the water may
then be made to run oft'. If, after that, the eflence is
kept fluid by heat, the feces will fubfide, and may be
feparated ; but if the operation has been neatly perform¬
ed, thefe will be little or none. The feces are as highly
perfumed as the eflence, and muft be kept, after as
much of the eflence has been Ikimmed from the rofe-
water as could be. The remaining water fhould be ufed
for frefh diftillations, inftead of common water, at leaft
as far as it will go.
The above is the whole procefs, as given in the Afia-
tic Refearches by Lieutenant-colonel Polier *, of making
genuine otter of rofes. But attempts (he fays) are of¬
ten made to augment the quantity, though at the ex¬
pence of the quality. Thus the rafpings of fandal-
wood, which contain a deal of eflential oil, are ufed;
but the impofition is eafily difcovered, both by the fmell,
and becaufe the effential oil of fandal-wood will not
congeal in common cold. In other places they adul¬
terate the otter by diftilling with the rofes a fweet-
fcented grafs, which colours it of a high clear green.
This does not congeal in a flight cold. There are nu¬
merous other modes, far more palpable, of adulteration.
The quantity of eflential oil to be obtained from rofes
is very precarious, depending on the Ikill of the difti-
ler, on the quality of the rofes, and the favourablenefs
of the feafon. The colour of the otter is no criterion
of its goodnefs, quality, or country. The calyxes by
no means diminifh the quality of otter, nor do they im¬
part any green colour to it. They indeed augment the
quantity, but the trouble necefl'ary to ftrip them is fuch
as to prevent their being often ufed.
The following is a Ampler and lefs expenfive procefs
for preparing this delicate and highly valued perfume ;
but whether it be equally produftive, we know not.
A large earthen or ftone jar, or a large clean wooden
•calk is filled with the leaves of the flowers of rofes, well
1
picked and freed from the feeds and ftalks ; and as much
ipring water as will cover them being poured into the
vefiel, it is fet in the fun in the morning at funrife and
allowed to Hand till the evening, when it is removed
into the houfe for the night. In the fame way it is to
be expofed for fix or feven days fuccefliveiy. At the
end oi the third or fourth day a number of particles of
a fine yellow oily matter is feen floating on the furface.
Thefe particles in the courfe of two or three days more
colledt into a feum, which is the otter of rofes. This is
taken up by means of cotton tied to the end of a piece
of flick, and fqueezed with the finger and thumb into a
fmall phial, which is immediately well flopped; and
this is repeated for fome fucceflive evenings, or while
any of this fine eflential oil rifes to the furface of the
water.
It is faid that a few drops of this eflential oil have at
different times been collefted in the city of London by
diftillation, in the fame manner as thofe effenlial oils
which are obtained from other plants.
RosE-Nob/e, an ancient Englifli gold coin, firft ftruck
in the reign of Edward III. It was formerly current
at 6s. 8d. and fo called becaufe ftamped with a rofe.
See Money.
RosE-Wood. See Aspalathus, Botany Index.
ROSETTO, or Rosetta, a town of Africa, in E-
gypt, is pleafantly fituated on the weft fide of that
branch of the Nile called by the ancients Bolbitinum,
affirmed by Herodotus to have been formed by art ;
the town and caftle being on the right hand as you
enter that river. Any one that fefts the hills about
Rofetto would judge that they had been the ancient
barriers of the fea, and conclude that the fea has not
loft more ground than the fpace between the hills and
the water.
Rofetto is efteemed one of the pleafanteft places
in Egypt; it is about two miles long, and confifts
only of two or three ftreets. The country about it is
moft delightful and fertile, as is the whole Delta on
the other fide of the Nile, exhibiting the moft plea-
fant profpefl of gardens, orchards, and corn-fields, ex¬
cellently cultivated. The caftle Hands about two
miles north of the town, on the weft fide of the river.
It is a fquare building, with round towers at the four
corners, mounted with fome pieces of brafs cannon.
The walls are of brick, cafed with ftone, fuppofed to
have been built in the time of the holy war, though
fince repaired by Cheyk Begh. At a little diftance
lower, on the other fide of the river, is a platform,
mounted with fome guns, and to the eaft of it are the
fait Jakes, from which great quantities of that commo¬
dity are gathered. At fome farther diftance, failing up
the river, we fee a high mountain, on which ftands an
old building that ferves for a watch-tower. From this
eminence is difcovered a large and deep gulf, in form
of a crefcent, which appears to have been the work
of art, though it be now filled up, and difeovers no¬
thing but its ancient bed. Rofetto is a confiderable
place for commerce, and hath fome good manufaftures
in the linen and cotton way ; but its chief bufinefs is
the carriage of goods to Cairo, all the European
merchandife being brought thither from Alexandria by
fea, and carried in other boats to that capital ; as thofe
that are brought down from it on the Nile are there
flapped off for Alexandria 3 on which account the Eu¬
ropeans
Rofe,
Rofetto.
UOS [ 289 ] R 0 S
Rifetto, ropeans have here their vice-confuls and factors to
*\°iansU" tran^ai^ their bufinefs; and the government maintains a
-- heigh, a cuftomhoufe, and a garrifon, to keep all fafe
and quiet.
In the country to the north of Rofetto are delight¬
ful gardens, full of orange, lemon, and citron trees, and
almoft all forts of fruits, with a variety of groves of
palm-trees 5 and when the fields are green with rice, it
adds greatly to the beauty of the country. It is about
25 miles north-eaft of Alexandria, and 100 north weft
of Cairo. E. Long. 30. 45. N. Lat. 31. 30.
ROSICRUCIANS, a name affumed by a fe£l or
cabal of hermetical philofophers ; who arofe, as it has
been faid, or at leaft became firft taken notice of, in
Germany, in the beginning of the fourteenth century.
They bound themfelves together by a folemn fecret,
which they all fwore inviolably to preferve ; and obliged
themfelves, at their admiflion into the order, to a ftrift
obfervance of certain eftabliftied rules. They pretend¬
ed to know all fciences, and chiefly medicine 5 whereof
they publilhed themfelves the reftorers. They pretend¬
ed to be mafters of abundance of important fecrets, and,
among others, that of the philofopher’s ftone *, all which
they affirmed to have received by tradition from the an¬
cient Egyptians, Chaldeans, the Magi, and Gymnofo-
phifts. They have been diftinguifhed by feveral names,
accommodated to the feveral branches of their doftrine.
Becaufe they pretend to protraft the pferiod of human
life, by means of certain noftrums, and even to reftore
youth, they were called Immorta/es; as they pretend¬
ed to know all things, they have been called Illuminati;
and becaufe they have made no appearance for feveral
years, unlefs the fe<ft of Illuminated which lately ftarted
up on the continent derives its origin from them, they
have been called the invijible brothers. Their fociety is
frequently figned by the letters F. R. C. which fome
among them interpret fratres roris coRi; it being pre¬
tended, that the matter of the philofophers ftone is
dew concofted, exalted, &c. Some, who are no friends
to free-mafonry, make the prefent flourifhing fociety of
free-mafons a branch of Roficrucians j or rather the Ro-
ficrucians themfelves, under a new name or relation, viz.
as retainers to building. And it is certain, there are
fome free-mafons who have all the charafters of Roficru¬
cians 5 but how the sera and original of mafonry (fee
Masonry), and that of Roficrucianifm, here fixed from
Naudaeus, who has written exprefsly on the fubjeft, con-
fift, we leave others to judge.
Notwithftanding the pretended antiquity of the Rofi¬
crucians, it is probable that the alchemifts, Paracelfifts,
or fire-philofophers, who fpread themfelves through al¬
moft all Europe about the clofe of the fixteenth cen¬
tury, affumed about this period the obfcure and ambi¬
guous title of Roficrucian brethren, which commanded
at firft fome degree of refpedft, as it feemed to be bor¬
rowed from the arms of Luther, which were a crofs
placed upon a rofe. But the denomination evidently
appears to be derived from the fcience of chemiftry. It
is not compounded, fays Mofheim, as many imagine, of
the two words rofa and crux, which fignify rofe and
crofs, but of the latter of thefe words, and the Latin
ras, which fignifies dew. Of all natural bodies, dew
was deemed the moft powerful diffolvent of gold ; and
the crofs, in the chemical language, is equivalent to
flight, becaufe the figure of a crofs 4- exhibits, at the
Vol. XVIII. Part I.
fame time, the three letters of which the word lux, or Roficru-
light, is compounded. Now lux is called, by this fc<ft, C1|ins
the feed or menftruum of the red dragon, or, in other
words, that grofs and corporeal light which, when pro- y—.
perly digefted and modified, produces gold. Hence it
follows, if this etymology be admitted, that a Roficru¬
cian philofopher is one who, by the intervention and af-
fiftance of the dew, feeks for light, or, in other words,
the fubftance called the philofopher’s ftone. The true
meaning and energy of this denomination did not efeape
the penetration and fagacity of Gaffendi, as appears by
his Examen Philofophice Fluddance, fe£t. 15. tom. iii. p.
261. And it was more fully explained by Renaudot,
in his Conferences Publiques, tom.iv. p. 87.
At the head of thefe fanatics were Robert Fludd, an
Englilh phyfician, Jacob Behmen, and Michael Mayer j
but if rumour may be credited, the prefent Illuminated
have a head of higher rank. The common princi¬
ples, wftuch ferve as a kind of centre of union to the
Roficrucian fociety, are the following: They all main¬
tain, that the diffolution of bodies, by the powder of
fire, is the only wray by which men can arrive at true
wifdom, and come to difcern the firft principles of
things. They all acknowledge a certain analogy and
harmony between the powers of nature and the doc¬
trines of religion $ and believe that the Deity governs
the kingdom of grace by the fame laws with which he
rules the kingdom of nature j and hence they are led to
ufe chemical denominations to exprefs the truths of reli¬
gion. They all hold, that there is a fort of divine cn-
ergy, or foul, diffufed through the frame of the uni-
verfe, which fome call the archeus, others the univerfal
fpirit, and which others mention under different appel¬
lations. They all talk in the moft fuperftitious manner
of what they call the fignatures of things, of the power
of the ftars over all corporeal beings, and their particu¬
lar influence upon the human race, of the efficacy of
magic, and the various ranks and orders of demons.—
Thefe demons they divide into two orders, fjlphs and
gnomes; which fupplied the beautiful machinery of
Pope’s Rape of the Lock. In fine, the Roficrucians and
all their fanatical defendants agree in throwing out the
moft crude incomprehenfible notions and ideas, in the
moft obfcure, quaint, and unufual expreflio-ns.—Moth.
Eccl. Hift. vol. iv. p. 266, &c. Englilh edition, 8vo.
See Behmen and Theosophists.
ROSIER. See Pilatre.
ROSIERS-aux-Salines, a town of France, in the
department of Meurthe, famous for its falt-wTorks. The
works that King Staniflaus made here are much admired.
It is feated on the river Muerthe, in E. Long. 6. 27. N.
Lat. 48. 35.
ROSKILD, formerly the royal refidence and me¬
tropolis of Denmark, ftands at a fmall diftance from
the bay of Ifefiord, not far from Copenhagen. In its
flourifhing ftate it was of great extent, and comprifed
within its wTalls 27 churches, and as many convents.—
Its prefent circumference is fcarcely half an Englilh mile,
and it contains only about 1620 fouls. The houfes
are of brick, and of a neat appearance. The only re¬
mains of its original magnificence are the ruins of a pa¬
lace and of the cathedral, a brick building with two
fpires, in which the kings of Denmark are interred.
Little of the original building now remains. Accord¬
ing to Heiberg, it was conftrufted of wood, and af-
O 0 terwards
R oil .n
R O S [ 290 ] R O S
P-ofKilcl, terwards built with ftone, in the reign of Canute.—
Roflin. prom an infcriptioH in the choir, it appears to have been
y founded by Harold VI. who is Ityled king o't Denmark,
England, and Norway. Some verles, in Darbavous La¬
tin, obfcurely allude to the principal incidents ot his
life •, adding, that he built this church, and died in 980.
—See Coxe’s Travels into Poland, Ruliia, Sweden, and
Denmark, vol. ii. p. 525.
ROSLEY-hill, a village in Cumberland, with a
fair on Whit-Monday, and every fortnight after till
September 29. for hcrtes, horned cattle, and linen cloth.
ROSL1N, or Roskklyn, a place in the county of
Mid Lothian in Scotland, remarkable for an ancient
chapel and caftle. The chapel was founded in 1446,
by St Clare, prince of Orkney, for a provoil, lix pre¬
bendaries, and two fmging boys. The ouliide is cr-
namented with a multitude 01 pinnacles, and variety of
ludicrous fculpture. The in fide is 69 feet long, the
breadth 34, lupported by two rows of cluttered pil¬
lars, between ieven and eight feet high, with an aille
on each fide. The arches are obtufely Gothic. There
arches are continued acrofs the tide aides, but the centre
of the church is one continued arch, elegantly divided
into compartments, and finely fculptured. Lhe capitals
of the pillars are enriched with foliage, and a variety
of figures •, and amid ft a heavenly concert appears a che¬
rubim blowing the ancient Highland bagpipes. The
caftT is feated on a peniofulated rock, in a deep glen
far beneath, and acceffible by a bridge of great height.
This had been the feat of the great family of Sinclair.
Of this houfe was Oliver, favourite of James V. and
the innocent caufe of the lofs of the battle of Solway
Mofs, by reafon of the envy of the nobility on account
of his being preferred to the command.
Near this place the Engltfti itccivtd three defeats
in one day under John de Segrave the Engiilh regent
of Scotland in 1302. The Scots, under their generals
Cummin and Frafer, had refolvtd to furprife Segrave ;
with which view they began their march on the night
of Saturday preceding the firft Sunday of Lent, and
reached the Englifti army by break of day. Segrave,
however, had time to have fallen back upon the other
divilion which lay behind him *, but either defpifing bis
enemies too much, or thinking that he would be diftio-
noured by a retreat, he encountered the Scots 5 the
confequence of which was, that he himfelf was made
prifoner, and all his men cither killed or taken, except
1'uch as lied to the other divifion. As in this routed di-
vifion there had been no fewer than 300 knights, each
of whom brought at leaft five horfemen into the field,
great part of the Scots infantry quickly furnilhed them-
ielves with their horfes : but, as they were dividing the
fpoils, another diviiion of the Englifh appeared, and
the Scots were obliged to fight them alio. The Englifh,
after a bloody engagement, were defeated a fecondtime j
which was no foon#r done, than the third and moft
powerful divifion made its appearance. The Scots were
now quite exhaufted ; and, pleading the cxceflive la¬
bours they had already undergone, earneftly requefied
their generals to allow them to retreat while it was yet
in their power. Their two generals, who perhaps knew
that to be impracticable, reminded them of the caufe for
which they were fighting, the tyranny of the Engliih,
&c. and by thefe arguments prevailed upon them to
fight a third time; though, previous to the engage¬
ment, they were reduced to the cruel neceflity of put¬
ting all the common ioldiers whom they had made pri- re
loners to the fword. The vifioiy of the Scots at this, “‘f* .t''
time was lefs complete than the other two had been 5
lirice they could not prevent the retreat of the EnghPn
to Edinburgh, nor Segrave from being re (cued from his
captivity.
ROSMARINUS, ROSEMARY, a genus of plants be¬
longing to the diandria clals, and in the natural method
ranking under the 43d order, Vcrtici/laUe. See Rota¬
ry Index.
ROSS,-in Herefordlhire, in England, 119 miles
from London, is a fine old town, with a good trade,
on the river Wye. It was made a free borough by
Henry III. It is a populous place, famous tor cyder,
and was noted in Camden’s time for a manufacture of
iron-wares. There are in it two charity-lchools, which
lately have been enriched by a legacy of 2Col. per an¬
num from Mr Scott, in Dec. 1^86, a fecond M.an of
Rofs. And its market and fairs are well ftcred with
cattle and other provifiens. At the weft end of it
there is a fine broad cauieway, conftrudted by Mr John
Kyrle, the celebrated Man of Raf, who alio railed the
fpire upward of 100 feet, and indofeda piece of ground
with a itone wall, and lunk a refervoir in its centre, fer
the ule of the inhabitants of the town. He died in
1714, aged 90, with the bIdling of all who knew him,
both rich and poor. The banks of the Wye, between
this town and Monmouth, are extremely pleaiant. W,
Long. 2. 25. N. Lat. 51. 56.
ROSSANO, a llrong town of Italy, in the kingdom
of Naples, and in the Hither Calabria, with an archbr-
Ihop’s fee, and the title of a principality. It is pretty
large, well peopled, and fcated on an eminence furround-
ed with rocks. There is nothing in this archiepiicopal
city that claims much notice; the buildings are mean,
the ft reels vilely paved and contrived. The number of
inhabitants does not exceed 6oco, who iubfift by the
fale of their oil, the principal object of their attent-icn,
though the territory produces a great deal of good wine
and com.
Roffano probably ewes its origin to the Roman em¬
perors, w'ho confidered it as a poit equally valuable for
ftrength and convenience of traffic, ft he Marians, a
family of French extraction, pofieffed this territory,
with the title of prince, from the time of Charles II.
to that of Alphordus II. when the kit male heir was,
by that prince’s order, put to death in Ifchia, where he
w*as confined for treafon. It afterwards belonged to
Bona, queen of Poland, in right of her mother liabelk,
daughter to Alphonlus II. and at her dfeceafe returned
to the crown. It was next in the polfellion of the Al-
dobrandini, from whom the Borglriefi inherited it. 80
late as the 16th century, the inhabitants of this city
fpoke the Greek language, and followed the rites of the
eaftern church. Here was formerly the moft celebrated
rendezvous of the Bafilian monks in Magna Graecia. E.
Long. 16. 52. N. Lat. 39. 45.
ROS SOUS, Sun-dew, an agreeable fpirituous liquor,
compofed of burnt'brandy, fugar, cinnamon, and milk-
water •, and fometimes pei fumed with a little mufk. It
has its name from being at firft prepared wholly of the
juice of the plant ros folis, or drofera. See Drcsera,
Botany Index.
ROSS-SHIRE. is the moft extenfive county m Scot-
. land,
R O S , , f 2
Kofs-Oiirc. land, meafurlng about 80 miles in length by almoll as
^ much in breadth, and contains 1,776,000 fquare acres.
It is even more extenfive than any county of England,
if we except Yorkfhire j and contains in it the illand of
Lewis, which is one of the Hebrides,^or Weilern Ifles.
The county of Sutherland's the northern boundary of
Ilofs; on the eaft it is bounded by the county of Cro¬
marty and the ocean ; on the iouth by the (hire of Inver-
nefs; and on the welt by the ocean.
Rofs-fhire is very fertile in corn, and its eaftern coalt,
which is ornamented with different country feats inhabit¬
ed bv the proprietors, has always been regarded as con-
liituiingapart of the Lowlands of Scotland j but the
weftern parts rife into mountains, and properly form part
of the Highlands, where the vernacular tongue is the
Erfe or Gaelic.
Among the different waters which are met with in
this county, we may mention the friths of Dornoch and
Cromarty, the latter of which flretches far into the land
from the Moray frith. The river Ockel, which has its
fource in the parifh of Afiint in Sutherlandfhire, is one
of the chief llreams of Rofs; and after a courfe of
more than 40 miles, diicharges itfelf imo the head of the
frith of Dornoch. The river Conan bends its courfe
towards the eaff coaft, and empties itfelf into the molt
inland part of the frith of Cromarty. It contains abund¬
ance of faknon, and pearls at one period were found
not far from its mouth. The frith of Beauly coniti-
tutes the boundary of Rofs with Inverneis-lhire • and
this, together with thofe of Dornoch and Cromarty, are
cf confiderable importance, as they afford accefs to a
great part of it by means of water-carriage. Between the
friths of Moray and Cromarty, the coall is bold and
rocky, abounding with dreadful precipices and highly ro¬
mantic views. Along the ffiore there are numerous
caves hollowed out by the hand ot nature, feme of them
extremely deep, and one in particular runs entirely
through the rock, a diffar.ee of about 150 feet. There
are alfo natural caves on the north fide of the frith of
Cromarty, fome of which, it is faid, are of fuch vaft di-
menfions as to be able to contain about 6co men. From
their upper parts there are drops of water continually
diffilling, and by the petrifaclion thus gradually ac-
complifhed, their appearance above refembles the fineft
marble. In thefe a variety oi birds, take up their refi-
dence, and pigeons bring forth their young.
The weftern coaft is deeply indented with arms of the
fea called bays, or othenvife lochs; among which are
great and little Loch Broom, to the fouthward of
which there is a frefti water lake of confiderable extent,
known by the name of Loch Mari, in the parifti of Gair-
loch. It is about 16 miles long, but its breadth varies
confiderably. It contains 24 ffnall iflands, which are
decorated with fir and other trees. We find the ruins
of a druidical edifice on the large iiland called Mari,
round which there is a burying ground made ufe of by
the inhabitants on the north fide of Loch Mari as a place
of interment.
The cod fifhing has been long eftablifhed at Gair-
loch, in the fame vicinity ; nearly 40,000 cod being
annually fent to market by a fingle proprietor. It
has alfo been long celebrated, as w’ell as Loch-Broom,
for the herring-fifhery. In the parifti of Loch Alih
there are extenfive banks of corals, which have been
found, upon trial, to be valuable manure.
91 ] it o s
In the level parts of the country between the meur. Roft
tains there are numerous lakes adorned with delightful
feenery, and fome of them meafuting not lefs than three
miles in length. This county is almott wholly moun¬
tainous, yet even here we find fome which are more me¬
morable than others, and very much calculated to arreit
the attention. Tulloch Ard is a mountain of great
height, and becomes remarkable on account of the ufe
which was made of it in ancient times. At the com¬
mencement of heitilities with any enemy, a barrel of
burning tar might be feen flaming from its fummit,
which wras the eftabliftied fignal, in confequence of
which the tenants and vaflals of Seaforth appeared at
the caftie of St Donan in twenty-four hours, complete¬
ly equipped for marching again!! the foe. The arms of
that honourable family have this mountain for a creft.
Ben-Uaiih, in the parifti of Kiltearn, rears its fummit
above the reft of the mountains, and may be feen acrofs
the Moray frith, from the counties of Elgin and Banff.
It is conftantly covered with fnow, from which the fa¬
mily of Foulis mull give, if demanded, to his Britannic
majeity on any day of the year, a fnowball as quit-
rent for its tenure of the foreft of Uaifti. There is
plenty of heath and grafs around its bale, which affords
excellent paffure for cattle.
The county of Rofs contains 82 proprietors of land,
7 of whom are of the firft clafs, 3 of the fecond, 12 of
the third. 16 of the fourth, and 44 of the fifth clafs4
the valued rent of all thefe amounting to 7^,040!. 10s.
3d. Scots money, as fettled in the reign of Charles I.
while the real rent is computed at not lefs than 38,7x1!.
fterling.
The grains ufually cultivated in the ftiire of Rofs arc
barley, oats, peafe and beans, potatoes, and wheat on
particular occafions. A great part of the county, how¬
ever, is converted into grafs, owing to the want of
markets for the conlumption of other prouudlions; and
thofe who adopt this plan find it more for their intereft
than that which is ufuaily followed in more fortunate
fituations. The foil in general is good ; fome of it
bears luxuriant crops, and the vaft improvements in mo¬
dern agriculture, if carefully attended to, would make
the moll unfavourable fpots become worthy of cultiva¬
tion. Lime, marl, and ftnelly fand, conftitute the ma¬
nure which is uled by gentlemen and extenfive farmers,
while fmaller tenants fubftitute a compoft of earth and
dung, in the proportion of three loads of the former to
one of the latter. T he country in general lies open,
but the farms of gentlemen and fome of the wealthier
tenants are inclofed ; and fuch as are fo are reckon¬
ed one half more valuable than thofe which are
open.
Would proprietors in this county grant their te¬
nants leafes for 19 at leaft, inftead of 5 or 7 years,
they would hold out a ftimulus toindufiry and improve¬
ment which cannot pofnbly be felt as circumftances now
Hand. What encouragement has a man to bellow mo¬
ney and labour on the property of another, of which
he knows he muft be deprived in the courfe of feven
years ! The man who holds a farm during fuch a trif-
fing period, muft tear all out of it he can at the lealt
poflible expence, and leave it to the proprietor, when he
departs, little better than a common.
The proprietors of the county of Rofs have of late
become very attentive to different fpecies of improve-
O o 2 ments ;
It O S [29
-fliire merits j and in the lower parts of it we meet with excel-
vlent roads, as well as bridges built over every rivulet of
any extent whatever, which facilitate travelling, and
render it agreeable. The moors which once exhibited
nothing but lierility, are now covered with firs j while
pines, with different fpecies of timber, furround their
houfes. The fir, elm, oak, and beech, are found to
thrive in this county, as well as various kinds of fruit
trees, not even excepting apricots, peaches, and plums.
In the central dillridf of Rofs ftill remains the extenfive
foreft of Fainilh, about 20 miles in length. The weil-
ern diftridl is very extenfive j but its general afpedt is
by no means inviting. From the top of a mountain a
ftranger fees nothing around him but a defolate and
dreary region, valt piles of rocky mountains with
forked fummits j yet interfperfed among thefe are many
beautiful and fertile vales, exhibiting, however, a
great variety of foil, owing to the peculiarity of their
lituation.
The climate may be faid to be as unequal as the face
of the country itfclf, fince no two days in fucceffion can
at all be depended on at, any given period of the year.
Indeed the feafons may not improperly be regarded as
always w’et, and the lowrer claffes of the inhabitants
tfpecially confider almoft every thing as an indication
of rain. If mitt fettle on the tops of the hills j if the
clouds be heavy ; if a crowT chatter, or if the day be
hot or cold, rain, in the judgement of a Highlander,
may be affuredly expedted to follow. From thus ha¬
ving what fome have denominated a weeping climate, it
is eafy to fee that it mult be much better adapted for
palturage than agriculture •, yet invincible patience, per-
feverance, and a competent knowdedge of hufbandry
have, in many parts of it, furmounted the obftacles that
fuch a climate mutt ever throw in the way of improve¬
ment.
The mineral productions are not very abundant, but
fome of them are of confiderable importance in the arts
and manufactures. Here there is plenty of freeftone, and
different fpecies of limeftone, fome of which are of the
nature of marble. Marl is alfo to be met with, and
ironftone in great abundance. A copper mine in the
northern dittriCt of the parith of Applecrofs, has been
confidered by Williams, in his Mineral Kingdom, as
equally rich with any mine of the fame metal to be met
with in the Britiffi empire. There is a rich ore of iron
in the parith of Alnefs) and in the fame vicinity there
is a vein of lead, containing a large proportion of lil-
ver. Indications of lead ore have likewife been met
with in the parifh of Kiltearn. There is a chalybeate
fpring near the ftorehoufe of Foulis, the good effeCls of
which were experienced many years ago ; but of the
medical properties of the fpring at Tienleod, knowm by
the name of St Colman’s Well, we have no certain ac¬
counts, although the votaries of fuperffition have fre¬
quently drunk of its waters, and then fufpended fome
rags from the branches of the furrounding trees, as an
oblation to the faint.
This county contains three royal boroughs, viz.
Tain, Dingwall, and Fortrofe, a defeription of wrhich
will be found in this w;ork, in the order of the alphabet,
as well as of Lewis, one of the Hebrides, and its chief
town Stornoway, which have fometimes been taken no¬
tice of in a general defeription of Rofs-fliire, although
wholly detached from it.
2 ] Pi o s
In this county there are many remains of antiquity,
the moft memorable of which we ftiall here enumerate.
There is a Druidical circle or temple on the eaffern
part of the county, and parifh of Kiltearn, confuting
ot twelve large Rones placed perpendicularly, and fo
arranged as to form two ovals, which are united to¬
gether, and having equal areas, meafuring 13 feet each
from eaft to weft, and ten feet in the middle from north
to fouth.
There is a large obelifk in the parilh of Nigg, with
figures of different animals on one fide of it, and a evofs
on the other, executed with confiderable tafte. The
former is conjedfured to be of greater antiquity than the
latter. According to tradition, it was erefted to per¬
petuate a fhipwreck fuflered by the Danes, at which
time three fons of the king of Denmark are fuppofed
to have perifhed, and to have been interred in the
place on which the obelilk Rands. In the churchyard
of Nigg there once Rood another of a fimilar nature,
likewiie fuppofed to have been erected by the Danes,
which in confequence of a violent wind was thrown
down about the year 1725. The fculpture is Rill in %
Rate of tolerable prefervation, and refembles that w’hich
is found on the other monuments left by that people in
different parts of Scotland.
Craigchenichan in the parifh of Kincardine, is me¬
morable for being the place where the celebrated mar¬
quis of Montrofe fought his laft battle, when he was
defeated by Colonel Slrachan. Having fvvimmed acrofs
the Kyle, he lay for forr.e time concealed in Affint j
but on being difeovered, he was apprehended, and fent
prifoner to Invernefs. The ground on which the battle
was fought derived its name from the iflue of that in-
terefting day *, for the fignificatien of Craigchenichan is,
the Rock of Lamentation. 'I here is Rill feen in the
parifh of Avoch, the foundation of a large caftle of
great antiquity, on the fummxt of a hill in the neigh¬
bourhood of Caftletovvn Point, elevated about 200 feet
above the level of the lea. Some people call this Or-
mondy hill 5 and tradition has given the name of
Douglas caRle to the ruins. It covers a fpace of ground
in the form of a parallelogram, the longed fides of
which meafure 350, and the fhorteR 160 feet, fo that
the whole area contains upwards of 6,300 fquare yards.
According to tradition, there are many places in the
eaftern diRridl of this county where bloody battles
were fought, either wuth the invading Danes and Nor¬
wegians, with daring plunderers, or between rival clans,
■who bitterly contended for fuperiority. Large collec¬
tions of Rones, called cairns, diredl the traveller to the
fpots where the remains of the dead were depofited,
wFo had fallen in the field of battle. There are mani-
feR indications of an encampment on a large plain to
the weftward of the church of Eddertown, where a
battle is faid to have been fought with the invading
Danes. In its vicinity there is an extenfive circle of
earth, about two feet higher than the circumjacent
ground, being flat at the top, wfith an obelifk in the
centre about 10 feet in height, on which a number of
rude figures may ftill be traced. This is regarded as
the tomb of fome Danifli prince.
The abbey and cafile of Lochlin are the moft re¬
markable remains of antiquity in the parifh of Fearn,
the former of which is faid to have been firft built of
mud, but afterwards conftrufted of more durable ma¬
terials,,
nos [293
Kcfs-Qiire. terials. It meafured 99 feet in length within walls,
'" "m" was 25 feet fix inches broad, and its walls were 24 feet
in height. This abbey continued to be employed as a
place of worlhip till the month of October 1742, at
which time the roof fell in during divine fervice, and
36 perfons are laid to have loft their lives by this me¬
lancholy accident. The cafitle of Lochlin is iuppofed to
be more than five centuries old. It is fituated on an
eminence about fix miles to the eaftward of Tain, and
feems evidently to have been erefted as a place of fecu-
rity againft the hidden incurfions of any invading ene¬
my. Its form refembles that of a double fquare united
at the angles, in which union there is a ftaircafe leading
to the top of it, which is about 60 feet in height. The
fquares are not of equal and limilar dimenlions, the one
towards the weft meafuring 20, and the other towards
the eaft about 38 feet every way, fortified with three
turrets of fuch dimenfions, that any one of them can
contain three or more men with eafe. The caftle of
Cadboll, of which few remains can now be traced, is
fuppoled to be more ancient than that of Lochlin, de¬
riving all its intereft from a Angular tradition, viz. that
no perfon ever died in it, though inhabited for ages •,—
a circumftance, however, which may be fatisfaftorily
accounted for without recurring to the marvellous.
Many of the inhabitants becoming weary of life, re-
quefted to be removed ; and a lady May in particular,
whofe refidence it was about 100 years before the pre-
fent period, and whofe lingering difeafes made her long
for death, begged that (be might be carried out of it,
■which was at laft granted in confequence of her impor¬
tunity j and we are told that after her removal (he in-
ftantly expired. The cave or fubterraneous dwelling in
the diftrift of Applecrofs, is confidered by many, and
with great probability, as the quondam magazine of
plunder, rather than the habitation of men 5 and perhaps
the fame may be faid of every other place of a fimilar
nature to be met with in this county. The caftle of
Donan in the peninfula of Kintail, which is now in
ruins, was probably built in the reign of Alexander III.
of Scotland, with a view to oppoie the incurfions of
the Danes. It was demolilhed by a (hip of war in the
year 1719, after the battle of Glenfheil, a mile above
which fome of the bullets fired againft it are occafional-
ly found, employed by the people as weights in felling
butter and cheefe.
The chief clans in Rofs (hire are the Mackenzies,
Rofles, Frazers, Mackays, Macraes, and the Munroes,
all of whom fpeak Gaelic, and wear the Highland drefs,
efteeming the earl of Seaforth as their head, being the
lineal defcendant of Mackenzie Lord Seaforth, who
was attainted for his concern in the rebellion. This
county contains 30 parochial diftri&s, fends one mem¬
ber to the Britilh parliament, and by a cenfus taken in
1801, in confequence of the population aft, it was found
to contain 52,291 inhabitants, being an increafe of
9,798 fince the return to Dr Webfter in 1755. The
following ta1 le exhibits a view of the population of this
county according to its parilhes at two different periods.
Parijhes.
Alnefs
Applecrofs
Avoch
Contin
Population
in 1755-
IO9O
835
I4i7
1949
Population in
1750—1798.
11 21
I734
1318
2500
10
Parijhes.
Dingwall
Eddertown
Fearn
Gairloch ^ -
Glenibiel
Killcarnan
Kilmuir, Eafter
    Wefter
I s
Kiltearn
Kincardine
Kintail
Kirkmichael
Lochallh
Lochbroom
Lochcarron
20 Logie, Eafter
Nigg
Rofekeen
Rofemarkie
Tain
25 Urquhart
Urray
Barvas
Lochs
Stornaway
3° Uig
II o s
Population
in 1755-
1020
780
1898
2050
5^9
945
1095
I3^7
I57°
1743
698
- I371
613
2211
771
850
1261
J95S
1140
1870
- ' 2590
2456
IJland of Lewis.
1995
- - J 267
- - 1812
1312
Total, 42,493
Population in
179c—1798.
J379
IOOO
1000
2 200
721.
1147
1975
1805
l6l6
l60O
840
1234
I334
35°°
1068
I I2C
”33
1700
1262
2100
2901
i860
2006
176.8
2630
1898
50,146
4M93
Rofs-(hire
II
Roftoff.
Increafe, 7,653
ROSTOCK, a town of Germany, in the circle of
Upper Saxony, and duchy of Mecklenburg, with an
univerfity and a very good harbour. It is the belt
town in this country j and has good fortifications, with
an arfenal. The duke has a ftrong caftle, which may
be looked upon as a citadel. It is divided into three
parts, the Old, the New, and the Middle Towns. It
was formerly one of the Hanfeatic towns, and is ftill
Imperial, under the proteftion of the duke of Mecklen¬
burg. It is feated on a lake where the river Varne
falls into it, and carries large boats. The government
is in the hands of 24 aldermen, elefted out of the nobi¬
lity, univerfity, and principal merchants j four of whom
are burgomafters, two chamberlains, two ftewards for the
river, and two judges of civil and criminal matters.
Thefe 24 are called the Upper Houfe, and have in a
manner the whole executive power lodged in them, with
the power of coining money, and elefting officers. There
is alfo a common council of 100 inferior citizens, who
are fummoned to give their advice upon extraordinary-
emergencies relating to the whole community. The
principal things worth feeing are the fortifications, the
prince’s palace, the ftadthoufe, the arfenal, and the pub¬
lic library. The town is famous for good beer, which
they export in great quantities. Some years ago they
had no lefs than 250 privileged brewers, who, it is faid,
brewed fo many thoufand tuns a year, befides what par¬
ticular perfons brew for their own ufe. E. Long. 12. 55.
N. Lat. 54. 8.
ROS rOFF, or Rostow, a large town of the Ruffian
empire, and capital of a territory of the fame name, with
an
RoftofF
II
Rota.
K O T [2
an archbifliop’s fee, feated on the lake Coteri, in E. Long.
40. 25. N. Lat. 57. 5. The duchy of RodotT is bound-
t ed on the north by Jaroflow, on the ead by Sutdal, on
the fouth by the duchy of Mofcow, and on the weft by
that of Tuere.
ROSTRA, in antiquity, a part of the Roman forum,
wherein orations, pleadings, funeral harangues, 8tc. were
delivered.
ROSTRUM, literally denotes the beak or bill of a
bird ; and hence it has been figuratively applied to the
beak or Lead of a (hip.
ROSYCRUCIANS. See Rosicrucians.
ROT, a very fatal difeafe incident to fheep, arifing
from wet feafons, and too rnoifl pafture. It is very dif¬
ficult of cure, and is attended with the fingular circum-
ifance of a kind of animals being'found in the blood-vef-
fels. See Sheep, difeafes of, under Farriery.
ROTA, the name of an ecclefiaflical court of Rome,
compofed of 12 prelates, of whom one muft be a Ger¬
man, another a Frenchman’, and two Spaniards ; the
other eight are Italians, three of whom muft be Ro¬
mans, and the other five a Bolognefe, a Ferraran, a
Milanefe, a Venetian, and a Tufcan.—This is one of
the moft auguft tribunals in Rome, which takes
cognizance of all fuits in the territory of the church,
by appeal j as alfo of all matters, beneficiary and patri¬
monial.
ROTA AristotelICA, or Arijlotle's Wheel, denotes
a celebrated problem in mechanics, concerning the mo¬
tion or rotation of a wheel about its axis, fo called be-
caufe Ariftotle was the firft who took notice of it.
The difficulty of it may be reprefented in the follow¬
ing manner. While a circle makes one revolution on
its centre, advancing at the fame time in a right line
along a plane, it deferibes on that plane, a right line
which is equal to its circumference. Now, if this circle
carry with it another fmaller circle, concentric with it,
like the nave of a coach wheel; then this fmaller circle
or nave, will deferibe a line in the time of the revolu¬
tion, which ftiall be equal to that of the large wheel or
circumference itfeif, becaufe its centre advances in a right
line as faft as that of the wheel does, being in reality the
lame with it.
Ariftotle attempted to folve this problem, but his
folution can only be regarded as a good account of the
difficulty.
It was next attempted bv Galileo, who had reccurle
to an infinite number of infinitely ffnall vacuities in the
right line deferibed by the two circles, and Imagined
that the little circle never applies its circumference to
thofe vacuities 5 but in reality only applies it to a line
equal to its own circumference, though it appears to have
applied it to a much larger. This, however, is nothing
to the purpofe.
According to Tacquet, the little circle making its ro¬
tation more (lowly than the great one, does, on that ac¬
count, deferibe a line longer than its own circumference;
vet without applying any point of its circumference to
more than one point of its bafe. This is no more fatis-
faftory than the former.
After the fruitlefs endeavours of many great men, M.
Dortous de Meyran, a French gentleman, had the goed
fortune to hit upon a folution which, after being fully
examined by a committee of the Academy of Sciences,
T
The following is his R-cta
Rotation.
9+ 1 R o
was declared to be fatisfa&ory.
folution.
The wheel of a coach is only tufted on, or drawn in
a right line ; its rotation or circular motion ariies pure¬
ly from the refiftance of the ground. Now this refift-
ance is equal to the force which draws the wheel in a
right line, as it defeats that d'ire6tion, and therefore the
caufes of the two motions are equal. The wheel there¬
fore deferibes a right line on the ground equal to its cir¬
cumference.
On the contrary, the nave is drawn in a right line by
the fame force as the wheel, but it only turns round be¬
caufe the wheel does fo, and can only turn in the fame
time with it. Hence, its circular velocity is lefs than
that of the wheel, in the ratio of the two circumferen¬
ces, and therefore its circular motion is lefs than the
recliiinear one. Since it muft deferibe a right line equal
to that of the wheel, it can only do it by partly Hiding
and partly revolving, the Aiding part being more or lefs
as the nave itfeif is (mailer or greater.
ROTACEtE. (from rota, “ a wheel”), the name of
the 20th order in Linnaeus’s Fragments of a Natural
Method ; confiding of plants with one flat, wheel-l'haped
petal, without a tube. See Botany.
ROTALA, a genus of plants belonging to the Irian-
dria clafs. See Botany Index.
ROTANG. See Calamus. t
ROTATION, is a term which expreiTes the motion Definition
of the diffei'ent parts of a folid body round an axis, and^ ^"^
diftinct from the progreffive motion which it may have nature hf
in its revolution round a diftant point. The earth has a me iubjtcT.
rotation round its axis, which produces the viciflitudcs
of day and night ; while its revolution round the fun,
combined with the obliquity of the equator, produces
the varieties of fummer and winter.
The mechanifm of this kind of motion, or the relation
which fubfifls between the intenfity of the moving forces,
modified as it may be by the manner of application, and
the velocity of rotation, is highly interefting, both to
the fpeculative philofopher and to the practical engineer.
The preceffioo of the equinoxes, and many other aftro-
nomical problems of great importance and difficulty, re¬
ceive their foliations from this quarter : and the aRual
performance of our moft valuable machines cannot be
afeertained by the mere principles of equilibrium, but
require a previous acquaintance with certain generalpre-
pofitions of rotatory motion.
It is chiefly with the view of affifting the engineer
that we propofe to deliver in this place a few fundamen¬
tal propofitions ; and we (hall do it in as familiar and po¬
pular a manner as pofllhle, although this may caufe the
application of them to the abftrufe problems of aftrono-
my to be greatly deficient in the elegance of which they
are fufceptible.
When a folid body turns round an axis, retaining its ^t'lts °f.
fliape and dimenfions, every particle is aftually d^ri-^P1'^'
bing a circle round this axis, and the axis paffes through ving roun(j
the centre of the circle, and is perpendicular to its an axis,
plane. Moreover, in any inftant of the motion, the
particle is moving at right angles with the radius veftor,
or line joining it with its centre of rotation. Therefore,
in order to afeertain the dire6Hon of the motion of any pjate
particle P (fig. 1.), we may draw a ilraight line PCcccclxvi.
from the particle perpendicular to the axis AB of ro-Fig. 1.
tation.
R OT [2
Rotation, tation. This line will lie in the plane of the circle P
“—“v fji n of rotation of the particle, and will be its radius
vettor; and a line P(^ drawn from the particle perpen¬
dicular to this radius vector will be a tangent to the cir¬
cle of .rotation, and will have the direction of the motion
of this particle.
3 The whole body being fuppofed to turn together, it
is evident, that when it has made a complete rotation,
each particle has deferibed a circumference of a circle,
and the whole paths of the different particles will be in
the ratio of thefe circumferences, and therefore of their
radii \ and this is true of any portion of a whole turn,
95 J
ROT
fticll
or 20 degrees, or any arch wh never j
How tlie
rotation of
diffeient
bodies in
refptet of
velocity
may be
compared.
of the circumference, is
57.296
of the radius, or that
^ an arch of 57.296 degrees is equal to the radius.
Efledfs. See. When a folid body receives an impulle on any one
of the feve- point, or when that point is anyhow urged by a moving
ral particles force, it cannot move without the other points alfo mo-
com.eCied yjng.. And whatever is the motion of any particle, that
each U ^ particle muff be conceived as urged by a force precifely
competent to the produ£!ion of that motion, by afling
immediately on the particle itfelf. If this is not the
particle immediately acted on by the external force, the
force which really impels it is a force arifing from the
cohefion of the body. The particle immediately im¬
pelled by the external force is preiTed towards, its neigh-
on
other,
therefore the velocities of the different particles are pro¬
portional to their radii veCtores, or to their diltances
from the axis of rotation.
And, lailly, all thefe motions are in parallel planes, to
which the axis of rotation is perpendicular.
When we compare the rotations of different bodies in
refpect of velocity, it is plain that it cannot be done by
dire&fy comparing the velocity or any particle in one of
the bodies with that of any particle of the other ; for,
as’all the particles of each have different velocities, this
companion can eiiablnh no ratio. But we familiarly
compare fuch motions by the number of complete turns
which they make in equal times, and we lay that the fe-
cond hand of a clock turns 60 times fader than the mi¬
nute hand •, now this companion is equally juil in any
part of a turn as in the whole. While the minute hand
moves round one degree, the feccnd-hand moves 605
therefore, as the length or number of feet in the line
uniformly deferibed by a body in its progreffive motion
is a proper meafure of its progrellive velocity, fo tire
number of degrees deferibed by any particle of a whirl¬
ing body in the circumference of its circle of rotation,
or the angle defevibed by a?iy radius vedfer of that body,
is a proper meafure of its velocity of rotation. And in
this manner mav the rotation of two bodies be compar¬
ed 5 and the velocity is with propriety termed ANGULAR
VELOCITY.
An angle is direffly as the length of the circumfe¬
rence on which it Hands, and invtrfely as the radius of
the circle, and may be expreffed by the fraction of
which the numerator is the arch, and the denominator
the radius. Thus the angle PC /> may be expreffed by
p .
pg. This fraction expreffes the portion of the radius
which is equal to the arch which meafures the angle ;
and it is converted into the ufuai denomination of de¬
grees, by knowing that one degree, or the 360th part
touring pai ticks, or is drawn away from them ; and, Rotatio*.
by this change of place, the conneciing forces are T““*J
brought into a&ion, or are .excited j they aft on the
particles adjoining, and change, or tend to change,
their diltances from the particles immediately beyond
them j and thus the forces which connect this next fe-
rles of particles are alio excited, and another feries of
particles are made to exert their forces ; and this goes
on through the body till we come to the remote par¬
ticle, whole motion we are cordidering. The forces
which connect it with the adjoining leries of particles
are excited, and the particle is moved. We frequently
lay that the external moving force is propagated through
the body to the dillant particle •, but this is not accu¬
rate. The particle is really and immediately moved by
the forces which conned! it with thofe adjoining. It
will greatly affilt our conception of the manner in which
motion is thus produced in a dikant particle, if we con-
fider the particles as fo many little balls, connedied with
each other by (lender fpiral fprings like cork-fcrews.
This would compofe a mafs which would be comnrcf-
fible, or which could be 11 retched, &c. And if we give
an impulfe to one of thefe bails, we (hall let the whole
affemblage in motion round any axis which we may fup-
pofe to fupport it. Now any one of thefe balls is really
and immediately moved by the elafticity of the fpiral
wires which join it to its neighbours.
We are but little acquainted with the nature of thefe ^ ^ ^
connedfing forces. It can be learned only by the phe-^ which '
nomena which are their effedls. Thefe are various, al- the parti-
moll beyond defeription ; but the mechanical philofo-cles of bo-
pher has little to do with this variety. The dilfindtionsdies adt^on
which are the immediate caufes of fluidity, of hardnefs,
foftnefs, elafticity, dudblity, are not of very difficult and the
conception. There is one general fadt which is fuffi-confequen-
cient for our prefent pnrpofe—the forces by which the ces*
particles of bodies adt on each other are equal. This
is a matter of unexcepted experience j and no other foun¬
dation can be given to it as a law of mechanical na¬
ture.
An immediate confcquence of this law is, that when
two external forces A and B are in equilibrium by the
intervention of a folid body (or rather when a folid body
is in equilibrium between two external forces), thele
forces are equal and oppofite j for the force A is hi
fadl in immediate equilibrium with the oppofite forces
exerted by the particle to which it is applied, and is
therefore equal and oppofite to the force refulting from
the combination of all the forces which conned!' that
particle with the (eries of particles immediately adjoin¬
ing. This refulting force may with propriety be called
the equivalent of the forces from the combination of
which it refults. The ufe of this term will greatly ab¬
breviate language. This firft fet of connedling forces
confifts of a number of diftind! forces correfponding to
each particle of the feries, and each force has an equal
and oppofite force correfponding to it: therefore the
compound force by which the firft feries of particles
acls on that to which the external force A is applied, is
equal and oppofite to the compound force which con-
nedls this firft feries with the next feries. And the
fame thing muft be faid of each fucceeding feries of
particles, till we come at laft to the particle to which
the external force B is immediately applied. The force
exerted by this particle is equal and oppofite to that ex¬
ternal.
?. O T
f 29s ]
R
O T
'Kg. 2.
^Rotation, ternal force ; and it is equal to the compound force
v exerted by the fecond feries of particles on that tide;
therefore the forces A and 11 are equal and oppo-
lite.
10 It refults from this propofition, that nuhen any number
of external forces are applied to a folid body, and it is in
equilibrio between them, they are fuchas would be in equi¬
libria if they were all applied to one point. Let the for¬
ces <2 A, B, rC (fig. 2.), be applied to three particles
of the folid body. Therefore o A is immediately in
equilibrium with an equal and oppolite force A «, re-
fulting from the compofition of the force AD, w'hich
connedls the particles A and B, and the force A E
which connefls A with C. In like manner £ B is im¬
mediately in equilibrio with B /3, the equivalent of the
forces BF and BG ; and c C is in immediate equilibrio
with the equivalent C * of the forces CH and Cl. We
ihall conceive it very clearly if wre fuppofe the three
forces A <7, B Zq C c, to be exerted by means of threads
pulling at the folid body. The connefting parts be¬
tween A and B, as alfo between A and C, are ftretch-
ed. The lines AB and AC may be confidered as elaf-
tic threads. Each thread is equally ftretched through
its whole length ; and therefore if we take AD to re-
prefent the force with which the particle A is held
back by the particle B, and if wTe would alfo reprefent
the force with wdiich B is held back by A, we mull:
make BF equal to AD. Now (N° 9.), the forces AD
and BF are equal and oppofite ; fo are the forces AE
and Cl; fo are the forces CH and BG. Now it is
evident, that if the fix forces AD, BF, BG, CH, Cl,
AE, were applied to one particle, the particle w'ould
be in equilibiio ; for each force is accompanied by an
equal and oppofite force : and if the force A « wTere
applied in place of AD, AE, the equilibrium wmuld
remain, becaufe A « is equivalent to AD and AE.
The fame is true of B ,6 and C x. Therefore if the
three forces A «, B /3, C x, were applied to one point,
they would be in equilibrio. Confequently if the three
forces a A, Z> B, c C, which are refpeftively equal and
oppofite to A «, B /3, C x, are fo applied, they wfill be
in equilibrio. It is plain that this demonftration may
be extended to any number of forces.
We may juft remark by the bye, that if three forces
are thus in equilibrio, they are afting in one plane;
and, if they are not parallel, they are really dire&ed to
one point : for any one of them muft be equal and oppo-
iite to the equivalent of the other two ; and this equiva¬
lent is the diagonal of a parallelogram, of which the other
two are the fides, and the diagonal and fides of any pa¬
rallelogram are in one plane; and fince they are in one
plane, and any one of them is in equilibrio with the equi¬
valent of the other two, it muft pafs through the fame
point with that equivalent, that is, through the point of
concourfe of the other twTo.
Thefe very fimple propofitions are the foundation of
the whole theory of ftatics, and render it a very fimple
branch ©f mechanical fcience. It has been made ab-
ftrufe by our very atUmpts to fimplify it. Many ela¬
borate treatifes have been written on the fundamental ftotatioa.
property of the lever, and in them all it has been U““"v
thought next to an infuperable difficulty to demonftrate
the equilibrium of a ftraight lever when the parallel
forces are inverfely as their diitances from the ful¬
crum. rr
We think the demonftrations of Archimedes, Fonfe- Mecbani-
nex, D’Alembert, and Hamilton, extremely ingenious; cal fcienco
but they only bring the mind into fuch a ftate of con-f‘as^ce“
ception that it cannot refule the truth of the propofi- !,^rule
tion ; and, except P»Ir Hamilton’s, they labour under atternj:ts at
the difadvantage of being applicable only to commen- fimpUfica-
furable diftances and forces. Mr Vince’s, in the Phi-tlon*
lofophical Tranfadlions for 1794, is the moft ingenious
of them all; and it is wmnderful that it has not occurred
long ago. The difficulty in them all has arifen from
the attempt to fimplify the matter by confidering a le¬
ver as an inflexible ftraight line. Had it been taken
out of this abftraft form, and confidered as what it
really is, a natural body, of fome fize, having its par¬
ticles connefted by equal and oppofite forces, all diffi¬
culty would have vaniftied. J2
That we may apply thefe propofitions to explain the Mode of
motion of rotation, we muft recoiled! an unqueftionableconceiving
propofition in dynamics, that the force which produces ^ magm-
any motion is equal and oppofite to the force which tuc,e.°*any
would prevent it, when applied in the fame place and in force.
the fame line, or which would extinguifh it in the fame
time in which we fuppofe it to be produced. There¬
fore the force which is excited and made to adf on any
particle of a body, by the adlion of an external force on
another particle, fo as to caufe it to move round an axis,
is equal and oppofite to the force which, when applied
to that particle in the oppofite diredtion, wrould be in
equilibrio with the external force.
The only diftindl notion we can form of the magni¬
tude of any moving force is the quantity of motion
which it can produce by adting uniformly during fome
given time. This will be had by knowing the velocity
which it will produce in a body of known bulk. Thus
we know that the weight of ten pounds of matter adl-
ing on it for a fecond will caufe it to fall 16 feet with
an uniformly accelerated motion, and will leave it in a
ftate fuch that it would move on for ever at the rate of
32 feet in a fecond; which wc call communicating the
velocity of 32 feet per fecond. In the fame manner,
the beft way of acquiring a diftindl conception of the
rotatory effort of a moving force, is to determine the
quantity of rotatory motion which it can produce by
adling uniformly during fome known time.
Let a folid body turn round an axis paffing through A.ndofthe
the point C (fig. 3.) perpendicular to the plane of this quantity
figure. Let this rotation be fuppofed to be produced e®)rt
by an external force adling in the diredlion FP. Let
this force be fuch, that if the body were free, that is, gig. 3.
unconnedled with any axis fupported by fixed points,
it would, by adling uniformly during a fmall moment of
time, caufe its centre of gravity G (a) to defcribe a
line of a certain length parallel to FP. This we know
te
13
(a) We take this term in its ufual fenfe, as exprefling that point -where the fum of the equal gravitations of
each particle may be fuppofed united. It is by no means (though commonly fuppofed) the point w-here the equi¬
valent of the real gravitations of the particles may be fuppofed to adl, and to produce the fame motion as when
I adling
f 0 T [ 297 5 ROT
tfatiott. to be tbe eilxA of a moving force adfing on any folid
■”Y—body in free fpace. The centre of gravity will always
deferibe a ftraight line. Other particles may chance to
move differently, if the body* befides its progreflive mo¬
tion, has alfo a motion of rotation, as is generally the
cafe. Draw GI parallel to FP, and make GI to GC
as the velocity which the external force Would commu¬
nicate to the centre of the body (if moving freely, un¬
connected with a fupported axis), to the velocity which
it communicates to it in the fame time round the axis
C c. Alfo let m be the number oi equal particles, or
the quantity of matter in the body. Then ,w.GI will
exprefs the quantity of motion produced by this force,
and is a proper meafure of it as a moving force 5 for
GI is twice the fpace deferibed during the given time
with an uniformly accelerated motion.
*5 But lince the body cannot move any way but round
the axis palling through C, the centre G will begin to
move with the velocity, and in the direunion, GH per¬
pendicular to the line CG (N° 2.) And any particle A
can only move in the direction AL, perpendicular to
CA. Moreover, the velocities of the different particles
are as their radii veclores *, and CG is a finally equal to
the line GH, which exprelfes the velocity of a particle
in G. Therefore C A will in like m inner exprefs the
velocity of the particle A. if A eXprefs its quantity
of matter, A'CA will exprefs its quantity of motion,
and will reprefent the force which would produce it by
^fling uniformly during the moment of time.
We expreffed the external moving force by m.GJ.
Part of it is employed in exciting the force A'CA,
which urges the particle A. In order to difeover what
part of the external force is necelTury for this purpofe,
dravr CP perpendicular to FP. The preceding obser¬
vations fhow us, that the force wanted at A is equal to
the force which, when applied at P in the direflion
FP, would balance the force A'CA applied to A in the
direflion LA. Therefore (by the property of the le¬
ver ACP, which is impelled at right angles at A and
P) we mull have CP to CA as the force A'CA to
the balancing preffure, which mull be exerted at P, or
at any point in the line FP. This preffure is therefore
A-CA-CA ACA* . , ^Tr ,
* £75 or —£^5—. As we took m.Gl for the mea¬
fure of the whole external force, GI being the ve¬
locity which it would communicate to the whole body
moving in free fpace, w’e may take G f for the velocity
which would be communicated to the whole body by
ACA*
the preffure —, and then tjiis preffure will be
Vol. XVIII. Part I.
properly exprtffed by m.G 2. In like manner, rn.i k may Rotate u.
exprefs the portion of the external force employed in 1 ■i" v-——«
communicating to another particle B the motion which
it acquires’} and fo on with relpett to all the particles
of the body.
It mult be defirable to fee the manner in which the
forces are really concerned in giving motion to the dif¬
ferent particles.
Suppofe the external force to aft immediately on
the external particle F. The line FC connefting this
particle with the axis in C is either llretched or com-
preffed by the effort of giving motion to a remote
particle A. It is plain that, in the circumftances
reprefented in the figure, the line FC is compreffed,
and the axis is pulhed by it againil its lupports in
the direftion C A ; and the body mull, on this ac¬
count, refill in the oppofite direfticn Ff. The par¬
ticle A is dragged out of its pofiticin, and made to be¬
gin its motion in the direftion AL perpendicular to
AC. This cannot be, unlcfs by the connexion of the
two lines AC, AF. A refills by its inertia, and there¬
fore both AC and AF are ftretched by dragging it into
tnotion. By tins refiflance the line AC tends to
contraft itfelf again, and it pulls C in the direftion
C c, and A in the direfticn Art; and if we take C £
to reprefent the aftion on C, Art mull be taken equal
to it. In like manner AF is ftretched and tends to
Contraft, pulling F in the direftion F and A in the
direftion A «s with equal forces. Thus the particle A is
pulled in the directions A a and A u •, the particle F is
pulled in the direftion F<5, and pufhed in the direftion Yf;
and C is pulled in the direftion C c, and pulhed in the di¬
reftion C Art and A n have produced their equivalent
AL, by which A* is dragged into motion } Ff and F
produce their equivalent Yg, by which the external
force is refified, and is equal and eppofite to m.G i;
the forces Cc and C ,1 produce their equivalent C d by
’which the axis is preffed on its funports, and this is re¬
fified by an equal and oppofiie reaftion of the fupports
in the direfticn d C. The forces therefore which ex¬
cite in the body the motion A.AL 'are both external,
viz. the impelling force ^ F, and the fupporting force
dC. AL therefore is not only the immediate equiva¬
lent of A rt and A «, but alfo the remote equivalent of
g F and d C. We may therefore afeertain the propor¬
tion of F (that is, of m.G f) to AL (that is, of A. AC),
independent of the property of the lever. is to
AL in the ratio compounded of the ratios of g F to F $
or A a, and of A « to AL. But we fliall obtain it
more eafily by confidering as the equivalent of AL
and dC. By what has been demonftrated above, the
P p direftions
afting on each particle feparately. It is this point only when all the particles gravitate alike, and in parallel di¬
reftions. If the body w^ere near the centre of the earth, for infiance, the gravitations of the different particles would
seither be nearly equal nor in parallel lines } and the place of its real centre of gravity, on which the equivalent of
its whole gravitation may be fuppofed to aft, would be very different from G. Were we to denominate the point
G, as ufually determined, by its mathematical properties, we would call it the centre of POSITION; becaufe its
pittance Irom any plane, or its pofition wuih refpeft to any plane, is the average difiance and pofition of all the par¬
ticles. ^ he true defignation of G is “ the point through which if ary "plane whatever be made to pafs, and if per¬
pendiculars to this plane be drawn irom every particle; the fum of all the perpendiculars on one fide of this plane is
equal to the fum of all the perpendiculars on the other fide.n
If we were to denominate G by its mechanical properties, we would call it the CENTRE OF INERTIA ; for this
is equal in everv particle, and in the fame direftion : and it is n6t in confequence -of gravity, but of ipertia, that
the body deferibes with the point G a line parallel to FP. We wifh this remark to be kept in mind.
ROT [ 2g8 ]
Rotation. dire£Hons of the three forces g F, AL, and d C muft imperfect.
ROT
17
is
meet in one point E, and g F muft be equal to the dia¬
gonal t E of the parallelogram E e /1, of which the
tides E e, E s are refpedftively equal to AL and dC.
Now / E is to E ^ as the fine of the angle / £ E to the
fine of the angle E J e, that is, as the fine of CEA to
the fine of CEP, that is, as CA to CP, as we have al¬
ready demonftrated by the property of the lever. We
preferred that demonftration as theftiorteft, and as abun¬
dantly familiar, and as congenial with the general me-
chanifm of rotatory motions. And the intelligent reader
will obferve, that this other demonftration is nothing
but the demonftration by the lever expanded into its own
elements. Having once made our readers fenfible of
this internal procefs of the excitement and operation of
the forces which conne£t the particles, we fliall not again
have recourfe to it.
It is evident that the fum of all the forces g F, or
mSdt i, muft be equal to the whole moving force ra.GI.
that m.Vp may be —m.QjY. That is, we muft have
A CA*
m.Gl—J' — 5 or, becaufe CP is given when the
pofition of the line FP is given, wTe muft have tn.Gl
A c \2
=/- where both A and CA are variable quanti¬
ties.
Now
But there is the fame equilibrium of the Rotatioa.
adlual immediate prtffures when motion enfues from " v“" ,,JI
the adtion. When a weight A defcending raifes a
fnaaller weight B by means of a thread palling over a
pulley, the thread is equally ftretched between the adl-
ing and refilling weights. The ftrain on this thread
is undoubtedly the immediate moving force adling on B,
and the immediate refilling force adling on A.
fp.r2
The fame equation gives us GI—^ .
CG,=y>.r*:m.CP.CG; 19
NowGI:CG=mCp
but CG reprefents the velocity of the centre. Hence
we derive this fundamental propofition fp.r1 : m CP.CG
= GI : CG ^ or, that Jp-r1 is to w.CP.CG as the ve¬
locity of the body moving freely to the velocity of the
centre of gravity round the axis of rotation.
_ r , , . f , . wz.GI.CP.CG
I hereiore the velocity 01 the centre isre ~fp~~^ ‘
tfz.GI.CP.CB
The velocity of any point B
ft>J
This equation gives us .
we learn in mechanics that the energy of any force ap¬
plied to a lever, or its power of producing a motion
round the fulcrum, in oppofition to any refiftance what¬
ever, is expreffed by the produdl of the force by the
perpendicular drawn from the fulcrum on the line of
its dircdlion. Therefore we may call w.GI.CP the mo¬
mentum (b), energy, or rotatory effort, of the force
m.GI. And in like manner J^A-CA1 is the fum of
the momenta of all the particles of the body irt adlual
rotation ; and as this rotation required the momen¬
tum f7i.GI.CP to produce it, this momentum balances,
and therefore may exprefs the energy of all the refin¬
ances made by the inertia of the particles to this mo¬
tion of rotation. Or fA.CA* may exprefs it. Or,
take p to reprefent the quantity of matter in any par¬
ticle, and r to reprefent its radius vedor, or diftance
from the axis of rotation, fp.r1 will exprefs the momen¬
tum of inertia, and the equilibrium between the mo¬
mentum of the external force m.GI, a&ing in the
dire&ion FP, and the combined momenta of the iner¬
tia of all the particles of the whirling body, is ex¬
preffed by the equation 777.GI.CP=-/'A.CA*,—/)> r*.
The ufual way of ftudying elementary mechanics gives
us the habit of affociating the word equilibrium with
a ftate of reft ; and this has made our knowledge fo
This fra&ion reprefents the length of the arch de-
fcribed by the point B in the fame time that the body
unconne&ed with any fixed points would have defcri-
bed GI.
Therefore the angular velocity (the arch divided by
1 j- \ i e 1 e j • 7tt.GI.CP
the radius) common to the whole body is =—------.
It may be here alked, how this fraftion can exprefs an
angle ? It evidently expreffes a number j for both the
numerator and denominator are of the fame dimenfions,
namely, furfaces. It therefore expreffes the portion of
the radius which is equal to the arch meafuring the
angle, fuch as 4, 7, 4> &-c* And to have this angle in
degrees, we have only to recolle£l that the radius
is 57>2958- . .
This angular velocity will be a maximum when the
axis of rotation paffes through the centre of gravity G.
For draw from any particle A the line A a1 perpendi¬
cular to CG, and join AG. Then CA* = GA* -{-
CG* r+z 2 CG x G a. Therefore /CA* = /GA* +
/CG =±= /2 C G x G a, = /GA* + m . CG* r±z
f 2 GG X Ga. But, by the nature of the centre of
gravity, the fum of all the -j- G a is equal to that of
all the — G a •, and therefore z±i/ 2 GC X G tt is no¬
thing ; and therefore /CA* = /GA* -f- 777.CG*.
Therefore/CA* or fp r* is fmalleft, and
r.GI.CP
fPr%
is greateft when 771 . CG* is nothing, or when CG is no¬
thing •, that is, when C and G coincide.
The abfolute quantity of motion in the whirling bo-
dy>
20
23
24
(b) The word momentum is very carelefsly ufed by our mechanical writers. It is frequently employed to expreiS
the produff of the quantity of matter and velocity, that is, the quantity of motion \ and it is alfo ufed (with ftriff
propriety of language) to exprefs the power, energy, or efficacy of a force to produce motion in the circumftances
in which it affs. We wifh to confine it to this ufe alone. Sir Ifaac Newton adhered rigidly to this employment
of the term (indeed no man exceeds him in precifion of exprefiion), even when he ufed it to expreis the quantity 01
motion : for in thefe inftances the energy of this quantity of motion, as modified by the circumftances of its afhon,
was always in the ratio of the quantity of motion.
I
ROT
t 299 ]
ROT
Rotation, dy, or tlie fum of tlie motions of all its particles, is
' v ' m . GI . CP .fp.r
fP7'1
GI .CP
For the motion of each particle is
pr
,5Sf
Ratio of
the refift-
ance of
a quantity
of matter
to a motion
of rotation.
£6
27
All the pan
tielo of a
body not
neoeflarily
fuppofed in
one plane.
fP **
The refinance which a given quantity of matter
makes to a motion of rotation is proportional to f p r%.
For this muft be meafured by the forces which mull be
fimilarly applied in order to give it the fame angular
motion or angular velocity. Thus let one external
force be m . GI, and the other m.yi.—Let both be ap¬
plied at the diftance CP. Let r be the radius vedlor
in the one body, and p in the other j now the angular
.. tfl.GI.CP wz.yj.CP r r
velocities —-— and —? are equal by iuppoii-
JPr JP?
lion. Therefore m . GI : m . yt = fpr* : fp p*.
As in the communication of motion to bodies in free
fpace a given force always produces the fame quantity of
motion 5 ib in the communication of motion to bodies
obliged to turn round axes, a given force, applied at a
given diftance from the axes, always produces the fame
quantity of momentum. Whence it may eafily be de¬
duced (and we (hall do it afterwards), that as in the
communication of motion among free bodies the fame
quantity of motion is preferved, fo in the communica¬
tion of motion among whirling bodies the fame quantity
of whirling motion is preferved.
This is a propofition of the utmoft importance in
pradlical mechanics, and may indeed be confidered as
the fundamental propofition with refpect to all machines
of the rotatory kind when performing work •, that is,
of all machines which derive their efficacy from levers
or wheels. There is a valuable fet of experiments by
Mr Smeaton in the Philofophical Tranfadlions, Vo¬
lume Ixvi. which fully confirm it. We {hall give an ex¬
ample by and bye of the utility of the propofition, {hew¬
ing how exceedingly imperfedl the ufual theories of
mechanics are which do not proceed on this principle.
With refpeft to the general propofition from which
all thefe dedudlions have been made, we mull ebferve,
that the dexnonftration is not reftrifled to the time ne-
ceffiary for caufing each particle to deferibe an arch equal
to the radius veflor. We affumed the radius ve£lor as
the meafure of the velocity merely to fimplify the nota¬
tion. Both the progreffive motion of the free body
and the rotation of the whirling body are uniformly ac¬
celerated, when we fuppofe the external force to a£t uni¬
formly during any time whatever ; and the fpaces deferi-
bed by each motion in the fame time are in a conftant
ratio. The formulae may therefore with equal propriety
reprefent the momentary accelerations in the different
cafes.
It mufl: alfo be obferved, that it is not neceffary to
fuppofe that all the particles of the body are in one
plane, and that the moving force a£ts in a line FP ly¬
ing alfo in this plane. This was tacitly allowed, merely
to make the prefent inveftigation (which is addreffed
chiefly to the practical mechanic) more familiar and
cafy. The equilibrium between the force A X CA,
which is immediately urging the particle A, and the
force m.Gi employed at P or F, in order to excite that
force at A, would have been precifely the fame although
the lines AC and FP had been in different planes, pro¬
vided only that thefe planes were parallel. This is Rotation
known to every perfon in the leaft acquainted with the —'
wheel and axle. But if the external moving force does
not a£l in a plane parallel to the circles of rotation of
the different particles, it muft be refolved into two forces,
one of which is perpendicular to thefe planes, or parallel
to the axis of rotation, and the other lying in a plane of
rotation. And it is this laft only that we confider as
the moving force ; the other tends merely to puih the
body in the direflion of its axis, but has no tendency to
turn it round that axis. When we come to confider
the rotation of a body perfeflly free, it will be neceffary
to attend particularly to this circumftance. But there
are feveral important mechanical propofitions which do
not require this.
The motion of any body is eftimated by that of its mot;oa
centre of gravity, as is well known. The difference of a body
between the motion of the centre of a free body and eftimated
the motion of the centre of a body turning round an by that of
axis, is evidently owing to the connexion which the n'rsa^”tre 0
parts of the body have with this axis, and to the ac- ^,c. ’
tion of the points of fupport on this axis. This ac¬
tion muft be confidered as another external force, com¬
bined with that which a£ls on the particle P, and there¬
fore muft be fuch as, if combined with it, would pro¬
duce the very motion which we obferve. That is, if
we fuppofe the body unconnefled with any fixed points,
but as having its axis adled on by the fame forces which
thefe points exert, the body would turn as we obferve it
to do, the axis remaining at reft.
Therefore join I and H, and complete the parallelo¬
gram GIHK. It is plain that m.GK muft reprefent
the forces exerted by the axis on the fixed points.
If therefore GI ihould coincide with GH, and the
point I with the point H, the force GK vanilhes, and
the body begins to turn round C, without exerting any
preffure on the points of fupport; and the initial motion
is the fame as if the body were free. Or, the axis at
C is then z fpontancous axis of converfion.
That this may be the cafe, it is neceffary, in the
firft place, that the external force a£l in a direflion
perpendicular to C G 5 for GI is always parallel to
FP : it being a leading propofition in dynamics, that
when a moving force a£ls on any part whatever of a
folid body, unconnefled with fixed points, the centre
of gravity will proceed in a ftraight line parallel to
the direfrion of that force. In the next place GH
muft be equal to GI; that is, (n° 21) ^G¬
is equal to GI, or
m.CP.CG
y>‘
~ x, and CP —
fPr'
f P r*
m.CG‘
The equation CP
fpr'
m.CG
— fP i'*, ~ f A . CA*. But it was ftiown (n° 23),
that /A . CA* =/A . G A* + m . CG*. Therefore
/A . GA* = m. CG . CP — m. CG . CG, = m . CG
(CP — CG), =r m . CG . GP. Therefore we have
(for another determination of the point of impulfe P
fo as to annihilate all preffure on the axis) GP —
f A, GA* _. . „ ,
m. cg * 11IS 13 Senerall7 the moft eafily obtain¬
ed, the mathematical fituation of the centre of gravity-
being well known,
P p 2
30
gives us m.CG.CP 3i
N.B.
R
S.otaticn.
32
N. B. When CP =
O '
/Z1
w.CG’
we fliall always have the
velocity of the centre the fame as if the body were free,
but there will alwTays be a preffure on the points of fup-
port, unlefs FP be alfo perpendicular to CG. In other
portions of FP the preffure on the axis, or on its points
,, of fupport, will be m.Gl X 2 fin. GCP.
Advantage It would be a definable thing in our machines which
of annihila-derive their efficacy from a rotatory motion, to apply
'rd^'fkin'" Pre^'ures ari^ng from the power and from the refift-
the'predure ance oppoled by the work in fuch a manner as to anni-
on the fup- hilate or diminifh this preffure on the fupports of the
ports of the axis of motion. Attention to this theorem will point
axis cf mo- ou^ what may be done 5 and it is at all times proper,
nay neceffary, to Kkow what are the preffures in the
points of fupport. If we are ignorant of this, we (hall
run the riik of our machine failing in thofe parts ; and
our anxiety to prevent this will make us load it with
r.eedlefs and ill difpofed ftrength. In the ordinary the¬
ories of machines, deduced entirely from the principles
of equilibrium, the preffure on the points of fuppart
■''exclufive of what proceeds from the weight of the ma¬
chine itfelf) is ftated as the fame as if the moving and
refilling forces were applied immediately to thefe points
in their own direftions. But this is in all cafes errone¬
ous ; and, in cafes of fwift motions, it is greatly fo. We
may be convinced of this by a very fimple inftance.
Suppofe a line laid over a pulley, and a pound weight
at one end of it, and ten pounds at the other ; the
preffure of the axis on its fupport is eleven pounds, ac¬
cording to the ufual rule ; whereas we fhall find it only
^T"T. For, if we call the radius of the pulley I, the
hi omen turn of the moving force is 10 X 1 — 1 X 1, =
9 ; and the momentum of inertia isioXi,-bIXib
(n° 18.)= 11. Therefore the angular velocity is -/Y.
But the diftance CG of the centre of gravity from the
axis of motion is alfo T9r, becaufe we may fuppofe the
two weights in contaft with the circumference of the
pulley. Therefore the velocity of the centre of gravity
is -j?T x W, — xVt of its natural velocity. It is there¬
fore dimlniihed TVr by the figure of the axis of the pul¬
ley, and the 11 pounds prefs it with T4£0r of their weight,
that is, with 3-f7T pounds.
Of knowing Since all our machines confifl of inert matter, which
the momen-req,uJres force to put it in motion, or to flop it, or to
turn of in- c]iange 5ts motion, it is plain that fome of our natural
C'tia, power is expended in producing this efit:ft ; and fince
the principles of equilibrium only fkite the proportion
between the power and refiftance which will preferve
the machine at reft, our knowledge of the a final per¬
formance of a machine is imperfefl, unlefs we know
how much of our power is thus employed. It is only
the remainder which can be ftated in oppofition to the
refiftance oppofed by the work. This renders it pro¬
per to give fome general propcfitions, which enable us
to compute this with eafe.
It would be very convenient, for inftance. to know
fame point in which we might fuppofe the whole rota¬
tory part of the machine concentrated ; becaufe then we
could at once tell what the momentum of its inertia is,
and what force we muft apply to the impelled point of
the machine, in order to move it with the defiled velo-
eity.
X.et S; fig. 3. be this point of a body turning round
300 ] ROT
the fupporled axis paffing through C j that is, let S be Rutatsfr*,
fuch a point, that if all the matter of the body were v—
col'lefled there, a force applied at P will produce the
fame angular velocity as it would if applied at the fame
35
and confe-
quentiy the
torce neeef
fary to
overcome
it.
point of the body having its natural form.
The whole matter being collefted at S, the expreffion
/w.GI.CP r , , " , • L tn.Gl . CP
—  or the angular velocity becomes  —
fp .r* ‘ m c
(N° 22.) j and thefe are equal by fuppofition. There¬
fore f p r'—m . CS*, and CS= aj—.
j r m
This point S has been called the Centre of Gyra¬
tion.
In a line or flender rod, fuch as a working beam, or
the fpoke of a wheel in a machine, CS is of its
length.
In a circle or cylinder, fuch as the folid drum of a
capftane, CS = v't its radius, or nearly But if it
turns round one of its diameters, CSrr \ radius.
In the periphery of a circle, or rim of a wheel, CS
rr radius nearly. >
If it turn round a diameter, CS ~ \/ \ radius. The
furface of a fphere, or a thin fpherical ftiell, turning
round a diameter, has CS «/ y radius, or nearly £
or . '
A folid fphere turning round a diameter has CS
— ,,/J radius, or nearly T7T. This is ufeful in the pro¬
blem of the preceffion of the equinoxes. We may ob-
ferve by the way, that if we confider the whirling body
as a fyftem of feveral bodies with rigid or inflexible con¬
nexions, we may confider all the matter of each of thefe
bodies as united in its centre of gyration, and the rota¬
tion of the rvhole will be the fame j for this does not
fp
change the value of ^ .
£> m
3«
There is another way of making this correction of a Ampler
the motion of a machine, or allowing for the inertia ofmode 0f a!-
the machine itfelf, which is rather fimpler than the °ne^™|r^
now given. We can fuppofe a quantity of matter col-ofma_
lefted at the point to which the moving force is applied,chines. .
fuch that its inertia will oppofe the fame refiftance to
rotation that the machine does in its natural form. Sup¬
pofe the moving force applied at P, as before, and that
inftead of the natural form of the body a quantity of
matter — —colle&ed at P 5 the moving force
will produce the fame angular velocity as on the body,
in its natural form. For the angular velocity in this
ot.GI.CP
(N° 22.), which is :
cafe muft be//> r*
* CPT '
the fame as before.
A point O may be found, at fuch a diftance from theCentre«f
axis, that if all the matter of the body v/ere colle&edofullatien.
there, and an external force m . GI applied to it in a
direction perpendicular or any how inclined to CO, it
will produce the fame angular velocity as when applied
to the centre of gravity G, with the fame inclination to
the line CG.
In this cafe, the angular velocity muft be
ot.GI.CO
OT. CO* *
(N° 22.),
Fig. 3-
Rotation.
K O T
GI
t
(N° 22.), which is =r This muft be equal (by
fuppofitioa) to the angular velocity where the fame
force m. GI is applied in the fame inclination to G.—
w.GI.CG
GI
is applieu
The angular velocity in this cafe mud be
GI m.Gl.CG
33 Therefore we have ^q —
IP
GG-
GI. CG’
/A. G A1
and CO ~
if1
and
IP r'
CO
GI
CG'
Alfo, as in N° 31,
CG
39
Remark.
This point O has feveral remarkable properties.
In the firft place, it is the point of a common heavy
ties^Tt^61"" i30(iy fwinging round C by its gravity, where, if all
its weight be luppofed to be concentrated, it will per¬
form its ofcillations in the fame time. For while the
body has its natural form, the whole force of gravity
may be fuppofed to be exerted on its centre of gravity.
When the matter of the body is colledled at O, the
force of gravity is concentrated there alfo; and if CG
have the fame inclination to the horizon in the fird cafe
that CO has in the fecond, the a£lion of gravity will be
applied in the fame angle of inclination, and the two
bodies will acquire the fame angular velocity ; that is,
they will defcend from this fituation to the vertical fitu-
ation (that is, through an equal angle) in the fame
time. Tbefe two bodies will therefore ofcillate in equal
times. For this reafon, the point O fo taken in the line
CG, which is the radius ve&or of the centre of inertia,
^A'CA‘ or =
CCj
and
301 ] ROT
a. If the body is a heavy draight line, fufpcnded by
one extremity, CO is y of its length.
b. This is nearly the cafe of a dender rod of a cylin¬
drical or prifmatic drape. It would be exatdly fo if all
the points of a tranfverfe fedtion were equally didant
from the axis of fufpenfion.
c. If the pendulum is an ifofceles triangle fufpended
by its apex, and vibrating perpendicularly to its own
plane, CO is of its height.
d. This is nearly true of a very dender triangle (that
is, whofe height many times exceeds its bafe) fwinging
round its vertex in any diredlion.
e. In a very {lender cone or pyramid fwinging from
its vertex, CO is * of its height nearly.
yi H a fpkere, of which r is the radius, be fufpended
by a thread wrhofe weight may be negledled, and wbofe
length is /, the diftance between its centre of fufpen-
lion and centres of ofcillation is tf4-r4-T and
and ofcillation
that CO is equal to
m . CC in.
is called the Centre of Oscillation of the body;
a heavy point fufpended by a thread of the length CO
is called its equivalent or fijnchronous pendulum, or the
_ firnple pendulum, correfponding to the body itfelf, which
is confidered as a compound pendulum, or as confiding of
a number of fimple pendulums, which by their rigid
connexion difturb each other’s motions.
That CO may be the equivalent pendulum, and O
the centre of ofcillation, O mull be in the line CG,
olherwife it would not reft in the fame pofition with the
body, when no force -was keeping it out of its vertical
/A.CA2
pofition. The equation COrr^ -A- - only deter-
m . CG
mines the diftance of the centre of ofcillation from the
centre of fufpenfion, or the length of the equivalent fim¬
ple pendulum, but does not determine the precife point
of the body occupied by tbe centre of ofcillation \ a cir-
cumftance alfo neceffary in fome cafes.
Mathematicians have determined the fituation of this
point in many cafes of frequent occurrence. Hnyghens,
ing itslitua- jn }fts Horologium Ofcillatorium, and all the beft writers
of treatifes of mechanics, have given the method of in-
veftigation at length. The general procefs is, to mul¬
tiply every particle by the fquare of its diftance from
the axis of fufpenfion, and to divide the fum of all thefe
produtls by the produft of the whole quantity of mat¬
ter multiplied by the diftance of its centre of gravity
from the fame axis. The quotient is the diftance of
the centre of ofcillation, or the length of the equivalent
f f) %
fimple pendulum : for CO ~ - A
m.CG
40
Mode of
determin-
GO
CO=^
fpr'
CO:
Rotation'.
the diftance between its centres of bulk
• r
is ^ . Thus, in a common fecond’s pendulum,
whofe length at London is about 39-^- inches, the
centre of ofcillation will be found about -j^o an inch
below the centre of the ball, if it be two inches in dia¬
meter.
g. If the weight of the thread is to be taken into
the account, we have the following diftance between
the centre of the ball and that of ofcillation, where B
is the weight of the ball, a the diftance of the point
of fufpenfion and its centre, d the diameter of the
ball, and ou the weight of the thread or rod,
rro _ (t™ + fB) dz—\w (a d+a*) _ _ .f
G 0 q — : or’,f we con'
fider the weight of the thread as an unit, and the
weight of the ball as its multiple (or as expreffed by the
number of times it contains the weight of the thread).
B-fV
As the point O, determined as above, by making 4*
m CG' '1S t‘rie centre ofcillation of the body
turning round C, fo C is the centre of ofcillation of the
fame body turning round O : for, reluming A.CA in
place of p r, rve have /A.CA*=to.CO.CG. Now
/A.CA1=/A.OA»+/A.OC’—-/A.OC. 2 O d, (Eu¬
clid, II. 12. 13.), or w.CO.CG=r/A.OAJ-J-/A-
OC1—/A.OC. 20 d. But fA.OC*= m.OG-, ~mt
OC.OC } and (by the nature of the centre of gravity)
/A.OC. 20 a~ m. OC. 2 OG. Therefore we have
m. CO.CG = f A.QA2-{-m. OC.OC — m.OC. 2 OG ;
and/A.OA*-m.OC CG+m.CO. 2 OG—ot.CO.CO,
=:m.CO (CG 4- 2 OG — CO). But CG -f 2 OG
is equal to CO -f- OG, and CG -f- 2 OG CO is
equal to OG. Therefore/A.OA1 rr/zi.CO.OG, and
/ A.OA*
m OG ’ ^ ^ that is wanted (according
to N° 39.) to make C the centre of ofcillation when Q
is the centre of fufpenfion.
If the point of fufpenfion, or axis of rotation, he
anywhere in the circumference of a circle of which G is
the centre, the point O will be in the circumference of
another circle of which G is the centre : for, by N° 38.
GO
43 A
Rotation.
43
44
45
46
Why this
point is
fometimes
called the
centre of
percuffion.
47
48
Improprie.
ty of the
term.
ROT [ 3'
GO ~ . Now^A.GA* is a fixed quantity j
77i.C(jr
and therefore while CG is conflant, OG will alfo be
conftant.
We may alfo obferve, that the diftance of the axis
from the centre S of gyration is a mean proportional
between its diftance from the centre G of gravity and
the centre O of ofcillation : for we had (N° .)
CS* — -t-f3-— and CO —t-- --, and therefore
m m.CG
CO.CG and CO : CS=CS : CG.
m
We fee alfo that the diftance CO is that at which
an external force mu ft be applied ; fo that there may
not be any preffure excited in the axis upon its points
of fupport, and the axis may be a fpontaneous axis of
converfion. This we learn, by comparing the value of
CO with that of CP in art. 30. This being the cafe,
it follows, that if an external force is applied in a direc¬
tion palling through O, perpendicularly to CO, it will
produce the fame initial velocity of the centre as if the
body were free : for as it exerts no prefliire on the
points of fupport, the initial motion muft be the fame
as if they were not there.
If the external force be applied at a greater diftance
in the line CG, the velocity of the centre will be great¬
er than if the body were free. In this cafe the pref¬
fure excited in the axis will be backward, and confe-
quently the points of fupport will re-a£! forward, and
this re-aftion will be equivalent to another external
force confpiring with the one applied at O. Some cu¬
rious confequences may be deduced from this.
If the external force be applied to a point in the
line GC lying beyond C, the motion of the centre will
be in the oppofite dire&ion to what it would have ta¬
ken had the body been free, and fo will be the pref-
fures exerted by the points of fupport on the axis.
A force m.Gl applied at P produces the initial pro-
greffive motion m.GH ; and ant/ force applied at O,
perpendicularly to CG, produces the fame motion of
the centre as if the body were free. Therefore a force
7/z.GH applied thus at O will produce a motion m.GH
in the centre, and therefore the fame motion which
*72.GI applied at P would produce ; and it will produce
the momentum 772.GI at P. Therefore if a force equal
to the progreftive motion of the body be applied at O,
perpendicularly to CO, in the oppofite direftion, it
will flop all this motion without exciting any ftrain on
the axis or points of fupport. Therefore the equiva¬
lent of all the motions of each particle round C is con¬
ceived as pafling through O in a direftion perpendicu¬
lar to CO ; and the blow given by that point to any
body oppofed to its motion is confidered as equal to
the compounded effe£t of the rotatory motion, or to
the progreftive motion of the body combined with its
rotation.
For fuch reafons O has been called the Centre of
Percussion of the body turning round C. But the
name of centre of momentum, or rotatory effort, would
have been more proper.
We can feel this property of the point O when we
give a fmart blow with a flick. If we give it a mo¬
tion round the joint of the wrift only, and ftrike fmartly
4
2 ] ROT
with a point confiderably nearer or more remote than two- Rotation,
thirds of its length, we feel a painful fhock or wrench in v
the hand, but if we ftrike with that point which is pre-
ciiely at two-thirds of its length, we feel no fuch dif-
agreeable ftrain.
Mechanical writers frequently fay, that O confidered 49
as the centre of percuflion, is that with which the moft
violent blow is ftruck. But this is by no means true j
O is that point of a body turning round C which
gives a blow precifely equal to the progreflive motion
of the body, and in the fame direction. As we have
already faid, it is the point where we may fuppofe the
whole rotatory momentum of the body accumulated.
Every particle of the body is moving in a particular di¬
rection, with a velocity proportional to its diftance from
the axis of rotation j and if the body were flopped in
any point, each particle tending to continue its motion
endeavours to drag the reft along with it. Whatever
point we call the centre of percuftion fhould have this
property, that when it is flopped by ,a fufticient force,
the whole motion and tendency to motion of every kind
fhould be flopped j fo that if at that inftant the fupports
of the axis were annihilated, the body would remain in
abfolute reft.
The confideration of a very Ample cafe will fhow Centre of
that Shis point of ftoppage cannot be taken indifferently, percuflion,
Suppofe a fquare or reClangular board CDD'C', fig. 4. how de-
advancing in the direClion GH, perpendicular to its i'ne^*
plane, without any rotation. Let G be the centre of
gravity, and the middle of the board. It is evident,
that if a force be applied at G, in the direction HG,
and equal to the quantity of motion of the board, all
motion will be flopped : for when the point G is flop¬
ped, no reafon can be afligned why one part of the
board fhall advance more than another. The fame
thing muft happen if the board be flopped by a ftraighfc
edge put in its way, and pafling through G : for ex¬
ample, in the line LGM, or G /$. But if this edge
be fo placed that the board fhall meet it with the line
IPK, then, becaufe this line does not divide it equally,
and becaufe there is a greater quantity of motion in the
part CIKC' than in the part IDD'K, though the pro¬
greftive motion may be flopped, the upper part will
advance, and a motion of rotation will commence, of
which IK will be the axis. Now fuppofe that the
board, inflead of having been moving along in the di-
reClion GH, every part with the fame Velocity had been
Twinging round the axis CC' like a pendulum, from the
pofition C dd’ C, and that it is flopped by a ftraight
edge meeting it in the line LGM parallel to CO', in
the moment that it has attained the vertical pofition
CDD'C' 5 all its motion will not be flopped : for,
although LGM divides the board equally, there is more
motion in the lower part LDD'M than in the upper
part CLMC', becaufe every particle of the lower part
is deferibing larger circles and moving fwifter. There¬
fore when the line LGM is flopped, there will be a
tendency of the lower part to advance, and the pivots
C and C of the axis will be preffed backwards on their
holes; and if the holes were at that inftant removed, a
rotation would commence, of which LM is the axis.
The board muft therefore be flopped in fome line IPK
below LGM, and fo fituated, that the fum of all the
momenta on each fide of it fhall be equal. This alone
can
ROT [ 3°3 ] ROT
Rotation, can hinder a rotation round the axis IPK. From what
1 v" has been already demonltrated, it appears, that this will
be prevented if the edge meets the board in a line IPK
palling through O the centre of ofcillation, which is li-
tuated in the line g G h palling through the centre of
gravity perpendicular to the axis CC'. This line
IOK may therefore be called the line or axis of per-
« cuflion.
But any point of this line will not do. It is evident
that if the board fhould meet the fixed edge in the line
g GO A, all motion will be Hopped, for the motions on
each fide are equal, and neither can prevail. But if it
be Hopped in the line />P <7, there is more motion in the
part p q D'C' than in the part p q DC ; and if the fup-
ports at C and C' were that infiant taken away, there
would commence a rotation round the axis p q. Con-
fequently, if the body were not flopped by an edge,
but by a Ample point at P, this rotation would take
place. The motions above and below P would indeed
balance each other, but the motions on the right and
left fides of it would not. Therefore it is not enough
for determining the centre of percuflion that we have
afcertained its diflance g O from the axis of rotation by
fh r%
the equation O  —. This equation only gives
us the line IOK parallel to CC', but not the point of
percuffion. This point (fuppofe it P) mufl be fuch
that if any line plight drawn through it, and confi-
dered as an axis round which a rotation may commence,
it Jhall not commence, becaufe the fum of all the mo¬
menta round this axis on the right fide is equal to the
fum of the momenta on the left. Let us invefligate in
what manner this condition may be fecured.
52 Let there be a body in a Hate of rotation round the
Fig. 5. axis D d (fig. 5.), and let G be its centre of gravity,
and CGO a line through the centre of gravity perpen-
\ dicular to the axis DC d. At the moment under con-
fideration, the centre of gravity is moving in the direc¬
tion GH, perpendicular to the radius vedtor GC, as
alfo perpendicular to a plane palling through the lines
D d and CG. Let O be the centre of ofcillation.
Draw the line n O parallel to D d. The centre of per¬
cuffion mufl be fomewhere in this line. For the point
of percuffion, wherever it is, mufl be moving in the fame
diredtion with the progreffive motion of the body, that
is, in a diredtion parallel to GH, that is, perpendicular
to the plane DCG. And its diflance from the axis
d muft be the fame with that of the centre of ofcil¬
lation. Thefe conditions require it therefore to be in
• fome point of« O. Suppofe it at P. Draw P^ per¬
pendicular to D</. P muft be fo fituated, that all the
momenta tending to produce a rotation round the line
p P may balance each other, or their fum total be no¬
thing.
Now let A be any particle of the body which is out
of the plane DCG, in which lie all the lines CGO,
/> P, « OP, &c. Draw its radius vedtor Art perpen¬
dicular to D rt, and draw a n parallel to CG, and there¬
fore perpendicular to D a. The plane A rt « is per¬
pendicular to the plane D rt « (Euclid, XI. 4.). Draw
AL perpendicular to Art, and A/ perpendicular to
a n. Then, while the body is beginning to turn round
Drt'’, the incipient motion of the panicle A is in the
diredlion AL, perpendicular to its radius vedfor A a.
This motion AL may be confidered as compounded of Rotation,
the motion A /, perpendicular to the plane DCG, and —y—
the motion / L in this plane. It is evident that it is
A / only which is oppofed by the external force flop¬
ping the body at P, becaufe A/ alone makes any part of
the progreffive motion of the centre of gravity in the
diredlion GH.
We have hitherto taken the radii veSlores for the
meafures of the velocities or motions of the particles.
Therefore the quantity of motion or the moving force
of A is A.Art, and this is exerted in the diredlion AL,
and may be conceived as exerted on any point in this A
line, and therefore on the point L. That is, the point
L might be confidered as urged in this diredlion with
the force A.Art, or with the twro forces of which the
force A.A a is compounded. The force in the direc¬
tion AL is to the force in the diredlion A / as AL to
A /, or as rt A to rt /, becaufe the triangles A / L and
rt / A are fimilar. Therefore, inftead of fuppofing the
point L urged by the force A.Art, adling in the di¬
redlion AL, we may fuppofe it impelled by the force
A.rt /, adling perpendicularly to the line A /, or to the
plane DCG, and by the force A.A / adting in this
plane, viz. in the diredlion L n. This laft force has
nothing to do with the percuffion at P. Therefore we
need confider the point L as only impelled by the force
A.A /. The momentum of this force, or its power to
urge the plane DCG forward in the diredlion GH, by
turning it round Id d, muft; be K.a l. ah. (N.
This is equal to A.A a*, becaufe a l: a A—a A : ah,
and A.A rt% has been fliown long ago to be the ge¬
neral expreffion of the rotatory momentum of a par¬
ticle).
Draw L m perpendicular to Vp. If wre confider
Vp as an axis about which a motion of rotation may
be produced, it is plain that the momentum of the
point L to produce fuch a rotation will be A.rt/. hm.
In like manner, its momentum for producing a rotation
round « P would be A.al.hn. In general, its, mo¬
mentum for producing rotation round any axis is equal
to the produdl of the perpendicular force at L (that is,
A.rt /) and the diftance of L from this axis.
In order therefore that P may be the centre of per¬
cuffion, the fum of all the forces A.rt l.h m muft be
equal to nothing j that is, the fum of the forces
A.a l.h m on one fide of this axis P/> muft be ba¬
lanced by the fum of forces A'.dl'.h'm' on the other
fide. To exprefs this in the ufual manner, we mufl
have/A.rt/.« P=ro. But nh — nO OP. There¬
fore f Am l.n O —f A.rt /. OP=: o, and f Am l.n 0=
f A.rt /.OP. But OP is the fame wherever the par¬
ticle A is fituated ; and becaufe G is the centre of gra¬
vity, the fum of all the quantities i.s Am l is m. GC, m be¬
ing the quantity of matter of the body ; that is,
f A . al— m.GC, and /A . rt/.OP = ot.GC.OP,=
fA.al.nO. Hence we derive the final equation
0p_/A-*/-«°
m.GG. ’
Therefore the centre of percpffion P of a body turn- cj
ing round the axis D is determined by thefe condi¬
tions : 1 ft, It is in the plane DCG paffing through the
axis and the centre of gravity 5 2d, It is in a line n O
paffing through the centre of ofcillation, and parallel to
the axis, and therefore its diflance P/> from the axis of
rotation
\
11 O T
[ 3=4 1
ROT
♦ S4
'How both
centres co¬
incide.
Hbtaticrti. , , TA'A^rt* . ' -
Totatioi'i IsJan(^ 3^» ^is ^ar!ce Or from the
f/i.L-vjr
r . . . f A.a in O
centre ot oiculalion is' —.
m.L.Lr
In order therefore that the centres of ofcination and
percutiion mdy coincide, or be one and the hime, OP
mull vanifh, or SA.a in O mud be equal to nothingj
that is, the turn of all the quantities K.a l.n O on one
fide of the line CO mult be equal to the fum of all the
quantities K.a’ l'.nr O on the other fide.
55 Let DtfA 4 be a plane palling through the axis D d
perpendicular to that other plane DCG through it, in
which the centre of gravity is fituated, and let Qgyx
be a third plane palling through the centre of gravity
perpendicular to both the planes Dr/I A and DCG.
D raw lr and a a perpendicular to a L, and r u perpen¬
dicular to c r, and then draw A <t, A « perpendicular
to a a and r «. It is evident that A x and A « are re-
ipedlively equal io a i and ir, or to a / and /; o ; fo that
the two factors or confiituents of the momentum of a
particle A round the centre of percuflion are the di-
itances of the particle from the planes D i/I A and
at eg y, both of which are perpendicular to that plane
through the axis in which the centre of gravity is placed.
We may fee, from thefe obfervations, that the centres
of ofcillation and perculfion do not neceffarily coincide,
and the circumftance which is neceflary for their coin¬
cidence, viz. that f A.A a A <i is equal to O. It is of
importance to keep this in mind.
There occurs here another obfervaticn of great im¬
portance. Since every force is balanced by an equal
force adling in the oppofite diredlion, and fince all mo¬
tion progrefiive and rotatory is Hopped by an external
force applied at P in the diredlion t] P, it follows that,
if the body were at reft, and the fame force be applied
there, it will fet the body in rotation round the axis
D d, in the oppofite direftion, with the fame angular
velocity, and without any preflure on the pivots D and
d. For whatever motion of the particle A, in the di¬
rection AL, was ftopped by a part of the external
force applied at P, the fame motion will be produced
by it in the quiefeent particle A in the oppofite direc¬
tion LA. And as the pivots D and d had no motion
in the cafe of the body turning round them, they will
acquire no motion, or will have no tendency to motion,
or no preffure will be exerted on them, in the laft cafe.
Therefore when an external force is applied at P in a
direftion perpendicular to the line P/>, the line D d
will become a momentary fpontaneous axis of conve^-
fion, and the incipient motion of the body will perfeClly
referable the rotation of the fame body round a fixed
axis D d.
67 There is another fet of forces of which vre have as
yet taken no notice, viz. that part of each force AL
which is directed along the plane DCG, and is re-
prefented by / L when the wdrole force is reprefented
by AL, or by A / when the whole force is reprefented
by Aa. Thefe forces being all in the plane DCG,
and in the direClion CG or GC, can have no effeft on
the rotation round any axis in that plane. But they
tend, feparately, to produce rotation round any axis
paffing through this plane perpendicularly. And the
naomertum of A produce a rotation round an axis
S6
further
«onfidera-
tiom of im¬
portance.
perpendicular to this plane, in O for inftance, muft evi- Rdutiott/
dently be A.A/.«0, and round P it muft be A.A/./*P, —
&.c. We lhall have occafion to confider thefe after¬
wards. 5g
It is ufual in courfes of experimental philofophy to Of ball*
illuftrate the motions of bodies on inclined planes &nd a,1{* cy '1'1-
curved furfaces by experiments with balls rolling dovvn^^ A'^11^
thefe furfaces. But the motions of fuch rolling ballsciine(i
are by no means juft reprefentations of the motions planes,
they reprefent. The ball not only goes down the in¬
clined plane by the adlion of gravity, but it alfo turns
round an axis. Force is neceffary for producing this
rotation 5 and as there is no other fource but the weight
of the ball, part of this weight is expended on the
rotation, and the remainder only accelerates it down
the plane. The point of the ball which refts on the
plane is hindered from Hiding down by friftion ; and
therefore the ball tumbles, as it were, over this point
of contaft, and is inftantly catched by another point
of conta£l, over which it tumbles in the fame manner.
A cylinder rolls down in the very fame way \ and its mo¬
tion is nearly the fame as if a fine thread had been lap¬
ped round it, and one end of it made fafl at the head
of the inclined plane. The cylinder rolls down by un¬
winding this thread. C9
The mechanifm of all fuch motions (and Come ofMediamfc!
them are important) may be underftood by confidering of thefe
them as follows; Let a body of any fhape be connedl-ir‘0tl0ns;-
ed with a cylinder FCB (fig. 6.) whole axis paftes Fig. 6.
through G the centre of gravity of the body. Sup-
pofe that body fufpended from a fixed point A by a
thread wound round the cylinder* ihis body will de-
feend by the a61ion of gravity, and it will alfo turn
round, unwinding the thread. Draw the horizontal
line OGC. It will pafs through the point of contaft C
of the thread and cylinder, and C is the point round
which it begins to turn in defeending. Let O be its
centre of ofcillation correfponding to the momentary
centre of rotation C. It will begin to defeend in the
fame manner as if all its matter were collecled in O :
for it may be confidered, in this inftant, as a pendu¬
lum fufpended at C. But in this cafe O will defeend
in the fame manner as if the body were falling freely.
Therefore the velocity of G (that is, the velocity of de-
feent) will be to the velocity with which a heavy body
would fall as CG to CO. Now fince the points C, G,
O, are always in a horizontal line, and the radius CG is
given; as alfo CO (N° 48.) the velocity of a body fall¬
ing freely, and of the body unwinding from this thread,
will alwavs be in the fame proportion of CO to CG,
afid fo will the fpaces deferibed in any given time. And
thus we can compare their motions in every cafe when
we know the place of the centre of ofcillation.
Cor. 1. The weight of the defeending body will b4
to the tenfion of the thread as CO to GO : for the
tenfion of the thread is the difference between the mo¬
mentum of the rolling body and that of the body falling
freely.
Obferve, that this proportion between the weight of
the body and the tenfion of the thread will be always
the fame : for it has been demonftrated already, N° 43.
that if C be in the circumference of a circle whofe
centre is G, O will be in the circumference of another’
ckcZ6
2
6i
Caje of pen-
dulous bO'
dies.
ROT [ 305 } R
Rotation, circle round the fame centre, and therefore the ratio of inertia, viz. the fame as if a
v CG to CO is conftant.
Cor. 2. If a circular body FCB roll down an inclin¬
ed plane by unfolding a thread, or by friftion which
prevents all Hiding, the fpace deferibed will be to that
which the body would deferibe freely as CG to CO :
for the tendency down the inclined plane is a determin¬
ed proportion of the weight of the body. The motion
of rotation in thefe cafes, both progreflive and whirling,
is uniformly accelerated.
Something of the fame kind obtains in common
pendulous bodies. A ball hung by a thread not only
ofcillates, but alfo makes part of a rotation; and for
this reafon its ofcillations differ from thofe of a heavy
point hanging by the fame thread, and the centre of
ofcillation is a little below the centre of the ball. A
ball hung by a thread, and ofcillating between cycloidal
cheeks, does not ofcillate like a body in a cycloid, be-
caufe its centre of ofcillation is continually fhifting
its place. Huyghens avoided this by fufpending his
pendulous body from tw^o points, fo that it did not
change its attitude during its ofcillation. If our fpring-
carriages were hung in this manner, having the four
lowrer ftaples to which the ftraps are fixed as far afun-
der as the four upper ftaples at the ends of the fprings,
the body of the carriage would perform its ofcillations
without kicking up and down in the difagreeable man¬
ner they now do, by which we are frequently in dan¬
ger of ftriking the glaffes with our heads. The fwings
would indeed be greater, but incomparably eafier j and
we could hold things almoft as fteadily in our hand as if
the carriage were not fwinging at all.
Ihis will fuffice for an account of the rotation round
fixed axes, as the foundation for a theory of machines
adlually performing work. The limits of our under¬
taking will not allow us to do any more than juft point
out the method of applying it.
Let there be any machine of the rotatory kind, i. e.
compofed of levers or wheels, and let its conftruftion be
0 T
proper quantity of matter Rotation.
a were attached to the working-point, or to any point v'——
at the fame diftance from the axis.
This ftate of things may be reprefented by the wheel
and axle POS (fig. 7.) where x and y and a are repre- Fig. 7.
fented by weights adfing by lines. P is the impelled
point, and 11 the working point ; CP is in and CR is n.
The moving force is reprefented by PA, the refiftance
by RB, and the fridlion by BF.
It is evident that the momentum of the inertia of
x, y, and a are the fame as if they were for a moment
attached to the points P and R.
Hence we derive the following expreffions,
„„ , . , . p in-—r-j-/ n
1. ihe angular velocity — ——
x m* -\-an*
_r , • r 1 , • • . pmn—~r-\~fn*
2. Velocity of the working-point — 1
<4
Formulie,
and their
ufe in pi ac-’
tire.
<4
3. Work performed
p mnr-
x n? ^-ya n
-r +fn* r
For the
6<>
Method of
applying
•f'rotation hioh, that the velocity of the point to which the power
U pra&ice. is applied (which we fhall call the impelled point) is to
the velocity of the working point in the ratio of m to
«. It is well known that the energy of this machine
will be the fame with that of an axis in peritrochio, of
which the radii are m and n.
Let p exprefs the aftual preffiire exerted on the im¬
pelled point by the moving power, and let r be the
aftual prelfure or refiftance exerted on the working
point by the work to be performed. Let x be the
inertia of the power, or the quantity «f dead matter
which muft move with the velocity of the impelled
point in order that the moving power may aft. Thus
the moving power may be the weight of a bucket of
water in a water-wheel j then x is the quantity of
matter in this bucket of water. Let y in like manner be
the inertia of the work, or matter which muft be mo¬
ved with the velocity of the working-point, in order
that the work may be performed. Thus y may be a
quantity of wafer which muft be continually puftied
along a pipe. I his is quite different from the weight
of the water, though it is proportional to it, and may
be meafured by it.
Let /be a preffure giving the fame refiftance when
applied at the working-point with the friftion of the
machine, and let aid be the momentum of the machine’s
Vol. XVIIL Part I.
x m*-j~y-j-a n%
work is proportional to the produft of the refiftance
and the velocity with which it is overcome.
We {hall give a very fimple example of the utility
of thefe formulae. Let Us fuppofe that water is to be
raifed in a bucket by the defeent of a weight, and that
the machine is a fimple pulley. Such a machine is .de¬
feribed by Defaguliers *, who fays he found it prefer- * Expeis
rable to all other machines. The bucket dipped itfelf vo1''
in the ciftern. A chain from it went over a pulley, u‘
and at its extremity was a ftage on which a man could
ftep from the head of a flair. His preponderance
brought down the ftage and raifed the bucket, which
difeharged its water into another ciftern. The man quit¬
ted the ftage, and walked up flairs, and there lie found
it ready to receive him, becaufe the empty bucket h
made heavier than the empty llage.
Now, if there be no water in the bucket, it is evi¬
dent, that although the motion of the machine will be
the quickeft poftible, there will be no work performed.
On the other hand, if the loaded ftage and the full
bucket are of equal weight, which is the ufual ftate-
ment of fuch a machine in elementary treatifes of me¬
chanics, the machine will ftanc^flill, and no work will be
performed. In every intermediate ftate of things the
machine will move, and work will be performed. There¬
fore the different values of the work performed muft be a
feries of quantities which increafe from nothing to a
certain magnitude, and then diminifh to nothing again.
T he maxim which is ufually received as a fundamental
propofition in mechanics, viz. that what is gained in
force by the intervention of a machine is loft in time,
is therefore falfe. There muft be a particular propor¬
tion of the velocities of the impelled and working-
points, which will give the greatefl performance when
the power and refiftance are given ; and there is a cer¬
tain proportion of the power and refiitance which will
have the fame effeft when the ftrufture of the machine
has previoufly fixed the velocities of the impelled and
working points.
This proportion will be found by treating the for¬
mula which expreffes the work as a fluxionary quan¬
tity, and finding its maximum. Thus, when the ra¬
tio of the power and refiftance is given, and we wifli
to know what muft be the proportion of the velocities
Q. 1
*7
Rotation.
63
69
Common
mode of
«itimating
external
impulfienf,
70
thown to
be errone-
ous.
R O T [ 306 ]
m and n, that we may conftruct tlie machine accord¬
ingly, we have only to confider n as the variable quan¬
tity in the third formula. This gives us
II O T
nz=.m X
Va
x /' -f/2 a -j~ ?/ —x r -{-/
Ja+y
This is a fundamental propofition in the theory of
working machines: but the application requires much
attention. Some natural powers are not accompanied
by any inertia worth minding j in which cafe x may be
omitted. Some works, in like manner, are not accom¬
panied by any inertia ; and this is a very general cafe.
In many cafes the work exerts no contrary drain on
the machine at red, and r is nothing. In mod in-
dances the intenfjty of the power varies with the ve¬
locity of the impelled point, and is diminished when this
increafes ; the reddance or aftual preffure at the wTork-
ing-point frequently increafes with the velocity of the
working-point. All thefe circumdances mud be at¬
tended to; but dill they only modify the general pro-
podtion. Thefe are matters which do not come within
the limits of the prefent article. We only took this
opportunity of Ihowing how imperfefi: is the theory of
machines in equilibrio for giving us any knowledge of
their performance or jud principles of their condruc-
tion.
One thing, however, mud be particularly attended
to in this theory. The forces which are applied to the
body moveable round an axis are conddered in the
theory as preffures actually exerted on the impelled
points of the body or machine, as when a weight is ap¬
pended to a lever or wheel and axle, and, by defcending
uniformly, a£b with its whole weight. In this cafe the
weight multiplied by its didance from the axis will al¬
ways exprefs its momentum, and the rotation will (A?-
ter'is paribus') be proportional to this product. Butin
many important cafes our machines are adluated by ex¬
ternal impuldons. A body in motion drikes on the
impelled point of the machine, and caufes it to turn
round its axis. It is natural for us to condder the
quantity of motion of this impelling body as the mea-
fure of our moving force. Suppodng n to be its quan¬
tity of matter, and V its velocity, n V appears a very
proper meafure of its intendty. And if it be applied
at the didance CP from the axis of rotation, aV-CP
diould exprefs its energy, momentum, or power to turn
the machine round C and we diould exprefs the an¬
gular velocity by Accordingly, this is the
manner in which calculations are ufually made for the
condruftion and performance of the machine, as may
be feen in almod every treatife of mechanics.
But nothing can be more erroneous, as w’e {hall diow
by a very dmple indance. It diould refult from thefe
principles that the angular velocity will be proportional
to CP. Let us fuppofe our moving power to be a
dream of water moving at the rate of ten feet per fe-
cond, ar.*d that every fecond there pafies 100 pounds of
water. We diould then call our moving force ioco.
It is evident, that if we fuppofe the arm of the float-
board on which it drikes to be infinitely long, the im¬
pelled point can never move fader than 10 feet in a fe¬
cond, and this will make the angular velocity infinitely
fruall, inflead of being the greateft of •all. The rota¬
tion will therefore cert'.inly be greater if CP be dioit-
er. We need not examine the caie more minutely.
We mud therefore carefully didinguidi between the
quantity of motion of the impelling body and its mo¬
ving power, as it is modified by its manner of acting.
I he moving power is the prejjnre aRual/y exerted on the
impelled point of the machine. Now the univerfal fadl
of the equality of adfion and readtion in the collifion of
bodies allures us, that their mutual preffure in their col¬
lifion is meafured by the change of motion which each
fudains : for this change of motion is the only indica¬
tion and meafure of the prefiure which we fuppofe to
be its caufe. A way therefore of afcertalning what is
the real moving force on a machine actuated by the im-
pulfion of a moving body, is to difeover what quantity
of motion is loll by the body or gained by the machine ,
for thefe are equal. Having difeovered this, we may
proceed according to the propotitions of rotatory mo¬
tion.
Therefore let AEF (fig. 8.) reprefent a body move¬
able round an axis paffing through C, perpendicular to
the plane of the figure. Let this body be druck in
the point A by a body moving in the diredion FA, and
let BAD be a tangent to the tw-o bodies in the point
of collifion. It is well known that the mutual adlfons
of two folid bodies are always exerted in a direction
perpendicular to the touching furfaces. Therefore the
mutual preluire of the two bodies is in the direction
AP perpendicular to AD. Therefore let the motion
of the impelling body be refolved into the directions
AP and AD. The force AD has no fhare in the
p refill re. Therefore let V be the velocity of the im¬
pelling body edimated In the dire&icn AP, and let a
be its quantity oi matter. Its quantity of motion in
the diredion AP will be n V.
Did AP pafs through C, it is evident that the only
effed would be to prefs the axis on its fupports. But
AP, the diredion of the prefiure, being inclined to
AC, the point A is forced afide, and in fome fmall
moment of time deferibes the little arch A a round the
centre C. The point P will therefore describe a fmall
arch P/>, fubtending an angle PCp~ AC a. Draw
a 0 perpendicular to AP, and a d perpendicular to AD.
The triangles d Ao, ACP are fimilar, and A a : A c~
AC : CP. But the angles AC a, PC p being equal,
the arches are as their radii, and A a: Pp~AC : CP,
~ A <7 : A 0 ; therefore (pp~A 0.
Now fince, in coniequence of the impulfe, A deferibes
A a in the moment of time, it is plain that A 0 is the
fpace through which the impelling body continues to
advance in the diredicn of the prefiure ; and if V be
taken equal to the fpace which it deferibed in an equal
moment before the ftroke, v will exprefs the remaining
velocity, and V—v is the velocity loll, and « (V—1>) is
the quantity of motion loft by the impelling body, and
is the true meafure of the prefiure exerted. This gives
us the whole circumftances of the rotatory motion. The
angular velocity will be —^ , and the velocity
Rotation.
71
Diftn.ciiorr-
to be made
between
tbe quan¬
tity of mo¬
tion and
moving
power of
an impel¬
ling body.
71-
Fig. 8.
fpr~
77 (V—^)CPCA
of the point A will be
locity u. The fimilarity of triangles gives
CP= A a (or //) : A 0 (or v) and u —
Call this ye¬
ns CA :
There¬
fore
Rotation,
73
Fiom tins we deduce
.  —, and thus we have obtained the value
fpi* ^-n.Cl¬
ot v in known quantities; for n wras given, or lup-
pofed known; fo alfo was V : and fince the direftion
FA was given, its didance CP from the axis is given •,
and the form of the body being known, we can find the
value of fp r*. Now we have feen that v is alio the
velocity of the point P y therefore we know the abfo-
Inte velocity of a given point of the body or machine,
and confequently the whole rotatory motion.
, , , , , . «V-CP
We have tne annular velocity r=-—  ——-: wTe
& J J pr' + nkSV*
(hail find this a maximum when fp r*—n.CPJ *, and in
this cafe CP
p r*
and t-V. So that the
74
Authors
treating of
the appli¬
cation of
that theory
recom¬
mended.
75
Of the. ro¬
tation of
free bodies.
7<*
greateft velocity of rotation will be produced when the
(inking body lofes i of its velocity.
What we have now delivered is fufficient for explain¬
ing all the motions of bodies turning round fixed axes;
and we .prefume it to be agreeable to our readers, that
we have given the inveftigation of the centres of gyra¬
tion, ofcillation, and percuflion. The curious reader
will find the application of thefe theorems to the theory
of machines in two very valuable differtations by Mr
Euler in the Memoirs of the Academy of Berlin,
vols viii. and x. and occafionally by other authors who
have treated mechanics in a fcientific and ufeful man¬
ner, going beyond the fchool-boy elements of equili¬
brium.
There remains a very important cafe of the rotation
of bodies, without which the knowledge of the motion
of folid bodies is incomplete ; namely, the rotation of
free bodies, that is, of bodies unconnedfecl with any fix¬
ed points. We hardly fee an inftance of motion of a
free body without fome rotation. A done thrown from
the hand, a ball from a cannon, the planets themfelves,
are obferved not only to advance, but alfo to -whirl
round. The famous problem of the preceffion of the
equinoxes depends for its folution on this do&rine ; and
the theory of the working of (hips has the fame foun¬
dation. We can only touch on the leading propofi-
tions.
We need not begin by demonflrating, that when the
direction of the external force pafles through the centre
of the body, the body wall advance without any rota¬
tion. This we confider as familiarly known to every
perfon verfant in mechanics ; nor is it neceffary to de-
monftrate, that when the dire&ion of the moving force
does not pal’s through the centre of gravity, this centre
wall dill advance in a di reft ion parallel to that of the
moving force, and with the fame velocity as if the direc¬
tion of the moving force had palled through it. This is
the immediate confequence of the equality of aftion and
reaftion obferved in all the mechanical phenomena of
the univerfe.
But it is incumbent on us to demondrate, that when
the direftion of the moving force does not pafs through
the centre of gravity, the body will not only advance in
the direftion of the moving force, but will alfo turn
round an axis, and we mud determine the podtion of
this axis, and the relation fubfifting between the pro-
grefiive and rotatory motions.
7 ] ROT
The celebrated John Bernoulli was the fnd who con- Rotation,
(idered this fubjeft j and, in his Difquifitiones Mechanic.}- *
dynamic#, he lias demondrated feveral propofitions
concerning the fpontaneous axis of converdon, and the
motions arifing from eccentric external forces: and al¬
though he afl’umed for the leading principle a propod-
tion which is true only in a great number of cafes, he
lias determined the rotation of fpherical bodies with
great accuracy.
This combination of motions will be palpable in fome 77
dmple cafes, fuch as the following : Let two equal bo¬
dies A and B (fig. 9.) be conaefted by an inflexible pig.
rod (of which we may negleft the inertia for the pre-
fent). Let G be the middle point, and therefore the
centre of gravity. Let an external force aft on the
point P in the direftion FP perpendicular to AB, and
let AP be double of PB. Alfo let the force be fuch,
that it would have caufed the fyflem to have moved
from the lituation AB to the fituation ah, in an inde¬
finitely fmali moment of time, had it afted immediately
on the centre G. G would in this cafe have detcribed
G g, A would have deferibed A a, and B would have
deicribed B b, and ah would have been parallel to AB :
for the force impreffed on A would have been equal to
the force imprelfed on B ; but becaule the force afts
on P, the force impreffed on A is but one half of that
impreffed on B by the property of the lever : there¬
fore the initial motion or acceleration of A will be on¬
ly half of the initial motion of B \ yet the centre G
muft fliil be at g. We (hall therefore afeertain the ini¬
tial motion of the lyltrrn, by drawing through g a line
u. g P, fo that A a (hall be of B /3. This we fliall do
by making AC~AB, and drawing C u.g Then « /3
will be the pofition of the fyttem at the end of the mo¬
ment of time. Thus we lee that the body muft have
a motion of rotation combined with its progreflive mo¬
tion.
And we deduce immediately from the premises that How rao-
this rotation is performed round an axis pafling through tion is per-
thc centre of gravity G : for fince the centre defcriires .
a ftraight line, it is never either above or below the 1
axis of rotation, and is therefore always in it. This is
a fundamental theorem, and our lublequent inveftiga¬
tion is by this means greatly fimpHfied, being thus re¬
duced to two problems : 1. To determine in what di¬
reftion the axis paffes through the centre of gravity.
2. To determine the angular velocity of the rotation,
or bow far the centre muft advance while the body makes
one turn round the axis. This eftablilhes the relation
between the progreflive and rotatory motions. It will
contribute to our better conception of both thefe pro¬
blems to fee the refult in the prefent Ample cafe.
It is evident, in the firft place, that the impreffions 7*
made on A and B are in lines A <7, B £ parallel to FP
and G^; and therefore the motions of the points A,
G, and B, are made In one plane, viz. the plane FPG.
The axis of rotation therefore muft be a line drawn
through G, perpendicular to this plane. If we give it
any other pofition, one of the points A, B, or both of
them, muft quit this plane.
In the next place, in ha produced take ^crrEC.
Then fuppofing AC to be a rigid line connefted with
the fyflem, it is evident that if there had been no rota¬
tion, the line BC would have kept parallel to its firft:
pofition, and that at the end of the moment of time C
Q_ q 2 would
Pt O T [ 308 ] HOT
would have been at c. The point C therefore has had,
by the rotation, a backward motion c C, relative to the
centre G or and this motion is equal to the progref-
ftve motion G g of the centre ; therefore if we make
G y equal to the circumference of a circle whofe radius
is CG, the body will make one rotation round the
centre of gravity, while this centre moves along G y ;
and thus the relation is eftablifhed between the two mo¬
tions.
But farther, the point C has, in faft, not moved out
of its place. The incipient motion has therefore been
fuch, that C has become a fpontaneous centre of con-
verfion. It is eafy to fee that this muft always be the
cafe, whatever may be the form of the rigid body or
fyftem of particles connefted by inflexible and inexten-
lible lines. Since the fyltem both advances and turns
round an axis palling through its centre of gravity, there
mult be fome point in the lyftem, or which may be con¬
ceived as connefted with it by an inflexible line, which
moves backward, by the rotation, as fall as the centre
advances forward. A line drawn through this point pa¬
rallel to the axis mull in this inftant be at reft, and
therefore muft be a fpontaneous axis of converfion. And,
in this inftant, the combined motions of rotation round
an axis palling through the centre of gravity and the
motion of progreflion, are equivalent to, and aftually
conftitute, an incipient fimple motion of rotation round
another axis parallel to the former, whofe polltion may
be afcertained. But it is neceflary to eftablilh this pro-
polition and its converfe on clearer evidence.
Therefore let G (fig. 10.) be the centre of gravity of
a rigid fyftem of particles of matter, fuch as w7e fuppofe
a folid body to be. Let this fyftem be fuppofed to turn
round the axis G^, while the axis itfelf is moving for¬
ward in the diredlion and with the velocity GI. Let the
rotation be fuch, that a particle A has the diredlion and
velocity A /5. Let us firft fuppofe the progreflive mo¬
tion Gf to be perpendicular to the axis Gg. It wall
therefore be parallel to the planes of the circles defcribed
round the axis by the different particles. Let CG^ be
a plane perpendicular to GI. It will cut the plane of
the circle defcribed by A in a ftraight line and g
will be the centre round which A is turning. Therefore
A^ will be the radius veftor of A, and A is perpen¬
dicular to A £■. Let A be perpendicular toc^-, and
in A take A <? equal to GI or g i. It is evident,
that the abfolute motion of A is compounded of the
motions A e and A /;, and is the diagonal A f of the
parallelogram A cfh. In the line g c, which is per¬
pendicular to G^, take ^ c to ^ A, as A e to A/*,
and draw c C parallel to g G, and produce A till it
cut eg in /?. We fay that C c is in this moment a fpon¬
taneous axis of converiion ; for, becaufe A « is perpen¬
dicular to A g and A d to Cg, the angle A is equal
to d A n, or f h A. Therefore, fince eg : g A—f h
: h A, the triangles eg A and fh A are fimilar, and the
angle ^ A r is equal to h A f. Take away the common
angle g Af, and the remaining angle c A f equal to
the remaining angle h A g, and A f is perpendicular to
A e, and the incipient motipn of A is the fame in re-
fpe£l of dire&ion as if it were turning round the axis
<• C. Moreover, A/-is to fh or g f as A c to c g. There¬
fore, both the direftion and velocity of the abfolute mo¬
tion of A is the fame as if the body were turning round the
fixed axis c Cand the combined motion A e of progref-
fion, and the motion A//of rotation round G g, are Ro
equivalent to, and really conftitute, a momentary fimple 1““"
motion of rotation round the axis C c given in pofition,
that is, determinable by the ratio of A e1 to A k.
On the other hand, the converfe propofition is, that
a fimple motion of rotation round a fixed axis C c, fuch
that the centre G has the velocity and direftion GI per¬
pendicular to CG, is equivalent to, and produces a
motion of rotation round an axis Gg, along wdth the
progreflive motion GI of this axis. This propofition
is demonftrated in the very fame wray, from the confide-
ration that, by the rotation round C c, we have c A:
c g~A f '■ gi' From this w’e deduce, that A h is per¬
pendicular to Ag, and that fh : Ahzzcg\gA \ and
thus we refolve the motion A f into a motion A h oi
rotation round G g, and a motion A <? of progreflioa
common to the whole body.
But let us not confine the progreflive motion to the
diredlion perpendicular to the axis G^-. Let us fuppofe
that the whole body, w'hile turning round G^-, is car¬
ried forward in the direiftion and with the velocity GK.
We can always conceive a plane LGC, which is per¬
pendicular to the plane in which the axis G^ and the
direction GK of the progreflive motion are fituated.—
And the motion GK may be conceived as compounded
of a motion GI perpendicular to this plane and to the
axis ; and a motion of tranflation GL, by which the
axis Aides along in its owTn direftion. It is evident, that
in confequence of the firft motion GI, there arifes a
motion of rotation round C c. It is alfo evident, that
if, while the body is turning for a moment round C r,
this line be Aid along itfelf in the direction c C, a mo¬
tion equal to GL will be induced on every particle A,
and compounded with its motion of rotation AF, and
that if ftp be drawn equal and parallel to GL, p will
be the fituation of the particle A when G is in K.
And thus it appears, that when the progreflive mo¬
tion is perpendicular to the axis of rotation paffing
through the centre of gravity, the two motions pro¬
greflive and rotatory are equivalent to a momentary fim¬
ple motion of rotation round a fpontaneous axis of con¬
verfion, which is at reft : but when the progreflive mo¬
tion is inclined to the axis pafling through the centre,
the fpontaneous axis of ccnvei'fion is Aiding in its own
direftion.
- We may conceive the whole of this very diftin£lly exer
and accurately by attending to the motion of a gar-fad.
den roller. We may fuppofe it fix feet in circumference,
and that it is dragged along at the rate of three feet in
a fecond from eaft to weft, the axis of the roller lying
north and fouth. Suppofe a chalk line drawn on the
furface of the roller parallel to its axis. The roller will
turn once round in two feconds, and this line will be in
contaft with the ground at the intervals of every fix
feet. In that inftant the line on the roller now fpoken
of is at reft, and the motion is the fame as if it were
fixed, and the roller really turning round it. In ftiort,
it is then a fpontaneous axis of converfion.
Now, fuppofe the roller dragged in the fame manner
and in the fame dirediion along a ftieet cf ice, while the
ice is floating to the fouth at the rate of four feet in a
fecond. It is now plain that the roller is turning round
an axis through its centre of gravity, while the centre
is carried in the diredlion/^b0 52'W. at the rate of
fire
ROT [ 309 ] ROT
It is alfo plain, that when the line given motion of rotation and progreflion j or what will Rotation.
be the motion which a given force, applied in a given   
3<S
Rotation, five feet per fecond.
—> ■ drawm on the furface of the ftone is applied to the ice,
its only motion is that which the ice itfelf has to the
fouthvvard, The motion is now a motion of rotation
round this fpontaneous axis of converfion, compound¬
ed with the motion of four feet per fecond in the direc¬
tion of this axis. And thus we fee that any complica¬
tion of motion of rotation round an axis pafling through
the centre of gravity, and a motion of progreffion of
that centre, may always be reduced to a momentary or
incipient motion of rotation round another axis parallel
to the former, compounded 'with a motion of that axis
in its own direction.
The demonftration which we have given of thefe twTo
propofitions points out the method of finding the axis
C c, the incipient rotation round which is equivalent to
the combined progreflive motion of the body, and the
rotation round the axis G g. We have only to note the
rotatory velocity A ^ of fome particle A, and its di-
ftance A.g from the axis, and the progreffive velocity
GI of the whole body, and then to make GC a fourth
proportional to Ah, GI, and^-A, and to place GC ina
plane perpendicular to GI, which is perpendicular to
G^, and to place C on that fide of G^ which is mo¬
ving in the oppofite dire£tion to the axis.
In the fimple cafe of this problem, which we exhi¬
bited in order to give us eafy and familiar notions of the
fubjeft, it appeared that the retrograde velocity of ro¬
tation of the point C was equal to the progreffive velo¬
city of the centre. This mult be the cafe in every point
of the circumference of the circle of which CG, fig. 9.
is the radius. Therefore, as the body advances, and
turns round G, this circle will apply itfelf in fucceffion
to the line CK parallel toGy ; and any individual point
of it, fuch as C, will defcribe a cycloid of which this
circle is the generating circle, CK the bafe, and CG
half the altitude. The other points of the body will
defcribe trochoids, elongated or contrafted according as
the defcribing points are nearer to or more remote from
G than the point C is.
It is now evident that all this muft obtain in every
cafe, as rvell as in this fimple one. And when we have
afcertained the diftance GC between the axis of rotation
paffing through the centre, and the momeatary fponta¬
neous axis of converfion paffing through C, we can then
afcertain the relation between the motions of rotation
and progreffion. We then know that the body will
make one rotation round its central axis, while its cen¬
tre moves over a fpace equal to the circumference of a
circle of a known diameter.
We mull therefore proceed to the methods for deter¬
mining the pofition of the point C. This muft de¬
pend on the proportion between the velocity of the ge¬
neral progreffive motion, that is, the velocity of the
centre, and the velocity of fome point of the body.—-
This muft be afcertained by obfervation. In rnoft cafes
which are interefting, we learn the pofition of the axis,
the place of its poles, the comparative progreffive velo¬
city of the centre, and the velocity of rotation of the
different points, in a variety of ways ; and it would not
much increafe our knowledge to detail the rules which
may be followed for this purpofe. The circumffance
which chiefly interefts us at prefent is to know how
thefe motions may be produced; what force is necef-
fary, and hew it muft be applied, in order to produce a
87
The appli¬
cation
made to
more com¬
plex cafes.
88
a
manner, will produce.
We have already given the principles cm which we
may proceed in this invelfigation. We have fhown the
circumftances which determine the place of the centre
of percuffion of a body 'turning round a given fixed
axis. This centre of percuffion is the point of the
body where all the inherent forces of the whirling body
precifely balance each other, or rather where they unite
and compofe one accumulated progreffive force, which
may then be oppofed by an equal and oppofite external
force. If, therefore, the body is not whirling, but
at reft on this fixed axis, and if this external force be
applied at the centre of percaffion, now become a point
of impuljion, a rotation will commence round the fixed
axis precifely equal to what had been flopped by this
external force, but in the oppofite direction ; or, if the
external force be applied in the direftion in which the
centre of percuffion of the whirling body was moving
at the inftant of ftoppage, the rotation produced by
this impulfe will be the fame in every refpedt. And we
found that in the inftant of application of this external
force, either to flop or to begin the motion, no preffure
whatever was excited on the fupports of the axis, and
that the axis was, in this inftant, a fpontaneous axis of
converfion.
Moreover, we have fliown, art. 84, that a rotation
round any axis, whether fixed or fpontaneous, is equi¬
valent to, or compounded of, a rotation round another
axis parallel to it, and paffing through the centre of
gravity, and a progreffive motion in the direction of the
centre’s motion at the inftant of impulfe.
Now, as the pofition of the fixed axis, and the known
difpofilion of all the particles of the body with refpeft
to this axis, determines the place of the centre of per-
cuflion, and furnifhes all the mathematical conditions
which muft be implemented in its determination, and
the direction and magnitude of the force which is pro¬
duced and exerted at the centre of percuffion j fo, on
the other hand, the knowledge of the magnitude and
direftion of an external force which is exerted on the
point of impulfion of a body not conne&ed with any fixed
axis, and of the difpofition of all the parts of this body
with refpeft to this point of impulfion, will furnifh us
with the mathematical circumftances which determine
the pofition of the fpontaneous axis of converfion, and-
therefore determine the pofition of the axis through the
centre (parallel to the fpontaneous axis of converfion),,
round which the body will whirl, while its centre pro¬
ceeds in the direction of the external force.
The procefs, therefore, for determining the axis ofJVTode of
progveffive rotation is juft the converfe of the procefs ^eterm^n".
for determining the centre of percuffion. ^
John Bernoulli was the firft rvho confidered the mo- flve rota¬
tion of free bodies impelled by forces whofe line of di- tion the
redb'on did not pafs through their centre of gravity; and convcr(e °*
he takes it for granted, that fince the body both advancestliat fcr^e"
and turns round an axis paffing through the centre of the cent^
gravity, this axis is perpendicular to the plane paffing of percu&
through the direction of the force, and through the^on*
point of impuifion and the centre of gravity. Other
authors of the firft name, fuch as Huyghens, Leibnitz,
Roberval, &c. have thought themfelves obliged to de-
rnonftrate this. Their demonfti alien is as follows:
Let
s9
A
Rotation.
Fig. u.
9*
Fig. 12.
•It O T t .V
Let a body whofe centre of gravity is G (fig. u.)
be impelled at the point P by a force acting in the dt-
redtion PQ not palTmg through the centre. The iner¬
tia of the whole body will refill in the fame manner as
if the whole matter were collefted in G, and therefore
the refiftance will be propagated to the point P in the
direftion GP. The particle P, therefore, is impelled
in the diredlion P^, and refilled in the direction PA,
and mult therefore begin to move in fome direflion PB,
which makes the diagonal of a parallelogram of which
the fides have the dire&ions PO and PA. The diago¬
nal and fides of a parallelogram are in one plane. P is
therefore moving in the plane APQB or GP£), and
it is turning round an axis which pafles through G.—
Therefore this axis mujl be perpendicular to the plane
GP&*
It would require a feries of difficult propolilions to
Ihow the fallacy of this reafoning in general terms, and
to determine the polition of the axis through G. We
fhall content ourfelves with a very fimple cafe, where
there can be no hefitation. Let A and A (fig. 12.) be
two equal balls connected with the axis # by inflexible
lines An, B/», perpendicular to ab. Let A n be 1,
and B £ 2. The centre of gravity G will evidently be
in the line c G parallel to A n and B A, and in the
middle of a b, and c G is 1 Let O be the centre of
A . A n* 4- B . B
cfcillation. c O is = - ~ , — L —-
A-f-B . c G T
Draw A m, B n perpendicular to c G, and fuppofe the
balls transferred to m and n. Their centre of ofcilla-
tion will be Hill at O ; and we fee that if the fyftem in
this form were flopped at O, all wmuld be in equilibrio.
For the force with which the ball A arrives (by fwing-
ing round the axis) at is as its quantity of matter
and velocity jointly, that is, A . A n, or 1. That of
B arriving at « is B. B or 2. The arm in O of the
lever turning round O is and the arm O is The
forces, therefore, are reciprocally as the arms of the le¬
ver on which they aft, and their momenta, or powers
to turn the line mn round O/are equal and oppofite,
and therefore balance each other 5 and therefore, at the
inflant of flopping, no preffure is exerted at c. There¬
fore, if any impulfe is made at O, the balls at m and n
will be put in motion with velocities 1 and 2, and c will
be a fpontaneous centre of converfion. Let us fee
whether this will be the cafe when the balls are in their
natural places A and B, or whether there will be any
tendency to a rotation round the axis c O. The mo¬
mentum of A, by which it tends to produce a rota¬
tion round c O is A . A « . A w, rr 1 X A m. That
of B is B.B £ . B w, :=:2 X B >?. A w and B // are equal,
and therefore the momentum of B is double that of A,
and there is a tendency of the fyftem to turn round cC;
and if, at the inftant of ftoppage, the fupports of the
axis ab were removed, tlfls rotation round c O would
lake place, and the point b would advance, and a would
recede, c only remaining at reft. Therefore, if an im¬
pulfe were made at O, a b would not become a fponta¬
neous momentary axis of converfion, and O is not the
centre of percuflion. This centre mull be fomewhere
in the line OP parallel to a b, as at P, and fo fituate'd
that the momenta A . Aa . A a and B . B/3 . B/3 may
be equal, or that Ax may be double of Bor c p
double of bp. If an impulfe be now made at P, the
bails A B will be urged by forces as 1 and 2, and
2
3 ] HOT
therefore will move as if round the axis ab^ and there Rotation,
will be no preffures produced at a and and a b willJ" v ',lljl
really become a momentary fpontaneous axis of conver¬
fion.
Now join G and P. Here then it is evident, that a
body or iyftem A, B, receiving an impulle at P perpen¬
dicular to the plane c G, acquires to itfelf a fponta¬
neous axis of converfion which is not perpendicular to
the line joining the point of impulfion and the centre
of gravity. And we have fhown, in art. 84. that this,
motion round a b compounded of a progreflive mo¬
tion of the whole body in the direftion of the centre,
and a rotation round an axis palling through the centre
parallel to a b. Therefore, in this iyilem of free bodies,
the axis of rotation is not perpendicular to the plane
palling through the centre of gravity in the direftion
of the impelling force. 9T
As we have already obferved, it would be a laborious Difficulty
talk to afeertain in general terms the polition of theof.a,cer-
progreflive axis of rotation. Although the procefs is laiI"rig lts
the inverfe of that for determining the’centre of per-^enera|
cuflion when the axis of rotation is given, it is a moll term*,
intricate bufinefs to convert the fteps of this procefs.
The general method is this: The momentum of a par¬
ticle A (fig. 5.) by which it tends to change the poli¬
tion of the axis D </, has for its faftors A « A /, and
Ax, which are its diflances from three planes Dtf'^ .A,
DCO and Cgyn, given in pofition. The fum of
all thefe mull be equal to nothing, by the compenfa-
tion of politive and negative quantities. We mull find
three other planes (of which only one is in force mca-
fure determined in pofition, being perpendicular to
DCO n), fo fituated that tire fums of limilar produfts
of the diflances of the particles from them may in like
manner be equal to nothing. This is a very intricate
problem j fo intricate, that mathematicians have long
doubted and difputed about the certainty of the folu-
tions. Euler, d’Alembert, Frili, Landen, and others,
have at laft proved, that every body, however irregular
its lhape, has at leaft three axes palling through its
centre of gravity, round which it will continue to re¬
volve while proceeding forward, and that thefe are at
right angles to each other ; and they have given the
conditions which muft be implemented in the determina¬
tion of Thefe axes. But they ftill leave us exceedingly
at a lofs for means to difeover the politions of the axes
of a given body which have thefe conditions.
To folve tliis problem therefore in general terms,
would lead to a difquifition altogether difproportioned
to our work. We muft reftrift ourfelves to thole forms
of body and lituations of the point of impulfion which
admit of the coincidence of the centres of ofeiilation
and perculfion •, and we muft leave out the cafes where
the axis has a motion in the direftion of its length 4,
that is, we fhall always fuppofe the fpontaneous axis
of converfion to have no motion. Thus we fhall com¬
prehend the phenomena of the planetary motions, fimi-
lar to the preceffion of our equinoftial points, and all
the interefting cafes of practical mechanics. The fpecu-
lative mathematical reader will fill up the blanks of this
inveftigation by confulting the writings of Euler and
D’Alembert in the Berlin Memoirs, Frill’s Cofmo-
graphia, and the papers of Mr Landen, Mr Milner, and
Mr Vince, in the Philofophical Tranfaftions. But we
hope, by means of a beautiful propofiticn on the com-
pofiti&r.
ROT
[ 3
Rotation, pofition of rotatory motions, to enable every reader to
‘—~v~—' difcovcr the pofition of the. axis of urogreilive rotation
in every cafe which may in tore ft him, without the
previous folution of the intricate problem mentioned
above.
Let ABPCpb A. (fig. 13.) be a feftion of a body
afcertainingthrough its centre of gravity G, fo formed, that the
it in moft par(. is fimiiar, and fimilarly placed with the
part Abf>C, fo that the plane AC would divide it
equally. Let this body be impelled at P in the direc¬
tion HP, perpendicular to the plane AC. The axis
round which it will turn will be perpendicular to G tc.
Suppofe it at A. Then drawing AB and Kb to limi-
la r points, it is plain that B /S, b are equal and oppo-
fite y thefe reprefent the farces which would raife or
lower' one end of the axis, as has been already ob-
ferved. The 'axis therefore will remain perpendicular
9?.
Made of
interefting
cafes.
Fig. 13-
tO C T.
Let the body be fo Oiaped, that if the parts to the
right and left of the point of impulfe (the impulfe is
here fuppofed not perpendicular to the plane AC, but
in this plane) are equal and fimilarly placed ; then the
momen!a round AC muft bslance each other, and the
axis EF will have iio tendency to go out’ of the plane
ABC b A perpendicular to the impulfe.
Any body wlrofe fhape has thefe Iavo properties will
turn round an axis perpendicular to the plane which
pafles through the centre of gravity in the direction of
the impelling force. This condition is always found in
the planets when difturbed by the gravitation to a di-
flant planet : for they are all figures of revolution. The
dire&ion of the difturbing or impelling force is always
in a plane paffxng through the axis and the difturbing
body.
With fuch limitations therefore we propofe the fol¬
lowing problem :
54 Let G (fig. 14.) be the centre of gravity of a body
Fig. 14. in free fpace, which is impelled by an external force f
a£Hng in the line FP, which does not pafs through the
centre. Let m be the number of equal particles in the
body, or its quantity of matter. Let the force f be
fuch, that it would communicate to the body the velo¬
city n; that is, would caufe the centre to move with
the velocity v. It may be exprefied by the quantity of
motion which it produces, that is, by m v, and it would
produce the velocity m v on one particle. It is requir¬
ed to determine the whole motion, progreftive and ro¬
tatory, which it will produce, and the fpace which it
will deferibe during one turn round its axis.
Draw GI parallel and PGC perpendicular to FP,
and let GI be taken for the meefure of the progrefiive
velocity v.
It has been demonftrated that the centre G will pro¬
ceed in the direction GI with the velocity v, and that
the body will at the fame time turn round an axis paffing
through G, perpendicular to the plane of the figure,
every particle deferibing circles in parallel planes round
this axis, and with velocities of rotation proportional
to their diftances from it. There is therefore a certain
diftance GB, fuch that the velocity with which a par¬
ticle deferibes its circumference is equal to the progref-
five velocity v. Let BCD be this circumference.
When the particle deferibing this circumference is in
the line CGP, and in that part of it which lies beyond
P from G, its abfolute velocity muft be double that of
]
ROT
, but when it is in the oppofite point C, Rotation.
I I
the centre G
its retrograde velocity being equal to the progreftive ve¬
locity ol the centre, it mult be at reft. In every pofi¬
tion of the body, therefore, that point of the accompa¬
nying circumference which is at this extremity of the
perpendicular drawn through the centre on the line of
direction of the impelling force is at reft. It is at that
inftant a ipontaneous centre of convernon, and the
ftraight line drawn through it perpendicular to the
plane of the figure is then a Spontaneous axis of conver¬
sion, and every particle is in a momentary ftate of rota¬
tion round this axis, in directions perpendicular to the
lines drawn to the axis at right angles, and with veloci¬
ties proportional to thele diftances ; and laftly, the bo¬
dy advances in the direction GI through a fpace equal
to the circumference BCD, while it makes one turn
round G.
Let A be one of the particles in the plane of the fi¬
gure. Join AC, AG, AP. Draw A Z>, Ac, Ac! per¬
pendicular to CP, CA, GA. The abfolute motion
A c of A is compounded of the progrefiive motion A b
common to the whole body and equal to GI, and the
motion Ad of rotation round the centre of gravity G.
Therefore fince Ah \% equal to x1, and A c is the dia¬
gonal of a parallelogram given both in fpecies and mag¬
nitude, it is alfo given, and (as appears alfo from the
reafoning in art. 85.) it is to GI as CA to CG.
By the application of the force m v in the diredlion
FP, every particle of the body is dragged out of its
place, and exerts a refiftance equal to the motion which
it acquires. A part of this force, which we may call
m v, is employed in communicating the motion A c to
A. And, from what has been lately ftiown, CG : CA
= GI : A c, ~v\Ac, and therefore Ac rr —777%—.
CG
But farther (agreeably to what was demonftrated in
jp» A
art. 16.)-we have CP : CArrAc : mrCLA- : m v,
and therefore mv—
v.CA1
CG
Therefore the whole force
CG.CP*
employed in communicating to each particle the motion
it really acquires, or tn u, is equal to the fluent of the
. v.CA1 ’v.fCA
quantity — 
CP. CG
CP.CG’
and m . CP . CG
=yCAa, which by art. 23. is equal to/’GA*-{-?«.CG*.
Therefore we have rw.CP.CG—m.CG—CG—fGA1,
or m.GP.CG—/GA% and finally, CG = ^^.
Now the form of the body gives usyGA1, and the
pofilion of the impelling force gives us /k.GP. There¬
fore we can compute the value of CG ; and if tt be the
periphery of a circle whofe radius is unity, we have-
tt.CG equal to the fpace which the body muft deferibe
in tbe diredlion GI, while it makes one rotation round
its axis.
Cor. 1. The angular velocity, that is, the number of
turns or tbe number of degrees which one of the radii
will make in a given time, is proportional to the impel¬
ling force : for the length of CG depends only on the
form of the body and the iituation of the point of im-
pulfion ; while the time of deferibing tt times this length
is inverfely as the force.
2. The angular velocitv with any given force is as
' ' GP;
$6
97
ROT . C 31
Rotation. QP; for CG, and confequently the circumference
w.CG, defcribed during one turn, is inverfely as GP.
AP zV2
3. PC is equal to - : for we have /"PA* =:
m.kjrr
/GA- + m. GP*. Therefore ~ ^GA'
1
ROT
99
i»3
-.GP ~ w.GP
+
:CG-}-GP, =CP.
ffl.GP2
^.GP’
4. If the point C is the centre of impuliion of the
fame body, P will be a fpontaneous centre of converlion
(fee art. 41.).
A force equal andoppofite to mv, or to f, applied
at G, will Hop the progreffive motion, but will make
no change in the rotation ; but if it be applied at P,
it will Hop all motion both progreflive and rotatory. If
applied between P and G, it will Hop the progreflive
motion, but will leave fome motion of rotation. If ap¬
plied beyond P it will leave a rotation in the oppolite
dire&ion. If applied beyond G, or between G and
C, it will increafe the rotation. All this will be ea-
fily conceived by refle&ing on its elfefl on the body at
reft.
6. A whirling body which has no progreflive motion
cannot have been brought into this ftate by the action
of a Angle force. It may have been put into this con¬
dition by the fimultaneous operation of two equal and
oppofite forces. The equality and oppofition of the
forces is neceflary for flopping all progreflive motion.
If one of them has adled at the centre, the rotatory mo¬
tion has been the effeft of the other only. If they have
afted on oppoftte fides, they confpired with each other
in producing the rotation •, but have oppofed each other
if they afted on oppofite fides.
In like manner, it is plain that a motion of rotation,
together with a progreflive motion of the centre in the
dire&ion of the axis, could not have been produced by
the adlion of a Angle force.
7. When the fpace S which a body deferibes du¬
ring one rotation has been obferved, vi£. can difeover
the point of impulfe by which a Angle force may have
a<5fed in producing both the motions of progreflion
—, and GP =A^> =
and rotation: for CG
7T /GA*
104
Application In this manner we can tell the diftances from the
•f this doc- centre at which the fun and planets may have received
trine to the ^ finprje impUlfes which gave them both their motions
Tif»ci vf»nlvZ . . , • ii*
of revolution m their orbits and rotation round their
heavenly}
motions.
the arch of this circumference defcribed during one rc- Rotation,
tation round the axis. This is S in the above-men-~y~~a
tioned formula. Then, diminifliing this in the ratio of
the circumference to radius, we obtain CG = R ^
. T
and OG=f _,=!
. This is equivalent to
*/GA*
and eafier obtained.
m.S
This gives us G zi
For the Earth =
Moon
Mars
Jupiter
Saturn
r
157
r
JiJ
r
W5
r
!> nearly.
2.8125
r
2.588
It was found (art. 40../) that the diftance OG of
the centre of ofcillation or percuflion of a fphere
fwinging round the Axed point C from its centre G,
is £ of the third proportional to CG, and the radius
RGa
of the fphere, or that OGzzJ SuppoAng the pla~
L/VJ
nets to be homogeneous and fpherical, and calling
the radius of the planet r, and the radius of its orbit
R, the time of a rotation round its axis t, and the time
of a revolution in its orbit T, and making 1 : it the ra¬
tio of radius to the periphery of a circle, w7e fhall have
w R for the circumference of the orbit, and jr R for
We have not data for determining this for the fun.
But the very circumftance of his having a rotation in
27 d. 7 h. 47 m. makes it very probable that he, with
all his attending planets, is alfo moving forward in the
celeftial fpaees, perhaps round fome centre of Tlill more
general and extenAve gravitation : for the perfett oppo-
Ation and equality of two forces, neceffary for giving u
rotation without a progrefiive motion, has the odds
againft it of inAnity to unity. This corroborates the
conjeftures of philofophers, and the obfervations of
Herfchel and other aftronomers, who think that the fo-
lar fyftcm is approaching to that quarter of the heavens
in which the conftellation Aquila is Atuated.
8. As in the communication of progreflive motion
among bodies, the fame quantity of motion is preferved
before and after collifion, fo in the communication of ro¬
tation among whirling bodies the quantity of rotatory
momentum is preferved. This appears from the general
tenor of our formulae • for if we fuppofe a body turn¬
ing round an axis palling through its centre, without
any progreflive motion, we muft fuppofe that the force
m v, which put it in motion, has been oppofed by an
equal and oppoflte force. Let this be fuppofed to
have a61ed on the centre. Then the whole rotation
has been the efte£l of the other a61ing at fome diftance
GP from the centre. Its momentum is mv.GP. Had
it a£led alone, it would have produced a rotation com¬
pounded rvith a progreflive motion of the centre with
the velocity v; and the body acquires a momentary
fpontaneous axis of converfion at the diftance GC from
the centre of gravity. The abfolute velocity AC of
. , . v. AC . . v. AC*
any particle is -
CG
its momentum is
GC
and the fum of all the momenta is
and this is equal to mv.GP.
/u.AG*
CG ’ °r
But when the
*/AC»
CG ’
progreflive motion is flopped, Ab, which was a confti-
tuent of the abfolute motion of A, is annihilated, and
nothing remains but the motion A d of rotation round
G. Bat the triangles dAc and GAC were demon--
ftrated
ic<;
rot [ 3
dotation, ftrated (na 81.) to be fimilar j and therefore AC : Ad
w— ~ — CA:GA. Therefore the abfolute velocity of the
particle, while turning round the quiefcent centre of
>3 ']
R O T
gravity G, is
v.G A
its momentum is
ti.GA*
the
GC 7 GC
fum of all the momenta is j and this is ftill
equal to mv. Obferve, that now GC is not the di-
itance of the centre of converfion from the centre of
gravity, becaufe there is now no fuch thing as the fpon-
taneous axis of converfion, or rather it coincides with
the axis of rotation. G C is the diftance from the
centre of a particle whofe velocity of rotation is equal
to v.
Now let the body be changed, either by a new dif-
tnbution of its parts, or by an addition or abftraclion
of matter, or by both ; and let the fame force mv adl
at the fame diftance GP from the centre. We {hall
v/GA*
ftill have mv . GP
GC
and therefore the fum
*o3
Fig. 15.
He computes the velocity with which a quantity of
matter equal to the excefs of the terreftrial fpheroid
oyer the inferibed fphere would perform its libratiens,
if detached from the fpherical nucleus. He then fup-
pofes it fuddenly to adhere to the fphere, and to drag
it into the fame libratory motion ; and he computes the
libration of the whole mafs, upon the fuppofition that
the quantity of motion in the libratory fpheroid is the
tame with the previous quantity of motion of the libra-
ting redundant ring or {hell •, whereas he fliould have
computed it on the fuppofilion that it was the quantity
of momenta that remained unchanged.
'I he fame thing obtains in rotations round fixed ate?,
as appears by the perfect famenefs of the formulae for
both clafles of motions.
This law, which, in imitation of the Leibnitzians,
we might call the confervatio momentorum, makes it of
importance to have expreffions of the value of the ac¬
cumulated momenta in fuch cafes as moft frequently
occur. The moft frequent is that of a fphere or fphe¬
roid in rotation round an axis or an equatorial diame¬
ter ; and a knowledge of it is neceflary for the folution
of the problem of the preceflion of the equinoxes. See
Precession, n° 33.
Let AP ap (fig. 13.) be a fphere turning round the
diameter P/>, and let DD', dd1 be two circles parallel to
the equator A<7, very near each other, comprehending
between them an elementary flice of the fphere. Let
CA be = a, CB = x, and ED = y, and let n be the
circumference of a circle whofe radius is 1. Laftly, let
the velocity of the point A be v. Then
Vol. XVIII. Parti.
y ... . . , , . Rottitidft,
~ is the velocity at the diftance 1/ from the axis, tt ij ——y—-
is the quantity of matter in the circumference whofe
radius is y ; for it is the length of that circumference
when expanded.
;r 7/ vy . , . . ....
 or —X wy, is the quantity or motion m this
circumference turning round the axis Pp.
ft 3
 — is the momentum of the fame circumference.
a
———d_is the fluxion of the momentum of the circle
a
whofe radius is y, turning in its own plane round the
axis.
is the fluent, or the momentum of the whole
4.a
circle 5 and therefore it is the momentum of the circle
DD'.
of the momenta of the particles of the whirling body is
flill the fame, viz. equal to the momentum of the force
tnv adhng by the lever GP. If therefore a free body
has been turning round its centre of gravity, and has
the diftribution of its parts fuddenly changed (the centre
however remaining in the fame place), or has a quanti¬
ty of matter fuddenly added or taken away, it will turn
with fuch an angular velocity that the fum of the mo-
io^ menta is the fame as before.
Application We have been fo particular on this fubjetft, becaufe
to the pro- jj. affe(qs celebrated problem of the preceflion of
preceffion^ ^le equinoxes} and Sir Ifaac Newton’s folution of it is
of the equi. erroneous on account of his miflake in this particular, (ti4 x ■
V 7T ".p X .
4«
is the fluxion of the momentum of the he-
mifphere ; for B£ — x, and this fradlion is the momen¬
tum of the (lice dDD'*/'.
y* — a7, — x1, and y4 ~ a*—2 a7 x7 -i~ x*. There¬
fore —- x (tf4 x— 2 a x7 x .r) is the fluxion of
2 a
the momentum of the whole fphere. Of this the fluent
for the fegments whofe heights are CB, or x, is
2 &
2a7 x* a*
—+-)•
3 j
Let x become a, and we have for the momentum of
the whole fphere —■ (a5—^as — Vtt ^ 
a4 a4 \ .
—-j ) — V7r -*ra*.
3*1°/
Let us fuppofe that this rotation has been produced icp
by the afh'on of a force mu ; that is, a force which
would communicate the velocity u to the whole matter
of the fphere^ had it afted in a diredlion palling through
its centre ; abd let us fuppofe that this force afled on
the equatorial point A at right angles to AC : Its mo¬
mentum is mu a, and this is equal to zisr-,^4. Alfo,
we know that m—^-Tra*. Therefore we have «.y
■x- a4~vr*r tt a4, y 77 ~ v, and t; — 4
Let EP£)/> be an oblate fpheroid whofe femi-axis
PC is a, and equatorial radius EC is b, and let v be the
velocity on the equator of the inferibed fphere. Then
fince thf momentum of the whirling circle DD is
—the momenta of the fphere and fpheroid are in
4 77 1
the quadruplicate ratio of their equatorial radii ; and
therefore that of the whole fpheroid is bA v. And
if w be the velocity at E correfponding to the velocity
v at A, io that w ~ —v, we have the momentum of
a
the fpheroid, expreiTed in terms of the equatorial veloci¬
ty at the furface, VV b3 a w.
If the fame force mu be made to aei in the fame nx
R r manner
HOT [ 3
Rotatioa. manner at E, its momentum m u b is zz. ^ ^ a iv, and
v ^ \$mu , v w
ix) —  7-—. ineretore the annular velocities —,
qvrb'a. b a’ b
which the fame force m u afting at A. or E will produce
in the fphere and the fpheroid, are as tAHUi anj iAZ—
that is, in the triplicate ratio of the equatorial diameter
b to the polar axis a.
112 Laftly, if the oblate fpheroid is made to turn round
an equatorial diameter paffing through C perpendicular
to the plane of the figure, it is plain that every feftion
parallel to the meridian EP£)/> is an ellipfe fimilar to
this meridian. If this ellipfe differs very little from the
inferibed circle, as is the cafe of the earth in the problem
of the preceffion of the equinoxes, the momentum of
each ellipfe may be confidered as equal to that of a circle
of the fame area, or whofe diameter is a mean propor¬
tional between the equatorial and polar diameters of the
fpheroid. This radius is to the radius of the circum-
feribed circle as sjba to b. Therefore the momenta
of the fedlion of the fpheroid and of the circumfcribed
fphere are in the conftant ratio of b* a* to b*, or of o*
to b1. And if the velocity in the equator of this cir¬
cumfcribed fphere be called w, the momentum of the
fphere is -fy nb* w ; and therefore that of the fpheroid
is yr b* w, agreeably to wdiat was affumed in the
article Precession, n° 33.
This value of the momentum of a fpheroid round an
equatorial diameter is only a very eafy approximation j
an exact value may be obtained by an infinite feries.
The whole matter of the fpheroid may be confidered as
uniformly difiributed on the furface of a fimilar fpheroid
whofe diameter is = ^4 °f the diameter of the fphe¬
roid. It will have the fame momentum, becaufe a tri¬
angle in one of the ellipfes, having an elementary arch
of the circumference for its bafe, and the centre of the
cllipfe for its vertex, has its centre of gyration difiant
from the vertex >^4 the length of the radius of the
ellipfe, and the problem is reduced to the finding the
fum of all thefe lines. But even when the feries for
this fum involves the 3d power of the eccentricity, it is
not more exaft than the above approximation.
A fimilar propofition may be obtained for a prolate
fpheroid vibrating round an equatorial diameter, a id
applied to the conjectural fhape of the moon, for ex-
plaining her ofcillations.
All rota- The reader muff have obferved that the preceding
Sory mo- difquifitions refer to thofe motions only which refult
tions ac- from {j-jg aCtion of external forces and to the ft ate of
bycentr!- incipient motion. All circular motions, fuch as thofe
forces, of rotation, are accompanied by centrifugal forces. A
central force is neceffary for retaining every particle in
its circular path *, fuch forces muff therefore be excited
tn the body, and can arife only from the forces of co-
hefion by which its particles are held together. Thefe
forces are mutual, equal, and oppofite } and as much as
a particle A (fig. if.') is retained by a force in the di¬
rection A a of the line which conneCIs it with the fix¬
ed axis Dd, or in the direction AG (fig. 10.), which
conneCls it with the progreffive axis 5 fo much muff the
point a of the axis D ^ be urged in tbe oppofite direc¬
tion <2 A, or fo much muff the whole body be urged in
the direction GA. Every point therefore of the axis
14 ] R O T
or of the axis through G in fig. 10. is carried in Rotatioir.
a variety of directions perpendicular to itfelf. Thefe
forces may or may not balance each other. If this ba¬
lance obtains with refpeCt to the fixed axis, its fupports
will fuftain no preffure but what arifes from the external
force } if not, one fupport will be more prefled than the
other ; and if both were removed, the axis would change
its pofition. The fame muff be affirmed of the axis
through G in fig. 10. This, having no fupport, muff
change its pofition.
And thus it may happen, that the axis of rotation ”4
paffing through G which has been determined by the
preceding difquifitions, is not permanent either in refpeCl
of the body, or in refpeCt of abfolute fpace. Thefe
two rotations are effentially different. The way to con¬
ceive both is this. Suppofe a fpherical furface deferi-
bed round the body, having its centre in the centre of
gravity •, and fuppofe this furface to revolve and to pro¬
ceed forward along with the body : in ffiort, let it be
conceived as an immaterial furface attached to the body.
The axis of rotation will pafs through this furface in
two points which we fliall call its poles. Now, we fay
that the axis is permanent with refpefl to the body
when it has always the fame poles in this fpherical fur¬
face. Suppofe another fpherical furface deferibed round
the fame centre, and that this furface alfo accompanies
the body in all its progreffive motion, but does not turn
with it. The axis is permanent with refpefl to abfo¬
lute fpace when it has always the fame poles in this fur¬
face : it is evident that thele two fails are not infepa-
rable. A boy’s top fpins on the fame point and the
fame corporeal axis, while, towards the end of its mo¬
tion, we obferve it direiling this round and round to
different quarters of the room. And when we make
an egg or a lemon fpin with great rapidity on its fide
on a level table, we lee it gradually rife up, till it ftand
quite on end, fpinning all the while round an axis point¬
ing to the zenith.
This change in the pofition of the axis is produced 115
by the unbalanced aftions of the centrifugal forces ex- Fig. i<5.
erted by the particles. Suppofe two equal balls A and
B (fig. 16.) conne&ed by an inflexible rod whofe middle
point is G, the centre of gravity of the balls. This
fyftem may be made to turn round the material axis
A deferibing the circle AEFA, and B deferibing the
circle BHKB. The rod AB may alfo be conceived
as moveable round the point G by means of a pin at
right angles to the axis. ' Suppofe the balls paffing
through the fituations A and B ; their centrifugal forces
urge them at the fame time in the diredlions CA and
OB, which impulfions confpire to make the conne&ing
rod recede from both ends of the axis D</. And thus
the balls, inffead of deferibing parallel circles round this
axis, will deferibe parallel fpirals, gradually opening the
angles DGA, r/GB more and more, till the balls ac¬
quire the pofition at right angles to the axis. They
will not flop there, for each came into that pofition
with an oblique mol ion. They will pafs it ; and were
it not for the refiflance of the air and the fridlion of
the joint at G, they would go on till the ball A came
to deferibe the circle BHK, and the ball B to deferibe
the circle AEF. 'J he centrifugal fa ces will now have
exhaufied by oppofition all the motions which they bad
acquired during their paffage from the pofition AB to
the pofiticn a/i; and now they will again defexibe fpi-
t\6
”7
Of the eva
gation of
the axis.
It O T [3
Rotation, rals gradually opening, and then contrafling, till the
v ' balls arrive at their original pofition AB, when the pro-
cefs will begin again. Thus they will continue a kind
of ofcillating rotation.
Thus the axis is continually changing with refpefl
to the fyftem of balls 5 but it is fixed in refpetl to ab-
folute fpace, becaufe the axis is fupported. It does
not yet appear that it has any tendency to change its
pofition, becaufe the centrifugal tendency of the balls
is completely yielded to by the joint at G. The mate¬
rial axis has indeed fuftained no change ; but the real
axis, or mathematical line round which the rotation was
going on every moment, has been continually fliifting
its place. I his is not fo obvious, and requires a more
attentive confideration. To Ihow accurately the gra¬
dual change of pofition of the real axis of rotation would
require a long difeuflion. We fhall content ourfelves
with exhibiting a cafe where the pofition of the momen¬
tary axis is unqueftionably different from D*/, which
we may fuppofe horizontal.
Take the balls in the pafition They came into
this pofition with a Ipiral motion, and therefore each
of them was moving obliquely to the tangents
to the circle ctd/3s, fuppofe in the directions /3 a.
They are therefore moving round the centre G in a
plane 0<*/3A, inclined to the plane q>u/2y of the circle
«d/3s. The momentary axis of rotation is therefore per¬
pendicular to this oblique plane, and therefore does not
coincide with D</.
. We cannot enter upon the inveftigation of this eva-
gation of the axis, although the fubjeft is both cu¬
rious and important to the fpeculative mathematicians.
A knowledge of it is abfolutely neceffary to a complete
folution of the great problem of the preceffion. But
when treating that article, we contented ourfelves with
fhowing that the evagation which obtains in this natu¬
ral phenomenon is fo exceedingly minute, that although
multiplied many thoufands of times, it would efcape
the niceft obfervations of modern afironomers •, and that
it is a thing which does not accumulate beyond a cer¬
tain limit, much too fmall for oblervation, and then
diminilhes again, and is periodical. Euler, D’Alem¬
bert, Frifi, and De la Grange, have fhown the momen¬
tary pofition of the real variable axis correfponding
to any given time j and Eanden has with great inge¬
nuity and elegance conneffed thefe momentary pofi-
tions, and given the whole paths of evagation. Mr
Segnor was, we believe, the firft who fhowed (in a
Differtation De Motu Turbinurn, Halle, 17^5), that in
every body there were at lead: three lines paffing through
the centre of gravity at right angles to each other, form¬
ing the folid angle of a cube, round which the centri-
fugal forces were accurately balanced, and therefore a
rotation begun round either of thefe three lines would
be continued, and they are permanent axes of rotation.
Albert Euler gave the firfl: demonftration in 1763, and
fince that time the inveftigation of thefe axes has been
extended and improved by the different authors already
named. It is an exceedingly difficult fubjeft ; and we
recommend the iynthetical inveftigation by Frifi in his
Cofmographia as the fitteft for inftru61inp a curious rea-
der to whom the fubjeft is new. We" fhall conclude
Inis differtation with a beautiful theorem, the enuncia¬
tion of which we owe to P. Frifi, which has amazingly
unproved the whole theory^ and gives eafy and elegant
15 1 HOT
folutions of the nfioft difficult problems. It is analogous Rotaticz.
to the great theorem of the compofition of motions and v~—
forces.
If a body turn round an axis AG/j (fig. 17.) paf-p pnfpg
fing through its centre of gravity G with the angular theorem,
velocity a, while this axis is carried round another
axis BG £ with the angular velocityand if GD be 17*
taken to GK as a to b (the points B and E being ta¬
ken on that fide of the centre where they are moving
towards the fame fide of the plane of the figure), and
the line DE be drawn, then the whole and every
particle of the body will be in a ftate of rotation round
a third axis CG c, lying in the plane of the other two,
and parallel to DE, and the angular velocity c round
this axis will be to a and to b as DE is to GD and to
GE.
For, let P be any particle of the body, and fuppofe
a fpherical furface to be deferibed round G paffing
through P. Draw PR perpendicular to the plane of
the figure. It is evident that PR is the common fec-
tion of the circle of rotation IP / round the axis A a,
and the circle KPk of rotation round the axis Pb. Let
I/, K£ be the diameters of thefe circles of rotation,
F and G their centres. Draw the radii PF and PO,
and the tangents PM and PN. Thefe tangents are in
a plane MPN which touches the fphere in P, and cuts
the plane of the axis in a line MN, to which a line
drawn from the centre G of the fphere through the
point R is perpendicular. Let PN reprefent the velo¬
city of rotation of the point P round the axis B and
Pf its velocity of rotation round A a. Complete the
parallelogram PN//I Then Pt is the direction and ve¬
locity of motion refulting fi-om the compofition of PN
and P/ P / is in the plane MPN, becaufe the diago¬
nal of a parallelogram is in the plane of its fides PN
and Py.
Let perpendiculars /"F, t T, be drawn to the plane
of the axes, and the parallelogram PN/y will be ortho-
graphically projefted on that plane, its projettion being
a parallelogram RNTF. (F here falls on the centre by
accident). Draw the diagonal RT. It is evident that
the plane PR/T is perpendicular to the plane of the two
axes, becaufe PR is fo. Therefore the compound mo-
tion P/ is in thg plane of a circle of revolution round
feme axis fituated in the plane of the other two. There¬
fore produce TR, and draw GC cutting it at right
angles in H, and let LP/ be the circle, and PH a ra¬
dius. P/ is therefore a tangent, and perpendicular to
PH, and will meet RT in fome point of the line
MN. The particle P is in a ftate of rotation round
the axis CGc, and its velocity is to the velocities round
Art or Fib as P/ to iyor PN. The triangles PRN and
OPN are fimilar. For PN the tangent is perpendicular
to the radius OP, and PR is perpendicular to ON.
Therefore OP : PN= PR : RN, and RN ~
OP
But the velocity of P round the axis Bb is OP.&. There-
PB.OP.b
fore RN
OP
~ PRA In like manner RF
:= PR , Therefore RF : RN ~ a\b — GD : GE.
But NT : RN — fine NRT : fine NTR, and GD : GE
— fine GED : fine GDE. Therefore fine NRT : fine
NTR — fine GED : fine GDE. But RNT = EGD,
for NR is perpendicular to EG and NT (being parallel
R r 2 ‘
ROT [ 31
Rotation, to IF) is perpendicular to DG. Therefore TR is per-
1 ' pendicular to ED, and C c is parallel to ED, and the
rotation of the particle P is round an axis parallel to ED.
And fince RN, RF, RT, are as the velocities />, a,
c, round thefe different axes, and are proportional to
EG, DG, DE, we have c to a or to b as ED to GD
or GE, and the propofition is demonltrated.
This theorem may be thus expreffed in general terms.
Expreffect R a body revolves round an axis paffing through its
in general centre of gravity with the angular velocity a, while this
terms. axis is carried round another axis, alfo paffing through
its centre of gravity, with the angular velocity b, thefe
two motions compofe a motion of every particle of the
body round a third axis, lying in the plane of the other
two, and inclined to each of the former axes in angles
whofe fines are inverfely as the angular velocities round
them j and the angular velocity round this new axis is
to that round one of the primitive axes as the fme of in¬
clination of the two primitive axes is to the fine of the
inclination of the new axis to the other primitive axis.
When we fay that we owe the enunciation of this
theorem to P. Frill, we grant at the fame time that
fomething like it has been fuppofed or affumed by other
authors. Newton feems to have confidered it as true,
and even evident, in homogeneous fpheres j and this has
been tacitly acquiefced in by the authors who followed
him in the problem of the preceffion. Inferior writers
have cnrelefsly afflimed it as a truth. Thus Nollet,
Gravefande, and others, in their contrivances for exhi¬
biting experiments for illuflrating the compofition of
vortices, proceeded on this affumption. Even authors
of more fcrupulous relearch have fatisfied themfelves
with a very imperfeft proof. Thus Mr Landen, in his
excellent differtation on rotatoiy motion, Philcfophical
Tranfaftions, Vol. Ixvii. contents himfelf with {bow¬
ing, that, by the equality and oppoiite direflions of the
motions round the axes Ac and V>b, the point C will
be at reft, and from thence concludes that CG c will be
the new axis of rotation. But this is exceedingly hafty
(note alfo, that this differtation was many years pofte-
rior to that of P. Frifi) : For although the feparate
motions of the point C may be equal and oppofite, it
is by no means either a mathematical or a mechanical
confequence that the body will turn round the axis Cc.
In order that the point C may remain at reft, it is ne-
ceffiary that all tendencies to motion be annihilated :
this is not even thought of in making the afiumption.
Frifi has ffiown, that in the motion of every particle
round the axis Cc, there is involved a motion round the
two axes Ac and BZ*, with the velocities a and l; and
it is 2 confequence of this, and of this only, that the
impulfes which would feparately produce the rotations
of every particle round Ac and BZ’ will, either in fuc-
ceffion or in conjunflion, produce a rotation round Cr.
Moreover, Mr Tandems not having attended to this,
has led him, as we imagine, into a miftake refpedling
the velocifv with which the, axis changes its pofition \
and though his procefs exhibits the path of evagation
with accuracy, we apprehend that it does not affign the
true times of the axes arriving at particular points of
this path.
I20 It follows from this propolition, that if every par-
Gonclufions tide of a body, whether folid or fluid, receives in one
deduced inftant a feparate impulfe, competent to the produ&ion
from this r mofton 0f the particle round an axis with a cer-
piopofition. r
6 ] ROT
tain angular velocity, and another impulfe competent Rotation,
to the production of a motion round another axis with a ““ * '1
certain velocity, the combined effect of all thefe impul-
lions will be a motion of the whole iyilem round a third
axis given in pofition, with an angular velocity which
is alfo given : and this motion will obtain without any
feparation or difunion of parts ; for we fee that a mo¬
tion round two axes conftitutes a motion round a thiid
axis in every particle, and no feparation would take
place although the fyftem wrere incoherent like a nrafs
of fand, except by the action of the centrifugal forces
arifing from rotation. Mr Smnpfon therefore erred in
his folution of the problem of the prcceffion, by fuppo-
fing another force neceffary for enabling the particles
of the fluid fpheroid to accompany the equator when
difplaced from its former fituation. The very force
which makes the difplacement produces the accompani-
ment, as far as it obtains, which we {hall fee prefently
is not to the extent that Mr Simpfon and other authors
who treat this problem have fuppofed.
For the fame reafon, if a body be turning round any 121
axis, and every particle in one inftant get an impulle
precifely fuch as is competent to produce a given an¬
gular velocity round another axis, the body will turn
round a third axis given in pofition, with a given an¬
gular velocity : for it is indifferent (as it is in the or¬
dinary compofition of motion) whether the forces aft
on a particle at once or in fucceffion. The final mo¬
tion is the fame both in refpeft of direftion and velocity.
Lallly, when a rigid bedy acquires a rotation round liZ
an axis by the aftion of an impulie on cne part of it,
and at the fame time, or afterwards, gets an impulfe on
any part which, alone, would have produced a certain
rotation round another axis, the efteft of the combined
actions will be a rotation round a third axis, in terms of
this propofilion 5 for when a rigid body acquires a mo¬
tion round an axis, not by the fimultaneous impulfe of
the precifely competent force on each particle, but by an
impulfe on one part, there has been propagated to every
particle (by means of the connefting forces) an impulle
precifely competent to produce the motion which the
particle really acquires \ and when a rigid body, al¬
ready turning round an axis ha (fig. 17.), receives an
impulfe which makes it aftually turn round another
axis Cc, there has been propagated to each particle a force
precifely competent to produce, not the motion, but the
change of motion which takes place in that particle,
that is, a force which, when compounded with the in¬
herent force of its primitive motion, produces the new
motion ; that is (by this theorem), a force which alone
would have caufed it to turn round a third axis B
with a rotation making the other conftituent of the ac¬
tual rotation round
This muft be conlklered as one of the meft important l33
propofitions in dynamics, and gives a great extenfion to
the doftrine of the compofition of motion. We fee that
rotations, are compounded in the fame manner as other
motions, and it is extremely eafy to difeover the com¬
pofition. We have only to fuppofe a fphere defer!bed
round the centre of the body j and the equator of this
fphere correfponding to any primitive pofition of the
axis of rotation gives us the direftion and velocity of
the particles fituated in it. Let another great circle
cut this equator in any point ; it will be the equator
of another rotation. Set off an arch of each from the
point
rotation .
V
Plate CCCCLXVI.
-
I
I
. ~
HOT
Rotation
S24
*25
126
Refpetting
the pofition
of tlie axis
oixoiation.
[ 3
point of interfe&ion, proportional to tlie angular velo-
' city ef each rotation, and complete the fpherical paral¬
lelogram. The great circle, which is the diagonal of
this parallelogram, will be the equator of the rotation,
which is actually compounded ot the other two.
And thus may any two rotations be compounded.
We have given an inliance of this in the folution of the
problem of the PRECESSION of the Equinoxes.
It appears plainly in the demonftration of this theo¬
rem that the axis C c is a new line in the body. The
Ciiange of rotation is not accompliihed by a transference
of the poles and equator of the former rotation to a
new ntuation, in which they are again the poles and
equator of the rotation ; for we fee that in the rota¬
tion round the axis C c, the particle of the body which
was formerly the pole A is deferibing a circle round the
axis C c. Not knowing this compofition of rotations,
Newton, Walmelly, Simpfon, and other celebrated ma¬
thematicians, imagined, that the axis of the earth’s rota¬
tion remained the fame, but changed its pofition. In this
they were confirmed by the conitancy of the obferved la¬
titudes of places on the furface of the earth. But the
axis of the earth’s rotation really changes its place, and
the poles fhift through different points of its furface 5
but thefe different points are too near each other to
make the change leniible to the nice ft obfervation.
It would feem to refult from thefe obfervations, that
k is impoffible that the axis of rotation can chancre its
pofition in abfolute (pace without changing its pofition
in the body, contrary to what we experience in a thou-
fand familiar inftances ; and indeed this is impoffible by
any one change. We cannot by the impuife of any
one force make a body which is turning round the axis
A a change its pofition and turn round the fame mate¬
rial axis brought into the pofition Cc. In the fame
way that a body mud pafs through a feries of inter¬
mediate points, in going from one end of a line to the
other, fo it muff acquire an infinite ferics of interme-
cuale ret .’ions (each of them momentary) before the
li.xie material axis paflfes into another pofition, fo as to
become an axis of rotation. A momentary impuife
may make a great change of the pafition of the axis of
rotation, as it may make in the velocity of a rectilineal
motion. Thus although the rotation round A a be in¬
definitely frnall, if another equally fmall rotation be
irnpreffed round an axis B b perpendicular to A a, the
axis V'i:l at once fhirt to C c half way between them •
but a fuccefiion of rotations is neceffary for carrying the
primitive material axis into a new pofition, where it is
again an axis, j his transierence, however, is poffible,
but gradual, and muff be accomplifhed by a continuation
oi impulfes totally different from what we would at firil
iuppofe. In order that A may pafs from A to C it
js not enough that it gets an impuife in the diredion
l" fj ” an *mPuke would carry it thither, if the
body had not been whirling round A a by the mere
peneverance of matter in its fiate of motion-} but when
the body is already whirling round A 0, the particles
in the. circle iPr are moving in the circumference of
that circle} and fince that circle alfo partakes of the
TTS FT) t0 l ever^ Particlein nuifi be incejfant-
kJ deHeaed from the path in which it is moving The
continual agency of a force is therefore neceffary for this
yurpofe } and if this force be difcontinued? the point
7 ] ROT
A will immediately quit the plane of the arch AC, along Rotation,
which-we are endeavouring to move it, and will ft art up.   »—w
Inis is the theorem which we formerly faid would 127
enable us to overcome the difficulties in the inveftiga-
tion of the axis of rotation. I1?
Thus we can diicover what Mr Landen calls theTheeva-
evagations of the poles of rotation by the action of cen-Katioris of
trifugal forces: For in fig. 16. the known velocity 0fthePoIesof
the ball A and the radius AC of its circle of rotation [hWaion7
will give us the centrifugal force by which the balls of centrifu-
tend to turn in the plane I3Ae/BD. This gives the ff'd
axis 13 1/ a tendency to move in a plane perpendicular
to the plane of the figure } and its feparation from the
poles F) and d does not depend on the feparation of the
connecting rod AB from its prefent inclination to DA
but on the angle which the fpiral path of the ball
makes with the plane of a circle of rotation round DA
'i he diltance of the new poles from D and d is an arch
of a circle which meafures the angle made by the fpiral
witn tlie circle of rotation round the primitive axis.
JTiis will gradually increafe, and the mathematical axis
or rotation wall be deferibing a fpiral round D and
gradually feparating from thefe points, and again ap¬
proaching them, and coinciding with them again, at
the time tiiat the balls themielves are molt of all remo¬
ved from their primitive fituation, namely, when A is
in the place of B.
. ^me theorem alfo enables us to find the inci- ancDlfe in-
pient axis of rotation in the complicated cafes whichvipient axis
are almoft in.-'ceffible by means of the elementary prin-in cornph-
ciples of rotation. * ' cated cafes.
Thus, when the centres of ofcillation and percuffion
do not coincide, as we fuppofed in fig. 5. and 1 2. Sup-;
pofe, firit, that they do coincide, and find the pofition
of the axis a b, and the angular velocity of the rotation.
Then find the centre of percuffion, the axis P/>, and
the momentum round it, and the angular velocity which
this momentum would produce. Thus we have obtain¬
ed two rotations round given axes, and with given an¬
gular velocities. Compound thefe rotations by this
theorem, and we obtain the required pofition of the
true incipient axis of rotation, and the angular velocity,
without the intricate procefs which would otherwife
have been necefiary.
It the body is of fuch a fliape, that the forces in the
plane DCG do not balance each other, we fhall then
d (cover a momentum round an axis perpendicular to
this plane. Compound this rotation in the fame manner
wkh the rotation round DA
And from this Ample view of the matter we learnPoiifion f •
(what would be difficult to difeover in the other way),the axis °
that wffien the centre ot percuffion does not coincide v>,hei) th<?
with that of rotation, the axis is in the plane DGC centresof
though not perpendicular to PG. But when there isj^T*1?011
a momentum round an axis perpendicular to this plane, tion "do not
the incipient axis of rotation is neither perpendicular to coincide.
PC, nor in a plane perpendicular to that pafling through
the centre in the direftion of the impelling force. °
We mull content ourfelves with merely pointing out
thefe tracks of invefligation to the curious reader? and
recommending the cultivation of this mod fruitful theo-
13®
rem of Father Frifi.
. -bhefe aie by no means fpeculations of mere curiofity, Concluding 2
mterefting to none but mathematicians : the noblelf artremarkson
which£amanfhi^
Rotation
(I
R othfav.
hot [3i
which is praftifed by man muft receive great improve¬
ment from a complete knowledge of this fubjedt. We
. mean the art of seamanship. A fliip, the moft ad¬
mirable of machines, muft be confidered as a body in
free fpace, impelled by the winds and waters, and con¬
tinually moved round ipontaneous axes of converfion, and
inceffantly checked in thefe movements. The trimming
of the fails, the adtion of the rudder, the very difpoli-
tion of the loading, all affedl her verfatility. An ex¬
perienced feaman knowrs by habit how to produce and
facilitate thefe motions, and to check or flop fuch as
are inconvenient. Experience, without any reftedtion
or knowledge how and why, informs him wThat pofttion
of the rudder produces a deviation from the courfe. A
fort of common fenfe tells him, that, in order to make
the ftrip turn her head away from the wind, he muft in-
creafe the furface or the obliquity of the head fails, and
diminilh the power of the fails near the ftern. A few
other operations are didtated to him by this kind of
common fenfe; but few, even of old feamen, can tell
why a ftiip has fuch a tendency to bring her head up
in the wind, and why it is fo neceftary to crowd the
fore part of the drip with fails ; fewer ftill know that a
certain drifting of the loading will facilitate fome mo¬
tions in different cafes ; that the crew of a great drip
running fuddenly to a particular place fhall enable the
drip to accomplidi a movement in a dormv fea which
could not be done otherwife ; and perhaps not one in
ten thoufand can tell why this procedure vvill be fuccefs-
ful. But the mathematical inquirer wall fee all this;
and it would be a moft valuable acquidtion to the pub¬
lic, to have a manual of fuch propofitions, deduced from
a careful and judicious condderation of the circumftan-
ces, and freed from that great complication and intri¬
cacy which only the learned can unravel, and expreffed
in a familiar manner, clothed with fuch reafoning as
will be intelligible to the unlearned; and though not
accurate, yet perfuadve. Mr Bouguer, in his Traite du
Navire, and in his Manoeuvre des Vaiffeaux, has deliver¬
ed a great deal of ufeful information on this fubjeft ;
and Mr Bezout has made a very ufeful abftradt of thefe
works in his Cours de Mathematique. But the fubjeft
is left by them in a form far too abftrufe to be of any
general ufe : and it is unfortunately fo combined with
or founded on a falfe theory of the adlion and refift-
ance of duids, that many of the propodtions are totally
incondftent with experience, and many maxims of fea-
manfliip are falfe. This has occadoned thefe dodlrines
to be neglefted altogether. Few of our profedional
feamen have the preparatory knowledge neceffary for
improving the fcience ; but it would be a work of im-
menfe utility, and would acquire great reputation to the
perfon who fuccefsfully profecutes it.
We fhall mention under the article Seamanship the
chief problems, and point out the mechanical principles
by which they may be folved.
ROTHERAM, a town in the weft riding of
Yorkftrire, feated on the river Don, near which there
is a liandfome ftone-bridge. It is a wrell-built place,
and the market is large for providons. W. Long. 1.
10. N. Lat. 53. 25.
ROTHS AY, a town in the ifle and county of Bute,
in Scotland. It is the capital of the county, is a well-
built town of fmall houfes, and is within thefe few years
^nuch improved. It has a good pier, and is feated at
4
8 ] ROT
the bottom of a dne bay, whofe mouth lies exa&ly op- Roth fay
podte to Loch Steven in Cowal. Here is a dne depth !i
of water, a fecure retreat, and a ready navigation down f otter(*am;
the frith for an export trade. Magazines of goods for
foreign parts might be moft advantageoufly erefted here.
The fpinning of yarn has been long carried on in Roth-
fay, and lately the cotton manufacture has been introdu¬
ced. The herring dftiery has been alfo long a great fource
of trade in this place. W. Long. 5. o. N. Lat. 55. 50.
Rothfay gives the title of duke to the prince of Scot¬
land, a title which was formerly accompanied with fuit-
able revenues, powers, and privileges. Of the origin
of this title the following account is given. Some time
between the 16th of March and the 26th of Oftober
1398, John of Gaunt, who is ftyled John duke of
Aquitaine and Lancafter, uncle to the king of Eng¬
land, and David, who is ftyled earl of Garrick, eldeft fon
of the king of Scotland, met for the purpofe of fettling
the borders, and terminating all matters in difpute. At
a fubfequent interview between the fame parties, David
is ftyled Duke of Rothfay. “ This innovation, it is
faid, probably proceeded on an idea, to which the inter¬
view of the two princes might naturally give rife, that
it was unfuitable, and unworthy of the Scottifh national
dignity, that the princes of England fhould enjoy a title
of nobility, which was efteemed to be of higher rank
than that poffeffed by the hereditary prince of Scotland.”
In this way it is fuppofed the title of Duke was intro¬
duced into Scotland.
ROTTBOELLIA, a genus of plants belonging to
the triandria clafs. See Botany Index.
ROTONDO, or Rotundo, in ArchiteBure, an ap¬
pellation given to any building that is round both with¬
in and without; whether it be a church, a faloon, or
the like. The moft celebrated rotundo of the ancients
is the pantheon at Rome. See Pantheon.
ROTTEN-stone, a mineral found in Derbylhire,
and ufed by mechanics for all forts of finer grinding
and poliftiing, and fometimes for cutting of ftoves. Ac¬
cording to Ferber, it is a tripoli mixed with calcareous
earth.
ROTTENNESS. See Putrefaction.
ROTTERDAM, is a city in the province of Hol¬
land, in E. Long. 4. 20. N. Lat. 52. fituated on the
north bank of the river Maefe, about 37 miles fouth of
Amfterdam, nine fouth-eaft of the Hague, and .15 to
the eaftward of Briel. It is a large and populous city,
of a triangular figure, handfomely built of brick, the
ftreets wide and well paved. There are ten gates to
the town, fix of which are at the land fide and four at
the fide of the Maefe. It is fuppofed to take its name
from the Roter, or Rotter, a little river that falls into
the canals of this city, and from Dam, a dike. It is un¬
certain when it was firft built; and though it is fup¬
pofed to be very ancient, yet we find no mention made
of it before the 13th century. In the year 1270 it was
furrounded with ramparts, and honoured with feveral
privileges; but 27 years after it was taken by the Flem¬
ings. In the year 1418, Brederode chief of the Hacks
made himfelf mafter of it; fince which time it has con¬
tinued yearly to increafe by means of the conveniency
of its harbour. Its arms are vert, a pale argent, quar¬
terly in a chief on the firft and third, or, a lion fpotted
fable, on the fecond and fourth a lion fpotted gules.
Rotterdam is not reckoned one of the principal ci-
< tits
Feckam's
Tour
through
Holland,
Vc.
R ° T r .3
Rotterdam, ties of the province, becaufe it has not been always in
its prefent flouriflring condition. The Dutch call it
the firft of the fecond rank, whereas it ought to be
efteemed the fecond of the firfl, being, next to Amfter-
dam, the molt trading town in the United Provinces.
Its port is very commodious; for the canals, which run
through molt parts of the town, bring the Ihips, fome
of 200 or 300 tons, up to the merchant’s door 5 a con-
veniency for loading and unloading which is not to be
found in other places. The great ihips go up into the
middle of the tovn by the canal into which the Maefe
enters by the old head, as it comes out by the new.
A ftranger, upon his firtt entering this place, is alto-
nilhed at the beautiful confulion of chimneys intermix¬
ed with tops of trees with which the canals are planted,
and dreamers of vefiels; infomuch that he can hardly
tell whether it be fleet, city, or foreft. The Harring
Vliet is a very fine ftreet; mod of the houfes are new,
and built of hewn done •, but the granded as well as
mod agreeable dreet in Rotterdam is the Bomb Guay,
which lies parallel with the Maefe j on one fide it is
open to the river, and the other is ornamented with a
grand facade of the bed houfes in the city, inhabited
chiefly by the Englifh •, they are five or fix dories high,
mafly and very clumfy : wherever there is any attempt
at ornament, it is the word that can be conceived.
One fees no Grecian architefture, except Doric enta¬
blatures, duck upon the top of the upper dory, with¬
out piladers ; Ionic volutes, turned often the wrong
way, and an attempt at Corinthian capitals, without
any other part of the order. The doors are large, and
duck with great knobs and clumfy carving; you afcend
to them, not in front, but by three or four deps going
up on each fide, and you are aflided by iron rails of a
mod immenfe thicknefs. Thefe houfes are almod all
window ; and the window (butters and frames being
painted green, the glafs has all a green cad, which is
helped by the refleftion from the trees that overfhadovv
their houfes, -which, were it not for this circumdance,
would be intolerably hot, from their vicinity to the ca¬
nals. Mod of the houfes have looking-glades placed
on the outfides of the windows, on both fides, in order
that they may fee every thing which paffes up and
down the dreet. The dair-cafes are narrow, deep, and
come down almod to the door. In general, the houfes
rife with enormous deep roofs, turning the gable end
to the dreet, and leaning confiderably forward, fo that
the top often projects near two feet beyond the per¬
pendicular. The Bomb Quay is fo broad, that there
are di din cl walks for carriages and foot paflengers, li¬
ned and (haded with a double rowr of trees.—You look,
over the river on fome beautiful meadows, and a fine
avenue of trees, which leads to the Ped-houfe : it feems
to be an elegant building, and the trees round it are fo
difpofed as to appear a thick wood. This dreet is at
lead half a mile in length, and extends from the old to
the new head, the two places where the water enters to
fill the canals of this extenfive city. When water runs
tnrough a dreet, it then aflumes the name of a canal,
of which kind the Heeren fleet has the pre-eminence ;
the houfes are of free-done, and very lofty ; the canal
is fpacious, and covered with drips : at one end dands
the Englifh church, a neat pretty building, of which
the bifhop of London is ordinary.
This port is much more frequented by the Biitifli
19 ] ROT
merchants than Amderdam, infomuch that, after a frod, Rotterdam,
when the fea is open, fometimes 300 fail of Brilidi vef-
fels fail out of the harbour at once. There is always a
large number of Britiflr fubje&s who redde in this
town, and live much in the fame manner as in Great
Britain. The reafon of the great traffic between this
place and England, is becaufe the (hips can generally
load and unload, and return to England from Rotter¬
dam, before a Oiip can get clear from Amderdam
and the Texel. Hence the Englifh merchants find it
cheaper and more commodious, after their goods are ar¬
rived at Rotterdam, to fend them in boats over the
canals to Amderdam. Another great advantage they
have here for commerce is, that the Maefe is open, and
the paffage free from ice, much fooner in the fpring
than in the Y and Zuyder-fea, which lead to Amder¬
dam.
The glafs-houfe here is one of the bed in the feven
provinces ; it makes abundance of glafs-toys and ena¬
melled bowls, which are fent to India, and exchanged
for china-ware, and other oriental commodities.
The college of admiralty here is called the college of
the Maefe, the chief of all Holland and the United
Provinces. The lieutenant-general, admiral of Hol¬
land, is obliged to go on board of a Rotterdam (hip in
the Maefe when he goes to fea, and then he commands
the fquadron of the Maefe.
On the ead fide of the city there is a large bafon and
dock, where diip-carpenters are continually employed
for the ufe of the admiralty, or of the Ead India com¬
pany. But the larged diips belonging to the admiralty
of Rotterdam are kept at Helvoetfluys, as the mod com¬
modious dation, that place being fituated on the ocean;
for it requires both time and trouble to work a large
(hip from the dock of Rotterdam to the fea.
Rotterdam has four Dutch churches for the eda-
bliflied religion. There is one thing very remarkable'
in refpeft to the great church, that the tower which
leaned on one fide was fet up draight in the year 1655,
as appears by the infeription engraved on brafs at the
bottom of the tower withinfide. In the choir of this
church are celebrated, with no fmall folemnity, the pro¬
motions made in the Latin fchools. Befides, there are
two Englidi churches, one for thofe of the church of
England and the other for the Preibyterians ; and one
Scotch church; as like wife one Lutheran, two Armi-
nian, two Anabaptid, four Roman Catholic chapels,
and one Jewidi fynagogue.
Though the public buildings here are not fo dately
as thofe of Amderdam and fome other cities, yet there
are feveral of them well worth feeing. The great
church cf St Laurence is a good old building, where
are many dately monuments of their old admirals.
From the top of this church one may fee the Hague,
Delft, Leyden, Dort, and mod of the towns of South
Holland. There are feveral fine market-places, as three
fi(h-markets, the great-market, the new-market, and the
hogs-market. The dadthoufe is an old building, but
the chambers large and finely adorned. The maga¬
zines for fitting out their diips are very good drudfiures.
The exchange is a noble building, begun in the year
1720, and finifhed in 1736. Upon the great bridge
in the market-place there is a fine brafs datue erefted
to the great Erafmus, who was born in this city in
1467, and died at Baill In Switzerland. He is repre-
o ' fented
t
ROY C 320 ] R O U
Rotterdam fented in a furred gown, and a round cap, with a book.
Ro!lei.p in his hand. The ftatue is on a pedertal of marble,
'—-t— furrounded with rails of iron. Juft by, one may fee
the houfe where this great man was born, which is a
very fmall one, and has the following diftich written on
the door:
JEdibus his ortus, mundum decoravit, Eraftnus,
Artibits, ingenio, relgione, fide,
Rotterdam and the whole of the United Provinces
are now in the poffeflion of the French, and form nomi¬
nally a feparate kingdom.
ROT U LA, in Anatomy, the fmall bone of the knee,
called alfo patella. See AKATOMY.
ROTUND US, in Anatomy, a name given to feveral
mufcles otherwife called teres.
ROUAD. See Aradus.
ROUxUNE, or Roane, an ancient and confiderable
town in France, in Lower Forez, with the title of a
duchy ; feated on the river Loire, at the place where it
begins to be navigable for boats. E. Long.4. 9. N. Lat.
46. 2.
ROUCOU, in Dyeing, the fame with Anotta and
Eixa. See Dyeing.
ROUEN, a city of France, and capital of Nor¬
mandy, had an archbifhop’s fee, a parliament, a mint, a
handfome college, an academy, two abbeys, and an old
eaftle. It is feven miles in circumference, and furround¬
ed with fix fuburbs} and contained before the revolu¬
tion 3 $ parifnes, and 24 convents for men and women.
The metropolitan church has a very handfome front, on
which are twro lofty fteeples, whence there is a fine
view of the town and country. The great bell is 13
feet high and 11 in diameter. The church of the Be-
nedidline abbey is much admired by travellers. The
parliament-houfe is adorned wdth beautiful tapeftry
and fine pictures. There is a great number of foun¬
tains, though the houfes are ordinary j but the walk
upon the quay is very pleafant, and there are 13 gates
from thence into the city. The number of the inha¬
bitants is about 60,000, and they have feveral wool¬
len manufaftures. It is feated on the river Seine j and
the tide rifes fo high, that veffels of 200 tons may
come up to the quay : but one of the greateft curiofi-
ties is the bridge, of 270 paces in length, fupported by
boats, and confequently is higher or lower according
to the tide. It is paved, and there are ways for foot-
paffengers on each fide, with benches to fit upon; and
coaches may pafs over it at any hour of the day or
night. It is often called Roan by Englilh hiftorians;
and is 50 miles fouth-weft of Amiens, and 70 north-weft
of Paris.
Though large, and enriched by commerce, Rouen is
not an elegant place. The ftreets are almoft all narrow,
crooked, and dirty ; the buildings old and irregular. It
was fortified by St Louis in 1253, but the walls are now
demolifhed. The environs, more particularly the hills
which overlook the Seine, are wonderfully agreeable,
and covered with magnificent villas. E. Long. 1. 10.
N. Lat. 49. 26.
ROVERE, or Roveredo, a ftrong town of the
Tyrol, on the confines of the republic of Venice ; feat¬
ed on the river Adige, at the foot of a mountain, and
on the fide of a ftream, over which there is a bridge, de¬
fended by two large towers and a ftrong cafile, 10 miles
3
fouth of Trent. The town is tolerably well built, and Rovere
governed by a chief magiftrate, ftyled a podejlat. There !i
are feveral churches and convents, that contain nothing
worthy of notice. The moft remarkable thing, and ■ —' —
what they call the great wonder of Roveredo, is its
fpinning-houfe for a manufacture of filk, in which they
have a great trade here to the fairs of Bolzano. They
have alio a very good trade in wine. Between Trent
and Roveredo is the ftrong fort of Belem, belonging to
the houfe of Auftria. It is fituated on a rock, and com¬
mands the roads at the foot of the mountain. E. Long.
11. I. N. Lat. 46. 12.
ROUERGUE, a province of France, in the go¬
vernment of Guienne j bounded on the eaft by the Ce-
vennes and Gevaudan, on the weft by Querci, on the
north by the fame and Auvergne, and on the fouth by
Languedoc. It is 75 miles in length, and 50 in breadth ;
not very fertile, but feeds a number of cattle, and has
mines of copper, iron, alum, vitriol, and fulphur. It
is divided into a county, and the upper and lower
marche. It now forms the department of Aveiron.
Rhodez is the capital town.
ROyiGNO, a populous town of Italy, in Iftria, with
two good harbours, and quarries of fine ftone. It is
feated in a territory v/hich produces excellent wine, in
a peninfula on the weftern coaft. E. Long. 13. 33.
N. Lat. 45. 14.
ROVIGO, is a town of Italy, in the territory of Ve¬
nice, and capital of the Polefin di Rovigo, in E. Long.
12. 25. N. Lat. 45, 6. It is a fmall place, poorly in¬
habited, and encompaffed with ruinous walls. Former¬
ly it belonged to the duke of Ferrara, but has been fub-
je<ft to the Venetians fince 1500, and is famous for being
the birth place of that learned man Coelias Rhodcginus.
It was built upon the ruins of Adria, anciently a noble
harbour one mile from Rovigo, that gave name to the
gulf, but now a half-drowned village, inhabited by a
few fishermen.
ROUNDELAY, or Roundo, a lort of ancient
poem, deriving its name, according to Menage, from
its form, and becaufe it ftill turns back again to the firft
verfe, and thus goes round. The common roundelay
confifts of 13 verfes, eight of which are in one rhyme
and five in another. It is divided into couplets j at the
end of the fecond and third of which the beginning of
the roundelay is repeated ; and that, if poflible, in an
equivocal or punning fenfe. The roundelay is a popu¬
lar poem in France, but is little known among us. Ma-
rot and Voiture have fucceeded the beft in it. Rapin
remarks, that if the roundelay be not very exquifite, it
is intolerably bad. In all the ancient ones, Menage ob-
ferves, that the verfe preceding has a lefs complete fenfe,
and yet joins agreeably with that of the clofe without
depending neceiTarily thereon. This rule, well obfer-
ved, makes the roundelay more ingenious, and is one of
the fineffes of the poem. Some of the ancient writers
fpeak of the roundelay or roundel as a kind of air ap¬
propriated to dancing ; and in this fenfe the term feems
to indicate little more than dancing in a circle with the
hands joined.
ROUND-HOUSE, a kind of prifon for the nightly
watch in London to fecure diforderly perfons till they
can be carried before a magiftrate.
Round-Houfe, in a (hip, the uppermoft room or cabin
on the ftern of a (hip, where the mafter lies.
ROUNDS,
R 0 U ' t 321 ] R O U
"Rotin^.sj ROUNDS, in military matters, a detachment from
kouflillon. t]le main-guard, of an officer or a non commiflioned of¬
ficer and fix men, who go round the rampart of a garri-
fon, to liften if any thing be flirring without the place,
and to fee that the centinels be diligent upon their duty,
and all in order. In drift garrifons the rounds go every
half-hour. The centinels are to challenge at a diftance,
and to reft their arms as the round pafles. All guards
turn out, challenge, exchange the parole, and reft their
arms, &c.
Rounds are ordinary and extraordinary. The ordi¬
nary rounds are three ; the town-major’s round, the
grand-round, and viiiting-round.
Manner of going the ROUNDS. When the town-ma¬
jor goes his round, he comes to the main-guard, and de¬
mands a ferjeant and four or fix men to efcort him to the
next guard ; and when it is dark, one of the men is to
carry a light.
As foon as the fentry at the guard perceives the
round coming, he ftiall give notice to the guard, that
they rnay be ready to turn out when ordered; and
when the round is advanced within about 20 or 30 pa¬
ces of the guard, he is to challenge brilkly j and when
he is anfwered by the ferjeant who attends the round,
Town-major's round, he is to fay, Stand round! and
reft his arms •, after which he is to call out imme¬
diately, Serjeant, turn out the guard, town-major's round.
Up on the fentry calling, the ferjeant is to turn out the
guard immediately, drawing up the men in good or¬
der with fhouldered arms, the officer placing hirafelf
at the head of it, with his arms in his hand. He
then orders the lerjeant and four or fix men to advance
towards the round, and challenge : the ferjeant of the
round is to anfwer, Town-major's round; upon which
the ferjeant of the guard replies, Advance, ferjeant
'with the parole! at the fame time ordering his men to
reft their arms. The ferjeant of the round advances
alone, and gives the ferjeant of the guard the pa¬
role in his ear, that none elfe may hear it 5 during
which period the ferjeant of the guard holds the fpear
of his halbert at the other’s breaft. The ferjeant of the
round then returns to his poll, whilft the ferjeant of
the guard leaving his men to keep the round from ad¬
vancing, gives the parole to his officer. This being
found right, the officer orders his ferjeant to return to
his men; fays, Advance, town-major's round! and or¬
ders the guard to reft their arms ; upon which the fer¬
jeant of the guard orders his men to wheel back from
the centre, and form a lane, through which the town-
major is to pafs (the efcort remaining where they were),
and go up to the officer and give him the parole, laying
his mouth to his ear. The officer holds the fpear of his
efponton at the town-major’s breaft while he gives him
the parole.
The defign of rounds is not only to vifit the guards,
and keep the centinels alert j but likewife to difeover
what pafles in the outworks, and beyond them.
ROUSSILLON, a province of France, in the Py¬
renees, bounded on the eaft by the Mediterranean fea,
on the weft by Cerdagne, on the north by Lower
Languedoc, and on the fouth by Catalonia, from which
it is feparated by the Pyrenees. It is a fertile country,
about 50 miles in length, and 25 in breadth, and re¬
markable for its great number of olive-trees. Perpignan
is the capital town. •
Vol. XVIII. Part L
ROUSSEAU, James, an eminent painter, was born R-oufll
at Paris in the year 1630, and ftudietl firft under Svva-V"
nevelt, who had married one of his relations ; after which
he improved himfelf by travelling into Italy, praftifing
folely in perfpeftive, architefture, and landfeape. Oa
his return home, he was employed at Marly. He di-
ftinguiflied himfelf very much in painting buildings, and
by his knowledge of, and attention to the principles
of perfpeftive. Louis XIV. employed him to decorate
his hall of devices at St Germaine-en-Laie, where he re-
prefented the operas of Lulli. But being a Proteftant,
he quitted France on the perfecution of his brethren,
and retired to Swiflerland. Louis invited him back ;
he refufed, but fent his defigns, and recommended a
proper perfon to execute them. After a ftiort ftay in
Swiflerland, he went to Holland j whence he was in¬
vited to England by Ralph duke of Montague, to
adorn his new houfe in Bioomfbury, where he painted
much. Some of his piftures, both in landfcape and
architefture, are over doors at Hamptoncourt; and lie
etched fome of his own defigns. His perfpeftives ha¬
ving been moft commonly applied to decorate courts or
gardens, have fuffered much from the weather. Such of
them as remain are monuments of an excellent ge¬
nius. The colours are durable and bright, and the
choice of them moft judicious. He died in Soho-fquare,
about the year 1693, aged 63.
Rousseau, John Baptijl, a celebrated French poet,
was born at Paris, in April 1671. His father, who
was a fhoemaker in good circumftances, made him
ftudy in the beft colleges of Paris, where he diftinguilh-
ed himfelf by his abilities. He at length applied him¬
felf entirely to poetry, and foon made himfelf known
by feveral ffiort pieces, that were filled wuth lively and
agreeable images, which made him fought for by per-
fons of the firft rank, and men of the brighteft genius.
He was admitted in quality of eleve, or pupil, into the
academy of Infcriptions and Belles Lettres, in 1701,
and almoft all the reft of his life attached himfelf
to fome great men. He attended Marffial Tallard
into England, in quality of fecretary, and here con-
trafted a friendffiip with St Evremond. At his return
to Paris, he was admitted into the politeft company,
lived among the courtiers, and feemed perfeftly fatis-
fied with his fituation ; when, in 1708, he was profe-
cuted for being the author of fome couplets, in which
the charafters of feveral perfons of wit and meiit were
blackened by the moft atrocious calumnies. This pro-
fecution made much noife ; and Roufleau was baniffied
in 1712 out of the kingdom, to which he wTas never
more to return, by a decree of the parliament of Paris,
However, he always fteadily denied, and even on his
death-bed, his being the author of thefe couplets.—
From the date of this fentence he lived in foreign coun¬
tries, where he found illuftrious proteftors. The count
de Luc, ambaffador of France, in Swiflerland, took
him into his family, and ftudied to render his life agree¬
able. Fie took him with him to the treaty of Baden in
1714, where he was one of the plenipotentiaries, and
prefented him to Prince Eugene, who entertaining a
particular efteem for him, took him to Vienna, and in¬
troduced him to the emperor’s court. Roufleau lived
about three years with Prince Eugene j but having loft
his favour by fatirifmg one of his miftrefies, he retired to
Bruflels, where he afterwards ufually refided, and where
S f he
R O U { 3:
Roufieau lie met with much attention and much genernhty, as we
ftiall foon mention.—It was there that his difpuics with
Voltaire commenced, with whom he had become ac¬
quainted at the college or Louis the Great, who then
much admired his turn for poetry. At that time V ol¬
taire afiiduoufly cultivated the acquaintance of Roulleau,
and made him a prefent of all his works ■, and iioul-
feau, flattered by his refpeft, announced him as a man
who would one day be a glory to the age. The author
of the Henriade continued to confult him about his pro¬
ductions, and to lavifh on him the highetl encomiums,
while their friendfhip daily increafed. When they again
met at Bruffels, however, they harboured the blackelt
malice, againlt one another. The caufe of this enmity,
as Roufleau and his friends tell the llcry, was a ledture
which he had compofed from his Epiflle to Julia, now
Urania. This piece frightened Voltaire, as it plainly
difcovered his rage againft him. The young man, vex¬
ed at thefe calumnies, underftood the whole as thrown
out againlt him. This is what Rouffeau aflerts. But
his adverfaries, and the friends of the poet whom he
cried down, fufpedted him, perhaps rather raflrly, of
having employed farcafms, becaufe he thought that his
own reputation was in danger of being eclipfed by that
of his rival. What is very lingular, thefe two cele¬
brated characters endeavoured each of them to prepoffefs
the public with a bad opinion of the other, which they
themlelves never entertained in reality, and to fmother
in their bread, that efleem for each other which, in de¬
fiance of all their exertions, lull held its place. Rouf¬
feau, from the period of this difpute, ahvays repre-
fented Voltaire as a buffoon, as a writer poffeffing nei¬
ther tafte nor judgement, who owed all his fuccels to a
particular mode which he purfued. As a poet he confi-
. dered him as inferior to Lucan, and little fuperior to
Pradon. Voltaire treated him Hill worfe. Roulfeau, ac¬
cording to him, wras nothing better than a plagiarift,
who could make fliift to rhime, but could not make
any reflexions •, that he had nothing but the talent of
arranging words, and that he had even loti that in fo¬
reign countries. He thus addrefles him, in a piece lit¬
tle known.
Jujfdot le Dieu nut irfmfpire
T'arrccha le luth et la lyre
avoient dejkonores tes tv amt;
Tu ri'es plus niPt/n reptile immcnde^
Rebut du pGrnajJe et du tnonde
Enfeveli dans tes venins.
In confequence of the little efteem in which Roufleau
was held at BrufTels, he could never forget Paris. The
grand-prior of Vendome, and the baron de Breteuil,
folicited the regent dike of Orleans to allow him to
return 5 which favour was obtained. But our poet, be¬
fore he would make ufe of the lettres de rapel iiTued in
his favour, demanded a review of his procefs, which he
wifhed to.be repealed, not as a matter of favour, but
by a folemn judgement of court ; but his petition was
refufed. He then came over, in 1 721. to England, wTere
he printed A ColleEhon of his Works, in 2 vcls 1 2mo,
at London. This edition, publifhed in 172-3, brought
him near 10,000 crowns, the whole of which he placed
in the hands of the Ofte* d company. The affairs of
this company, however, foon petting into confufion, all
thofe who had any money in their hands loft the whole
2 ] • R o U
of it, by which unfortunate event RcuUeau, when'ar- R;-t.tIi an.
rived at that age when he flood moil in need of the v
comforts of fortune, had nothing to depend upon but
the generoftty of feme friends. Boutet, public notary
in Paris, was peculiarly generous and attentive to him.
He found a tiill greater aiylum in the duke d’Arem-
berg, whofe table was open to him at all times j who be¬
ing obliged in 1733 to go into the army in Germany,
fettled on him a penfion of 1 500 livres. But unfortu¬
nately he foon lolt his good opinion, having been inir
prudent enough to publifh in a journal (of w'hich Vol¬
taire accufed him), that the duke d’Aremberg was the
author of thofe verfes for which he himfelf had been
banifned France. He was therefore diimifled from his
table, and Iris pride would not allow him to accept of
the penfion after this ruptute. Bruffels now became
infupportable to him } and the count de Luc, and M.
de Senozan, receiver-general of the church revenue, be¬
ing informed of his difappointments, invited him to
come privately to Paris, in the hopes of procuring a
diminution of the period of his banilhment. Some
time previous to this Rouffeau had publithed two new
letters ; one to P. Rrumoy, on tragedy ; the other to
Rollin, on hiftory. It is laid, he expeXed from his
letter to Brumoy to get the favour of ail the jeluits •,
and from the one to Rollin, the patronage of the Jan-
feniils. He had likewiie written an Ode, in piitrle of
Cardinal de Fleury, on Pea e, which met with a fa¬
vourable reception, although it was not equal to tome
of his former pieces. He imagined his lelurn to Paris
would be found no difficult matter. He attempted it,
and found he could not obtain a pals for a Angle year.
Some fay, that Roufleau had irritated iome perlbns in
power, by an allegory, called i he Judgement of ] luto ;
in which piece he deferibes one of the principal judges,
whofe fkin Pluto had caufed to be taken off and ftretch-
ed out cn the feat in the bench. This iatire, joined
to the fecret machinations of enemies, rendered ail the
attempts of his. friends to procure his return abortive.
After having ftaid three months at Pans, he returned
to Bruffels in February 1740, at which place “he died
March 17. 1741, ftrongly impreffed with religious ien-
timents. Immediately before he received the viaticum,
he protefted he w as not the author of thofe horrid verfes
W'hich had fo much embittered his life ; and this decla¬
ration, in the opinion of the virtuous part of mankind,
will be ccnfidered as a fufficient proof of Iris innocence.
Some have faid that Roufleau was profane, troubkfome,
capricious, forward, vindiXive, envious, a flatterer, and
a fetirift. Others again reprefent him as a man full of
candour and opennefs, a faithful and grateful friend,
and as a Chriftian affeXed with a fenfe of religion.—
A mi dll fuch widely varied accounts it is difficult to
form an opinion of his charaXer. Such cf our readers
as wifh to know more of this great poet may coniult
the DiXionary of M. Chaupepie, written with as much
precifion as impartiality, who endeavours to give a juft
idea of his cbaraXer. From what he fays, it does not
appear that Rouffeau can be cleared from the accufa-
tion brought againft him of having attacked his bene-
faXors. We believe he may be much more eafily freed
from the imputation brought againft him by feme of ha¬
ving difowned his father: for what occafion had Rouf¬
feau to conceal the obfeurity of his birth ? It exalted
is own merit*
M. Sc guy,
V
R O U :
t^ouffeau. M. Sag ay, in concert with M. the prince of la
Tour Taffis, has given a very beautiful edition of his
works, agreeable to the poet’s lull corrections. It was
publiHied in 1743, at Paris, in 3 vols. 4to, and in 4
vols. I 2nao, containing nothing but what was acknow¬
ledged by the author as his own. It contains, 1. Four
Books of Odes, of which the firtt are facred odes, ta¬
ken from the Pfalms. “ Rouffeau (lays Ferron) unites
in himfeif Pindar, Horace, Anacreon, and Malherbe.
What fire, wrhat genius, what flights of imagination,
what rapidity of defcription, what variety of aiiecring
flrokes, what a crowd of brilliant companions, what
ricbriefs of rhymes, what happy verfification ; but efpe-
cially tvhat inimitable expreflion ! His verfes are finkh-
ed in the higheit llyle of perfection that French verfe is
capable of affuming.” The lyric compofltions of Rouf¬
feau are, in general, above mediocrity. Ail his odes
are not, however, of equal merit. The mold beautiful
me thofe which he has addreffed to count de Luc, to
Malherbe, to Prince Eugene, to Vendome, to the Chri-
flian princes ; his Odes on the death of the prince de
Conti, on the battle of Peterwaradin ; and the Ode to
Fortune, although there are certaimy fome few weak
flanzas to be met with in it. There is conliderable
neatnefs in the compofition of the Ode to a Widow, in
his ftanzas to the Abbe de Chaulieu, in his addreffes to
Roflignol, in his Odes to count de Bonneval, to M.
Duehe, and to count de Sinzindorf j and it is to be la¬
mented that he wrote fo few pieces of this kind, from
which his genius feemed to lead him with difliculty. 2.
Two Books of Epiltles, in verfe. Although thefe do
not want their beauties, yet there prevails too much of
a mifanthropic fpirit in them, which takes away greatly
from their excellence. He makes too frequent mention
of his enemies and bis misfortunes 5 he difplays thofe
principles which are fupported lefs on the balls of truth
than on thofe various paflions which ruled his mind at
tiie time. Fie puts forth his anger in paradoxes. If
he be reckoned equal to Horace in his odes, he is far in¬
ferior in his epiftles. There is much more philofophy
in the Roman poet than in him. 3. Cantatas. He is
the father of this fpecies of poetry, in which he Hands
unrivalled. His pieces of this fort breathe that poetical
expreffion, that piiRurefque ftyle, thofe happy turns, and
thofe eafy graces, which conftitute the true chara&er of
this kind of writing. He is as lively and impetuous as
he is mild and alleging, adapting himfeif to the paflions
of thofe perfons whom he makes to fpeak. “ I confefs
(fays M. de la Harpe) that I find the cantatas of Roaf-
feau more purely lyric than his odes, although he riles
to greater heights in thefe. I fee nothing in his canta¬
tas but bold and agreeable images. Pie always addrcffes
himfeif to the imagination, and he never becomes ei¬
ther too verbcfe or too prolix. On the contrary, in
lome of the belt of his odes, we find fome languilhing
ftanzas, ideas too long delayed, and verfes of inexcufa-
ble meannefs.” 4. Allegories, the moll of which are
happy, but fome of them appear forced. 5. Epigrams,
after the manner of Martial and Marot. He has taken
care to leave out of this edition thofe pieces which li-
centioufnefs and debauchery infpired. They bear, in¬
deed, as well as his other pieces, the marks of genius ;
but luch produftions are calculated only to dilhonour
their authors, and corrupt the heart of thofe who read
them. 5. A Book of Poems on Various Subjects,
23 ] R O U
which fometimes want both eafe and delicacy. The RoufTeau.
molt diflinguilhed are tw'O eclogues, imitated from Vir- ““—v—
gil. 6. lour comedies in verfe ; the Flatterer, whole
character is well fyppoited the Imaginary Forefathers,
a piece which had much leis fucceis, although it affords
iuiticiently good fentiment ; the Capricious Man, and
the Dupe oj Herfelf, pieces of very inconfiderable merit.
7. Three comedies in prole 5 the Caffee houfe, the Ma¬
gic Girdle, and the Madragore, which are htile better
than his other theatrical pieces. The theatre was by
no means his forte } he had a genius more luited for
falire than comedy, more akin to Boileau’s than Mo-
liere’s. 8. A Colleliion of Letters, in prole. In this
edition he has feieffed the moll interefling.—There is
a larger coiledlion in 5 volumes. This laft has done
at the fame time both injury and honour to his memory.
Roufleau in it fpeaks both in favour of and againft the
very fame perfons. He appears too hafly in tearing to
pieces the characters of thofe who difpleale him. We
behold in them a man of a Heady character and an ele¬
vated mind, w7ho willies to return to his native country
only that he might be enabled completely to jultify his
reputation. We fee him again correfponding with per¬
fons of great merit and uncommon integrity, with the
Abbe d’Olivet, Racine the fon, the poets La Foffe and
Duche, the celebrated Roilin, M. le Franc de Pompig-
nan, &c. &c. We meet alio with fome anecdotes and
exaCl judgements of feveral writers. A bookfeller in
Holland has publilhed his port-folio, which does him no
honour. There are, indeed, fome pieces in this wretch*
ed colleClion which did come from the pen of Rouffeau ;
but he is lels to be blamed for them than they are who
have drawn thefe works from that oblivion to which our
great poet had configned them. A pretty good edition
of his SeleSl Pieces appeared at Paris in 1741, in a finall
i2mo volume. His portrait, engraved by the celebra¬
ted Aved, his old friend, made its appearance in 1778,
with the following motto from Martial i
Ceriior in nofro carmine vultus erit.
Rousseau, John-James, was born at Geneva, June
28. 1712. His father was by profeffion a clock and
watch maker. At his birth, which, he fays, was the
firH of his misfortunes, lie endangered the life of his
mother, and he himfeif was for a long time after in a
very weak and languifhing Hate of health ; but as his
bodily flrength increafed, his mental powers gradually
opened, and afforded the hapnietl prefages of future
greatnefs. His father, who was a citizen of Geneva,
was a well-informed tradefman ; and in the place where
he wrought he kept a Plutarch and a Tacitus, and
thefe authors of courfe loon became familiar to his
fon. A rafla juvenile Hen occafioned his leaving his
father’s houfe. “ Finding himfeif a fugitive, in a
flrange country, and without money or friends, lie
changed (fays he himfeif) his religion, in order to
procure a fubfiilence.” Bornex, bifliop of Anneci,
from whom he fought an afylum, committed the care
of his education to Madame de Warrens, an ingenious
and amiable lady, who had in 1726 left part of her
wealth, and the Protetlant religion, in order to throw
herfelf into the bofom of the church. This generous
lady ferved in the triple capacity of a mother, a friend,
and a lover, to the new profelyte, whom Hie regarded
as her fon. The neceflity of procuring for himfeif
S f 2 fome.
Roufleciu
R O U
Tome fettieraent, however, or perhaps his unfettled dif-
pofnion, obliged RoulTeau often to leave this tender mo¬
ther.
He poireSc'd more than ordinary talents for mulic ;
and the Abbe Blanchard flattered his hopes with a
place in the royal chapel, which he, however, failed
in obtaining for him; he was therefore under the ne-
ceflity of teaching mufic at Chamberi. He remained
in this place till 1741, in which year he wrent to Paris,
where he wTas long in very deftitute circumftances.
Writing to a friend in 1743, he thus expreflfes himfelf:
“ Every thing is dear here, but efpecially bread.”
What an expreflion ; and to what may not genius be
reduced ! Meanwhile he now began to emerge from
that obfcurity in which he had hitherto been buried.
His friends placed him with M. de Montaigne, ambaffa-
dor from France to Venice. According to his own
confeflion, a proud mifanthropy and a peculiar contempt
of the riches and pleafures of this wmrld, conftituted the
chief traits in his character, and a mifunderftarding foon
took place between him and the ambaflador. The place
of depute, under M. Dupin, farmer-general, a man of
conflderable parts, gave him fome temporary relief,- and
enabled him to be of fome benefit to Madame de War¬
rens his former benefaftrefs. The year 1750 was the
commencement of his literary career. The academy of
Dijon had propofed the following queftion : “ Whether
the revival of the arts and fciences has contributed to
the refinement of manners ?” Bouffeau at firfl inclined
to fupport the affirmative. “ This is the pons ajinorum
(fays a philofopher, at that time a friend of his), take
the negative fide of the queftion, and Pll promife you
the greateft fuccefs.”
His difcourfe againft the fciences, accordingly, ha¬
ving been found to be the belt written, and replete
with the deepeft reafoning, wras publicly crowmed with
the approbation of that learned body. Never wras a
paradox fupported with more eloquence : it was not
however a new one ; but he enriched it wnth all the
advantages w'hich either knowdedge or genius could
confer on it. Immediately after its appearance, he
met with feveral opponents of his tenets, which he de¬
fended ; and from one difpute to another, he found
himfelf involved in a formidable train of correfpondence,
without having ever almoft dreamed of fuch oppofitiorn
From that period he decreafed in happinefs as he increa-
fed in celebrity. His “ Difcourfe on the Caufes of In¬
equality among Mankind, and on the Origin of Social
Compa&s,” a work full of almoft; unintelligible maxims
and wild ideas, w7as written wuth a view to prove that
mankind are equal \ that they w7ere born to live apart
from each other j and that they have perverted the or¬
der of nature in forming focieties. He beftows the
higheft praife on the ftate of nature, and deprecates the
idea of every focial compaft. This difcourfe, and efpe¬
cially the dedication of it to the republic of Geneva, are
the chef-d'ceuvres of that kind of eloquence of which
the ancients alone had given us any idea. By prefent-
ing this performance to the magiftrates, he w7as received
again into his native country, and reinftated in all the
privileges and rights of a citizen, after having wuth
much difficulty prevailed on himfelf to abjure the Ca¬
tholic religion Fie foon, however, returned to France,
and lived for fome time in Paris. He afterwards gave
himfelf up. to retirement, to efcape the {hafts of criticifm,
n o u
and follow after Vne regimen which the ftrangury, with Rcufllau,
which he was tormented, demanded of him. This is an ——-y*—-
important epoch in the hillory of his life, as it is owing
to this circumftance, perhaps, that we have the molt
elegant works that have come from his pen. His “ Let¬
ter to M. d’Alembert” on the defign of eredting a theatre
at Geneva, written in his retirement, and publiftied in
1757, contains, along with fome paradoxes, fome very
important and well-handled truths. This letter firll
drew down upon him the envy of Voltaire, and was
the cau'e of thofe indignities with which that author
- never ceafed to load him. What is Angular in him, is,
that although lo great an enemy to theatrical reprefen-
tations himfelf, he caufed a comedy to be printed, and
in 1752 gave to the theatre a paftoral (The Village
Conjuror), of which he compofed both the poetry and
mufic, both of them abounding with fentiment and ele¬
gance, and full of innocent and rural fimplicity. What
renders the Village Conjuror highly delightful to per-
fons of tafte, is that perfedt harmony of wTords and mufic
which everywhere pervades it; that proper connection
among the parties who compofe it j and its being per-
fedtly corredt from beginning to end. The mufician
hath fpoken, hath thought, and felt like a poet. Every
thing in it is agreeable, interefting, and far fuperior to
thofe common affedted and infipid produdtions of our
modern petit-dramas. His Didtionary of Mufic af¬
fords feveral excellent articles; fome of them, however,
are very inaccurate. “ This work (fays M. la Borde),
in his Eflay on Mufic, has need to be writen over
again, to fave much trouble to thofe who wiftr to ftudy
it, and prevent them from falling into errors, which
it is difficult to avoid, from the engaging manner in
which Roufleau drags along his readers.” The paffages
in it which have any reference to literature may be eafi-
ly diftinguiftied, as they are treated with the agreeable-
nefs of a man of wit and the exadtnefs of a man of tafte.
Rouffeau, foon after the rapid fuccefs of his Village Con¬
juror, publilhed a Letter on French Mufic, or rather
again]} French Mufic, written with as much freedom as
livelinefs. The exafperated partifans of French comedy
treated him with as much fury as if he had confpired
againft the ftate. A crowd of infignificant enthufiafts
fpent their ftrength in outcries againft: him. He was
infulted, menaced, and lampooned. Harmonic fanati-
cifm went even to hang him up in effigy.
That interefting and tender ttyle, which is fo confpi-
cuous throughout the Village Conjuror, animates feveral
letters in the New' Heloifa, in fix parts, publifhed 1761,
in I zmo. This epiftolary romance, of which the plot is
ill-managed, and the arrangement bad, like all other
works of genius, has its beauties as well as its faults.
More truth in his charafters and more precifion in his
details were to have been wiftied. The charafters, as
well as their ftyle, have too much famenefs, and their
language is too affefted and exaggerated. Some of
the letters are indeed admirable, from the force and
w'armth of expreflion, from an effervefcence of fenti-
ments, from the irregularity of ideas which always cha-
raflerife a paffion carried to its height. But w'hy is fo
affe61ing a letter fo often accompanied with an unimpor¬
tant digreflion, an infipid criticifm, or a felf-contradi<R-
ing paradox ? Why, after having (hone in all the energy
of fentiment, does he on a fudden turn unaffefting ? It is
becaufe none of the perfonages are truly interefting.
That
[ 324 1
R O U L 325 ] R O U
F.onfleau. That of St Preux is weak, and often forced. Julia is
an affemblage of tendernefs and pity, of elevation of foul
and of coquetry, of natural parts and pedantry. Wol-
mar is a violent man, and almolt beyond the limits of
nature. In fine, when he withes to change his ftyle,
and adopt that of the fpeaker, it may eafily be obferved
that he does not long fupport it, and every attempt em-
barrafies the author and cools the reader. In the He-
loifa, Roufleau’s unlucky talent of rendering every thing
problematical, appears very confpicuous; as in his argu¬
ments in favour of and againft duelling, which afford an
apology for filicide, and a ju(t condemnation of it: in
Ids facility in palliating the crime of adultery, and his
very ftrong reafons to make it abhorred : on the one
hand, in declamations againft focial happinefs $ on the
other, in tranfports in favour of humanity : here, in vio¬
lent rhapfodies againft philofophers; there, by a rage
for adopting their opinions : the exiftence of God attack¬
ed by fophiftry, and Atheifts confuted by the moft ir¬
refragable arguments ; the Chriftian religion combated
by the moft fpecious objedtions, and celebrated with the
moft fublime eulogies.
His Emilius afterwards made more noife than the new
Heloifa. This moral romance, which was publiihed in
1762, in four vols 12mo, treats chiefly of education.
Rouffeau whhed to follow nature in every thing ; and
though his fyftem in feveral places differs from received
ideas, it delerves in many refpedfs to be put in prac¬
tice, and with fome neceffary modifications it has been
fo. His precepts are expreffed with the force and dig¬
nity of a mind full of the leading truths of morality.
If he has not always been virtuous, no body at leaft
has felt it more, or made it appear to more advan¬
tage. Every thing which he fays againft: luxury (hows
the vices and conceited opinions of his age, and is
worthy at once of Plato or of Tacitus. His ftyle is
peculiar to himfelf. He fometimes, however, appears,
by a kind of affedfed rudenefs and afperity, to ape at
the mode of Montaigne, of whom he is a great admi¬
rer, and whofe fentiments and expreflions he often
clothes in a new drefs. What is moft to be lamented
is, that in wiftiing to educate a young man as a Chri¬
ftian, he has filled his third volume with objedtions
againft Chriftianity. He has, it muft be confeffed,
given a very fublime eulogium on the gofpel, and an
affedting portrait of its divine Author : but the mi¬
racles and the prophecies, which ferve to eftablifh his
million, he attacks without the leaft referve. Admit¬
ting only natural religion, he weighs every thing in
the balance of reafon ; and this reafon being falfe, leads
him into dilemmas very unfavourable to his own repofe
and happinefs.
He dwelt from in a finall houfe in the country
near Montmorenci; a retreat which he owed to the ge-
nerofity of a farmer-general. The caufe of his love for
this retirement was, according to himfelf, c‘ that invin¬
cible fpirit of liberty which nothing could conquer, and
in competition with which honours, fortune, and repu¬
tation, could not ftand. It is true, this defire of liberty
has occafioned lefs pride than lazinefs ; but this indo¬
lence is inconceivable. Every thing ftartles it } the
moft inconfiderable reciprocahties of focial life are to it
infupportable. A word to fpeak, a letter to write, a
vifit to pay, things neceffary to be done, are to me pu-
iiifhaients. Hear my reafons. Although tb© ordinary
intercourfe between mankind be odious to me, intimate Roufleao*
friendlhip appears to me very dear 5 becaufe there are
no mere ceremonies due to it; it agrees with the heart,
and all is accomplilhed. Hear, again, why I have al¬
ways Ihunned kindnefles fo much 5 becaufe every aft of
kindnefs requires a grateful mind, and I find my heart
ungrateful, from this alone, that gratitude is a duty.
Laftly, that kind of felicity which is neceflaryfor me, is
not fo much to do that which I wifh, as not to do what
I with not to do.” Rouffeau enjoyed this felicity which
. he fo much wiihed in his retirement. Without entirely
adopting that too rigorous mode of life purfued by the
ancient Cynics, he deprived himfelf of every thing that
could in any meafure add fuel to this wilhed-for luxury,
which is ever the companion of riches, and which in¬
verts even cuftom itfelf. He might have been happy in
this retreat, if he could have forgot this public which
he affefted to defpife •, but his defire after a great name
got the better of his felf-love, and it was this thirft after
reputation which made him introduce fo many danger¬
ous paragraphs in his Emilia.
The French parliament condemned this book in 1762,
and entered into a criminal profecutiou againft the au¬
thor, which forced him to make a precipitate retreat.
He direfted his fteps towards his native country, which
Unit its gates upon him. Profcribed in the place where
he firft drew breath, he fought an afylum in Switzer¬
land, and found one in the principality of NeufchateL
His firft care was to defend his Emilia againft the man¬
date of the archbilhop of Paris, by whom it had been
anathematifed. In 1763 he publiftied a letter, in which
he re-exhibits all his errors, fet off with the moft ani¬
mated difplay of eloquence, and in the moft infidious
manner. In this letter he deferibes himfelf as “ more
vehement than celebrated in his refearches, but fincere
on the whole, even againft himfelf j fimple and good,
but fenfible and weak ; often doing evil, and always
loving good ; united by friendftiip, never by circum-
ftances, and keeping more to his opinions than to his in-
terefts j requiring nothing of men, and not wilhing to
be under any obligation to them ; yielding no more to
their prejudices than to their will, and preferving his
own as free as his reafon ; difputing about religion with¬
out licentioufnefs; loving neither impiety nor fanaticifin,
but difliking precife people more than bold fpirits,” &c.
From this fpecimen, the limitations he would appoint to
this portrait may eafily be difeovered.
The letters of La Montaigne appeared foon after 5
but this work, far lefs eloquent, and full of envious dif-
cuffions on the magiftrates and clergy of Geneva, irri¬
tated the Proteftant minifters without effefting a recon¬
ciliation with the clergy of the Romifh church. Rouf-
feau had folemnly abjured the latter religion in 1733,
and, what is fomewhat ftrange, had then refolved to live
in France, a Catholic country. The Proteftant clergy
were not fully reconciled by this change ; and the pro-
teftion of the king of Pruflia, to whom the principality
of Neufchatel belonged, was not fufficient to refcua him
from that obloquy which the minifter of Moutiers-
Travers, the village to which he had retired, had ex¬
cited againft him. He preached againft Rouffeau, and
his fermons produced an uproar among the people. On
the night between the 6th and 7th September 1765,
fome fanatics, drove on by wine and the declamations
cf their minifter, threw fame ft ones at the windows of
fche
R O U [ 326 ] R O U
Rouffeau. the Genevan philofopher, who fearing new xnfuits, in
vain fought an afylutn in the canton of Berne. As this
canton was connefted with the republic of Geneva,
they did not think proper to allow' him to remain in
their city, being profcribed by that republic. Neither
his broken ftate of health, nor the approach of winter,
could foften the hearts of thofe obdurate Spartans. In
vain, to prevent them from the fear they had of the
ipreading of his opinions, did he bt'eech them to Ihut
him up in prifon till the fpring ; for even this favour
was denied him. Obliged to fet out on a journey, in
the beginning of a very inclement feafon, he reached
■Stralhourg in a very deftitute fituation. He received
from Marfhal de Contades, who then commanded in that
place, every accommodation which could be expefled
from generofity, humanity, and compaffion. He wait¬
ed there till the weather was milder, when he w'ent to
Paris, where Mr Hume then was, who determined on
taking him with him to England. After having made
fome ftay in Paris, RouiTeau a&ually fet out for Lon¬
don in 1'766. Hume, much affe&ed with his fituation
and his misfortunes, procured for him a very agreeable
fettlement in the country. Our Genevan philofopher
was not, however, long fatisfied with this new place.
He did not make fuch an impreflion on the minds of
the Englifh as he had done on the French. His free
difpolition, his obdurate and melancholy temper, was
deemed no Angularity in England. > He was there look¬
ed upon as an ordinary man, and the periodical prints
were filled with fatires againlt him. In particular, they
publifhed a forged letter from the king of Pruflia, hold¬
ing up to ridicule the principles and conduft of this new
Hiogenes. Roufleau imagined there was a plot between
Hume and fome philofophers in France to defiroy his
gloxy and repofe. He fent a letter to him, filled with
the moil abufive exprefiions. and reproaching him for
his conduft towards him. From this time lie looked
upon Hume as a ivicked and perfidious perfon, wTho had
brought him to England with no other view than to ex-
pofe him to public ridicule ; which foolifii and chimeri¬
cal idea was nourifired by felf-love and a refilefs difpofi-
tion. He imagined that the Englifir philofopher, amidfi:
all his kindnefies, had fomething difagreeable in the
manner of exprefiing them. The bad health of Rouf¬
feau, a ftrong and melancholy imagination, a too nice
fenfibility, a jealous difpofition, joined with philofophic
vanity, cheiifhed by the falfe informations of his gover-
nefs, who pofiefied an uncommon power over him } all
thefc taken together, might tend to prepofiefs him with
unfavourable fentiments of fome innocent freedoms his
benefadlor might have taken with him, and might ren¬
der him ungrateful, which he thought himfelf incapable
of becoming. Meanwhile, thefe falfe conje&ures and
probabilities ought never to have had the weight with
an honeft mind to withdraw itfelf from its friend and
benefactor. Proofs are always neceflary in cafes of this
kind •, and that which Rouffeau had wras bv no means a
certain demonftration. The Genevan phiiofopher, how¬
ever, certainly returned to France. In pafixng through
Amiens, he met with M. Greffet, who interrogated him
about his misfortunes and the controverfies he had been
engaged in. He only anfvvered, “ You have got the
art of making a parrot fpeak ; but you are not yet pof-
feffed of the fecret of making a hear fpeak.” In the
mean time, the magifirates of this city wifiied to confer
on him fome mark of their eileem, which he abfoluteiy Rouffeau.
refuied. His dilordered imagination viewed thefe Hat-
tering civilities as nothing elie than infults, Rich as were
lavifiied on Sancho in tiie ifiand of Barataria. He
thought one part of the people looked upon him as like
Lazarille of Tormes, wrho, being fixed to the bottom of
a tub, with only his head out oi the water, was carried
from one town to another to amufe the vulgar. But
theie wrong and whimfical ideas did not prevent him
from afpiring after a refidence in Paris, where, without
doubt, he was more looked on as a fpeclacle than in any
other place whatever. On the iff July 1770, Rouffeau
appeared, for the firft time, at the regency coffee-houfe,
dreffed in ordinary clothing, having for fome time pre¬
vious to this wore an Armenian habit. He was loaded
with praifes by the furrounding multitude. “ It is
fomewhat Angular (fays M. Sennebier) to fee a man fo
haughty as he returning to the very place from whence
he had been baniftied fo often. Nor is ic one of the
fmalleft inconfiftencies of this extraordinary character,
that he preferred a retreat in that place of which he
had fpoken fo much ill.” It is as lingular that a per¬
fon under fentence of imprifonment Ihould wilh to live
in fo public a manner in the very place where his fen¬
tence was in force againff him. His friends procured
for him, however, liberty of Haying, on condition that
he fiiould neither write on religion nor politics: he kept
his word ; for he wrote none at all. Pie was contented
with living in a calm philofophical manner, giving him¬
felf to the fociety of a few tried friends, firunning the
company of the great, appearing to have given up all his
whimfies, and affefting neither the character of a phi¬
lofopher nor a bel cfprit. He died of an apoplexy at
Ermenonville, belonging to the marquis de Girardin,
about ten leagues from Paris, July 2. 1778, aged 66
years. This nobleman has erefted to his memory a
very plain monument, in a grove of poplars, which con-
flitutes part of his beautiful gardens. On the tomb are
infcribed the following epitaphs:
Ici repofe
DHomme de la Natnre
Et de la Verite'!
Vitam imp end ere Vero *. * j.jjs
Hie jacent OJfa J. J. Rouffeau. te‘
The curious who go to fee this tomb like wife fee the
cloak which the Genevan philofopher wore. Above
the door is infcribed the following fentence, which
might afford matter for a whole book : “ He is truly
free, who, to accomplilh his pleafure, has no need of
the ajjijldnce of a fecond perfon.'‘'> Rouffeau, during his
ftay in the environs of Lyons, married Mademoifelle le
Vaffeur, his governefs, a woman who, without either
beauty or talents, had gained over him a great afeen-
dancy. She waited on him in health and in ficknefs:
But as if file had been jealous of poffcffing him alone,
Ihe drove from his mind, by the moft perfidious infinu-
ations, all thofe who came to entertain him ; and when
Rouffeau did not difmifs them, fire prevented their re¬
turn by invariably refufing them admittance. By thefe
means the the more eafily led her hufband into incon-
fiftencies ol condu<R, which the originality of his cha-
radfer as well as of his opinions fo much contributed
to affift. Nature had perhaps but given him the em¬
bryo
R O U [ 327 ] R O U
RouOeau. bryo of his character, and art had probably united to
““-V*—make it more (inguiar. He did not incline to aflbciate
with any perfyn j and as this method of thinking and
living was uncommon, it procured him a name, and Lb
difplayed a kind of fantafticalnefs in his behaviour and
his writings. Like Diogenes of old, he united fimpli-
city of manners with all the pride of genius •, and a
large dock of indolence, with an extreme lenfibility, fer-
ved to render his charafler dill more uncommon. “ An
indolent mind (fays he), terrined at every application, a
warm, bilious, and irritable temperament, fenfible alfo in
a high degree to every thing that can afieft it, appear
not poffioie to be unhed in the fame perfon : and yet
thefe two contrarieties compofe the chief of mine. An
active life has no charms for me. 1 would an hundred
times racher confent to he idie than to do any thing
againd my will ; and I have an hundred times thought
that I wouid live not amils in the Batiile, provided I
had nothing to do but jud continue there. In my
younger days I made feveral attempts ro get in there 5
but as they were only with the view of procuring a re¬
fuge and red in my old age, and, like the exertions of
an indolent perlbn, only by fits and darts, they were
never attended with the fmalled iuccefs. When mif-
fortunes came, they afforded me a pretext of, giving
mylelf up to my ruling paflion.” He often exagge rated
his misfortunes to himfelf as well as to others. He en¬
deavoured particularly to render intereding by his de-
fcription his misfortunes and his pover y, although the
former were far lefs than he imagined, and notwith-
ftanding he had certain refources againd the latter. In
other refpefls he was charitable, generous, fober, jud,
contenting himfelf with what was purely neceffary, and
reiufing the means which might have procured him
wealth and offices. He cannot, like many other fo-
pnids, be accufed of having often repeated with a du-
died emphafis the word Virtue, without infpiring the
fentiment. When he is fpeaking of the duties of man¬
kind, of the principles neceffary to our happinefs, of
the duty we owe to ourfelves and to our equals, it is
with a copioufnefs, a- charm, and an impetuofity, that
could only proceed from the heart. Fie faid one day
to M. de Budon, “ You have afferted and proved be¬
fore J. J. Rouffeau, that mothers ought to fuckle their
children.” “ Yes (fays this great naturalid), we have
all faid fo; but M. iiouffeau alone forbids it, and caufes
nimfelf to be obeyed.” Another academician faid, “ that
the virtues of Voltaire were without heart, and thofe of
Rouffeau without head.” He was acquainted at an
early age with the wo ks of the Greek and Roman au¬
thors j and the republican virtues there held forth to
view, the rigorous aufterity of Cato, Brutus, &tc. car¬
ried him beyond the limits of a limple elHmation of
them. Influenced by his imagination, he admired
every thing in the ancients, and faw nothing in his con¬
temporaries but enervated minds and degenerated bo¬
dies.
. ^1S ideas about politics were almoft as eccentric as
his paradoxes about religion. Se me reckon his Social
Compact, which Voltaire calls the Utfacial CompaB, the
greateff effort his genius produced. Others find it full
oi cont: adnfhons, errors, and cynical patlages, obfcuie,
ill arranged, and by no means worthy of his fliining
pen. i here are feveral other fmall pieces wrote by
him, to be found in a collection of his works publifhed
in 25 vols 8vo and tamo, to which there is appended Roafu-au.
a very infigmficant fupplement in 6 vols. —y—j
i he molt ufcful and moft important truths in this
collection are picked out in his Thoughts ; in which the
confident fophifl and the impious author difappear, and
nothing is offered to the reader but the eloquent writer
and the contemplative moralill. There were found in
his port-folio his Confeflions, in twelve books; the nnt
fix of which were publiihed. “ In the preface to thefe
memoirs, rvhich abound with characters well drawn, and
written with warmth, with energy, and fometimes with
elegance, he declares (fays M. Paliffot), like a peevifh
mifanthrope, who boldly introduces himfelf on the ruins
of the world, to declare to mankind, whom he fuppofes
affembled upon thefe ruins, that in that innumerable
multitude, none could dare to lay, / cm better than that
man. This affectation of feeing himlelf alone in the
univerfe, and of continually directing every thing to
himfelf, may appear to feme rnoroie minds a fanaticifm
of pride, of which we have no examples, at leaf! fince
the time of Cardan.” But this is not the only blame
which may be attached to the author of the Confeflions.
With uneafinefs we fee him, under the pretext of lin-
cerity, diihonounng the character of his benefabtrefs
Lady Warren. There are innuendos no lefs offenfive
againft obfeure and celebrated characters, which ought
entirely or partly to have been luppreffed. A lady of
W'it faid, that Rouffeau would have been held in higher
eftimation for virtue, “ had he died without his confef-
fion.” The fame opinion is entertained by M. S'Mine-
bler, author of the Literary Hiitory of Geneva : “ His
confeflions (fays he) appear to me to be a very dange¬
rous book, and paint Rouffeau in fuch colours as we
would never have ventured to apply to him. The ex¬
cellent analyfes which we meet with of fame fentiments,
and the delicate anatomy which he makes of fome ac¬
tions, are not fuffreient to counterbalance the deteflable
matter which is found in them, and the unceafing ob¬
loquies evervxvhere to be met with.” It is certain,
that if Rouffeau has given a faithful delineation of fome
perfor.s, lie has viewed others through a cloud, which
formed in his mind perpetual fufpieions. He imagined
he thought jaftly and fpoke truK •, but the fimpleft
thing in nature, fays M. Servant, if diftilled through his
violent and fufpicious head, might become poifon. Rouf¬
feau, in what he fays of himfelf, makes fuch acknow¬
ledgments as certainly prove that there were better
men than he, at leal! if we may judge h m from the
firft fix books of his memoirs, where nothing appears
but his vices. They ought not perhaps to he feparated
from the fix laft books, where he fpeaks of the virtues
which make reparation for them ; or rather the work
ought not to have been publiftied at all, if it be true
(which there can be little doubt of) that in his confef-
fions he injured the public manners, both by the bafe-
nefs of the vices he difclofed, and by the manner m'
which he united them with the virtues. The other
pieces which we find in this new edition of his works?
are, I. The Reveries of a Solitary Wanderer, being a
journal of the latter part of his life. In this he
cor.f.ffes, that he liked better to fend his children
into hofpitals deftined for orphans, than to take u on
himfelf the charge of their maintenance and edu¬
cation 5 and endeavours to pa1!rafe this error, xvhich
nothing can exculpate. 2. Confiderations upon th. Go-
venuueut
n G W t 328 ] ROW
RoulTeau veniment of Poland. 3. The Adventures of Lord Ed-
il ward, a novel, being a kind of fupplement to the new
. c~ Heloifa. 4. Various Memoirs and Fugitive Pieces, with
a great number of letters, lome of which are very long,
and written with too much fludy, but containing fome
eloquent paiTages and fome deep thought. 5. Emilia
and Sophia. 6. The Levite of Ephraim, a poem in prole,
in 4 cantos ; written in a truly ancient ftyle of fimpli-
city. 7. Letters to Sara. 8. An Opera and a Comedy.
9. Tranilations of the fn ft book of Tacitus’s Hiftory, of
the Epifode of Olinda and Sophronia, taken from Taffo,
&c. &c. Like all the other writings of Rouffeau, we
find in thefe pofthumous pieces many admirable and
fome ufeful things j but they alfo abound with contra-
dittions, paradoxes, and ideas very unfavourable to re¬
ligion. In his letters efpecially we fee a man chagri¬
ned at misfortunes, which he never attributes to himfelf,
fufpicious of every body about him, calling and belie¬
ving 'himfelf a lamb in the midft of wolves ; in one
word, as like Pafcal in the ftrength of his genius, as in
his fancy of always feeing a precipice about him. Ihis
is the refleftion of M. Servant, who knew him, affifted
him, and careffed him during his retreat at Grenoble in
1768. This magiftrate having been very attentive in
•bferving his charafler, ought the rather to be believed,
as he inlpe&ed it without either malice, envy, or refent-
ment, and only from the concern he had for this philo-
iopher, whom he loved and admired.
ROUT, in Law, is applied to an affembly of perfons
going forcibly to commit lome unlawful a£f, whether
they execute it or not. See Riot.
ROUTE, a public road, highway, or courfp, efpe¬
cially that which military forces take. This word is alfo
ufed for the defeat and flight of an army.
ROWE, Nicholas, defcended of an ancient family
in Devonfhire, was born in 1673" acquired a com¬
plete tafte of the claffic authors under the famous Dr
Bufhy in Weftminfter fchool; but poetry was his early
and darling ftudy. His father, who was a lavvyer,
and defigned him for his own profeffion, entered him a
Undent in the Middle Temple. He made remarkable
advances in the ftudy of the law; but the love of the
belles lettres, and of poetry in particular, ftopt him in
his career. His firft tragedy, the Ambitious Stepmo¬
ther, meeting with univerfal applaufe, he laid afide all
thoughts of riling by the law. He afterward compo-
fed feveral tragedies ; but that which he valued himfelf
moft upon, was his Tamerlane. The others are, the Fair
Penitent, Ulyffes, the Royal Convert, Jane Shore, and
Lady Jane Grey. He alfo wrote a poem called the Biter,
and feveral poems upon different fubjefts, which have
been publifhed under the title of Mifcellaneeus Works, in
one volume, as his dramatic works have been in two.
Rowe is chiefly to be confidered (Dr Johnfon ob-
ferves) in the light of a tragic writer and a tranflator.
In his attempt at comedy, he failed fo ignominioufly,
that his Biter is not inferted in his wmrks ; and his oc-
cafional poems and fhort compofitions are rarely wor¬
thy of either praife or cenfure, for they feem the ca-
fual fports of a mind feeking rather to amufe its leifure
than to exercife its powers. In the conftmftion of his
dramas there is not much art •, he is not a nice obferver
of the unities. He extends time, and varies place, as
his convenience requires. To vary the place is not (in
the opinion of the learned critic from whom thefe ob-
1
fervations are borrowed) any violation of nature, u
the change be made between the a£ts •, for it is no lefs '—““W-"
eafy for the fpedfator to fuppofe himfelf at Athens in
the fccond acl, than at Thebes in the firft j but to
change the fcene, as is done by Rowe in the middle of
an aft, is to add more afts to the play, fince an aft is
fo much of the bufinefs as is tranfafted without inter¬
ruption. Rowe, by this licence, eafily extricates him¬
felf from difficulties; as in Lady Jane Gray, when we
have been teniiied with all the dreadful pomp of public
execution, and are wondering how the heroine or the
poet will proceed, no fooner has Jane pronounced fome
prophetic rhimes, than-—pafs and be gone-—the fcene
doles, and Pembroke and Gardiner are turned out up¬
on the ftage. I know not (fays Dr Johnfon) that there
can be found in his plays any deep fearch into nature,
any accurate difcriminations of kindred qualities, or
nice difplay of paflion in its progrefs j all is general and
undefined. Nor does he much intereft or aft’eft the au¬
ditor, except in Jane Shore, who is always feen and
heard with pity. Alicia is a charafter of empty noife,
wuth no refemblance to real forrow or to natural madnefs.
Whence then has Row^e his reputation ? From the rea-
fonablenefs and propriety of fome of his fcenes, from
the elegance of his diftion, and the fuavity of his
verfe. He feldom moves either pity or terror, but he
often elevates the fentiment *, he feldom pierces the
breaft, but he always delights the ear, and often im¬
proves the underftanding. Being a great admirer of
Shakefpeare, he gave the public an edition of his plays;
to which he prefixed an account of that great man’s
life. But the moft confiderable of Mr Rowe’s per¬
formances was a tranflation of Lucan’s Pharfalia, which
he juft lived to finilh, but not to pubhfh ; for it did not
appear in print till 1728, ten years after his death.
Meanwdiile, the love of poetry and books did not
make him unfit for bufinefs; for nobody applied clofer
to it when occafion required. The duke of Queenf-
berry, when fecretary of ftate, made him fecretary for
public affairs. After the duke’s death, all avenues
were flopped to his preferment; and during the reft of
Queen Anne’s reign he paffed his time with the Mufes
and his books. A ftory, indeed, is told of him, which
fhows that he had fome acquaintance with her minifters.
It is faid, that he went one day to pay his court to the
lord treafurer Oxford, who alked him, “ If he underr
flood Spanifti well ?” He anfwered, “ Nobut think¬
ing that his Lordfliip might intend to fend him into
Spain on fome honourable commiflion, he prefently
added, “ that he did not doubt but he could ftiortly be
able both to underftand and to fpeak it;” T he earl ap¬
proving what he faid, Rowe took his leave ; and, re¬
tiring a few weeks to learn the language, waited again
on the Earl to acquaint him with it. His Lordlhip
a Iking him, “ If he was fure he underftood it thorough¬
ly ?” and Rowe affirming that he did, “ Flow happy are
you, Mr Rowe,” faid the Earl, “ that you can have the
pleafure of reading and underftanding the Hiftory of Don
Quixote in the original 1” On the acceffion of George I.
he was made poet laureat, and one of the land furveyors
of the cuftoms in the port of London. The prince of
Wales conferred on him the clerkfliip of his council ;
and the Lord Chancellor Parker made him his fecretary
for the prefentations. He did not enjoy, thefe promo¬
tions long; for he died Dec. 6. 1718, in his 45th year.
ROW [ 321 1 R O W
Rowe. Mr Rowe was twice married, had a fon by his firft
"“"V"—'' wife, and a daughter by his fecond. He was a hand-
fome, genteel man ; and his mind was as amiable as his
perfon. He lived beloved 5 and at his death had the
honour to be lamented by Mr Pope, in an epitaph
which is printed in Pope’s works, although it was not
affixed on Mr Rowe’s monument in Weftminfter-abbey,
where he was interred in the poet’s corner, oppolite to
Chaucer.
Rowe, E/ifabeth, an Engliffi lady, eminent for her
excellent writings both in profe and verfe, born at II-
cheller in Somerfetihire in 1647, was the daughter of
worthy parents, Mr Walter Singer and Pv'Irs Elifabeth
Portnel. She received the firft fericus impreffions of
religion as foon as fire was capable of it. There being
a great affinity between painting and poetry, this lady,
who had a vein for the one, naturally had a tafte for
the other. She was alfo very fond of muilc \ chiefly
of the grave and folemn kind, as beft fuked to the
grandeur of her fentiments and the fublimity of her
devotion. But poetry was her favourite employment,
her diftinguiftiing excellence. So prevalent was her ge¬
nius this way, that her profe is all poetical. In 1696,
a colleftion of her poems was publifhed at the defire of
two friends. Her paraphrafe on the xxxviiith chapter
of Job was written at the requeft of Bilhop Ken. She
had no other tutor for the F-ench and Italian languages
than the honourable Mr Thynne, who willingly took
the talk upon himfelf. Her fhining merit, with the
charms of her perfon and converfation, had procured
her a great many admirers. Among others, it is faid,
the famous Mr Prior made his addreffes to her. But Mr
Thomas Rowe was to be the happy man. This gen¬
tleman was honourably defcended : and his fuperior ge¬
nius, and. infatiable third: after knowledge, were con-
fpicuous in his earlieft years. He had formed a defign
to compile the lives of all the illuftrious perfons in an¬
tiquity omitted by Plutarch j which, indeed, he partly
executed. Eight lives were publifhed fince his deceafe.
They were tranfiated into French by the abbevBellen-
ger in 1744. He fpoke with eafe and fluency-, had a
frank and benevolent temper, an inexhauftible fund of
v/it, and a communicative difpofition. Such was the
man who, charmed with the perfon, character, and
writings, of our authorefs, married her in 1710, and
made it his ftudy to repay the felicity with which (he
crowned his life. Too intenfe an application to ftudy,
beyond what the delicacy of his frame would bear, broke
his health, and threw him into a confumption, which
put a period to his valuable life in May 1715, when he
was but pift part the 28th year of his age. Mrs Rowe
wrote a beautiful elegy on his death and continued to
the laft moments of her life to exnrefs the higheft vene¬
ration and affection for his memory. As foon after his
deceafe as her affairs would permit, (he indulged her in¬
clination for folitude, by retiring to Frome, in So-
merfetfhire, in the neighbourhood of whicli place the
greateft part of her eftate lay. In this recefs it was
tha!" (he compofed the moft celebrated of her works,
Friendfhip in Death, and the Letters Moral and En¬
tertaining. In 1746, (he publifhed, the Hiftory of
Jofeph ; a poem which (lie had written in her younger
years. She did not long furvive this publication ; for
{lie died of an apoplexy, as was fuppofed, Feb. 20.
1736-7. Tn her ca’ inet were found letters to feveral of
Vol. XVIII. Part I.
her friends, which (he had ordered to be delivered im- Rowe
mediately after her deceafe. The Rev. Dr Ifaac Watts, H.
agreeably to her requeft, revifed and publilhed her de- Rotv'ling-
votions in 1737, under the title of Devout Exercifes
of the Heart in Meditation and Soliloquy, Praife and
Prayer; and, in 1739, her Mifcellaneous Works, in
profe and verfe, were publifhed in 2 vols 8vo, with an
account of her life and writings prefixed.
As to her perfon, fhe was not a regular beauty, yet
pofieffed a large {hare of the charms of her fex. She
was of a moderate ftature, her hair of a fine colour,
her eyes of a darkifh gray inclining to blue, arid full of
fire. Her complexion was very fail-, and a natural blufh
glowed in her cheeks. She fpoke gracefully ; her voice
was exceedingly fweet and harmonious ; and (lie had a
foftnefs in her afpedl which infpired love, yet not with¬
out fome mixture of that awe and veneration which di-
ftinguifhed fenfe and virtue, apparent in the counte¬
nance, are wont io create.
ROWEL, among farriers, a kind of iffue anfwer-
ing to what in furgery is called a felon. See Far.riery,
fe<5L v.
ROWLEY, a monk who is faid to have flourifhed
at Briftol in the 15th century, and to have been an
author voluminous and elegant. Of the poems attri¬
buted to him, and publhhed fome time ago, various
opinions have been entertained, which we have noticed
elfewhere. They feem now to be almoft forgotten. See
Ch ATT ERT ON'.
Rowley, William, who (lands in the third clafs of
dramatic writers, lived in the reign of King Charles I.
and received his education at the univerfity of Cam¬
bridge ; but whether he took any degree there, is not
evident; there being but few particulars preferved in
regard to him more than his clofe intimacy and connec¬
tion with all the principal wits and poetical geniufes of
that age, by whom he was well beloved, and with fome
of whom he joined in their writings. "Wood ftyles him
“ the ornament, for wit and ingenuity, of Pembroke-
hall in Cambridge.” In a word, he was a very great
benefactor to the Engliffi ftage, having, exclufive of his
aid lent to Middleton, Day, Heywood, Webfter, &c.
left us five plays of his ovm compofing, and one in which
even the immortal Shakefpeare afforded him fome af-
fiftance.
ROWNING, John, an Engliffi mathematician and phi-
lofopher of confiderable ingenuity, was fellow of Mag¬
dalen college, Cambridge, and afterwards redtor of An-
derby in Lincolnfhire, in the gift of that fociety. He
conftantly attended the meetings of the Spalding focie¬
ty, and was a man of an extraordinary philofophical
habit and turn of mind, while at the fame time his dif-
pofitions were focial and cheerful. His genius was pe¬
culiarly fitted for mechanical contrivances or inventions.
He publifhed a compendious fyftem of Natural Philofo-
phy at Cambridge, in the year 1738, in two vols. 8vo.;
a work of much ingenuity, which has gone through fe¬
veral editions. He likewife inferted two pieces in the
Philofophical Tranfaftions, viz. a defcription of a baro¬
meter, wherein the fcale of variation may be increafed
at pleafure ; vol xxxviii. p. 39. ; and directions for
making a machine for finding the roots of equations
univerfally, together with the manner in which it is to
be ufed ; vol. lx. p. 240.
Ke died at his lodgings in Carey ftreet, near Lin-
T t coin’s-
Roxburgh
fhire.
#
Pv O X [ .322 ] Pt O X
coin’s-inn Fields, in the end of November 1771, at 72
years of age. Though a man both ingenious and plea-
fant, his external appearance was rather forbidding, as
he was tall, hooped in the Ihoulders, and his counte¬
nance was down-looking and iallorv.
ROXBURGHSHIRE, a county of Scotland, which
is alfo known by the name of Reviotdale, meafures
about 40 miles in length from north to fouth, and in
breadth about 36 miles in a direbtion between call and
weft j containing 472,320 fquare acres. The centre
of the county is computed to lie in 55°' -^t-
and in 2°. 37'. W. Long, from the meridian of London.
The counties of Northumberland and Cumberland form
its boundary on the fouth } it is alfo bounded by the
former county on the eaft, by Berwickfhire on the
north, and on the weft by the counties of Dumfries,
Selkirk, and Edinburgh.
The external appearance of this county is regarded as
upon the whole extremely beautiful, exhibiting an alter¬
nate fucceftion of hills and dales, through which flow a
confiderable number of fmall rivers. The greater part
of the hills are covered with a fine fward, producing va¬
luable graffes for the feeding of fheep } and the county
is divided into four different diftribls, the moft moun¬
tainous part of it being denominated the diftribt of Ha¬
wick 5 the fecond is that of Jedburgh •, the third is the
ciiftribt of Kelfo, and the fourth is known by the name
of the did rift of Melrofe, being compofed of that part
of the county w'hich is fituated to the northward of the
reft.
The moft remarkable hills in the county of Roxburgh
are Minto, 858 feet above the level of the fea •, Dunion
3 0 21 ; Eldon 1330; Ruberflawr 14195 Carterfell 1602,
Wifp 1S03. Thefe conftituie a pan of that extenfive
range generally known by the appellation of Cheviot^
which is diftant not above a mile from the moft eafterly
point of Roxburgh. Whinftone is their chief conftitu-
ent, in which veins of Scotch pebbles are ufually inter-
fperfed. They are often covered with whinftone re¬
duced to the ftate of powder by the aftion of the wea¬
ther. The hills towards their fummits are in general of
a, conical form, a circumftance which fome think is
favourable to the volcanic fyftem 5—that the globe at
fome remote period has fuffered the moft dreadful con-
vulfions from the irrefiftible aftion of fire.
The county of Roxburgh is- interfefted by a multi¬
tude of ftreams, the moft important of which are the
Teviot, Jed, Tweed, Rule, Kale, Oxnam, Gala, Slitrig,
Ale, Cafter, Borthwick, Ednam, Bowmont, Allan, Lea¬
der, Ettrick, Hermitage, Liddel. The term river is
rarely applied to any of thefe ftreams, except to the
three firft, viz. the Teviot, the Jed, and the TLweed,
none of which are navigable but for fmall ferry boats.
Some rivers in England, fuch as the Tyne, the Cocket,
&c. have their origin in the more elevated parts of the
county of Roxburgh.
In an agricultural point of view, Roxburghfhire may
be divided into land under tillage and under pafture, al¬
though a confiderable portion of the latter may be re¬
duced to arable land. The foils under tillage may be
divided into light and clayey, the former of which is
ufuallv denominated green, and the latter white foil, be-
caufe it is heft adapted to the rearing of oats, wheat,
and other white grains. What is called till in Rox-
fcurghftiire, generally confids of a hard clay intermixed
with ftones, by which it refembies coarfe gravel. Moft; Roxburgh-
of the different fpecies of till may be changed into a ,
fertile foil in procefs of time, by being expofed to the *
aftion of the atmofphere, and mixed with lime and ma¬
nure. Sweet, four, and healthy, are the terms by
which lands under pafture are ufually diftinguifhed,
and thefe are conferred from a confideration of the
nature of the foil, its graffes, and fuch other circum-
ftances as indicate them to be favourable or unfavour¬
able for the rearing of ftreep. Much of thefe lands was,
at a remote period, under wood and heath, the exiftence
of the former being pointed out by the roots of trees
ftill remaining in the ground. The foil in general is
ftiarp and dry upon the hills 5 but fome of the high
moors and the grounds in the vicinity of rivers are wet
and marftiy.
There are different trafts of land in this county which
ftill continue in a ftate of nature, a portion of which
kind, meafuring about four miles long and two broad,
runs through part of the parilhes of Ancrum and Rox¬
burgh, chiefly of a light gravelly nature, covered vuth
heath, bent, and other coarfe graffes. The large diftrift
of Liddefdale is wholly under fheep paflurage, with the
exception of a few ftripes en the banks of the Liddel
and Hermitage. Indeed a cold wet foil, an expoftd
fttuation, and unfriendly climate, hold out few incen¬
tives to improvements in agriculture. In ancient times
this muff have been very different from what it is at
prefent. The marks of the plough can ftill be traced
on the fummits of lofty mountains, where the produfticn
of crops at this day is wholly impracticable. The
counties on the borders were not, at a remote period,
poffeffed by individuals in large detached portions, but
the people of a whole neighbourhood had their alternate
ridges, in which cafe they became interefted in defend¬
ing the property of each other againft invaders and
plunderers. The w7ars of the border, however, were
happily terminated by the union of England and Scot¬
land under one fovereign, in confequence of which the
holding of property in what was denominated runrigg,
no longer poffeffed its ancient advantages, but was ra¬
ther a difadvantage, as it created conftant quarrels and
difputes among farmers, and greatly retarded the im¬
provement of the foil. Each individual, therefore, be¬
came anxious to have his lands detached from thofe of
his neighbours, an advantageous change which was very
foon and very generally adopted.
A Mr Dawfon, the fon of a farmer in Roxburgh-
ftiire, having refided four years in the weft riding of
Yorkfhire, and a year in Effex, thereby made himfelf
well acquainted with the moft approved methods of huf-
bandry praftifed in England, and returned to his native
country in the full affurance of being able to introduce
into the agriculture of Scotland the moft effential im¬
provements. On his arrival in Roxburghfhire in the
year 1753, he immediately introduced the turnip huf-
baodry, which he fowed in drills, and was certainly the
firft Scots farmer who introduced the cultivation of tur¬
nip into the open field. His neighbours being wholly
ignorant of the agricultural knowledge which this young
gentleman had acquired in England, began to predift
his ruirt as wholly inevitable 5 but he was not to be in¬
timidated by their prophetic fentiments, and he went on
refolutely in bringing his lands into the very heft condi¬
tion, which he fully effefted by means of the turnip
hufbandry,
v
It O X [ 323 ] R O X
Roxburgh-huibandry, by the fowing of artificial grafifes, a practice
fliire. then unknown in Scotland, and by the free and exten-
u“—V—five ufe of lime. By fuch a procedure his neighbours faw
him becoming rapidly opulent, and having followed his
example with the molt flattering fuccels, they were con-
drained to alter their fentiments refpe&ing his conduct
as a farmer, and to hail him the father of the agricul¬
ture of the fouth of Scotland.
The rotation of crops now followed in this county
has nothing in it of a peculiar nature, the arrangement
on a dry foil being generally oat^, turnips, barley with
graffes, hay or palture for one year, then barley as be¬
fore. Where the foil is good and properly prepared, it
is not uncommon with farmers to adopt the following
rotation, viz. oats, turnips, oats, turnips, wheat or bar¬
ley with grades, and hay or palture for one year. A
part of Roxburghlhire has been long celebrated for a
fpecies of oats which produce early crops, and which are
known by the appellation of Blainfly oats, becaufe they
have been produced at Blainfly from time immemorial,
which is a diilrift in the parilh of Melroie, and northern
extremity of the county. Thefe are often five Ihillings
a boll dearer than common oats, and in no fituation
whatever are they known to degenerate. In fome rich
foils the produce is 16 or xS for 1, and the lowelt ave¬
rage produce is at lead fix for one. The general prac¬
tice of feeding cattle with turnip has diminiihed the
culture of peafe and beans in this county, and there are
fo few potatoes reared that they cannot be regarded as
forming a part of the farmer’s crop. Extenfive crops
of hay are not in general cultivated in this county, there
being but few cities in which an advantageous market
could be found j and the ufe of it is in a great meafure
flipplanted by that of turnip. Little more flax is reared
than tvhat is neceffary for domeflic purpofes.
There is a circumdance worthy of obfervation, that
the rearing of tobacco was, at one period, attempted in
this county with remarkable fuccefs. It was introduced
by a Mr Thomas Man, tv ho had been for fome time in
America. Soon after the firft experiments were made,
a Angle acre of land produced a crop worth ^ol. der-
ling •, and the crop of 13 acres was fold on the ground
for 320I. •, but in confequence of an aft of parliament
prohibiting the culture of it, the purchafer could not
implement his bargain, and the farmer was obliged to
fell it to government at the rate of fourpence a pound,
in confequence of which it brought him no more than
IC4I. indead of 320.
Great quantities of cattle are fed in this county, and
about 260,000 fheep of the Cheviot breed in general,
which are found to thrive remarkably in every part of
the county. The horfes are either of the Englidx breed,
or from Lanarkf -e, which latter are deemed preferable
for deady work in the plough. Although fwine are
not kept by the farmers as a part of their flock, yet
great numbers of them are reared by tradefmen, cot¬
tagers, hinds, and others, the fmall breed being chiefly
preferred, not exceeding eight or nine dones Englifli
each. Roxburghflxire is alfo famous for the rearing of
poultry, and immenfe quantities of eggs are fent from
it to Berwick, to be fhipped for the London market.
Crows are here fo numerous, that they frequently darken
the air in their flight, and are extremely deftru£live to
every fpecies of grain. A great part of the county is
. uninclofed, and the fences made ufe of are the hedge
and ditch, although in fome places upright done dykes Roxburgh-
have the decided preference, where dones can be readily! ^‘re-
procured.
The orchards of Roxburgh county have been long
celebrated for different kinds of fruit, and there are
here twTo extenfive nurferies for the rearing of trees.
Thefe lad are at Haffendean burn in the pariih of Min-
to, and at Hawick. The whole county, however, like
that of Berwick, is extremely defective in mineral pro-
dudions, and coal has nowhere been found. Lime done
is no doubt met with in different places of it, but the
want of fuel requifite for its calcination, induces farmers <
to bring it from Dalkeith or Edinburgh, in their corn
carts, which might otherwife return empty.
In the vicinity of Jedburgh there are two fprings cf
chalybeate water, with indications of more in difl’erent
parts of the parilh, which have not yet been fubjedted
to any examination or analyfis, although the waters of
Tudhope well have been regarded as antifcorbutic, and
of ufe alfo in rheumatic diforders.
In this county there are many remains of antiquity,
fuch as ancient drong buildings, and vediges of camps.
Different remains of encampments and fortifications are
to be met with in the parilh of Roberton, which in all
probability have been the work of the Romans. Her¬
mitage callle is fituated upon the bank of the river of
the fame name, and is nearly xoo feet fquare, defended
by a drong rampart and ditch. The inner part of it is
a heap of ruins, but the walls are almod entire. This ,
is probably the very caille mentioned by Smollet, which
was built in Liddefdale by Alexander II. and which
gave fuch offence to Henry III. of England, that he
made war on Alexander in the year 1240. There are
ftveral caves or receffes on the banks of the Ale water,
not fewer than fifteen of Ahich, it is laid, may be dill
pointed out, in fome of which the veltiges of chimneys
or fire-places ai-e very difcernible. Although at fird
ufed by plunderers as places of fafe retreat, they were
no doubt afterwards employed by the poorer clafles of
the community as their ordinary habitations. Perhaps
the abbey of Melrofe is the mod didinguifhed monu¬
ment of antiquity to be met with in this county ; for an
account of which the reader may confult the article
Melrose.
Roxburghlhire has given birth to fome of the mod
eminent charadlers who have adorned the republic of let¬
ters, among whom we find Dr John Armdrong, a didin-
guilhedphylician and poet; James Thomfon, the far-famed
author of the Seafons; the poet Gawin Douglas, at one
time reftor of Hawick, afterwards biflxop of Dunkeld ;
and the celebrated George Augudus Elliot, afterwards
Lord Heathfield,
Notwitlxdanding the difficulty of procuring fuel in
this county, feveral manufadlures have been carried on
with a confiderable degree of fpirit and determined per-
feverance, the chief of which are carpets, inkle, cloth
and deckings, in the manufadlure of which nearly 300
packs of wool (each 1 2 dones) have been annually con-
fumed. About 4000 pairs of dockings have been made
in the fame time, and 10 tons of linen yarn confumed
in the making of inkle.
The population of this county, eflimated in 1801,
amounted to 33,682; and the following is the popula¬
tion according to the parilhes, taken from the Stalidical
Hidory of Scotland.
T t 2
Parijhes.
Purifies,
Ancrura
Afhkirk
Bedrule
Bowden
5 CalBeton
Cavers
Grading
Ednam
Eckford
10 Hawick
Hobkirk
Hownam
Jedburgh
Kelfo
15 Kirktown
Lefl’uden
Eiliefleaf
Linton
Mackerdon
20 Maxton
Melrofe
Minto
Morebattle
Oxnam
25 Roberton
Roxburgh
Smailholm
Southdeau
Sproufton
30 Wilton
Yetholm
Increafe 747
ROXENT-cape, or ROCK, of Lfion, a mountain and
remarkable promontory in Portugal, fituated in the At¬
lantic ocean, at the north entrance of the Tagus, 22
miles north of Lilhon.
ROYAL, fomething belonging to a king : thus we
fay, royal family, royal affent, royal exchange, &c.
ROTAL Family. The firfl. and mod confiderable branch
of the king’s royal family, regarded by the laws of Eng¬
land, is the queen.
I. The queen of England is either queen regent, queen
eonfort, or queen dowager. The queen regent, regnant,
orfovereign, is die who holds the crown in her own
right; as the fird (and perhaps the fecond) Queen Mary,
Queen Elifabeth, and Queen Anne •, and fuch a one has
the fame powers, prerogatives, rights, dignities, and du¬
ties, as if die had been a king. This is exprefsly de¬
clared by datute 1 Mar. I. d. 3. c. 1. But the queen
conjort is the wife of the reigning king; and die by vir¬
tue or her marriage is participant of divers prerogatives
above other women.
And, fird, die is a public perfon, exempt and didindl
from the king; and not, like other married women,
fo clofely conne&ed as to have lod all legal or feparate
exidence fo long as the marriage continues. For the
queen is of ability to purchafe lands and to convey
ROY
them, to make leafes, to grant copyholds, and do other Royal,
adts of ownerfhip, without the concurrence of her lord ; “
which no other married woman can do : a privilege as
old as the Saxon era. She is alfo capable of taking a
grant from the king, which no other wife is from her
hufband ; and in this particular die agrees with the an-
gufta or piijfttna regina conjux divi imperatoris of the
Roman laws; who, according to Judinian, was equally
capable of making a grant to, and receiving one from,
the emperor. The queen of England hath feparate
courts and officers diltindt from the king’s, not only
in matters of ceremony, but even of law; and her at¬
torney and folicitor general are entitled to a place with¬
in the bar of his majedy’s courts, togther with the king’s
counfel. She may likewife fue and be fued alone, with¬
out joining her hufband. She may alio have a leparate
property in goods as well as lands, and has a light to
dilpofe of them by will. In fhort, die is in all legal
proceedings looked upon as a feme foie, and not as a
feme covert; as a fingle, not as a married rveman. For
which the reafon given by Sir Edward Coke is this : be-
eaufe the wifdom of the common law would not have the
king (whofe continual care and dudy is for the public,
and circa ardua regni) to be troubled and difquieted on
account of his wfite’s domedic affairs; and therefore it
veils in the queen a power of tranfadling her own con¬
cerns, without the intervention of the king, as if die were
an unmarried woman.
The queen hath alfo many exemptions, and minute
prerogatives. For indance : die pays no toll; nor is
die liable to any amercement in any court. But in ge¬
neral, unlefs where the law7 has exprefsly declared her
exempt, die is upon the fame footing w ith other fubjedts;
being to all intents and purpofes the king’s fubjedl, and
not his equal: in like manner as in the imperial law,
Augujlus legibus folutus non eft.
The queen hath alfo fome pecuniary advantages,
which form her didindl revenue : as, in the fird place,
die is entitled to an ancient perquifite called queen gold,
or aurum reginee ; which is a royal revenue belonging
to every queen-confort during her marriage with the
king, and due from every perfon who hath made a vo¬
luntary offering or fine to the king, amounting to 10
merks or upwards, for and in confideration of any pri¬
vileges, grants, licences, pardons, or other matter of
royal favour conferred upon him by the king : and it
is due in the proportion to one-tenth part more, over
and above the entire offering or fine made to the king,
and becomes an adtual debt of record to the queen’s
majeffy by the mere recording of the fine. As, if 100
merks of filver be given to the king for liberty to take
in mortmain, or to have a fair, market, park, chafe, or
free-warren; there the queen is intitljd to 10 merks in
filver, or (what was formerly an equivalent denomina¬
tion) to one merk in gold, by the name of queen-gold,
or aurum regina. But no fuch payment is due for any
aids or fubfidies granted to the king in parliament or
convocation ; or for fines impofed by courts on offenders
againd their will ; nor for voluntary prefents to the
king, without any cor.fideration moving from him to the
fubjedl; nor for any fale or contradf whereby the prefent
revenues or poffedions of the crown are granted awray or
diminidied.
The original revenue of our ancient queens, before
and foon after the conqueft, feems to have confided in
certain
ft o Y
[ 324- 1
Population in
175)0—1798.
1146
539
259
860
3418
1300
672
600
952
2928
700
365
3288
4324
342
500
630
383
255
326
2446
5X3
789
690
629
840
421
714
1000
121 c
976
31>273
32,020
3I>273
&oxtttii'gh-
lh;re
R oyal.
Rot C 3
certain refervations or rents out of tire dexnefne lands
of the crown, which were exprefsly appropriated to
her majeily, diltindt from the king. It is frequent in
domefday book, after (pacifying the rent due to the
crown, to add likewife the quantity of gold or other
renders refcrved to the queen. Thefe were frequently
appropriated to particular purpofes j to buy wood for
her majefty’s ufe, to purchafe oil for lamps, or to fur-
niih her attire from head to foot, which was frequent¬
ly very coitly, as one (ingle robe in the fifth year of
Henry II. (lood the city of London in upwards of 80
pounds: A praftice fomewhat fimilar to that of the
ealtern countries, where whole cities and provinces were
fpecifically affigned to purchafe particular parts of the
queen’s apparel. Amd for a farther addition to her
income, this duty of queen-gold is fuppofed to have
been originally granted •, thofe matters of grace and
favour, out of w'hich it arofe, being frequently obtain¬
ed (rom the crown by the powerful interceffion of the
queen. There are traces of its payment, though ob-
fcure ones, in the book of domefday, and in the great
pipe-roll of Henry I. In the reign of Henry II. the
manner of colle&ing it appears to have been well un-
derftood ; and it forms a difiinfl head in the ancient
dialogue of the exchequer written in the time of that
prince, and ufually attributed to Gervafe of Tilbury.
From that time downwards, it was regularly claimed
and enjoyed by all the queen-couiorts of England till
the death of Henry VIII. } though after the acceffion
of the Tudor family, the collefting of it feems to have
been much neglected : and there being no queen confort
afterwards till the acceffion of James I. a period of near
60 years, its very nature and quantity then became a
matter of doubt; and being referred by the king to
the chief juftices and chief baron, their report of it was
(o very unfavourable, that his confort Oucen Anne,
though (he claimed it, 'yet never thought proper to
exa6l it. In 1635, 11 Car. I. a time fertile of expedi¬
ents for railing money upon dormant precedents in our
old records (of which ihip-money was a fatal infiance),
the king, at the petition of his queen Henrietta Maria,
iffued out his writ for levying it; but afterwards pur-
chafed it of his confort at the price of 10,000 pounds;
finding it, perhaps, too trifling and troublefoine to levy.
And, when afterwards, at the Reftoration, by the abo¬
lition of military tenures, and the fines that were con-
fequent upon them, the little that legally remained
of this revenue was reduced to almoft nothing at all;
in vain did Mr Prynne, by a treatife that does honour
to his abilities as a painful and judicious antiquarian,
endeavour to excite Queen Catherine to revive this anti¬
quated claim.
Another ancient perquifite belonging to the queen
confort, mentioned by all our old writers, and therefore
only worthy notice, is this : that on the taking a whale
on the coafts, which is a royal fiih, it (hall be divided
between the king and queen; the head only being the
king’s property; and the tail of it the queen’s. De flur-
gione obfervetur, quod rex ilium habebit integrum : de
balena vero fiifficit, fi rex habeat caput, et regina cau-
dam. The reafon of this whimfical divifion, as afligned
by our ancient records, was, to furnilh the queen’s ward¬
robe with whale-bone.
Rut farther: though the queen is in all refpetfis a
fubjeft, yet, in point of the fecurity of her life and
5 ] ROY
perfon, (lie is put upon the fame footing with the king.
It is equally treafon (by the fiatute 25 Edward III.)
to imagine or compafs the death of our lady the king’s
companion, as of the king himfelf; and to violate or
defile the queen confcyfi, amounts to tl e fame high
crime; as well in the perfon committing the fact, as in
the queen herfelf if confenting. A law of Henry VIII.
made it treafon alfo for any woman who w’as not a vir¬
gin, to marry the king without informing him thereof:
but this law was foon after repealed ; it trefpafiing too
ftrongly, as w’ell on natural jufiice as female modefty.
I( however the queen be accufed of any fpecies of trea¬
fon, (lie (hall (whether confort or dowager) be tried by
the peers of parliament, as Oueen Ann Boleyn wTas in
28 Hen. VIII.
The hulband of a queen regnant, as Prince George
of Denmark was to Queen Anne, is her (ubjeft; and
may be guilty of high treafon againft her : but, in the
infiance of conjugal fidelity, he is not fubjedled to the
fame penal reftridtions. For which the reafon feems to
be, that if a queen confort is unfaithful to the royal bed,
this may debafe or baftardize the heirs to the crown ;
but no fuch danger can be confequent on the fidelity of
the hulband to a queen regnant.
2. A queen dowager is the widowr of the king, and
as fuch enjoys mod of the privileges belonging to her
as queen confort. But it is not high treafon to con-
fpire her death, or to violate her chaftity ; for the fame
reafon as w’as before alleged, becaufe the fucceflion to
the crown is not thereby endangered. Yet (till, pro
dignitate regali, no man can marry a queen dowager
without fpecial bcence from the king, on pain of for¬
feiting his lands and goods. This Sir Edward Coke
tells us, was tnafled in parliament in 6 Henry VI.
though the ftatute be not in print. But (he, though
an alien born, (hail ftill be entitled to dower after the
king’s demife, which no other alien is. A queen-
dowager when married again to a fubjedt, doth not
lofe her regal dignity, as peereffes-dow'ager do when
they marry commoners. For Katharine, queen-dow¬
ager of Plenry V. though (lie married a private gentle¬
man, Owen ap Meredith ap Theodore, commonly call¬
ed Owen Tudor ; yet, by the name of Katharine queen
of England, maintained an adlion againft the bilhop of
Carlifle. And fo the dowager of Navarre marrying-
with Edmond the brother of King Edward I main¬
tained an adlion of dower by the name of queen of Ka~
varre.
3. The prince of Wales, or heir apparent to the
crown, and alfo his royal confort and the princefs
royal, or eldeft daughter of the king, are like wife pe¬
culiarly regarded by the laws. For, by ftatute 25
Edw. III. to compafs or confpive the death of the for¬
mer, or to violate the chaftity of either of the latter,
are as much high treafon as to eonfpire the death of
the king, or violate the chaftity of the queen. And
this upon the fame reafon as was before given; be¬
caufe the prince of Wales is next in fucceflion to the
crown, and to violate his wife might taint the blood-
royal with baftardy ; and the eldeft daughter of the
king is alfo alone inheritable to the crown on failure
of iffue male, and therefore more refpe6Ied by the laws
than any of her younger lifters; infomuch that upon
this, united with other (feodal) principles, while our
military tenures were in force, the king might levy an
ROY [ 326 1 ROY
Royal, aid for marrying his eldeft daughter, and her only.
“ The heir apparent to the crown is ufually made prince
of Wales and earl of Chefter, by fpecial creation and
inveflitu'Ve 5 but being the king’s elded fon, he is by
inheritance duke of Cornwall, without any new crea¬
tion.
4. The reft of the royal family may be confidered
in two different lights, according to the different fenfes
in which the term royal family is ufed. I he larger
fenfe includes all thofe who are by any poflibility in¬
heritable to the crown. Such, before the revolution,
were all the defcendants of William the Conqueror ;
who had branched into an amazing, extent by inter¬
marriages with the ancient nobility. Since the revo¬
lution and a£t of fettlement, it means the Proteftant
iffue of the princefs Sophia j now comparatively few in
number, but which in procefs of time may pofiibly be
as largely diffufed. The more confined fenfe includes
only thofe who are in a certain degree of propinquity
to the reigning prince, and to whom therefore the law
pays an extraordinary regard and refpeft 5 but after
that degree is paft, they fall into the rank of ordinary
fubjefts, and are feldom confidered any farther, unlefs
called to the lucceflion upon failure of the nearer lines.
For though collateral confanguinity is regarded inde¬
finitely with refpeft to inheritance or fucceffion, yet it is
and can only be regarded within fome certain limits in
any other refpeft, by the natural conftitution of things
and the dictates of pofitive law.
The younger fons and daughters of the king, and
other branches of the royal family, who are not in the
immediate line of fucceffion, were therefore little far¬
ther regarded by the ancient law, than to give them a
certain degree of precedence before all peers and pub¬
lic officers as well ecclefiaftical as temporal. This is
•done by the ftatute 31 Henry VUI. c. 10. which
enacls, that no perfon except the king’s children {hall
prefume to fix or have place at the fide of the cloth of
eftate in the parliament chamber ; and that certain
great officers therein named lhall have precedence,
above all dukes, except only fuch as {hall happen to be
the king’s fon, brother, uncle, nephew (which Sir Ed¬
ward Coke explains to fignify grandfon or nepos'), or
brother’s or fifter’s fon. But under the defcription of
the king’s children, his grandfons are held to be inclu¬
ded, without having recourfe to Sir Edward Coke’s
interpretation of nephew ; and therefore when his late
majefty King George II. created his grandfon Edward,
the fecond fon of Frederick rrince of Wales deceafed,
duke of York, and referred it to the houfe of lords to
fettle his place and precedence, they certified that he
ought to have precedence next to the late duke of Cum¬
berland, the then king’s youngeft fon ; and that he
might have a feat on the left hand of the cloth of eftate.
But when, on the acceffion of his prefent majefty,
thefe royal perfonages ceafed to take place as the chil¬
dren, and ranked only as the hrothier and uncle of the
king, they alfo left their feats on the fide of the cloth
of efiate ; fo that when the duke of Gloucefter, his ma-
jefty’s fecond brother, took his feat in the houfe of
peers, he was placed on the upper end of the earls
bench (on which the dukes ufually fit) next to his royal
highrefs the duke of York. And in 1717, upon a
queftion referred to all the judges by King George I.
A.was refolved, by the opinion of ten againft the other
4
two, that tire education and care of all the king’s grand- Royal
children, while minors, did belong of right to his ma- li
jelly as king of this realm, even during their father’s R°yftoT1'
life. But they all agreed, that the care and approba-
tion of their marriages, when grown up, belonged to
the king their grandfather. And the judges have more
recently concurred in opinion, that this care and appro- -
bation extend alfo to the prefumptive heir of the crown j
though to what other branches of the royal family tho
fame did extend, they did not find precifely determined.
The moft frequent inftances of the crown’s interpofition
go no farther than nephews and nieces j but examples
are not wanting of its reaching to more diftant collate¬
rals. And the ftatute of Henry VI. before mentioned,
which prohibits the marriage of a queen-dowager with¬
out the confent of the king, affigns this reafon for it:
“ becaufe the difparagement of the queen {hall give
greater comfort and example to other ladies of eftate,
who are of the blood royal, more lightly to difparage
themfelves.” Therefore by the ftatute 28 Hen. VIII,
c. 18. (repealed, among other ftatutes of treafons, by
I Edw. VI. c. 12.) it was made high treafon for any
man to contrail marriage with the king’s children or
reputed children, his fifters or aunts ex parte paterna, or
the children of his brethren or fifters; being exaclly
the fame degrees to which precedence is allowed by the
ftatule 31 Hen. VIII. before-mentioned. And now,
by ftatute 12 Geo. III. c. 11. no defcendant of the
body of King Geo. II. (other than the iffue of prin-
ceffes married into foreign families) is capable of con-
trailing matrimony, without the previous confent of the
king fignified under the great feal j and any marriage
contrailed without fuch a confent is void. Provided,
that fuch of the faid defcendants as are not above 2 5,
may, after a twelvemonth’s notice given to the king’s
privy council, contrail and folemnize marriage without
the confent of the crown •, unlefs both houfes of parlia¬
ment thall, before this expiration of the faid year, ex-
prefsly declare their difapprobation of fuch intended
marriage. And all perfons foltmnizing, affifting, or
being prefent at any fuch prohibited marriage, ihall in¬
cur the penalties of the ftatute of prarmunire.
ROYAL Oah, a fair fpreading tree at Bofcobel, in the
parifli of Donnington in Staffordfhire, the boughs of
which were once covered with ivy j in the thick of
which King Charles II. fat in the day-time with Colonel
Carelefs, and in the night lodged in Bofcobel houfe :
fo that they are miftaken who fpeak of it as an old
hollow oak *, it being then a gay fiourilhing tree, fur-
rounded with many more. Its poor remains are now
fenced in with a handfome wall, with this infcription in
gold letters : Telicijfmiam arboretn qvam in afj/utn po-
tentijjimi regis Caroh II. Deus op. max. per quem reges
regnant, hie crefcere voluit, &c.
Royal Society. See Society.
ROYALTIES, the rights of the king •, otherwife
called the king',s prerogative, and the regalia. See Pre¬
rogative and Regalia.
ROYENIA, a genus of plants belonging to the de-
candria clafs ; and in the natural method ranking un¬
der the 18th order, Bicornes. See Botany Index.
ROYSTQN, a town of Hertfordftiire in England,
feated in E. Long. o. 1. N. Lat. 52. 3. It is a large
place, feated in a fertile vale full of inns, and the mar¬
ket is very confidcrable for corn. There was lately
difeoveredj
HUB
Roy Hon dlfcovered, almoft under the market-place, a fubterra-
II neous chapel of one Rofia, a Saxon lady : it has fe-
Ruliens. ^ vera^ a]tars an(] images cut out of the chalky fides, and
' is in form of a fugar-loaf, having no entrance but at the
top.
RUBBER, India. See Caoutchouc.
RUBENS, Sir Peter Paul, the moil eminent of
« the Flemiih painters, was born in 1577 but whether
at Antwerp or Cologne is uncertain. His father, who
was a counfellor in the fenate of Antwerp, had been
forced by the civil wars to feek refuge in Cologne, and
during his refidence there Rubens is commonly fuid to
have been born.
The genius of Rubens, which began to unfold itfelf
in his earlieil years, was cultivated with peculiar care,
and embelliihed with every branch of claffical and polite
literature.
He foon difcovered a ilrong inclination for defigning ;
and ufed to amufe himfelf with that employment in his
leifure hours, while the reft of his time was devoted
to other ftudies. His mother, perceiving the bias of her
fon, permitted him to attend the inftrudlions of Tobias
Verhaecht a painter of architedlure and landfcape. He
next became the pupil of Adam Van Oort, but he foon
found that the abilities of this mailer were infufficient to
anfwer his elevated ideas. His furly temper too was
difguftful to Reubens, whofe natural difpofttion was mo-
deft and amiable.
Anxious to find an ar’ift whofe genius and difpofi-
tions were congenial with his own, he became the dif-
ciple of Odlavio Van Veen, generally known by the
name of Otho Venius, a painter of fingular merit, and
who was not only {killed in the principles of his art,,
but alfo diftinguifhed for learning and other accomplilh-
■ ments. Between the mafter and fcholar a remarkable
fimilarity appeared in temper and inclination ; indeed,
in the whole turn of their minds. It was this conge¬
niality of fentiments which animated Rubens with that
ardent paffion for the art of painting which at length
determined him to purfue it as a profeflion. From this
time he gave up his whole mind to it $ and fo fuccefsful
were his exertions, that he foon equalled his mafter.
In order to arrive at that perfection which he already
beheld in idea, it became requifite to ftudy the produc¬
tions of the rnoft eminent artifts. For this purpofe he
travelled through Italy, vifiting the moil valuable col-
leClions of paintings and antique llatues with which that
country abounds.
Sandrart, who was intimately acquainted with Ru¬
bens, informs us, that he was recommended in the moft
honourable manner to the duke of Mantua by the arch¬
duke Albert, who had witneffed his talents in the finifti-
ing of fome fine paintings defigned for his own palace.
At Mantua he was re :eived by the duke with the moft
flattering marks of diflinClion, and had opportunities of
improving himfelf, which he did not neglect. Here he
carefully ftudied the works of Julio Romano. He next
vifited Rome, where he had an opportunity of exami¬
ning the productions of Raphael. The paintings of Ti¬
tian and Paolo Veronefe called him to Venice, where
he improved himfelf in the art of colouring.
He continued in Italy feven years. At length re¬
ceiving intelligence that his mother was taken ill, he
haftened to Antwerp : but his filial affeClion was not
gratified with a fight of her > die died before his arrival.
R U B
He married foon after j but his wife dying at the end Rubens,
of four years, he retired from Antwerp for fome time,
and endeavoured to foothe his melancholy by a journey
to Holland. At Utrecht he vifited Hurtort, whom he
greatly efteemed.
The fame of Rubens was now fpread over Europe.
He was invited by Mary of Medicis queen of Henry
IV. of France to Paris, where he painted the galleries
in the palace of Luxembourg. Thefe form a leries of
paintings which delineate the hiftory of Mary 5 and af¬
ford a convincing proof how well qualified he was to
excel in allegorical and emblematical compofitions.
While at Paris he became acquainted with the duke of
Buckingham, who was fo taken with his great talents
and accompliihments, that he judged him well qualified
to explain to Ifabella, the wife of Albert the archduke,
the caufe of the mifunderftanding which had taken place
between the courts of England and Spain. In this em¬
ployment Rubens acquitted himfelf with fuch propriety,
that Ifabella appointed him envoy to the king of Spain,
with a commiflion to propofe terms of peace, and to
bring back the inftrudtions of that monarch. Philip
was no lefs captivated with Rubens: he conferred on
him the honour of kighthood, and made him fecretary
to his privy council. Rubens returned to Bruflels, and
thence pafted over into England in 1630 with a com¬
miflion from the Catholic king to negociate a peace be¬
tween the two crowns. He was fuccefsful in his nego-
ciation, and a treaty was concluded. Charles I. who
then filled the Britifti throne, could not receive Rubens
in a public charadler on account of his profeflion ; ne-
verthelefs, he treated him with every mark of refpeift.
Having engaged him to paint fome of the apartments of
Whitehall, he not only gave him a handforae fum of
money, but, as an acknowledgment of his merit, crea¬
ted him a knight } and the duke of Buckingham, his
friend and patron, purchafed of him a colledlion of pic¬
tures, ftatues, medals, and antiques, with the fum of
10,cool.
He returned to Spain, where he was magnificently
honoured and rewarded for his fervices. He was cre¬
ated a gentleman of the king’s bedchamber, and named
fecretary to the council of ftate in the Netherlands.
Rubens, however, did not lay afide his proftflion. He
returned to Antwerp, where he married a fecond wife
called Helena Torment, who, being an eminent beauty,
helped him much in the figures of his women. He
died on 30th May 1640, in the 63d year of his age ;
leaving vaft riches to his children. Albert his eldeft fon
fucceeded him in the office of fecretary of ftate in Flan¬
ders.
As Rubens was pofTeffed of all the ornaments and
advantages that render a man worthy to be efteemed or
courted, he was always treated as a perfon of confe-
quence. His figure was noble, his manners engaging,
and his converfation lively. His learning was univerfal.
Though his favourite ftudy mult have occupied him
much, yet he found time to read the works of the moft
celebrated authors, and efpecially the poets. He fpoke
feveral languages perfe&ly, and was an excellent ftatef-
man.
His houfe at Antwerp was enriched with every thing
in the arts that was rare and valuable. It contained
one fpacious apartment, in imitation of the rotunda at
Rome, adorned with a choice colleftion of pictures
which
r 327 1
RUB [ -128 1 RUB
Rubens winch he had purchafed in Italy *, part of which he fold
^ to the duke of Buckingham.
' 1 ‘ . His genius qualified him to excel equally in every
thing that can enter into the compofition of a pidture.
His invention was fo fertile, that, if he had occafion to
paint the Tame fubjedt feveral times, his imagination al¬
ways fupplied him with fomething ftriking and new.
The attitudes of his figures are natural and varied, the
carriage of the head is peculiarly graceful, and his ex-
preffion noble and animated.
Pie is by all allowed to have carried the art of colour¬
ing to its higheft pitch j he underftood fo thoroughly
the true principles of the chiaro-fcuro, that he gave to
his figures the utmofl harmony, and a prominence re-
fembling real life. His pencil is mellowed, his ftrokes
bold and eafy, his carnation glows with life, and his
drarerv is fimple, but grand, broad, and hung with
much fkill.
The great excellence of Rubens appears in his grand
compofitions •, for as they are to be viewed at a di-
flance, he laid on a proper body of colours with un¬
common boldnefs, and fixed all his tints in their pro¬
per places ; fo that he never impaired their luftre by
breaking or torturing them ; but touched them in fuch
a manner as to give them a lafting force, beauty, and
harmony.
I is generally allowed, that Rubens wanted correft-
nefs in drawing and defigning ; feme of his figures be¬
ing heavy and too (hort, and the limbs in feme parts not
being juftly fketched in the outline. Though he had
fpent (even years in Italy in fludying thofe antiques by
which other celebrated artifts had modelled their tafle ;
though he had examined them with fuch minute atten¬
tion as not only to perceive their beauties, but to be
qualified to deferibe them in a Dififertation which he
wrote on that fubjeft : yet he feems never to have di¬
verted himfelf of that heavy ftyle of painting, which, be¬
ing peculiar to his native country, he had infenfibly ac¬
quired. The aftonifhing rapidity too with which he
painted, made him fall into inaccuracies, from which
thofe works that he finifhed with care are entirely ex¬
empted.
Among his finifhed pieces may be mentioned the
Crucifixion of Jefus Chrift between the two Thieves,
which was very lately to be feen at Antwerp •, but of
all his works the paintings in the palace of Luxembourg
befl difplay his genius and his ftyle.
It is the obfervation of Algarotti, that he was more
moderate in his movements than Tintoretto, and more
foft in his chiaro-fcuro than Carravaggio ; but not fo
rich in his compofitions, nor fo light in his touches, as
Paolo Veronefe; in his carnations lefs true than Titian,
and lefs delicate than Vandyck. Yet he contrived to
give b‘s colours the utmeft tranfparency and harmony,
notwithftanding- the extraordinary deepnefs of them ;
and he po^efTed a ftrength and grandeur of ftyle which
were entirely his own.
RUBIA, madder *, a genus of plants belonging to
the tetrandria clafs $ and in 'he natural method ranking
under the 47th order, Ste/Zotcr. See Botany Index;
and for an account of . the ufe of n adder as a dye-fluff,
fee Dyeing Index.
Madder root is alfo ufrd in medicine. The virtues
attributed to it are thore of a detergent and ape-’ent ;
whence it has been dually ranked among the afing
3
roots, and recommended in obftru&ions of the vifeera, Rubia
particularly of the kidneys, in coagulations of the blood II
from falls or bruifes, in the jaundice, and beginning . Ruby-
dropfies. 'r^
This root, taken internally, tinges the urine of a deep
red colour j and in the Philofophical Tranfaftions wTe
have an account of its producing a like effedl upon the
bones of animals who had it mixed with their food : aj£
the bones, particularly the more folid ones, were faid to
be changed, both externally and internally, to a deep
red ; but neither the flethy nor cartilaginous parts fuf-
fered any alterations : fome of thefe bones macerated in
w'ater for many weeks together, and afterwards fleeped
and boiled in fpirit of wine, loft none of their colour,
nor communicated any tinge to the liquors. This root,
therefore, was concluded to be pofl'effed of great fub-
tilty of parts, and its medical virtues hence to deferve
inquiry. The fame trials, however, made by others,
have not been found to produce the fame eft'efts as thofe
above mentioned.— Of late the root has come into great
reputation as an emmenagogue.
RUBIN1NSKA, one of the northern provinces of
Ruftia, bounded by the province of Dwina on the
north, by Syrianes on the eaft, by Belozera on the
fouth, and by the lake Onega on the weft.
RUBRIC, in the canon law, fignifies a title or ar¬
ticle in certain ancient law-books \ thus called becaufe
written, as the titles of the chapters in our ancient
bibles are, in red letters.
RUB US, the Bramble, or Rafpberry-bufh; a ge¬
nus of plants belonging to the icofandria clafs j and in
the natural method ranking under the 35th order, Senti-
enfee. See Botany Index. The principal fpecies is
the common rafpberry, which, with its varieties, de¬
mands culture in every garden for their fruit; particu¬
larly the common red kind, white fort, and twice-
bearing rafpberry •, all of which are great bearers : but
for the general plantations, we choofe principally the
common red and the white kind, as being generally
the greateft bearers of all j planting alfo a ftiare of the
twice-bearing fort, both as a curiofity and for the
fake of its autumnal crops of fruit, which in favour¬
able feafons ripen in tolerable perfedlion 5 obferving
to allow all the forts fome open expofure in the kitchen
garden, though they will profper in almoft any fitua-
tion.
The other fpecies are confidered as plants of variety,
for hardy plantations in the fhrubbery. Some of,them
are alfo very ornamental flow-ering plants ; particularly
the Virginian flowering rafpberry, and the douhle-blof-
fomed bramble, which anfwer well for ornamental com¬
partments •, and the white-berried bramble, which is a
great curiofity. All the other fpecies and varieties ferve
to diverfify large collections.
RUBY, a fpecies of precious ftone, belonging to the
filiceous genus. See Mineralogy Index. The ruby
is of various colours 5 as, of a deep red colour inclining
a little to purple 5 \\\<z carbuncle d Pliny j the fpinell,
of the colour of a bright corn poppy flower j the balafs
or pale red inclining to violet. Tavernier and Dutens
inform us, that in the Eaft Indies all coloured gems are
named rubies, wdthout regard to what their colours may
be j and that the particular colour is added to the name
of each in order to diftinguifh them from one another.
The fpinell rubies are about half the value of diamonds
R u D [ 3
Ruby of the fame weight ; the balafs is valued at 30 (hillings
Rudder P61' carat* ^'averfiier mentions 108 rubies in the throne
^ ~ . of the Great Mogul, from 100 to 200 carats, and of a
round one almoil 2^ ounces: there is alfo mention made
by other travellers of rubies exceeding 200 carats in
weight. According to Dutens, a perfeft ruby, if it
weigh more than 34 carats, is of greater value than a
diamond of the fame weight. If it weigh one carat, it
is worth 10 guineas j if two carats, 40 guineas *, three
carats, 150 guineas j if fix carats, upwards of 1000
guineas.
Rubies, it is faid, are artificially made from Brafilian
topazes of a fmoky appearance, by giving them a gra¬
dual heat in a crucible filled with afhes, until it be red
hot.
Rock RuBT, the amethystizontas of the ancients, is
found in Syria, Calcutta, Cananor, Cambaya, and E-
thiopia. It is the moft valued of all the varieties of gar¬
nets, and is frequently fold as a ruby under the name of
rubinus Rufficum.
RUCTATION, a ventofity arifing from indigeftion,
and difcharging itfelf at the mouth with a very difagree-
able noife.
RUDBECK, Olaus, a learned Swedifh phyfician,
born of an ancient and noble family in 1630. He be¬
came profeffor of medicine at Upfal, where he acquired
great applaufe by his extenfive knowledge ; and died in
J702. His principal works are, 1. Exercitatio anato-
mica, exhibens ductus novos hepaticos aquofos, et vafa
glandularum ferofa, in 410. He there afferts his claim
to the difcovery of ths lymphatic veffels, againft the
pretenfions of Thomas Bartholin. 2. Athlantica, Jive
Manheim, vera Japhetipojlerorum fedes ac patria, 4 vols
folio, is full of ftrange paradoxes fupported with pro¬
found learning : he there endeavours to prove, that
Sweden was the country whence all the ancient Pagan
divinities and our firft parents were derived ; and that
the Germans, Englifh, French, Danes, Greeks, and
Romans, with all other nations, originally came from
thence.
RUDBECKIA, a genus of plants belonging to the
fyngenefia clafs 5 and in the natural method ranking
under the 49th order, Compojitce. See Botany Index.
RUDDER, m Navigation, a piece of timber turning
on hinges in the item of the ihip, and which, oppofing
fometimes one fide in the water and fometimes another,
turns or diredls the veflel this way or that. See
Helm.
In the feventh volume of the Tranfaclions of the So¬
ciety inftituted at London for the Encouragement of
Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce, there is explained
a method of fupplying the lofs of a (hip’s rudder at fea.
The invention, which is Capt. Pakenham’s of the royal
navy, has been approved by Admiral Cornw’allis, the
commiffioners’tif the admiralty, by the fociety in whofe
tranfa&ions the account of it was firlt publifhed, and
who prefented to Capt. Pakenham their gold medal,
by the Trinity-houfe, by the managing owners of Ea(t
India (hipping, by the duke of Sudermania then regent
of Sweden, and by the fociety for the improvement of
naval architecture. The fubftitute here recommended
for a loft rudder, fays the inventor, is formed of thofe
materials without which no (hip goes to fca, and its
conftruCtion is fimple and fpeedy. Capt. Pakenham,
however, did not give a particular account of his inven-
Vol. XVIII. Part I.
37 ] It U D
tion to the fociety whom he addrefled, and to whom he Rudder.
lent a model of his invention, till fuch time as he had an ' V”~
opportunity of reducing the theory he had conceived to
praftice. On the 7th of July 1788, he made this trial
with the Merlin of Newfoundland j and he declares
that, during the different manoeuvres of tacking and
wearing, he could not difeover the lead variation be¬
tween the operation of the machine and that of the
(lap’s rudder : the was (leered with the fame eafe by one
man, and anfwered the helm in every fituation fully as
quick. Admiral Cornwallis certifies the fame with re-
fpeCt to the Crown of 64 guns, which loft her rudder on
the Kentilh Knock, when with the fubftitute (he was
(leered to Portfmouth with the utmoft eafe in a heavy
gale, and, as the admiral afferts, it would have taken
her to the Eaft Indies.
The materials and conftruClion are thus deferibed in Plate
the TranfaClions. “ N° 1. a topmaft: inverted j the fid- cccccxvt.
hole to (hip the tiller in, and fecured with hoops from
the anchor (locks j the heel forming the head of the
rudder. N° 2. The inner half of a jibb-boom. N° 3.
The outer half of a jibb-boom. N° 4. A fifh : the
whole of thele materials w?ell bolted together :—in a
merchantman her ruff-tree. N° 5. A cap, with the
fquare part cut out to fit the ftern-poft, and aCling as a
lower gudgeon, fecured to the ftern-poft with hawfers,
leading from the bolts of the cap, under the (hip’s bot¬
tom, into the hawfe-holes, and hove well tort. N° 6.
A plank, or, if none on board, the (hip’s gangboards.
N° 7. Anchor-(locks, made to fit the topmaft as part¬
ners, fecured to the deck, and fupplying the place of
the upper gudgeon, and in a merchant (hip the clamps
of her windlafs. N° 8. A ftern-poft. N° 9. Hoops
from the anchor-docks. N° 10. Pigs of ballaft, to (ink
the lower part. The head of the rudder to pafs through
as many decks as you wifti.”
On this the Captain makes the following remarks :
“ It might probably be fuppofed, that a difficulty
would occur in bringing the jaws of the cap to embrace
the ftern-poft ; but this will at once be obviated, when
it is remembered that the top-chains, or hawfers, lead¬
ing from each end of the jaws, under the (hip’s bottom,
are in fa6t a continuance of the jaws themfelves. Nor
can it be apprehended that the cap, when fixed, may
be impelled from its ftation, either by the efforts of the
fea, or the courfe of the (hip through the water, though
even the hawfers, which confine it in the firft: inftance,
(hould be relaxed :—the experiment proves, that the
partners muft be firft torn away, or the main-piece bro¬
ken off.
“ Since the improved (late of navigation, notwith-
(landing remedies have been found in general for the
mod difaftrous accidents at fea, experience has evinced
that nothing complete had been hitherto invented to
fupply the lofs of a rudder. The firft expedient within
my knowledge were cables veered aftern, with tackles
leading from them to the (hip’s quarters. This pradlice
was fuperfeded by the invention of the machine ufually
called the Ipfwich machine ; but the conftruflion of it is
complex and unwieldy, and veffels are feldom found in
poffeffion of the materials which form it. Commodore
Byron, in the Journal of his Voyage round the World,
fays, that the Tamer, with every affiftance from his own
(hip, w-as five days in conftrudling it. Befides, like the
before-mentioned (dieme, it can only operate to (leer a
U u (hio
Rudder,
Riul liman.
R U D [ 538 ] R U D
flilp large (and that but very wildly), and of courfe,
under the circumftance of a lee-lhore, defeat the molt
fkilful exertions of a feaman. Several other expedients
have been adopted, which I (hall not mention here, as
the fame defeats equally appear in all.
“ Thus it was apparent, that ample room was left for
the difcovery of fome more certain refource than any of
the former •, and the Icheme which has fuggeiled uielf
to me, will, I trull, be found fully to anfvver the pur-
pofe intended. The materials are luch as fcarcely any
Chip can venture to fea without} and the confhuTion
fo fpeedy, eafy, and fimple, that the capacity of the
meaneft failor will at once conceive it. I need not, from
mathematical principles, ihow the cu'tainty of its effeft,
as it is formed and managed in the lame manner as a
O
flrip’s common rudder : and as the common rudder is
certainly of all inventions the bell calculated for guiding
a velfel through the water, it will of courie follow, that
whatever fubftitute the nearetl refembles that, mult be
belt adapted to fupply its lofs.”
RUDDIMAN, Thomas, one of the molt eminent
grammarians which Scotland has produced, was born,
in October 1674 at Raggel, in the parifli ot Boyndie
and county of Banff. His father James Ruddiman
was a farmer, and Itrongly attached to the houfe of
Stuart.
Mr Ruddiman was inftru&ed in the principles of La¬
tin grammar at the parilh fchool of Boyndie, where his
application was fo vigorous, and his progrefs fo rapid,
that he quickly lurpaffed all his clafs-fellows. His
malter George Morrifon, who was a Ikilful and atten¬
tive teacher, being unwilling to check his ardour for
learning, permitted him to follow the impulfe of his ge¬
nius, and to advance without waiting the How progrefs
of the other boys.
The pleafure which the youthful mind receives from
vivid defeription, though wild and romantic, approaches
to edlafy, and often makes an impreflion which remains
indelible. While at fchool, the fivft book which charm¬
ed the opening mind of Ruddiman was Ovid’s Metamor-
phofes ; nor did he ceafe to relilh the beauties of this
author when his judgment was mature, for during the
reft of his life Ovid was his favourite poet.
At the age of lixteen he became anxious to purfue
his ftudies at the univerlity 5 but bis father thinking
him too young, oppofed his inclination. Hearing of the
competition trial, which was annually held at King’s
college, Aberdeen, for a certain number of burfaries on
the foundation of that univerfity, Ruddiman’s ambition
was kindled. Without the knowledge of his father,
and with only a Angle guinea in his pocket, which his
After had privately given him, he fet out for that place.
On the road he was met by a company of gypfeys, who
robbed him of his coat, his ftioes, his (lockings, and his
guinea. This misfortune did not damp his enterprifing
fpirit : He continued his journey to Aberdeen, prefent-
ed himfelf before the profeflbrs as a candidate *, and
though he had neither clothes to give him a decent ap¬
pearance nor friends to recommend him, he gained the
Arft prize.
After attending the univerAty four years, he obtained
the degree of mafter of arts 5 an honour of which he was
always proud. The theAs fays, the deputation on this
occaAon lafted ab aurora ufque ad vefperum, i. e. “ from
morning till night.” Though Ruddiman was only 20
years of age when he le.t the univerfily, it appears from Ru 1 !■ • r,
a book inlhled Rhctoricorum Libn tres, compc'ed be- —1
fore this period, but never published, that he had then
read the Roman daffies with uncommon attention and
advantage.
He was foon after engaged as a tutor to the fon of
Robert Young, Efq. of Auldbar, the great grandfon of
Si,r Peter Young, who under the direction oi Buchanan
had been preceptor of James VI. His income here mull
have been very fmall, or his Atuation unpleafant j for
within a year he accepted the office of fchooimafter in
the pariffi of Laurencekirk. The profeffion of fchooi¬
mafter in a country parith at that period could open no
Aeld for ambition, nor profpecl of great emolument ;
for by an acl of parliament paffed in 1633, the falary
appropriated to this oftree could not be increafed above
'loo merks Scots, or ill. 2s. ijd. fterling. In difehar-
ging the duties of this humble but important ft&tion, it
is probable that he ufed Simfon’s Rudiment a Gramma-
tica, which was then generally taught in the northern
fchools, and by which he himielf had been inilrucled in
the principles of Latin grammar.
When Ruddiman had fpent three years and a half in
this employment, the celebrated Hr Pitcairne happen¬
ing to pals through Laurencekirk, was detained in that
village by a violent ftorm. Pncairne wanting amufe-
ment, inquired at the hoftefs if Ihe could procure any
agreeable companion to bear him company at dinner.
She replied, that the fchooimafter, though young, was
laid to be learned, and, though modeit, ihe was fure
could talk. Pitcairn" w as delighted with the converla-
tion and learning of his new companion, invited him to
Edinburgh, and promifed him his patronage.
When Ruddiman arrived in Edinburgh, the advocates
library, which had been founded J 8 years before by Sir
George Mackenzie, attrafled his curioAty and attention,
and he was foon after appointed affiftant-keeper undtr
Mr Spottifwoode the principal librarian. His falary for
executing this laborious office was 81. 6s. 8d. He had
beAdes a imall honorary prefent from thole who were
admitted advocates for correcfing the;r ♦hefes : he was
alfo paid for copying manuferipts for the ufe of the li¬
brary. And the faculty, before he had held the office
two years, were fo highly pleafed with his condudf, that
they made him a prefent of 30 pounds Scots, or 4I. 3s. gd.
fterling.
During the Alting of the court of fefficn he attended
the library from ten till three. But this conAnemcnt
did not prevent him from engaging in other laborious
duties : A part of his time was occupied in teaching
young gentlemen the Latin language. Some he attend¬
ed at their lodgings, fome waited upon him, and fome
reAded in his own houfe. An exaff lift of the names of
thofe who attended him, expreffing the date of their en¬
try, and the fums which he was to receive from each,
has been found in his pocket-book 5 a curious relick,
which is ftill preferved.
When Ruddiman’s merit as a fcholar became better
known, his affiftance was anxioufly folicited by thofe
who wrere engaged in literary publications. Fieebairne,
a refpeclable bookfeller of that period, prevailed upon
him to coned! and prepare for the prefs Sir Robert
Sibbald’s Introducho ad hjjoriam rerum a Roman is gepa-
rum in ea Borealis Britannic? parte quee ultra murum
PiElicum ejl. He received for his labour 31. fterling.
I
K U D [ 339 ] RUT)
Ru<Mitnan. At the request of Mr Spottirwoode librarian, for 51.
ilerling he contributed his aid to the publication of
Sir Robert Spottifwoode’s Pratiques of the Laws of
Scotland.
In 1707 he commenced aufiioneer, an employment
not very iuitable to the dignified, charadler of a man of
letters : but to this occupation he was probably impel¬
led by neceflity ; for upon balancing his accounts at the
end of the preceding year, the whole furplus was
2SI. P.s. with profpedls of 236L 7s. 6d. Scots. Rud-
diman had a family ; and feems to have been a ilranger
to that foolilh pride which has feduced fomc literary men
into the opinion, that it is more honourable to llarve
than have recourfe to an occupation which men of rank
and opulence are acculfotned todefpife. 'The fame year
he punliihed an edition of Valufeni de Anitni Tranquil-
htate Dia/ogus, to which he prefixed the life of Volufe-
nus. Volufenus or Wilfon was a learned Scotfman, and
had the honour to be patronifed by Cardinal Wolfey
(fee WlLSONJ. In 1709 he publillied JohnQoni Cantici
Solo morns Paraphrajis Poeticay and Johnjloni Cantica
with notes, wdrich he dedicated in verfe to his
friend and patron Dr Pitcairne. The edition confid¬
ed of 200 copies. The ex pence of printing amounted
to 5I. 1 os. flerling, and he fold them at a Ihilling each
copy.
The philological talents of Ruddiman were next di-
reffed to a more important objedd, in which they be¬
came more confnicuous and ufeful. Freebairne the
bookfeller propokd to pubhfh a new edition of the Scot-
tilli tranfbtion of \ irgil’s AEneid by Gawin Douglas
bifliop of Dunkeld. Of the contributions which lome
eminent charafters of the age prefented, the moil va¬
luable were fupplied by Ruddiman. Freebairne ac¬
knowledged in general terms this obligation, but has
not dene him the jufiice to inform the reader what thefe
valuable contributions were, and Rudd man’s modefty
reftrained him from publicly afierting his claim. Fiom
the pocket-book which has been already mentioned, it
appears that Ruddiman correided the work and wrote
the gleffary j and there is firong reafon to believe that
he was the author of the 42 general rules for affifiing
the reader to ur.derflard the language of Douglas. To
thofe who wifii to be acquainted with the ancient lan¬
guage of this ifland, the gloffary will be a treafure, as
it forms a compendious dictionary of the Anglo-Saxon.
For this elaborate work Ruddiman was allowed 81. 6s.
8d. Iteriing.
Fhe reputation of Puddiman had now extended to a
difiance. He was invited by the magi ft rates of Dun¬
dee to be reCtor of the grammar fchool of that town ;
but the faculty of advocates, anxious to retain him,
augmented his falary to 3d. 6s. 8d. Iteriing, and he de¬
clined the offer.
In 1711 he afiifted Bilhop Sage in publilhing Drum¬
mond of Hawthornden’s works *, and performed the
fame favour to Dr Abercrombie, who was then prepar¬
ing for the prefs his Martial Atchievements.
In 1713 he was deprived of his friend Dr Pitcairne. R-uddimm
On this occafion be tdlified all the refpeft which friend-
fiiip could inlpire to the memory of his dcceafed patron
and furviving family. He compofed Pitcairne’s epi¬
taph, and conduced tire file of his library, which was
difpofed of to Peter the Great of Ruflia.
In 1714 the Rudiments of the Latin tongue were pub¬
lished. Lighfeen or nineteen Latin grammars, com¬
pofed by Scotchmen, had appeared before this period •,
yet fuch is the intrinfic value of this little treatife, that
it loon luperfeded all other books on the fu’ojeCt, and is
now taught in all the grammar fchools in Scotland. It
has alfo been tranflated into other languages.
He w'as next called upon to publiih the works of
Buchanan. The value of thefe he enhanced much by
an elaborate preface, his Tabula Return Scotia’ Chr ana¬
log ica and Propriorum Nominum Interpretatio. The in¬
terpretation of proper names was highly requifite } for
Buchanan has io difguifed them in the Roman drefs,
that the original name is fcarcely difcernible ; and the
preface puts the reader on his guard againlt the chro¬
nological errors and faCtious fpirit of the hiltory. Rud¬
diman alfo added a learned diflertation, intitled De Me-
tris Buchcnanais Libel/us, and fubjoined annotations cri¬
tical and polnical on the Hiflory of Scotland. As he
efpouftd the caufe of Oueen Mary, he raifed againft
himfelf a holt of enemies, and gave occafion to that ce¬
lebrated controverfy which has been carried on withmuch
keennefs and animofity, and with little intermiffion, even
to the prefent times. For this work Ruddiman was pro-
mifed 401. fterling.
He had now been fo long accuftomed to fuperintend
the prefs, that he was led to form the plan of ereClinga
printing-office himfelf (a). Accordingly, in the year
1715, Ire commenced printer in partnerfhip with his
brother Walter, wffio had been regularly bred to the
bufinefi. Some years after he was appointed printer
to the univerfity, along with James Davidfon bock-
feller.
The firfl literary fociety formed in Scotland was in-
flituted in the year 1718. It probably derived its ori¬
gin from the faftious and turbulent fpirit of the times.
The learned, anxious perhaps to find fome refpife from
the political diffenfions of the day, endeavoured to pro¬
cure it in elegant amufement ; for one of the fundamen¬
tal articles of the new afibciation was, that the “ affairs
of church and ftate flrould not be introduced.” Ruddi¬
man and the mafters of the high-fehool had the honour
to found this fociety. They were afterwards joined by
Lord Kaimes.
In 1725 the firft part of his Grammaticee Latina In-
Jlitutiones, which treated of etymology, was publifhed.
The fecond part, which explained the nature and prin¬
ciples of fyntax, appeared in 1731. He alfo w'rote a
third part on profody, which is faid to be more copious
and correal than any other publication on the fubjeft.
When urged to give it to the public, he faid dryly,
“ The age has fo little taffe, the fale would not pay
U u 2 the
(a) It has long been an obje6! of curiofity to afeertain the time at which the art of printing was introduced in¬
to Scotland. Mr Robertfon, the late keeper of the records, difeovered a patent of King James IV. which renders
it certain that a printing-prefs was firft eftablifhed at Edinburgh during the year 1507, 30 years after Caxton had
brought it into England. See Printing.
R U D [ 340 ] R U D
Ku^diman. the expenee.” Of this work he publlfhed an abridge-
' yr~ ment, to which lie fubjoined an abftradl of his pro-
fody.
Ruddiman next engaged in the management of a news¬
paper, an employment for which his genius and induftry
feemed to render him well qualified. Rut thofe who
fnould expeft either much information or amufement
from this publication, would perhaps be greatly difap-
pointed. The newfpaper which he condufted w!as the
Caledonian Mercury, and was eftablifhed in 1720 by
William Holland a lawTyer. Ruddiman a&ed only in the
capacity of printer for five years ; but upon the death of
Mr Holland in 1729, the property was transferred to
him, or to his brother Walter and him conjunftly.
This paper continued in the family of Ruddiman till the
year 1772, when it was fold by thetrufiees of his grand¬
children.
The Caledonian Mercury was at firft printed three
times a week, on Monday, Tuefday, and Thurfday, in
a fmall 4to of four pages, with two columns in each
page, and 50 lines in each column j fo that the whole
paper contained only 400 lines. It now contains in its
folio fize 2480 lines.
Mr Ruddiman, after the death of Mr Spottifwoode
librarian, remained for fome time in his.former Ration j
but was at length appointed keeper of the library 5 though
without any increafe of falary ; and fome years after Mr
Goodal, the defender of Queen Mary, fucceeded him in
the office of fub-librarian.
The affiduous application of Ruddiman, fupported by
fuch learning, was intitled to wealth, which now indeed
flowed upon him in what was at that period deemed
great abundance. On the firft of Odlober 1735, it ap¬
peared from an exaft ftatement of his affairs, that he
wTas worth 1882I. 5s. 2d. fterling ; and on the 20th of
May, the enfuing year, his wealth hadincreafed to 1985I.
6s. 3d. fferling. In 1710 he valued his effefts at 24I.
14s. 9d fferling.
In 1737 the fchoolmaffers and teachers in Edinburgh
formed themfelves into a fociety, in order to eftabliOi
a fund for the fupport of their wives and children. Of
this fcheme Ruddiman was an a<Rive promoter, and was
chofen treafurer. Perhaps it was this affociation which
in 1742 gave the idea to the Scots clergy of forming
their widows fund.
In 1739 he publifl’.ed Scle&us Diplomatum et Numif-
matum Scotice Thefaurus. This work was projefted and
begun by Anderfon (hence called Anderfon')s Dip/oma-
ta), but was finiffied by Ruddiman. The preface,
which is an excellent commentary on Anderfon’s per¬
formance, wTas written by Ruddiman, and difplays a
greater extent of knowledge than any of his other pro¬
ductions.
As Ruddiman had imbibed from his father thofe po¬
litical principles which attached him to the family of
Stuart, he probably did not remain an. unconcerned
fpeCtator of the civil commotions which in 1745 agita¬
ted Scotland. He did not, however, take any aCtive
part in the rebellion. His principles, he has been heard
to fay, induced him to be a quiet fubjeCt and a good ci¬
tizen. He retired to the country during the fummer
of 1745; and while his fellow-citizens were fpilling each
others blood, he w’as more happily engaged in writing
Critical Obfervations on Burman’s Commentaries on
Lucan’s Pharfalia. The Caledonian Mercury was in
the mean time marked with a jealous eye. His fon,R-uddiman.
who had for fome time been the principal manager or 1 * J'
that newfpaper, having copied a paragraph which was
reckoned feditious from an Engliffi paper, was impri-
foned. The felicitation of his father procured his re-
leafe : but it was too late^ for the unhappy young man
had contradled a diftemper in the tolbooth of Edinburgh
which brought him to his grave.
During the laff feventeen years of his life Ruddiman
wTas almoff inceffantly engaged in controwerfy. To this
he w’as in fome mealure compelled by the violent at¬
tacks which fome critics of the times had fucceffively
made upon his works. He wras firft called upon by
Benfon, auditor in the exchequer, to determine the
comparative merit of Buchanan and Johnfton as poets.
He gave a decided preference to Buchanan in perfpi-
cuity, purity, and variety of ftyle j but, like a candid
critic, allowed Johnfton to be fuperior in the harmony
of his numbers. His next antagonift w’-as Logan, one
of the minifters of Edinburgh, a weak illiterate man,
but an obftinate polemic. The fubjeft of conteft was,
■whether the crown of Scotland was ftridlly hereditary,
and wffiether the birth of Robert III. was legitimate ?
Ruddiman maintained the affirmative in both points,
and certainly far furpaffed his antagonift in the powers of
reafoning. He proved the legitimacy of Robert by the
public records of the kingdom with a force of argument
wffiich admits of no reply 5 but in difeuffing the firft
queftion (by which he was led to confider the conteft:
between Bruce and Baliol) he was not fo fuccefsful:
for there are many inflances in the hiftory of Scotland
in which the brother fucceeded to the crowm in prefe¬
rence to the fon. He fhowTed, however, that the Scot-
tifh crown -was at no period properly eleflive; and that,
according to the old licentious conftitution of the king¬
dom, the right of Bruce, who was the neareft in blood
to the royal ftock, w^as preferable to the claim of Baliol
though defeended from the eldeft daughter.
But the labours of Ruddiman did not end when the
pen dropt from the feeble hand of Logan. He wasfoon
called upon to repel the attacks of Love fchoolmafter of
Dalkeith, who maintained, in oppolition to him, that
Buchanan had neither repented of his treatment of Queen
Mary, nor had been guilty of ingratitude to that prin-
cefs. That Buchanan ever repented there is reafon to
doubt. Whether he was guilty of ingratitude, let the
unbiaffed determine, when they are affured by authentic
records that Mary conferred on him a penfion for life of
500 pounds Scots.
When Ruddiman had arrived at his eightieth year,
and was almoft blind, he was afiailed by James Man,
mailer of an hofpital at Aberdeen, with a degree of ran¬
cour and virulence, united with fome learning and abi¬
lity, ■which muff have touched him in a fenfible manner,
and alarmed his fears for his reputation after his de-
ceafe. He was called a JiniJhedpedant, a f/riouscalum¬
niator, and a corrupter of Buchanan'1 s works. The ve¬
nerable old man again put on his armour, entered the
lids, and gained a complete vidlory. Man, with all his
acutenefs, could only point out twenty errors in two
folio volumes. Some of thefe were typographical, fome
trifling, and fome doubtful. Ruddiman, with much
pleafantry, drew up againft ?»'Ian an account of 469 er¬
rors, confifting of 14 articles, of which two or three
may be produced as a fpecimen. 1. Falfehoods and pre¬
varications,
R U D
Ruddinnan,vancations, 20. 2. Abfurdities, 69. 3. Paffages from
Rudeiheim. c]a[^c authors which were mifunderftood by Man, 10.
v The triumph which he gained over this virulent ad-
verfary he did not long enjoy 5 for he died at Edin¬
burgh on the 19th of January 1757, in the 83d
year of his age, and was buried in the Grey Friars
churchyard without any monument to dillinguilh his
grave.
He was three times married, but left behind him on¬
ly one daughter, Alifon, who was married in 1747 to
James Stewart, Efq. He is fuppofed to have died worth
3000I. fterling.
He was of the middle fize, of a thin and ftraight
make, and had eyes remarkably piercing. Of his ta¬
lents and learning his works afford the moft fatisfadlory
proofs. His memory was tenacious and exadf. He
could repeat long paffages of his favourite poet Ovid,
to the amount of 60 lines, and without omitting a word.
He was fo great a mafter in the Latin language, that
he has perhaps been equalled by none fince the days of
Buchanan.
Ruddiman has left a charadter unftained by vice, and
diftinguifhed by many virtues. His piety was exem¬
plary. He fpent Sunday in religious employment 5 and
we are informed had prayers read to him every morn-
ing by his amanuenfis when the infirmities of age re¬
quired fuch an afiiftant. He was frugal of his time,
neither indolent nor fond of amufement ; and fo remar¬
kably temperate, that it is faid he was never intoxicated.
Though often forced into controverfy, and treated with
infolence, he never defcended to fcurrility and abufe, nor
cherifhed refentment againft his enemies. His candour
was much admired in one inftance in the favourable cha-
radter which he publifhed in the Caledonian Mercury of
his antagonift Love (b), after his deceafe. Upon the
whole, it muff be allowed that Ruddiman has been of
great fervice to clafiical literature, and an honour to his
native country.
RUDESHEIM, a rich village of the Rhinegau,
fituated about five miles from the city of Mentz, con¬
tains about 2500 inhabitants. The wine of this place
is looked upon as without comparifon the belt of the
Rhinegau, and confequently of all Germany. Baron
Riefbeck fays, he found it much more fiery than that of
Hochheim •, but that for pleafantnefs of tafte there is
no comparifon betwixt them. The befl Rudefheim,
like the bed: Hochheimer, fells upon the fpot for three
guilders the bottle. “ You can (fays our author) have
no tolerable wine here for one guilder, nor any very
good for two ; at lead: I. ihould prefer the word Bur¬
gundy I ever taded to any Rudedieimer I met with ei¬
ther here or at Mentz for thefe prices. Indeed the
wine of our hod (a rich ecclefiadic) was far better
than any we could get at the inn. It dands to reafcn,
that the fame vintage furnifhes grapes of very different
degrees of goodnefs; but befides this, it is in the Rhi-
II U E
negau as every where elle. The bed wines are gene- R.uc1efheiaa
rally fent abroad by the poor and middling inhabitants, II
and the wrord kept for internal confumption ; for the ex-, ^ue‘
pence of the carriage being the fame m both cafes,
itrangers had much rather pay a double price for the
good than have the bad. It is only rich people, fuch
as our hod was, who can afford to keep the produce of
their land for their own drinking. Upon this princi¬
ple, I have eaten much better Swifs cheefes out of
Switzerland than in it, and have drank much better
Rheniih in the inns of the northern parts of Germany
than in the country where the wine grows. The pofi-
tion of the country alfo contributes to render the wine
dearer than it would otherwife be. As the bed wine
grows in its more northern parts, the eafy tranfport by
the Rhine to Holland, and all parts of the world,
raifes its price above its real value. The place where
the dower of the Rudedieim wine grows is precifely the
neck of the land, formed by the winding of the Rhine
to the north, after it has run to the wedward from Mentz
hither. This neck, which is a rock almod perpendicu¬
lar, enjoys the fird rays of the rifing and the lad of
the fetdng fun. It is divided into fmall low terraces,
which are carried up to the utmod top of the hill like
deep ftairs; thefe are guarded by fmall walls and
earthen mounds, which are often wadied away by the
rain. The fird vine was brought hither from France,
and they dill call the bed grape the Orleannois. They
plant the vine docks very low, fcarce ever more than
four or five feet high. This way of planting the vine
is favourable to the production of a great deal of wane,
but not to its goodnefs, as the phlegmatic and harfii
parts of it would certainly evaporate more, if the fa|t
was refined through higher and more numerous canals..
This is undoubtedly the reafon why every kind of Rhe-
nidr has fomething in it that is hardi, four, and wa¬
tery. The harved of the bed vineyards, wThich are the
lower ones, in the above-mentioned neck of land, is
often bought before-hand, at the advanced price of
fome ducats, by Dutch and other merchants. It mud
be a very rich dock to yield above four meafures of
wine.—You may eafily imagine, that the cultivation of
vineyards mud be very expenfive in this country, as
the dung, which is extremely dear, mud be carried
up to the top of the mountains on the peafants droul-
ders.”
RUDIMENTS, the fird principles or grounds of any
art or fcience, called alfo the elements thereof.
RUE. See Ruta, Botany Index.
Rue, Charles de la, a French orator and poet, was
born at Paris in 1643. Fie was educated at the college
of the Jefuits, where he afterwards became a profeffor
of humanity and rhetoric. At an early age his talent
for poetry difclofed itfelf. In 1667, when he was only
24 years old, he compofed a Latin poem on the con-
queds of Louis XIV. which was fo much edeemed by
the
r 341 ]
(b) Ihe following charaCIer of Love was publidied in the Caledonian Mercury of the 24th of September 17 90.
*c On J hurfday morning died at Dalkeith, after a lingering illnefs, in the 55th year of his age, Mr John Love,
reflor of the grammar fchool there ; who, for his uncommon knowledge in clafiical learning, his indefatigable dili¬
gence, and driffnefs of difcipline without feverity, was judly accounted one of the mod fufficient maders in this
country.” This charafler is doubtlefs jud ; though Love is now known to have been the fchoolmader fatirized by
Snjollet in the beginning of his Roderick Random.
1\ue
Ruff.
R U F [ 34
the celebrated Peter Corneille, that he tranflated it into
French, prefented it to the king, and at the fame time
, paffed fo high encomiums on the ftiperior merit of the
original, that the author was received into the favour of
that monarch, and ever after treated by him with lingu¬
lar refpedF
De la Rue, anxious to preach the gofpel to the Ca¬
nadians, requefted leave of abfence from his fuperiors;
but having deftined him for the pulpit, they refufed to
comply with his requeft. Accordingly he commenced
preacher, and became one of the mod eminent orators
of his age. In his difcourfes he would probably have
been too lavilh of his wit, if he had not been cautioned
againft it by a judicious courtier. “ Continue (faid he)
to preach as you do. We will hear you with pleafure
as long as you reafon with us •, but avoid wit. We va¬
lue the wit contained in two verfes of a fong more than
all that is contained in mod of the fe.mons in Lent.”
Refpefting the delivery of fermons, he entertained
an opinion quite oppofite to the edablidied practice of
his countrymen. In France it was cudomary not to
read fermons from the pulpit, but to recite them from
memory. This he confidered as a laborious talk, not
eompenfated by any advantages. On the contrary, he
was of opinion that reading (ermons was preferable.—
The preacher, with his difcourfe before him, could
read it with cafe, free from that timidity and embar-
raffment which frequently attends the add of recollec¬
tion ; and he would fave a confiderable lime which is
ufually fpent in committing it to memory. In thele
fentiments many will not be difpofed to acquiefce : but,
without pretending to determine the quedion, it may
be alTerted, that a fermon, whether read or recited, if
fpoken in a fericus manner, and with proper inflexions
and tones of voice, will produce all the effcXs for which
a fermon is calculated.
X)e la Rue died at Paris on the 27th of May 1725, at
the age of 82.
He was as amiable in fociety as he was venerable in
the pulpit. His converfation was pleafant and indruc-
tive. His lade and kno ’ ledge enabled him to converfe
with eafe, and to exprefs himfelf with propriety on every
fabjeX. He charmed bis fuperiors by his wit, and his
inferiors by his affability. Though living amidft the
buftle of the world, he was always prepared for the fo-
litude of the clofel and the retreat of the cloider. In
the pulpit he poured forth the lined efFufions of elo¬
quence in the moft animated and imprelfive manner.—
He published Panegyrics, Funeral Orations, and Ser¬
mons. His bed fermon is that intitled Des Cata¬
mite's Pubtiquer, and his mod admired funeral oration
was compofed on the Prince of Luxembourg. There are
alfo tragedies of his writing, both in Latin and French,
which were approved by Corneille. He was one of
thofe who puhliflied editions of the daffies for the ufe
of the Dauphin. Virgil, which fell to his fhare, was
publithed svith notes, and a L:fe of the Poet, in 1675,
/^to, and is a valuable and ufeful edition.
RUELLIA. a genus of plants belonging to the didy-
nam’a clafs ; and in the natural method ranking under
the 40'h order. Perf.nrta. See Botany Index.
RUFF, a fpecies of Perca. See Ichthyology
Index.
Ruff, a fpecies of Tringa. See Ornithology
Index.
2 ] R U F
RUFFHEAD, Dlt Owen, *as tW On of h«
Majetly’s baker in Piccadilly ; who" buying a lottery
ticket lor him in his infancy, which happened to be ^
drawn a prize of 500I. this ium was applied to educate
him lor the law. He accordingly entered in the Mid¬
dle Temple; and leconded fo well the views of his fa¬
ther, that he became a good fchelar and an acute bar-
rider. While he was waiting lor opportunities to di-
ftinguifh himielf in lus profeflion, lie wrote a variety of
pamphlets on the politics of the day } and was afterwards
didinguhhed by his accurate edition of 'the Statutes at
Large, in qto. He now' obtained good bufmefs, though
more as a chamber counfellor in framing bills for parlia¬
ment than as a pleader } but his dole application to du-
dy, with the variety of works he engaged in as an au¬
thor, fo impaired his conditution, that after the lad
exertion of his abilities to defend the conduX of adml-
r.idration toward Mr Wilkes, by a pamphlet intitled,
“ The Cafe of the late eleXion for the county of Mid-
dlelex confidired,” he was prevented from receiving the
reward of a place in the Treafury, by dying in 1760,
at about 46 years of age. Some time before his death,
Bifhop Warburton engaged him to write bis long pro-
mi fed of Alexander Pope; which, however, when
executed, was veiy far from giving general latisfaXion.
The author attributed his ill iucceis to the deficiency
of his materials ; while the public ierroed rather to be of
opinion that, as a lawyer, he ventured beyond his pro¬
per line, when he affumed the talk of a critic in poetry*
RUFFLING, or IlutFlNG, a beat on the drum.
Lieutenant-generals have three ruffles, major-generals
two, brigadiers one, and governors one, as they pafs
by the regiment, guard, &c.
RUFINUS was born about the middle of the fourth
century at Concordia, an inconfiderable town in Italy.
At firft he applied himfelf to the belles lettres, and
particularly to the ftudy of eloquence. To acccmplifh
himfelf in this elegant art, he removed to Aquileia, a
town at that time fo celebrated that it was called a fe-
cond Rome. Having made himfelf acquainted w'iih the
polite literature of the a^e, he withdrew into a mona-
ftery, where he devoted himfelf to the fludy of theology.
While thus occupied, St Jerome happened to pais
through Aquileia. Rufinus formed an intimate friend-
fhip with him } but to his inexpreflible grief was foon de¬
prived of the company of his new7 friend, who conti¬
nued his travels through France and Germany, and then
fet out for the eaft. Rufinus, unable Jo bear his abfence,
refolved to follow him. Accordingly he embarked fer
Egypt } and having vifited the hermits who inhabit the
deierts of that country, he repaired to Alexandria to
hear the renowned Didymus. Here he was gratified
with a fight of St Melania, of whole virtue and charity
he had heard much. The fanXity of his manners foon ob¬
tained the confidence of St Melania, which continued
without interruption during their refidence in the eaft, a
period of 30 years. The Arians, who fwayed the eccle-
fiaftical feeptre in the reign of Valens, perfecuted Rufinus
with great cruelty. They threw him into a dungeon,
loaded him with chains, and after almoft ftarving him to
death, banifiied him to the deferts of Paleftine. From
this exile he was relieved by the pecuniary aid of St
Melania, who employed her wealth in ranfoming thole
confeffors who had been condemned to prifon or banifti-
ment.
St
RuiThead
II
Rufina#.
R U I [ 343 ] R U M
R:;firms St Jerome, fuppofing that Rufinus would immediate-
I! ly proceed to Jerufaleni, wrote to one of his friends
lvU:"k' there, congratulating him on the profpeft of fo illuftri-
ous a visitor. To Jerufalem he went, and having built
a monatfery on the Mount of Olives, he there affem-
bled a great numoer of hermits, whom he animated to
virtue by his exhortations. He converted many to the
Chriitian faith, and perfuaded more than 400 hermits
who had taken part in the ichi'rn of Antioch to return
to the church. He prevailed on many Macedonians
and Arians to renounce their errors.
His attachment to the opinions of Origen fet him at
Variance with St Jerome, who, being of a temper pecu¬
liarly irritable, not only retraced all the praifes which
he had lavished upon him, but loaded him with fevere
reproaches. Their difputes, which were carried to a
very indecent height, tended to injure Chriftianity in
the eyes of the weak.. Theophilus, their mutual friend,
fettled their differences •, but the reconciliation was of
fliort continuance. Rufinus having publifhed a tranfla-
tion of the principles of Origin at Rome, was fum-
moned io appear before Pope Anartaflus. But. he made
a fpecious apology for not appearing, and fent a vindi¬
cation of his work, in which he attempted to prove
that certain errors, of which Origen had been accufed,
Were perfe&ly conlirtent f ith the opinions of the ortho¬
dox. St Jerome attacked Rufinus’s tranflation. Rufi¬
nus compofed an eloquent reply, in which he declared
that he was only the tranflator of Origen, and did not
confider himfelf bound to function all his errors. Moil
ccclefiartical hiftcrians fay that Rufinus was excommu¬
nicated by Pope Anartafiusj but for this no good evi¬
dence has been brought. In 407, he returned to
Rome j but the year after, that city being threatened by
Alaric, he retired to Sicily, where he died in 410.
His works are, 1. A Tranflation of Jofephus j
2. A Tranflation of feveral works of Origen •, 3. A
Latin Verfion of Ten Difcourfes of Gregory Nazian-
zen, and Eight of Bafrt’s 5 4. Chromatius of Aquileia
prevailed on him to undertake a Tranflation of the £c-
clefiaftical Hiftory of Eufebius, which engaged him al-
mofl: ten years. Pie made many additions to the body
■of the work, and continued the hiftory from the 20th
year of Conftantine to the death of Theodofius the
Great. Many parts of this work are negligently writ¬
ten, many things are recorded as fafts without any au¬
thority but common report, and many things of great
importance are entirely omitted. 5. A Vindication of
Origen. 6. Two Apologies addreffed to St Jerome.
7. Commentaries on the prophets Plofea, Joel, and
Amos. 8. Lives of the Plermits. 9. An Explanation
of the Creed.
RUGEN, an ifland in the Baltic fea, on the coaft
of Pomerania, over againft Stralfund, about 23 miles
in length and 15 in breadth, with the title of a princi¬
pality. It is ftrong both by art and nature, abounds in
corn and cattle, and belongs to Sweden. The chief
town is Bergen. E. Long-. 14. 30. N. Lat. 54. 32.
RUINS, a term particularly ufed for magnificent
buildings fallen into decay by length of time, and
whereof there only remains a confufed heap of materials.
Such are the ruins of the tower of Babel, of the tower
of Belus, two days journey from Bagdat, in Syria, on
the banks of the Euphrates; which are now no more
than a heap of bricks, cemented with bitumen, and
whereof we only perceive the plan to have been fquarc. Ruins
Such alfo are the ruins of a famous temple, or palace, fl
ne?r Schiras, in Perfia, which the antiquaries will have, Rl*rn’
to have been built by Ahafuerus, and which the Per-
fians now call Tchelminar, or Chelminar 5 q. d. the 40
columns ; becaufe there are lo many columns remaining
pretty entire, with the traces of others ; a great quanti¬
ty ot bafic-relievos, and unknown charasrters, fufficient
to ihew the magnificence of the antique archi,e<fture.
The moft remarkable ruins now exifting of whole ci¬
ties are thole of Palmyra and Persefolis, of the
grandeur of which lome idea may be formed from the
views given in the plates referred to from thefe articles,
to which may be added thole of Herculaneum and
Pompeii. The magnificent ruins Itill remaining in
Home, Athens, &c. of particular edifices, as temples,
palaces, amphitheatres, aquedufts, baths, &c. it were
endlels to enumerate, and beyond the plan of this work
to reprelent.
RUIZIA, a genus of plants belonging to the mona-
delphia clafs ; and in the natural method ranking
under the 37th order, Columnfevee. See Botany
Index.
RULE, in matters of literature, a maxim, canon,
or precept, to be obferved in any art or fcience.
Rule, in a monaftic fenfe, a fyftem of laws or re¬
gulations, according to which religious houfes are go¬
verned, and which the religious make a vow, at their
entrance, to obferve. Such are the rules of the Au-
guitines, Benednftines, Carthufians, Francifcans, Sec.
See Augustines, &c.
RULES of Court, in Law, are certain orders made
from time to time in the courts of law, which attorneys
are bound to obferve, in order to avoid confulion ; and
both the plaintiff and defendant are at their peril alfo
bound to pay obedience to rules made in court relating
to the caule depending between them.
It is to be obferved, that no court will make a rule
for any thing that may be done in the ordinary courfe j
and that if a rule be made, grounded upon an affidavit,
the other fide may move the court againft it, in order
to vacate the fame, and thereupon ffiall bring into couit
a copy of the affidavit and rule. On the breach and
contempt of a rule of court an attachment lies; but it
is not granted for difobedience to a rule, when the party
has not been perfonally ferved \ nor for difobeying a
rule made by a judge in his chamber, which is not of
force to ground a motion upon, unlefs the fame be en¬
tered.
A rule of court is granted every day the courts at
Weftminfter fit, to prifoners of the KIng’s-bench or
Fleet prifons, to go at large about their private affairs.
Rule of Three. See Arithmetic and Propor¬
tion.
Rule, or Ruler, an inftrument of wood or metal,
with feveral lines delineated on it; of great ufe in
practical menfuration. When a ruler has the lines of
chords, tangents, fines, Sec. it is called a plane feale.
RUM, a fpecies of brandy or vinous fpi.rits, diftilled
from fugar canes.
Rum, according to Dr Shaw, differs from fimple
fugar-fpirit, in that it contains more of the natural fla¬
vour or effential oil of the fugar-cane ; a great deal of
raw juice and parts of the cane itfelf being ullially fer¬
mented in the liquor or folution of which the rum is
prepared, „
RUM [ 344 ] RUN
Rum. prepared. The un&uous or oily flavour of rum is often
' v 1 fuppofed to proceed from the large quantity of fat ufed
in boiling the fugar j which fat, indeed, if coarfe, will
ufually give a {linking flavour to the fpirit in our dillil-
lations of the fugar liquor or wath, from our refining
fugar-houfes j but this is nothing of kin to the flavour ot
the rum, which is really the effedl of the natural flavour
of the cane.
The method of making rum is this: When a fufficient
flock of the materials are got together, they add water
to them, and ferment them in the common method,
though the fermentation is ahvays carried on very {low¬
ly at firft ; becaufe at the beginning of the feafon for-
making rum in the iflands, they wrant yeaft or fome other
ferment to make it work : but by degrees, after this,
they procure a fufficient quantity of the ferment, which
rifes up as a head to the liquor in the operation ; and
thus they are able afterwards to ferment and make their
rum with a great deal of expedition, and in large quan¬
tities.
When the waflr is fully fermented, or to a due degree
of acidity, the diftillation is carried on in the common
way, and the fpirit is made up proof: though fome-
times it is reduced to a much greater ftrength, nearly
approaching to that of alcohol or fpirit of wane } and
it is then called double-diftilled rum. It might be eafy
to redlify the fpirit, and bring it to much greater pu¬
rity than we ufually find it to be of: for it brings over
in the diftillation a very large quantity of the oil; and
this is often fo difagreeable, that the rum muff be fuf-
fered to lie by a long time to mellow before it can be
ufed} whereas, if well rectified, it would grow mellow
much fooner, and would have a much lets potent fla¬
vour.
The beft ftate to keep rum in, both for exportation
and other ufes, is doubtlefs that of alcohol or redlified
fpirit. In this manner it wrould be tranfported in one
half the bulk it ufually is, and might be let down to the
common proof-ftrength wuth water when neceffary : for
the common ufe of making punch, it would likewife ferve
much better in the ftate of alcohol ; as the tafte would
be cleaner, and the ftrength might always be regula¬
ted to a much greater exactnefs than in the ordinary
way.
The only ufe to which it would not fo well ferve in
this ftate, would be the common pradlice of adultera¬
tion among our diftillers-, for when they w7ant to mix a
large portion of cheaper fpirit wuth the rum, their bufi-
nefs is to have it of the proof-ftrength, and as full of
the flavouring oil as they can, that it may drowm the
flavour of the fpirits they mix with it, and extend its
own. If the bufinefs of redlifying rum was more nicely
managed, it feems a very practicable fcheme to throw
out fo much of the oil, as to have it in the fine light
ftate of a clear fpirit, but lightly impregnated wuth it :
in this cafe it wrould very nearly refemble arack, as is
proved by the mixing a very fmall quantity of it with a
taftelefs fpirit, in -which cafe the whole bears a very near
refemblance to arack in flavour.
Rum is ufually very much adulterated in Britain \
fome are fo bare-faced as to do it with malt-fpirit; but
when it is done wdth molaffes fpirit, the taftes of both
are fo nearly allied, that it is not eafily difcovered. The
beft method of judging of it is by fetting fire to a little
of it j and, when it has burnt away all the inflamma-
i
ble part, examining the phlegm both by the tafte and Rum
finell. !!
Rum is a confiderable ifland, one of the Hebrides, !^uru’rnar-,
or rather one continued rock, of nearly 30 miles in cir¬
cumference. It is the property of Mr Maclean of Collj
contains 400 inhabitants ; grazes cattle and flieep j pays
above 200I. rent annually : but has neither kelp, free-
ftone, nor lime.
RUM ELIA, in Geography, the fame with ancient
Greece ; now a part of Turkey in Europe.
RUMEN, the paunch, or firft ftortiach of fuch ani¬
mals as chew the cud } thence called Ruminant Animat's,
See Anatomy, Comparative.
RUM EX, dock, a genus of plants belonging to the
hexandria clafs, and in the natural method ranking un¬
der the 12th order, Ho/oraceas. See Botany Index.
RUMINANT, in Natural Hi/lory, is applied to an
animal w hich chews over again what it has eaten before ;
which is popularly called chewing the cud. Peyer, in a
treatife De Ruminantibus et Ruminatione, fhows that
there are fome animals which really ruminate; as oxen,
llieep, deer, goats, camels, hares, and fquirrels: and that
there are others which only appear to do fo, as moles, cric¬
kets, bees, beetles, crabs, mullets, &c. The latter clafs,
he obferves, have their ftomachs compofed of mufcu-
lar fibres, by which the food is ground up and down as
in thofe which really ruminate. Mr Ray obferves, that
ruminants are all four-footed, hairy, and viviparous j
fome with hollow and perpetual horns, others with deci¬
duous ones.
RUMP OF THE SACRIFICE. Mofes had ordained,
that the rump and fat of the {beep that were offered for
a peace-offering flmuld be put upon the fire of the altar,
(Lev. iii. 9. vii. 3. viii. 25. ix. 19.). The rump was
efteemed the moft delicate part of the animal.
RUMPHIA, a genus of plants belonging to the
triandria clafs, and in the natural method ranking with
thofe of which the order is doubtful. See Botany
Index.
RUNCIMAN, Alexander, an eminent Scottiffi
painter, was born in Edinburgh in the year 1736* He
was the fon of an architefl, a profeflion which has a
ftrong affinity to that of painting. rlhe opportunity he
thus enjoyed of examining his father’s drawings, gave
him an early propcnfity to the art in general, which he
very foon evinced by making {ketches of any remark¬
able objeft, either of nature or art, that happened to
come in his way. We are unacquainted with the
gradual progrefs of his fertile genius 5 but it is not to be
fuppofed that he long remained fatisfied with the de¬
lineations of ftraight lines, while the fafcinating beau¬
ties of landfcape lay open to his mfpeaion. Water
that falls over a rugged precipice in the form of cai-
cades, or the foaming furges of the deep, when carried
like hoar froft with impetuofity into the air, both aflo-
niffi and delight by their awful grandeur. Thefe objefts,
and fuch as thefe, w-ould naturally fire the genius of
Runciman at an early period.
He was bound an apprentice to John and Robert Nor-
ries in the year 1750 } the former of whom was a land¬
fcape painter of very confiderable eminence, and by his
inllruftions our young artill made rapid progrefs. About
the year 1755, when only 19 years of age, he began pro-
feflionally to paint landfcapes *, from which it appeared
that they were by no means firft attempts, as they evin-
RUN [ 345 ] RUN
- ced Ins ardent application to ftudy before he ventured to
appear at the tribunal of the public. Yet, although thefe
were excellent, they were nothing more than the dawn
of that diflinguilhed eminence to which he afterwards
attained. His reputation as a painter of landfcape con-
tinued to increafe during five years ; but fuch was the
ftrength of his genius, and the amazing fertility of his
invention, that he could not reft latisfied with eminence
in a fingle department. About the year i 760 he fuc-
celsfully attempted hiftorical painting, in which his mind
had more ample fcope than in pourtraying thefolemnfi-
lence of a field, a humble cottage, or a thepherd void of
ambition. Six years of his life were devoted to the ftudy
and pradtice of this important branch of the art, notwith-
ftanding his fituation was attended with numerous difad-
vantages. Great, however, as his attainments were in
this department, he never could be fatisfied with him-
felf, till.he had ftudied in Italy thofe mafterly perform¬
ances which it was his higheft ambition to imitate.
He accordingly fet out for Italy in the year 1766,
when juft 30 years of age, and during a refidence of
five years in that enchanting country, where fpeci-
mens of his favourite art are met with in all their gran¬
deur and perfedtion, he continued to copy the beft pic¬
tures of the ancient mafters, in confequence of which his
tafte W’as very much corredted and improved. Ilis con¬
ceptions were alfo greatly enlarged, by the fteady con¬
templation of fo many fublime works of the greateft and
moft celebrated artifts. The art of compofition, which
it is of the firft confequence for an hiftorical painter to
underftand, was only to be acquired from th<? ftudy of its
principles, as thefe are exemplified in fuch highly finilh-
ed models •, and to thefe he applied himfelf wdth indefa¬
tigable induftry. He caught the rich yet chafte co¬
louring of the Venetian fchool wuth fuch truth, that
he w'as allowed to furpafs all his competitors in this
Valuable quality.
In the year 1771, Runciman returned to his native
country, in the full poffefiion of fuch improvements as
were to be expedted from the opportunities he enjoyed,
and alfo with a judgment very much matured. It wall
readily be granted that he had now fome claim upon the
patronage of his country, and wre are happy to add that
this was not withheld j for the Honourable Board of
Truftees, and Sir James Clerk of Pennycuick, w^ere a-
mong his patrons 5 and to Mr Robert Alexander in par¬
ticular, a refpedlablc merchant in Edinburgh, his coun¬
try was more indebted for the foftering of his rifing ge¬
nius, than to the wdiole of its nobility.
An academy for the ftudy of drawing and painting
was eftablifhed in Edinburgh by the honourable truftees
for the encouragement of arts in Scotland, of which De
la Cour and Pavilon, two French artifts of fome ability,
were fucceflively chofen mafters. When Pavilon died
in lyVG an application was made to Runciman to take
charge of the academy, the laborious and interefting du¬
ties of which he difeharged much to Iris own honour and
-the benefit of his country.
His mafterly work in the Hall of Oflian at Penny-
cuick, the feat of his patron Sir James Clerk, was pro-
jefled and begun by him foon after his return to Edin¬
burgh. Of this performance, the following account was
given by a very eminent judge.
“ khe fate of old Oftian feems to have been pecu¬
liarly happy. Upon the eve of being defevted by tradi-
Vol. XVIII. Part I.
tion, his only preferver, and even by the language it-Ruseiraa’8-
felf, the genius of Macpherfbn interpofed, received the
charge, and gave him to the world.
“ Fortunate in a tranflaior, the Celtic bard has been
equally fo, in receiving his fame from the tafte and judg¬
ment of a critic, bleft with every valuable quality and
charafler.
“ To complete the honours of the poet, nothing was
wanting, but the attendance of the lifter art. It wras
therefore with uncommon pleafure, that I heard his be¬
ing adopted by a native arlift, under the patronage of a
gentleman, diitinguifhed by a fine tafte and rvarm re¬
gard to the arts. The work, which is now finifhed, is
the only original performance ever executed in Scot¬
land.” i
The next able performance of Runciman was the pic¬
ture of the Afcenfion, painted on the ceiling above the
altar of the Epifcopal Chapel, Cowgate, Edinburgh.
The fire and feeling difplayed in his King Lear, were
conceived and executed in a manner not inferior to thofe
of Shake!’peare \ and the Andromeda, from which Legat
took his highly finithed engraving, will bear a compari
fon, in relpeft of colouring, with the works of Titian or
Corregio. He appears to have regarded his owm hifto¬
rical w'ork of Agrippina landing, the alhes of Germani-
cus her hulband, as a capital performance, in the execu¬
tion of which he beftowed more than ordinary pains j
and pofterity will determine that his opinion was juft, as
the ingenious Mr Brown beftow’ed upon it the higheft:
encomiums.
While his health permitted (which the painting the
hall of Oftian had much impaired), he continued to fu-
perintend the bufinefs of the academy, and devoted his
leifure hours to the drawing of hiftorical pieces. He
enjoyed a competency from his office as teacher, which,
with the emoluments ariling from his other w’erks, made
him independent. He never formed any matrimonial
connexion, but he had a natural fon called John, wrho
wTas bred to the occupation of a filverfmith, and went
afterwards to refide in London.
Runciman as a man, was pofteffed ox great candour
and fimplicity of manners, having a happy talent for
converfation, which made fome of the moft diftinguiftred
literary chara&ers, fuch as Hume, Robertfon, Kaims,
and Monboddo, extremely fond of his company j but
the genuine worth of this eminent man, and his real
goodnefs of heart, were only fully knowm to his moft in¬
timate friends. He could communicate information,
with great facility, and gave his beft advice to young
artifts, with a view to further the progrefs of their im¬
provement.
As a painter, his charadfer has been elegantly drawn
by a brother artift, the accomplifhed Mr John Brown,
wrho wras better qualified than moft men to make a pro¬
per eftimate of his merits. We fhall lay this {ketch be¬
fore our readers in his own words.
“ Mr Runciman was an artift by nature, eminently
qualified to excel in all thofe nobler parts of the art, the
attainment of which depends on the poffefiion of the
higheft powers of the mind.—Though for a long period
of years labouring under every poffible difadvantage, he
completed works, which upon the whole, are equal to
the beft of thofe of his cotemporaries, and in fome re-
fpedE, it may be boldly afferted, that they are fuperior.
—His fancy was fertile, his difeernment of charadter
X x keen.
R U P [ 346 ] HUP
Rupert.
R.unctman keen, las tafte truly elegant, and his conceptions always
-great.—Though his genius feems to be beft fuited to the
, grand and ferious, yet many of his works amply prove,
that he could move with equal fuccefs in the lefs elevat¬
ed line of the gay and plealing. His chief excellence
was compofition, the nobleit part of the art, in which it
is doubted whether he had any living fuperior. With
regard to the truth, the harmony, the richnefs, and the
gravity of colouring j in that flile, in (hort, which is the
peculiar characteriitic of the ancient Venetian, and the
direft contrail; to the modern Englifh fchool, he was un¬
rivalled. His works, it mull be granted, like all thole
of the prefent times, were far from being perfedl ; but
it was Mr Kunciman’s peculiar misfortune, that his de¬
fers were of fuch a nature, as to be obvious to the moil
unlkilful.”
The fine arts and his friends were deprived of this ex¬
traordinary painter, on Odlober 21ft 1785.
RUNDLET, or Runlet, a fmall veffel, contain¬
ing an uncertain quantity of any liquor, from 3 to 20
gallons.
RUNGS, in a {hip, the fame with the floor or
ground timbers ; being the timbers which conllitute
her floor 5 and are bolted to the keel, whofe ends are
rung-heads.
RlJNG-Heads, in a (hip, are made a little bending to
direfl the fweep or mold of the futtocks and navel-
timbers ; for here the lines begin which make the com-
pafs and bearing of the fliip.
RUNIC, a term applied to the language and letters
of the ancient Goths, Danes, and other northern na¬
tions. See Alphabet.
RUNNER, in the fea-language, a rope belonging
to the garnet and the two bolt-tackles. It is reeved
in a Angle block joined to the end of a pendant: it
has at one end a hook to hitch into any thing; and,
at the other, a double block, into which is reeved the
fall of the tackle, or the garnet, by which means it
-purchafes more than the tackle -would without it.
RUNNING-thrush, a difeafe in the feet of horfes.
See Farriery Index.
RUNNET, or Rennet, is the concreted milk found
in the flomachs of fucking quadrupeds, which as yet
have received no other nourifhment than their mothers
milk. In ruminating animals, which have feveral fto-
xnachs, it is generally found in the laft, though fome-
times in the next to it. If the runnet is dried in the
fun, and then kept clofe, it may be preferved in per¬
fection for years. Not only the runnet itfelf, but alfo
the ftomach in which it is found, curdles milk without
any previous preparation. Rut the common method
is, to take the inner membrane of a calf’s flomach, to
clean it well, to fait and hang it up in brown paper :
when this is ufed the fait is walhed off, then it is ma¬
cerated in a little wrater during the night, and in the
morning the infufion is poured into the milk to curdle
it. R-ut fee more particularly the article Cheese for
a proper receipt to make runnet, upon wdiich the qua¬
lity of the cheefe greatly depends.
RUPEE, a filver coin current in the Eafl: Indies,
equal to about 2s. 6d. fterling.
RUPERT, or Robert. See Robert.
Rupert, prince palatine of the Rhine, &c. fon of
Frederic prince elector palatine of the Rhine and Eli-
fabeth daughter to Ring James J. of England, was born Rupert,
in 1619. He gave proofs of his bravery at the age
of 13 5 and in 1642 came over into England, and offer¬
ed his fervice to King Charles I. his uncle, who gave
him a command in his army. At Edgehill he charged
with incredible bravery, and made a great {laughter of
the parliamentarians. In 1643 he feized the town of
Cirencefter j obliged the governor of Litchfield to fur-
render ; and having joined his brother Pr nee Maurice,
reduced Rriftol in three days, and pafled to the relief
of Newark. In 1644 he marched to relieve York,
W'here he gave the parliamentarians battle, and entirely
defeated their right wing ; but Cromwell charged the
marquis of Newcaftle with fuch an irrefittible force,
that Prince Rupert was entirely defeated. After this
the prince put himfelf into Rriflol, which furrendered
to Fairfax after a gallant refiftance. The king rvas fo
enraged at the lofs of this city, fo contrary to his ex¬
pectation, that he recalled all Prince Rupert’s commif-
flons, and fent him a pafs to go out of the kingdom. In
1648 he went to France, was highly complimented by
that court, snd kindly received by King Charles II.
who fojourned there for the time. Afterward he was
conftituted admiral of the king’s navy 5 attacked the
Dutch drips, many of which he took j and having en¬
gaged with De Ruyter, obliged him to fly. He died
in 1682, and w-as interred with great magnificence in
King Henry VII.’s chapel, Weftminfter. Mr Grain¬
ger obferves, that he poffeiTed in a high degree that
kind of courage -which is better in an attack than a de¬
fence j and is lefs adapted to the land-fervice than that
of the fea, svhere precipitate valour is in its element.
He feldom engaged but he gained the advantage, which
he generally loft by purfuing it too far. He was better
qualified to ftorm a citadel, or even to mount a breach,
than patiently to fuftain a fiege ; and would have fur-
niflied an excellent hand to a general of a cooler head.
This prince is celebrated for the invention of prints
in mezzotino, of which he is faid to have taken the
hint from a foldier’s feraping his rufty fufil. The
firft print of this kind ever publifhed was done by his
highnefs, and may be feen in the firft edition of Eve¬
lyn’s Sculptra. The fecret is faid to have been foon af¬
ter difeovered by Sherwin an engraver, who made ufe
of a loaded file for laying the ground. The prince,
upon feeing one of his prints, fufpe&ed that his fervant
had lent him his tool, which was a channeled roller j
but upon receiving full fatisfaftion to the contrary, he
made him a prefent of it. The roller was afterwards
laid afide ; and an inftrument with a crenelled edge,
ftiaped like a {hoemaker’s cutting knife, was ufed in-
ftead of it. He alfo invented a metal called by his
name, in which guns were caft ; and contrived an ex¬
cellent method of boring them, for which purpofe a
water-mill was erected at Hackney-marfti, to the great
detriment of the undertaker, as the fecret died with the
illuftrious inventor.
RUPERT'S Drops, a fort of glafs-dvops with long and
flender tails, which burft to pieces on the breaking off
thofe tails in any part j faid to have been invented by
Prince Rupert, and therefore called by his name. Con¬
cerning the caufe of this furprifing phenomenon fcarceiy
any thing that bears the leaft appearance of probabi¬
lity has been offered. Their explofion,_ it is faid, is at¬
tended
R U S [3
Rupin tended In the dark with a flafh of light; and by being
„ II , boiled in oil, the drops are deprived of their exploiive
Ruth worth. ’ r r
. quality.
RUPIN, or Rapin, a tow'n of Germany, in the
marquifate of Brandenburg, and capital of a duchy of
the fame name. It is divided into the Old and the New'.
The Old was nothing but an ancient caltle, very well
furnilhed, the late king of Pruffia, before his father’s
death, redding there. New Rupin is feated on a lake,
and become a confiderable place of trade, with a ma-
nufadlory of cloth. It is a.lfo noted for brewers. E.
Long. 13. 23, N. Lat. 53. o.
RUPPIA, a genus of plants, belonging to the te-
trandria clafs ; and in the natural method ranking under
the 15th order, Inundate?. See Botany Index.
RUSCUS, KNEE HOLLY, or Butcher's Broom; a
genus of plants, belonging to the dioecia clafs ; and in
the natural method ranking under the nth order, Sar-
mentacece. See Botany Index.
The moft remarkable fpecies is the aculeatus, or com¬
mon butcher’s broom, common in the wmods in many
parts of England. It has roots compofed of many
thick fibres which twine about each other ; from which
arife feveral ftiff green Italics about three feet high,
fending out from their fides feveral Ihort branches, gar-
nilhed with ftiff, oval, heart-fhaped leaves, placed alter¬
nately on every part of the ftalk, ending with lharp
prickly points. The flow'ers are produced in the
middle, on the upper fide of the leaves j they are fmall,
and cut into fix parts 5 of a purple colour, fitting clofe
to the midrib. They appear in June } and the female
flowers are fucceeded by berries as large as cherries, of
a fweetilh tafte, which ripen in winter •, when they are
of a beautiful red colour. As this plant grows wild in
moft parts of England, it is rarely admitted into gar¬
dens ; but if fome of the roots be planted under tall
trees in large plantations, they rvill fpread into large
clumps; and as they retain their leaves in winter, at
that feafon they will have a good effefl. The feeds of
this plant generally lie a year in the ground before they
vegetate •, and the plants fo raifed are long before they
arrive at a fize big enough to make any figure, and
therefore it is much better to tranfplant the roots.—■-
The root of this plant is accounted aperient, and in this
intention is fometimes made an ingredient in apozems
and diet-drinks, for opening flight obftruftions of the
vifeera and promoting the fluid fecretions. This plant
is ufed by the butchers for befoms to fweep their blocks.
Huckfters place the boughs round their bacon and
cheefe to defend them from the mice 5 for they cannot
make their way through the prickly leaves.
RUSH. See Juncus. Botany Index.
RuSH-Cand/es. See Rufh-CANDLES.
RUSHWORTH, John, the compiler of fome ufe-
ful collections refpeCting the affairs of ftate, wras bom
in Northumberland about the year 1607, and was de-
feended of honourable anceftors. After attending the
univerfity of Oxford for fome time, he removed to
Lincoln’s Inn ; but. the ftudy of law not fuiting his ge¬
nius, he foon deferted it, in order to feek a fituation
where he might more eafily gratify his love for political
information. He frequently attended the meetings of par¬
liament, and w'rote down the fpeeches both of the king
and members. During the fpace of 11 years, from
1630 to 1640, when no parliament was held, he was an
47 1 R U S
attentive obferver of the great tranfa&ions of ftate in Rufhworth.
the ftar-chamber, the court of honour, and exchequer
chamber, when all the judges of England affembled
there on cafes of great emergency. Nor did he ne-
gleft to obferve with a watchful eye thofe events which
happened at a diftance from the capital. He vifited
the camp at Berwick, was prefent at the battle of New¬
born, at the treaty of Rippon, and at the great council
of York.
In 1640 he wTas appointed afliftant to Henry Elfynge
clerk to the houfe of commons, and thus had the beft
opportunities of being acquainted with their debates and
proceedings. The commons confidered him as a perfon
w’orthy of confidence. In particular, they trufted him
with carrying their meffages to the king while he re¬
mained at York. And wrhen the parliament created Sir
Thomas Fairfax their general, Ilufhworth was appointed
his fecretary, and difeharged the office much to the ad¬
vantage of his mafler. When Fairfax refigned his com-
miffion, his fecretary returned to Lincoln’s Inn, and
wras foon after (in 1651-2) chofen one of the committee
that wras appointed to deliberate concerning the pro¬
priety and means of altering or new-modelling the com-
mon law. Fie rvas ele61ed one of the repreientatives for
Berwick-upon-Tweed to the parliament which Richard
Cromwell affemblcd in 1658, and was re-ele<fted by the
fame town to the parliament which reftored Charles IL
to the crown.
After the Reftoration, he delivered to the king feve¬
ral books of the privy-council, which he had prelerved
in his own poffeffion during the commotions which then
agitated the country. Sir Orlando Bridgeman keeper
of the great feal chofe him his fecretary in 1677, an of¬
fice which he enjoyed as long as Sir Orlando kept the
feals. In 1678 he rvas a third time chofen member for
Berwick, and a fourth time in the enfuing parliament
in 1679. He was alfo a member of the parliament
which was convened at Oxford. The different offices
he had held afforded him favourable opportunities of ac¬
quiring a fortune, or at leaft an independence } yet,
whether from negligence or prodigality, he was never
poffeffed of wealth. Having run himfelf into debt, he
was arrefted and committed to the King’s Bench prifon,
Southwark, where he lingered for the laft fix years of
his life in the moft deplorable condition. His memory
and judgement Were much impaired, partly by age and
partly by the too frequent ufe of fpirituous liquors. He
died on the 12th of May 1690.
His “ Hiftorical Collections of private Paffages in
State, weighty Matters in Law, remarkable Proceed¬
ings in Parliament,” were publiflred in folio at different
times. The firft part, comprehending the years between
1618 and 1629, appeared in 1659. c0Py had
been entrufted by Oliver Cromwell to Whitelock, with
inftruCtions to perufe and examine it. Upon perufing
it, he thought it neceffary to make fome alterations and
additions. The fecond part -was publiftied in 1680 ; the
third in 1692 ; the fourth and laft, which comes down
to the year 1648, was publiftied in 1701 } and altoge¬
ther made feven volumes. Thefe underwent a fecond
edition in 1721 ; and the trial of the earl of Strafford
was added, which made the eighth. This work has
been much applauded by thofe who condemn the con-
dud of Charles I. and accufed of partiality by thofe who
favour the caufe of that unhappy monarch. One perfon
X x 2
m
R U S f 34S ] R U S
Rufluvorih in particular, Dr John Nelfon of Cambridge, in a Col¬
li,. leftion of the Affairs of State publilhed by the command
. 13’ of Charles II. undertook to prove, “ that Ivuftrworth
has concealed truth, endeavoured to vindicate the pre¬
vailing detractions cf the late times, as well as their
barbarous aClions, and with a kind of rebound to libel
the government at fecond-hand.” This accufation feems
to be carried too far. His principles indeed led him to
Ihow the king and his adherents in an unfavourable light,
and to vindicate the proceedings of parliament yet it
cannot juftly be affirmed that he has mifreprefented or
faffified any of the fpeeches or fads which he has admit¬
ted into his colleClion. Perhaps he may have omitted
fome papers merely becaufe they were unfavourable to
the party which he had efpoufed ; and is therefore not
to be confidered as an impartial hiftorian who relates the
whole truth, but as an honelt lawyer, who Hates all his
fads fairly and candidly, but paffes over fuch as are in¬
jurious to his client’s caufe.
RUSSELIA, a genus of plants belonging to the
pentandria clafs. See Botany Index.
1 RUSSIA, the largeft empire, and one of the moll
and boun Powerful Hates in the known wrorld, is fituated partly in
daries. " Europe, partly in North America, but chiefly in A fra ;
where it occupies that immenfe trad of country wdrich
extends from the Uralian mountains and the Cafpian on
the weft, to Bering’s ftraits and the fea of Kamtfchatka
on the eaft, comprehending a great variety of tribes and
nations, whofe very names were, half a century ago,
fcarcely known to the w'eft of Europe. This vaft em¬
pire is bounded on the north by the ArBic ocean ; on
the eaft by the Northern Pacific or Eajiern ocean ; on
the fouth by the extenfive Chinefe territories, the Mogul
empire, the Cafpian fea, and part of Twkeij; and on
the weft by the Aujlrian dominions, the kingdoms of
Prufia and Sweden, and the Baltic.
Extent. If we examine the extent of the Ruffian empire, we
flrall find it ftretching from the wefternpartof the ifland
of Ozel in the Baltic in 2 2° E. Long, from Greenwich,
to the eaftern promontory of the Tichutchki territory in
17 2° E. from the fame meridian ; thus including 150° of
longitude j while, from its moft northern promontory in
N. Lat. 78°, to the moft fouthern point of 390 N. it com¬
prehends 390 of latitude. Mr Tooke, computing its ex¬
tent in Britith miles, eftimates it at 9200 in length,
and 2400 in breadth. Its abfolute fuperficial meafure in
fquare miles can fcarcely be afcertained. That of the
European part is eflimated at 1,200,000 fquare miles j
and the Afiatic part alone is fo extenfive as to exceed
3 the whole of Europe.
Divifions. The whole Ruffian empire is, by the natural boun¬
dary of the Uralian mountains, divided into European
and Afiatic Ruffia ■, the former comprehending Ruffia
Proper, Ruffian Lapland, Courland, Livonia, Ruffian
Poland, the Taurican Cherfonefus or Grim Tartary,
and the country of the Kozaks, bordering on the
fiaof Azof} the latter including the country of the
Samoieds, the vaft diftridt of Siberia, the country of the
Tfchutchki, the country of the Mongul Tartars, and
fome other diftrifts that will be noticed hereafter. The
whole empire vras, by Catharine II. divided into go- Rnffia.
vernments, denominated in general from the names of J
their capital cities. Of thefe governments, by far the
greater number belong to European Ruffia, 'the vaft
tradft of the Afiatic part having been divided into only
two governments, viz. that of Tobollk to the weft, and
Irkutik to the eaft.
In enumerating the governments of European Ruffia,
wre fhall begin with the north, where lies the extenfive
government of Archangel, ftretching from the confines
of Sweden along the ffiores of the White fea and the
Anffic ocean, to the Uralian chain. To the fouth of
this, along the Afiatic frontier, as far as the fea of
Azof, are fituated the governments of Vologda, Perm,
Vyotka, Kazan, Simbirfk, Saratof, and the territory of
the Don Kozaks. To the weft of thefe laft, along the
fea of Azof and the Black fea, lies the government of
Catharinoflaf, including Taurida and the Crimea. On
the wTeftern fide of the empire extend the acquifitions
derived from the partition of Poland} and along the
fouthern flrores of the Baltic lie the governments of
Riga, Reval, St Peterfburgh, and Viborg 5 while that
of Olonetz on the frontiers of Sweden completes the
circuit. The remaining governments which occupy the
centre, are thofe of Novgorod, Tver, Koftroma, and
Yaroflavl, that lie chiefly to the north and eaft of the
Volga } and thofe of Polotlk, Plkov, Smolenfk, Mofkva,
Vladimir, Nizney-Novgorod, Mcghilef, Kaluga, Tou-
la, Reazan, Tambof, Penza, Orel, Sieverfkof, Tcher-
nigof, Kourlk, Kief, Kharkof, and Voronetz, lying
principally to the weft of the Volga (a).
In the account which we are here to give of this ex¬
tenfive empire, which has of late made fo confpicuous a
figure among the ftates of Europe, we ftiall firft con-
fider what may be called the permanent features of the
empire, as the face of the country, the foil, the moun¬
tains, rivers, lakes, and forefts, the climate and feafons,
and the moft important natural produftions } we ffiall
then trace its origin and progrefs in the hiftory of its
tranfaftions, from which w^e (hall deduce its progreffive
geography } and we (hall conclude wdth defcribing the
more fluftuating circumftances, which conftitute its po¬
litical and civil geography.
In a tradf of country fo immenfe, which is calculated Face tj..e
to include a feventh part of the known continent, and country,
nearly a twenty-fixth part of the whole globe, its fur-
face muft prefent a great variety of appearances} but
thefe are much more remarkable in Afiatic than in Eu¬
ropean Ruffia. ,The latter is diftmguiftied chiefly by
extenfive plains, cailed Jleppes, that rival the deferts of
Afia and Africa, prefenting to the eye little more than,
a vaft expanfe of level fand, with very little appearance
of vegetation. The chief fituation of thefe fteppes is to¬
wards the fouth, efpecially in the neighbourhood of the
fea of Azof, where they extend in length above 400
Britilh miles. In this part of the empire there are but
few confiderable elevations, and no mountains of im¬
portance, except on the eaftern frontier, and towards the
fouth, between the Don and the Volga. The wdrole
country is well watered with rivers, and contains numer¬
ous
(a) In our orthography of the names of perfons and places we have followed Mr Tooke, who has explained tha-
principles of Ruffian orthography, in his Hi/lory of P.ujjia, vol. i. p. 132.
*
KlHtt* <' (' (’ r I, N. v\
uxtai Wo 1
toinuh-o
lylriiu-t*
Tch<TV«"3
ttfeanne
.Sidotvyk*1
Kexnij
■yV/.rrf
vshtna
Cturut
’ Crmirv
xaved, rtf'
Ouatu
KariUrv.
£S*eo*
Oe.sel I,
•.Vj: logfla
V-stup**
'onie.r
TTtMzi
\o &
,strmnH
>1111 Volotchok }
'fta/Aun'
’PzotieA
JZinetnuv
VVo7*nni
■Bf>xrU
Jitrlw
■Folnisk
)ouon(
V*?a'U
vKclcno 'i
Tn'itik
kTooTa
’Mniiarpskt
Jhmki'x
rHtmixir.'''
KUizy
Noj^orodc
^itKerslfov'
Fntsz
Lolirsk
Atkin
’Vrnlsk
Kit SKO vr
ILSritn )
(tyrtu'z
Dambrvfka •
/'tr^kuny
\<J’htil4nr}
Uxnnmsk
Vf'o/Uu
CYrthibrnfi
rotnjtof
Ih'TW
\UJ1J IO slav
'tVntjOWMW
^ficopol^
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K 'fu-rJ
Martumpcl
o£ Azov
Iwaael
iflidt Ea,rt Z/wr// (,'iY<n\iU'A
'\
A
HUS [ 349 ] R U S
uflla. ous laiJge and populous towns. In the north and eafl: of
■V Afiatic Ruffia, we fee little more than extenfive marflry
plains, covered with almofl perpetual fnow, and croffed
by broad rivers, which take their courfe to the Ardlic
ocean. In this part, and even towards the centre of
Siberia, vegetation is fo much checked by the fevere
cold, that few trees are to be feen j but towards the
fouth there are vail foreftsof pine, fir, larch, and trees of
a fimilar nature. In fome parts of this divifion of the
empire, efpecially about lake Baikal, the fcenery is
beautiful and pidlurefque. Here, too, the country
abounds in fteppes, which are ftill more extenfive than
thofe of the European part.
As thefe ileppes are among the mod: ftriking pecu¬
liarities of the Ruffian empire, it may be proper to con-
fider them rather minutely. Thefe iteppes referable, in
many refpedts, the fandy deferts of Africa j but though
their foil is compofed of the fame materials, they are not
fo barren of vegetation, exhibiting here and there Mat¬
tered patches of thin grafs, and at dillant intervals,
Imall Hunted thickets. In general they are deftitute of
wood, though in a few places we find fmall forelts of
birch trees. They abound with fait lakes, but dreams
of freffi water are uncommon. The moft remarkable
fleppes are, as we have faid, thofe of Aliatic Ruffia, and
of thefe there are four that merit particular notice. One
of thefe extends between the rivers Volga and Ural, and
■was formerly called the Kalmuk fteppe. On the north
it fkirts the floetz mountains that proceed from the
Uralian chain, while to the fouth it borders on the Caf-
pian. This fandy plain contains a few diftri&s that are
well adapted to the purpofes of agriculture, but in gene¬
ral it is deftitute of wood and freffi water. It abounds
m fait lakes, and is very thinly inhabited. The fecond
great fteppe is that which extends between the Tobol
and the Irtyffi, and between this latter river and the
Alay and the Oby, as far as the influx of the Irtyffi into
the Oby. This comprehends a moft extenfive territory,
containing numerous forefts of birch, pines, and firs,
interfperfed with fait lakes, and in moft places wrell cal¬
culated for pafturage and agriculture. The greater part
of this fteppe lies in the government of Tobolfk. A
third comprehends that large tradl that lies beyond the
river Tffiulim, between the Oby and the Yenifly, as far
as the ffiores of the Arctic ocean. In this fteppe there
is much wTood, efpecially torvards the fouth, where there
are confiderable forefts. Eaftward from this, between
the Yenifly, the Tungulka, and the Lena, lies a fourth
defert, refembling the laft in its appearance, and the na¬
ture of its foil, but containing lefs wood. A great
part of this fteppe lies in the government of Irkutlk.
The mountains in Afiatic Ruffia are indeed more
numerous, but are not remarkable for their height. The
rivers are large and majeftic, and are navigable for a
^ confiderable extent.
The foil is of courfe extremely various. That of the
northern parts is marffiy, and little fufceptible of culti¬
vation, but the fouth abounds in x'ich and fertile; plains.
The moft fertile part of European Ruffia is that between
the Don and the Volga, from the government of Voro-
net/k to that of Simbirlk. Here the foil confifts of a
black mould, ftrdhgly impregnated v.'ilh nitre, and is
fo rich, that the fields are never manured. The harvefts
are abundant, and the natural pafturts render the lowing
of artificial grafles unneceffary. Moft parts of Siberia Ruffia.
are totally incapable of agriculture and improvement. ‘' v——
We have already remarked that Ruffia is rather a flat ^ 5 ^
than a mountamous country, and this charadfter is parti-1 0UIualn;,
cularly applicable to the European part. The moft ele¬
vated region of this divifion lies in the road between
St Peterffiurgh and Mofco, and is commonly called the
mountain of Volday, though denominated by the na¬
tives Vhifokaya Ploftchade, or <he elevated ground.
This mountain is flat at the top, is furrounded with
large land hills, interfperfed with granite rocks, and has
in its vicinity feveral lakes and groves. In this moun¬
tain are the fources of the rivers Duna, Volga, and
Dniepr.
To the fouth-weft, bounding the fteppe of the Dniepr,
lie the mountains of Taurida, which are rather roman¬
tic, from their adjacent fcenery, than remarkable for
their height. Between them and the ffiores of the
Black fea lie beautiful valleys, abounding -with olives,
figs, and pomegranates, while the fteepeft cliffs of the
mountain are adorned with the red bark and evergreen
foliage of the arbutus. Thefe valleys are very produc¬
tive in vineyards, and feed numerous flocks of iheep and
goats.
The largeft mountainous traft of European Ruffia'
is that of Olonetz, that lies between the SwTediili
frontiers and the White fea. This chain occupies a
fpace of nearly 150, or above 1000 Britiffi miles, run¬
ning almoft due north. This chain is of no great
height, but its northern part is covered with perpetual
fnow. Thefe mountains are very rich in mineral pro¬
ducts, wffiich will be noticed hereafter.
The Uralian mountains that feparate European from
Afiatic Ruffia, have been Tufficiently deicribed in the-
article Geology, N° 131, 135.
The mountains of Afiatic Ruffia are more numerous,
and more important. They include the Altaic chain*
the mountains of Savanlk, of Yablonnoy, and Stanovoy,
forming the fouthern boundary between the Ruffian and.
Chinefe empires, and the claffical range of Caucafus, ex¬
tending betwreen the Cafpian and the Black fea. Of
thefe, the Altaic chain has alfo been fufficiently defcri-
bed under Geology, N° 132 j and as the other moun¬
tains to the fouth and eaft may be confidered as a con¬
tinuation of the fame chain, they need not occupy our.
attention in the prefent article.
The ridge of Mount Caucaffis divides Ruffia from Tur¬
key to the weft, and from Perfia to the eaft:, and extends
between the Euxine and the Cafpian for about 400 Bri¬
tiffi miles. It is not of any confiderable breadth, being
in no part more than 20 or 30 miles acrofs, and in fome
places not more than five or fix. Its height is confider¬
able, and its fummits are covered with eternal ice and
fnow. The valleys at its foot abound in foreft trees j
and the bowels of the mountain contain veins of filver,
lead*, and copper. ■- ^
Among the mountains of the Ruffian empire we muft Volcanoes,
not omit the volcanoes of Kamtfchatka. The whole of
this peninfula is divided lengthwife by a chain of lofty,
rocky mountains, commonly covered with fnow, and
fliooting into conical fummits that very. frequently emit
fmoke, and fometimes burft out into flame. We do not
find, however, that they pour out lava, or water, like
the European volcanoes. Many-of them appear to be
extinffj
R US [ 3Jo ] R U S
R.uffla.
3
Seas.
9
Bays and
gulfs.
to
Rivers.
ex‘dn£V, but their former volcanic ftale is evinced by
the appearance of craters at their fummits. In the
neighbourhood of thefe volcanoes there are hot fprings,
not inferior in temperature to thofe of Iceland, and like
them throwing up jets of water with a great noife, but to
an inconfiderable height.
The feas that are conne&ed with Ruffia are, the
Arflic ocean, and that part of the Pacific which has
been called the eafLm Archipelago, forming its nor¬
thern and eaftern boundaries; the inland feas of the
Baltic, the Black fea, the fea of Azof, the Cafpian, the
fea of Aral, and the fea of Okhotfk. Some account of
thefe, except the fea of Okhotfk, will be found under
their refpeftive articles in this work.
The fea of Okholfk may be confidered as a large
gult lying between the peninfula of Kamtfchatka to the
call, and the country of the Tungoufi to the well. Its
entrance from the Pacific ocean is clofed by a chain of
fmall iflands, called the Knurilfkie iflands, and within
thefe are the two large iflands of Ezzo and Sackhalin.
Its principal port is Okhotfk, at the mouth of the
fmall river Okhota, a''d to the nouh-eaft it has a con-
fiderable branch called the fea of Pengina.
The (bores of Ruffia are hollowed out into numerous
indentations, forming feveral important bays and gulfs.
The moft remarkable of thefe are, the gulf of Finland
in the Baltic, that of Archangel in the White fea, the
bays of Ooy and of Eniffy in the Ar61ic ocean} the
bay of Anadhir in the eaftern Archipelago ; the large
gulf of the fea of Okhotzk, called the fea of Pengina,
and the harbour of St Peter and St Paul in the fouthern
extremity of Kamtfchatka.
This extenfive empire is watered by numerous and
important rivers, which traverfe it in every direflion.
Thefe we (hall clafs, not according to the divifions of
the empire through which they pals, but according to
the feas or oceans into which they flow.
The rivers which flow into the Baltic are, the Duna
and the Neva. Thofe which fall into the White fea
are the Onega and the Dvina to the weft, and the Kei-
loi and the Mefen to the eaft. Into the Arclic ocean
flow the Cara, the Petfhora or Bolfhaia Petffiora, the
Oby, which receives the Irtyfh ; the Tobol, the Ye-
niffy, the Khatanga, the Lena, the Yana, the In-
dighirka, and the Kolyma. Thofe which flow into the
eaftern PacifiCare, the Anadhir and the Kamtfchaika.
Into the Cafpian fea fall the Yemba or Emba, the
Ural or Yaik, the Volga, receiving the Kamma, and the
Okka and the Terek. Laftly, there flow into the
Black fea, the Khuban, the Don, the Dniepr or Ni-
eper, the Bog or Bogue, and the Dnieftr or Niefter.
Of thefe rivers we have already given an accounr of the
Don, the Dvina, the Irtyffi, the Lena, the Nieper,
the Niefter, the Oby, and the Onega, under tbew re-
fpettive titles, and an account of the Volga will he found
under that head. We (hall here add a brief view of the
remaining rivers.
The Duna, fometimes called the weftern Dvina, rifes
between the provinces of Pfkov and Smolenfk, and
takes a north-wefterly courfe for about t;oo miles, till it
falls into the Baltic at Riga. This river has fome con-
fiderable and dangerou; falls ; and when the ice breaks Ruffia.
up on the approach of warm weather, vail quantities of v™-0
it are hurried down the ftream, Jo as frequently to do
much injury to the port of Riga.
Of thofe rivers which flow into Lee Arftic ocean, the
Cara is one of the moft i neon fide r able, were it not that
it completes the boundary between Europe and Afia
to the north. L runs bem the Uralian mountains to
the fea of Karfkoye, a diilance of auout 140 miles.
The Petfhora rifes in the Uralian moun tains, in the
government of Vologda, runs acrofs the government of
Archangel, and falls into the Ardlic ocean at Poofto-
zertik, after a courfe of about 450 miles.
The Tobol riles in the chain of mountains that fepa-
rate the government of Ufa from the country of the
KiVghiftzi, and empties itfelf into the Irtyfh at Tobolfk,
after receiving numerous tributary dreams.
The Yeniffy, or Enyffi, is formed by the junction of
two rivers, viz. the Kamfara and the Veikem or Bay-
kema, which belong to China. It firft enters the Ruf¬
fian dominions, where alone it has the name of Yenifly,
at the mouth of the Bon-Kemtfhyng, and after running
northward, and forming a bay containing feveral iflands,
it falls into the Ardlic ocean about 2° eaftvvard of the
mouth of the Oby.
The Khatanga rifes from a lake in the government of
Toboifk, and falls into a large bay of the Frozen ocean,
called Khatanfkaia Cuba. Its courie is through a low
and very marfhy country.
The Yana rifes from a little lake in about 64° N,
lat. and after making fome fmall turns, runs north-ward
to the Ardlic ocean, forming five confiderable arms that
empty themfelves into a capacious bay.
The Indighirka rifes near the fource of the Yana, but
on the other fide of the mountains. At its efflux into
the Arctic ocean after a courfe of 1200 verfts, (b) it
forms four great arms.
The Anadhir rifes in the country of the Tfchutchki.
Its bed is fandy, its channel very broad, and its current
flow. It is fo (hallow that it can fcarcely be croffed by
the common ferry boats of the country, though thefe
draw no more than two feet of water. It takes its
courfe through a flat country, which on the north fide
of the river is deftitute of wood, but overgrown with
mofs, affording pafture to innumerable herds of rein
deer; but on the fouth well wooded and abounding
with verdure. It falls into a confiderable bay a little
fouth of the tropic of Cancer, called the bay of Anadhir.
The Kamtfchatka takes a ffiort courfe from fouth to
north, along the peninfula of that name, till, not far
fn m its mouth it turns to the fouth-eaft, and falls into
a bay nearly oppofite to Bhering’s ifland.
The Amoor was formerly reckoned among the rivers
of Ruffia, hut was lately ceded entirely to China.
Of the rivers that fall into the Cafpian fea we have
to notice the Yemba, the Ural, and the Terek. The
firft of thefe rifes in the moft fouthern part of the Ura¬
lian chain, and is the moft eaftern of all the rivers that
fall into the Cafpian. It forms part of the boundary
between the country of the Kirghifhes and the Ufinfkoy
government. The Ural or Yaik is a river of confider-
(b) A Ruffian verft is about two thirds of an Englifh mile, or about X174 yards.
3
R U S
C 351 ]
R U S
Ru/fi*.
11
Lakes.
is
Ladoga.
able importance. It rifes in the Uralian mountains,
in the government of Ufa, and after pafling by Oren¬
burg, and receiving ieveral ftreams, it flows into the
Cafpian at Gourief. Its name is faid to have been
changed from Yaik to Ural, on account of a dangerous
infurredbion of the tribes that inhabited its banks. The
Terek originates in Mount Caucafus, on the higheft
ridges that form the frontiers of Georgia. Its courfe is
rapid, and in the autumn the melted fnows rufli down
from the mountains in fuch torrents into the plain
beneath, as to fwell this river eight or ten feet above its
. ufual level, fo that it overflows the adjacent country,
and not unfrequently Ihifts its bed. It falls into the
Cafpian at Kizliar, after forming two branches, with a
conflderable ifland between them.
The Kuban and the Bogue are the only important
rivers of thofe which flow into the Black fea, that have
not been noticed in their places in the general alphabet
of this work. Of thefe the Kuban, anciently deno¬
minated Hypanis, rifes at the foot of Mount Caucafus,
and is formed chiefly by the confluence of feveral tri¬
butary ftreams. It takes a diredlion nearly weftward,
running along the parallel of 450 N. Lat. and falls in¬
to the Black fea, oppolite the ifle of Taman, in the
ftraits of Kafa. Its ftream is fmooth and gentle, not
obftrufted by waterfalls, and, though not deep, is well
adapted to purpofes of inland navigation. Its banks are
fertile, and near its fource are conlrderable forefts.
The Bogue rifes in Poland, and formerly conftituted
. part of the boundary between that kingdom and the
Ruffian empire, as a,t prefent towards its mouth it forms
part of the frontier between Ruflia and Turkey. It
falls into the Black fea at Otchakof.
The Ruffian empire, confrdering its fize, does not
abound in lakes Thefe are proportionally raoft numer¬
ous in European RulTia, where we find the lake of I-
mandra in Ruffian Lapland ; thofe of Ladoga, Onega,
and Peipus, in the neighbourhood of St Peterlhurgh ;
Bielo-Ozero, or the White lake, in the gavernment of
. Novgorod ; and thofe which give rife to the river Volga,
the principal of which is Seliger, in the government of
Tver.
The Afiatic lakes are not numerous ; but one of them,
the lake or fea of Baikal, is highly important from its
magnitude, and from the commercial intercourfe which
it promotes between the adjacent provinces. The
other lakes of this part of Ruffia are thefe of Altyn-Noor,
or the Golden lake, and of Altyn or Telitzko.
Moft of thefe lakes have been already noticed under
their proper heads in the general alphabet; but as the
account there given, excepting that of Baikal, differs
in fome refpe&s from the delcription of them by the
lateft geographers, we fhall here add the account of the
Ruffian lakes given by Mr Tooke.
The lake of Ladoga is fituated in the government of
Vyborg, between the gulf of Finland and the lake of
Onega, which in ancient times is faid to have been de¬
nominated Nebo. It is reckoned one of the largeft
lakes in Europe, the length of it being about 175, and
its breadth 105 verfts. It produces a vaft: number of
(eals. On account of the perilous ftorms to which it is
liable, and the feveral fand banks that are ever ftiifting
their pofition, Peter the Great caufed the famous Lado¬
ga canal to be dug along its Ihore, from the Volkhof
10 fa- Ruflia.
the Baltic^ * A fajine
tne -Qaltic ? ;s about
into the Neva, which canal is 104 verfts long
jenes * broad, fajene deep, and has 25 flukes
the Neva the Ladoga is connefted with
by the Svir with the Onega; and by the Volkhof with 7“fe7t
the Ilmen. Into the canal flow the rivers Lipke, Kngifth,
Nafia, Sheldika, Lava, and Kabona ; into the lake, the
rivers Pafha, Sites, O^aet, &c. whereas the Neva alone
runs out of it. Both fliorcs of the lake belong to Ruf¬
fia, and thefe have every where a flat coaft and a fandy
beach. On this fliore it has alfo a few low fiftiery
iflands, and a fandy bottom. That part of the northern
fide which lies in the government of Olonetz has marble
on its coaff, whence fome of thofe beautiful and durable
kinds of Finnifli marble are brought to St Peterfburgh.
As the bed of this lake, for a great extent, is in the
loweft part of the country, it receives befides the above-
mentioned rivers, the waters that come from the alum
hills j all of which have no other outlet than the Neva.
The lake Onega is fituated in the government of Onega.
Olonetz, between the Ladoga a-,’d the White lea. Its
length is between 180 and 200 verfts, and its breadth
from 60 to 80. Like the Ladoga, it contains a few
iflands confifting of marble, and in all other properties
is much the fame. With other rivers, the Vitegra falls
into it on the fouth-eaft fide, which river takes its rife not
far from the Kofsha, and this river falls into the Biela-
ozero. On the Kofsha is the old Ladoga, and on the Vi¬
tegra, the old Vitegorfkaia, which are only about 40 verfts
aihiider. Now, as from the Onega the navigable ri¬
ver Svir runs into the Ladoga, and from the Bielo-ozero
the Shekfna flows into the Volga, there needs only a.
canal to be cut the faid diftance of 40 verfts, for con-
netting the Neva with the Volga, which would be much
more convenient for the navigation here than the paf-
fage by Vilhnoi-Volotlhok, becaufe there are no water¬
falls, and therefore all the danger and trouble attend¬
ing them in the prefent paffage would be obviated.
The lake Peipus, called by the Ruffians Tftiudlkoe- f>eipu^
ozero, lies between the governments of Pfcove, Reval,
Riga, and St Peterlburgh ; is in length about 80, and
in breadth about 60 verfts. It is connetted with the
Pfcove lake by a very broad channel, about 90 verfts
in length. From this lake proceeds the river Narova,
communicating through the Embach with the Vertz-
erb, and from this latter runs the Fellin to the gulf of
Riga, fo that an inland navigation might eafily be for¬
med between lake Peipus and the Baltic, though at pre¬
fent the commodities conveyed along the Narova to Nar¬
va, muft be carried a confiderable way by land, owing
to the numerous falls in that river. In this lake there
are a few fmall iilands, one of which has three villages
upon it, and is well furniftied with wood.
The Bielo-ozero, or While lake, is in the fame govern- Bielo-5
ment with the foregoing 5 is about 50 verfts long and ozero.
30 broad, and receives into it feveral fmaller ftreams.
The only one that flows out of it is the Shekfna, which
falls into the Volga. The water of this lake is clear,
having a bottom partly clay and partly ftony. The
clay is generally of a white colour, and in ftormy wea¬
ther caufes a ftrong white foam upon the furface of the
water. It is doubtlefs from this circumftance that the
lake firft obtained the name Bielo, or white. It abounds
with filh and crabs. ^
The lake Tihany is fituated partly in the government xihanv.
{UilTia.
I7
Ilmen.
x8
Altyn-
Noor.
19
Foreft-
20
Climate
R U S [
of Tobolfk and partly in that of Kolhyvan. It com¬
municates with the lakes Mollki and Abithkan, is of
very confiderable circuit, and abounds in fifh.
The lake Ilmen, formerly Moiik, lies in the govern¬
ment of Novgorod, being about 40 verfts long and 30
broad. It receives the rivers Mfta, Lovat, Skelton, &c.
and gives birth to the Volkhof alone.
The Altyn-Noor, or Teletzkoe-ozero, lies in the go¬
vernment of Kolhyvan, on-a very confiderable elevation
of the Altai mountains, by which it is alfo entirely fur-
rounded. Its length is computed at 126, and its great-
eft breadth at 84 verfts. From this lake arifes the fa¬
mous river By, which, at its junction wdth the Katunia,
takes the name of Gby.
European Ruflia abounds in wood •, and numerous ex-
tenfive forefts are feen in various diftri&s, efpecially be¬
tween St Peterlburgh and Mofco, and between Vladi¬
mir and Arzonas. It is fuppofed that the Riphaean
foreft, fo celebrated in antiquity, occupied the fouthern
part of European Rcffia, where now extends a plain
covered with a thick and fertile coat of black mould.
The forefts in fome part of Afiatic Ruflia are alfo im-
menfely large, efpecially towards the fouth. On the
weft of the government of Irkutlk, an enormous, dark
and marlhy foreft of refinous trees, extends to the. river
Kan ; but the northern and eaftern parts of Siberia are
bare of wood.
LLiaiv. When we confider that the Ruffian empire occupies
end feafons. an extent from north to fouth of nearly 40°, we may
rationally conclude that the climate and feafons of fo
vaft a traft muft be extremely diverfified. According¬
ly wTe find that while the northern regions are expofed
to almoft perpetual frofts, fome of the fouthern diftridts
enjoy the pureft atmofphere, and the mildeft fky. While
the former is doomed to the utmoft fterility, the latter
is fo fertile as to produce in the moft lavifh abundance
all the vegetable riches of the moft favoured climates.
One of the lateft writers on the climate of Ruffia, M.
Hermann, has divided the empire into four regions,
which are thus diftinguiffied.
1. The very cold region, extending from 78^ to 6o°
of north latitude. This region comprehends the go¬
vernments of Vyborg, Olonetz, Archangel, Tobolfk,
the greater part of Irkulfk, Vologda, a part of Perme,
Novgorod and St Peterfburgh.
2. The cold region, extending from 6o° to 550, and
including the governments of Reval, Riga, Polotfk,
Pfcov, Tver, Mofco, Yaroflavl, Vladimir, Koftroma,
Viaetka, the greater part of Perme and Kazan, a part
of Irkutfk, Kolhyvan, Ufa, Simbirfk, Nifhney-Novgo-
rod, Kaluga, and Smolenfk.
3. The moderate region, extending from 550 to 50°,
including the governments of Moghilef, Tchernigof,
Orel, Kurfk, Tula, Tambof, Penza, the greater part of
Kief, Kharkof, Voronetfk, Riazan, Saratof, Kaluga,
Sinbirfk, Ufa, Kolhyvan, and a part of Irkutfk, Kazan,
Nifhney-Novgorod, and Smolenfk.
4. The hot region, extending from 50° to the moft
fouthern part of Ruffia, including Taurida, Ekatarinoflaf,
the greater part of Caucafia, and a part of Kief, Kharkof,
Voronetfk, Saratof, Ufa, Kolhyvan, and Irkutfk.
From the above enumeration we find that one of the
Ruffian governments pofiefles all the varieties of climate
-and feafon, and that many of them, are fo divided as to
4
352 ] . Pi u s
enjoy the advantages of two climates. We fhall de-
feribs the nature of the climate and changes of the fea-
Ton, as they occur in each of thefe divifions, confining
ourfelves chiefly to the extremes of St Peterfburgh and
Taurida, as being moft interefting.
In many diftricls of the firft region there is fcarcely
any fummer 5 for the three or four months in which it
does not fnow, fcarcely deferve that name. As in moft
parts cf the globe, however, the eaftern diftridls of this
region are much colder and more barren than thofe on
the weftern fide •, the fruits that come to maturity
round St Peterfburgh, and in the government of Vy¬
borg, are not found under the fame latitude in-Siberia.
Even the weather of St Peterfburgh, however, is fuf-
ficiently rude, and the climate here is unfettled and un¬
friendly. In the winter of 1798 and 1799, the coldefl
ever known in that country, the mercury in FahrenheiPs
thermometer flood at St Peterfburgh at 390 below o, and
even at Mofco, the fame thermometer fluftuated during 35
fucceffive days between —30° and —40°. The fpring
in this region (i. e. about St Peterfburgh), has in gene¬
ral much froft, fnowq and rain j but the fhort fummer is
for the moft part fair and fine. The longeft day is
here about 18^ hours, and the evening twilights are fo
uncommonly luminous, as readily to enable perfons to
read and write. The very fultry days are in general
but few, and tbefe are amply compenfated by the cool
evenings, nights and mornings. The autumn has fel-
dom many bright days, but is for the moft part cloudy,
wet, and boifterous. The winter is always fevere \ and
as the atmofphere is generally dry, even in fnowy wea¬
ther, this feafon is fo healthy, that the fmalleft number
of deaths is found to happen during winter. The
fhorteft day is only five hours and a half, and though
confiderablc light is refledted from the fnow, yet when
the atmofphere is cloudy, candles can be difpenfed with
but for a very ffiort time, During this feafon the river
Neva, the lakes in the vicinity of St Peterfburgh, and
even the gulf of Finland, as far as the iflands of the
Baltic, are covered with ice, nearly a yard in thicknefs.
On an average, there are annually from 150 to 190
days of froft, during which the ground is frozen to the
depth of nearly three feet.
This feverity of climate, apparently fo inimical to
health and comfort, is confidered by the inhabitants as
one of their greateft bleffings. By the extent of ice
and fnow, diftances are fhortened, or at leaft .travelling
is facilitated, fo that people, horfes, and carriages with
the heavieft burdens, crofs the Neva, and the other
rivers, lakes and canals in all directions. Ice cellars
here form a neceffary of life, for by their means provi-
fions of all kinds are preferved during fummer. Hence
every houfe is provided with one of them ; and in the
beginning of February they are filled with large blocks
cut from the river. The ice alfo promotes the amufe-
ments of the inhabitants, as we {ball ftiew in the fequel
of this article. Indeed, fo eflential is this feverity of
feafon to the comfort of the inhabitants, that when the
winter is unufually mild, the roads are nearly im-
paffable, and the provifions, which are always preferved
in a frozen ftate, can fcarcely be kept from putvefac-
ti°n-
In this region the aurora borealis is very frequent,
and its corufcations peculiarly vivid $ florins of thunder
and
Ruff a.
It U S [ 353 ] R U S
Raffia.
and lightning are neither numerous, violent, nor laft-
ing j high winds are not predominant, and it leldorn
hails, though hoar-frofts are very common.
Irv the lecond region the fummer is indeed fliort in
many parts but in molt of them it is fo warm, and the
days are fo long, that the fruits of the earth ufually come
to maturity in a fliorter time than in other places. The
winter in this region, efpecially in the governments of
Irkutfk, Perme, Viaetka, &c. is in general very fe-
vere.
In the third region the winter is alfo long and cold,
efpecially in the governments of Irkutlk, Kolhyvan, and
Ufa. This, however, is owing rather to the lofty
mountains with which thefe diftrifts abound, than from
their high degree of latitude. The governments be¬
longing to this region in European Ruflia, however,
ufually enjoy a fliort and mild winter, and a fine warm
lummer.
In the fourth region the winters are flrort, and, ex¬
cept in fome parts of Irkutfk and Kolhyvan, not very
cold j and the fummer is warm, and in many parts very
dry. One of the moft delightful diftridls in this region
is that of Taurida, of which M. Pallas has given the
following animated defcription.
“ One of the mildeft and mofi: fertile regions of the
empire is the beautiful femicircular and amphitheatral
vale formed by the Tauridan mountains along the fhores
«f the Euxine. Thefe valleys, which are bleffed with
the climate of Anatolia and the leffer Afia, where the
winter is fcarcely fenfible, where the primrofes and
fpring-faffron bloom in February and often in January,
mid where the oak frequently retains its foliage through
the whole winter, are, in regard to botany and rural
economy, the nobleft traft in Taurida, and perhaps in
the whole extent of the empire. Here, on all fides,
thrive and flourifli in open air the ever-verdant laurel,
the olive tree, the fig, the lotus, the pomegranate, and
the celtis, which perhaps are the remains of Grecian
cultivation j with the manna-bearing afh, the turpen¬
tine tree, the tan-bark tree, the ftrawberry tree from
Afia Minor, and many others. This laft particularly
covers the fteepeft cliffs of the fhore, and beautifies them
in winter by its perpetual foliage, and the red rind of
its thick Item. In thefe happy vales the forefts confifl:
of fruit trees of every kind, or rather they form only
a large orchard left entirely to itfelf. On the fhores of
the fea the caper-bufhes propagate themfelves fponta-
neoufly ; without the afflftance of art the wild or plant¬
ed vine ftems climb the loftieft trees, and, twining with
the flowery five-leaved ivy, form feftoons and hedges.
The contrail of the orchards, and the rich verdure,
with the beautiful wildnefs prefented by the adjacent
mountains and rocks, wkich in fome places rife among
the clouds, and in others are fallen in ruins ) the natu¬
ral fountains and cafcades that agreeably prefent their
rufhing waters *, laftly, the near view of the fea, where
the fight is loft in the unbounded profpeft ; all thefe
beauties together form fo pifturefque and delightful a
whole, that even the enraptured mufe of the poet or the
painter would be unable to conceive a more captivating
feene.
“ In thefe enchanting valleys, to the benefit of the em¬
pire, which nowhere poflefles fo fine a climate, might
the ufeful produfts of Afia Minor, and of the fouthern
parts of Europe, be made indigenous. TheTuperior
VOL. XVIII. Part I.
kinds of fruits may be produced here without trouble, Ruffia.
and are for the moft part fo already. The belt kinds of
olive and fig trees may be cultivated here $ and even
the fefamum plant never decays. Orange, lemon, and
citron trees, and particularly the cedrat, the moft excel¬
lent fpecies of them, would bear the winter extremely
well with a little care. The vine would be conftantly
improving, if a judicious feledtion were but made of the
flocks for planting, if greater attention were paid to
the various effefts of the foil and fitUation of the vine¬
yards, and if more care wrere taken in working the muft
and keeping the wine. For the ufe of the apothecaries
and manufafturers a number of excellent drugs and dyes
might be produced, which are at prefent brought from
the ifles of the Archipelago, from Greece, from Afia
Minor, and Perfia $ feveral of them are now feen here
growing wild. Likewife many hard and ufeful kinds of
wood, efpecially coloured, fit for inlaid work, might
here be propagated j perhaps in fome trails even the fu-
gar cane would thrive * Ttoke’s
The produflions of Ruflia would afford an ample field View of the
for the inveftigation of the naturalift 5 and this part of RuJJian
its natural hiftory has been fully illulirated by the en- ^^re> 9t
lightened travellers who were lately employed in the V° ’1
examination of the empire. We can here give only a
brief {ketch of the refult of their inquiries. aj
In the central parts of European Ruflia are found xaimate
moft of the animals which are common to it with the
reft of Europe. The fineft horfes here are thofe of Li¬
thuania and Livonia, the former poffefling great ftrength,
the latter excelling in fpeed. The fpirit and beauty of
the Tartarian horfes have been long celebrated *, and in
the Taurida, where this breed is much cultivated, thefe
qualities have been improved by the introduction of
Turkifti and Arabian ftallions. Near Archangel, the
horfes are fmall, and refemble thofe in the north of Bri¬
tain. The country near Archangel is remarkable for
fine pafturage, and an excellent breed of cattle ; but in¬
deed cattle abound in moft parts of the empire. The
(beep in the northern provinces are of a middle fize,
with ftiort tails and coarfe wool ■, but thofe in the fouth
are long-tailed, and their wool is of a fuperior texture :
but the beft wool is procured from the diftrift of Kazan.
We have feen that the province of Taurida abounds in
{beep, which conftitute the chief riches of the inhabi¬
tants. Some opulent farmers in this diftrid poffefs
50,000 fheep*, and 1000 is by no means an uncommon
flock. Goats and fwine alfo abound throughout Euro¬
pean Ruflia ; and the rein-deer is not unknown in the
moft northern governments. In the north, too, are
found the elk, the wolf, the lynx, and the fea bear;
and in the moft fouthern diftriCls the camel is fometimes
met with.
Afiatic Ruflia is remarkable for the rein-deer, which
there performs the office of the horfe, the cow, and the
{beep. In the fouth are found the wild horfe, and the
wild afs ; while the argali, or wild fheep, is often hunt¬
ed in Siberia, and the regions of Mount Caucafus pre-
fent the furious bifon. Here, too, are feen the ibex,
and the chamois. Near Lake Baikal are found the
flag, the mufle. animal, and the wild boar) and on the
banks of the Yeniffy is feen the beaver. Walrufles
haunt the ffiores of the ArClic ocean, and feals are
found in moft of its bays and inlets. In Siberia, in
the provinces^of Yakutfk and Nerfchinflc, and in Kamt-
Y y fchatka,
R U 9
Ruffia. fchatka, the hunting of fables forms, during part of the
-y—r,,- year, the chief occupation of the inhabitants \ and their
Ikins, when procured perfectly entire, are laid to be
worth lol. each. The ikins of the black iox are alio
highly eiteemed, as, according to Mr Tooke, one of
them is fometimes iufficient to pay the tribute oi a vil¬
lage. The bear is found in the neighbourhood of the
Uralian mountains, and the civet cat in the Altai cnarn.
The wild boar grows here to fuch a hze, that its tuiks
* Pinker- are faid fometimes to weigh 600 pounds *. J. he horles
loti's Geo- 0f j-fog Mongul Tartars are of fingular beauty, fome of
^aPhy, vol'tjiem bging Griped like the tiger, others ipotted like
'5‘ the leopard. The ftud of a noble Mongul fometimes
contains 3000 or 4000 of thefe animals, ihe principal
Nomadic hordes of Afiatic Huffia, viz. the i'artars,
Monguls, and Mandihurs, not unfrcquently regale on
horfe-fleih j but they do not, as is commonly reported,
eat it raw. The cattle of this divifion of Ruffia are of
a middling fize, and are commonly employed for
draught, and even fometimes for carriage.
The whole empire abounds with wild fowl and game
cf all forts j and in the more folitary regions of Mount
Caucafus, and on the Uralian and Altaian chains, there
are numerous birds of prey. The external parts and
provinces of the empire are well fupphed with fea fhh
from the northern ocean, the Baltic, the White fea, the
Black fea and the Cafpian j and the numerous lakes and
fivers yield immenfe quantities of falmon, trout, pike,
fturgeon, and belluga (a large fifh from whole roe is
made the bell caviare). Innumerable [warms of infects
are hatched by the funvmer’s heat in the lands, moraffes,
and forelts; and are faid to be fo troublelome as to ren-
22 der great part of thefe regions almod uninhabitable.
Vegetables. Merely to enumerate the chief vegetable productions
of the Ruffian empire, would far exceed the limits of
our plan. We Avail therefore only mention the mott
important. In. the forefts are found the fir, the Scotch
pine, the larch, the elm, the birch, the alder, the greater
maple, the fycamore, the oak of various Ipecies, the
black and white poplar, the afii, the hornbeam, the
beech, the nettle-tree, the cedar, and the cyprefs. Of
fruit trees and fhrubs, the moft remarkable are, the al¬
mond, the peach, the apricot, the medlar, the walnut,
the mulberry, the olive, the fig, the vine, and the pome¬
granate. In fome parts of Afiatic Ruffia are found,
befides, the quince, the date, the jujube, and the wil¬
low-leaved pear ; and many other fhrubs and plants,
which in our climate require the aid of artificial heat,
are, in the fouthern provinces of Ruffia, produced fpon-
^ taneoufly.
Minerals. Ruffia is not lefs rich in mineral produ&ions, of which
Siberia in particular contains a great variety. In the
brief fketch of Ruffian mineralogy which we can here
offer, we {hall confine ourfelves chiefly to the metallic
mines. Of thefe there are few in European Ruflia, and
thofe principally of iron. It appears that there was for¬
merly a gold mine near the river Vigg in the north-
tvefiern corner of the empire j and in the year 1739*
gold was di[covered in the fame region, in the moun¬
tains of Olonetz *, but the product was fcarcely fuf-
ficient to indemnify the government tor the expence
of working the mine, not more than 57 pounds of gold
having been procured within the year. The richeft iron
mines in European Ruffia, are about 60 miles from
R U S
Mofco j and in the government of Perme are worked Rufi&s.
mines, both of iron and copper. ',"rr,L
In Siberia there are valuable gold mines, efpecially
thole of Cathaiineburg, on the eatt ot ihe Uralian moun¬
tains, in the latitude of about 570, where an office for
the management of the mines was eftablhhtd by Peter I.
in 1719. Several mines of different metals extend to a
connderable diflance qn the north and fouth of Catha-
rineburg j and there are in this diftrift above 1 cp
founderies, chiefly for copper and iron. The principal
gold mines in this diftridt are thole of Berefof, a few
miles north-call of Catharineburg, near the .river Pyfli-
ma, that falls into the Tobol, The gold is fometrrae*
found native, but is generally mixed with various fub-
ftances, efpecially filver. There are other mines in
Kolhyvan and Nerthiiak, chiefly of lead and filver,
with a fmall proportion of gold. The former of thefe
were difeovered in 1704, and the latter in 1748. In
the mines of Berelbf is found the red lead of Siberia -T
and in the copper mines, about 30 miles fouth of Ca¬
tharineburg, that particular ore called malachite, or
llalactnic copper, is found in great perfection. There
are alfo copper mines in the Altai mountains^ where
dendritic copper is met with. The richeft iron
mines in this part of Ruffia are in the neighbourhood of
the Uralian chain. The large mafs of native iron which
we have mentioned under Geology, N° 165. was
found by Profeffor Pallas in Siberia, near Mount Etnor
or Nemir, not far from the river Yeniffy.
Rock fait is found in feveral parts of Siberia, efpeci¬
ally near the Utk, not far from Orenburgh. Coal is a
rare production in Ruffia j but it is feuud near Take.-
Baikal, and in the fteppe between the Don and the
Volga. Sulphur, alum, fal ammoniac, nitre, and natron^
are found in great abundance.
There are alfo found in Siberia various gems, which
wre mull not omit to notice. Thefe are diicovercd
chiefly in the mountain Adun(hollow, in the province of
Nerfliinfk or Dkouri, not far from the Chinefe river
Argoon. Here are found common topazes, the hya¬
cinth, the Siberian emerald, the beryl, the onyx, and
beautiful red and green jalpers. Near Catharineburg
are the gem mines of Mouvfintfky, where are found tne
beryl and the chryfolitc. Near Lake Baikal red gar¬
nets are very common ; and there are ailo found lapis
lazuli and the baikalite of Eirwan. ike opal is faid
to be found in the Altai mountains. 24,
The mineral fprings of Ruffia are found principally Mineral
in the Afiatic part, efpecially in Kamtfchaika, Thevvaters*
only European mineral waters that merit particular no¬
tice are, a hot fpring near Selo Klintfchy, in the go¬
vernment of Perme ; a noted chalybeate fpring in th«
village of Vingova, in the dlftdcV of Olonetz, diftin-
guifhed by Peter the Great, and called by him St Pe¬
ter’s Well, and another chalybeate fpring, or rather af-
femblage of fprings ftrongly impregnated with iron, dif¬
eovered in 1775, near Sarepta on the Volga. In the
diftrift of Perekop and the aland of Taman, belonging
to the government of Taurida, there are fprings cf
naphtha. Springs impregnated with naphtha and pe¬
troleum are alfo found near Lake Baikal. At Sarepta
there is a fulphurous fpring, and there are fcveral others
in Siberia. On the Terek, towards Mount Caucafus*
are warm fprings that Live as baths) and fimilar baths
occur
[ 35+ 1
Rwffia.
Ruffian
iilands.
26
Dag9.
*7
•efel.
2S
iNovay^.
Zenffia.
R U S [ ,3i
occur in the province of Nerfiiinik, in the territory of
the Kalmuks, to the fouth of the Altai mountains, and
in the neighbourhood of Baikal. Chalybeate waters are
found among the iron mines near Catharineburg, and
a few occur in the province of Daouria.
The principal hot baths of Aiiatic Ruffia are in
Kamtfchatka, and are formed by the hot fprings noticed
in N° y. The chief bath of this kind is in the fouth-
ern part of the peninfula near Natchikin. The hot wa¬
ters here fall in a rapid cafcade, about 300 feet below
which they are colle&ed into a bafon lix or feven feet
broad, and 18 inches deep. The water is extremely
hot, and is laid to contain vitriolic and nitrous falts.
Before we conclude what may be called the perma¬
nent geography of Rufiia, w e mutt enumerate the illands
that belong to this extenfive empire, and particularly no¬
tice fuch of them as have not been deferibed in other
parts of this Encyclopaedia.
In Europe the Ruffians poflefs the ittands of Oefel
and Dago in the Baltic, and the little illand of Cron-
ttaut at the entrance of the gulf of Finland, the ittands
of Novaya Zernlia, and feveral fmailer ittands in the
Arctic ocean 5 and though the dreary ittand of Spitzber-
gen is generally considered as belonging to Denmark, it
is at leafe equally (hared by the Ruffians, feme of whom
regularly winter here, on account of the whale littiery.
In Attatic Rufiia we may enumerate the Aleutian
(Aleoutfkie or Fox) ifiands, of which Bhering’s ittand
is the only one deferring particular notice ; the Andre-
novian iflands, about 500 miles to the fouth-eatt of
Bhering’s ittand, and the Kurile or Kurilian iflands, ex¬
tending from the fouthern promontory of Kamtfchatka
towards Japan.
Theifland of Dago, but briefly noticed in our general
alphabet, is for the moil part rocky, and itsweftern fliore is
fandy ; but the fouthern and eaftern parts conlift of a bluiih
clay, and are very fertile. They produce conflderable
quantities of barley, efpecially in rainy feafons; but it is
found neceflary to fowr the feed very early in the fpring.
There are here feveral forefts, efpecially one of alders,
which is feen at a great diftance, and 1'erves as a land¬
mark. This ittand is extremely populous, and very heal¬
thy. It is inhabited chiefly by Efthonians. The fea
round Dago abounds with Ilia Hows, rocks, and fand
banks, that render the navigation dangerous j but to
prevent {hips from being {branded on the coaft, a light-
houfe has been created on the w'eftern promontory, about
three miles from the fea.
Oefel is much more confiderable than Dago, being
nearly 80 miles long, and about 60 at its greateft
breadth. Its foil is naturally more barren than that of
Dago, being chiefly fand, or loam and clay ; but as it
is well manured, the crops are pretty confiderable. Thefe
confift of wheat, rye, and barley, and in favourable fea¬
fons, oats and peafe. Oefel abounds in quarries, from
■which are procured excellent limefione, black and gray
flagftone, and grindftones. Marble is alfo found, but is
not much efleemed.
The iflands of Novaya Zemlia, or the New Land,
confift chiefly of twro very large infulated trafhs, nearly
alike in fize and figure, extending between 49* and 68°
of eatt longitude, and between 70° and 770 of north la¬
titude. They are feparated from the main land by the
ftrait of Waigats. They may be eftimated at 600 miles
in length, by a medium breadth of nearly 400. Yet
5 ] R U S
this large truft of country is defert and uninhabited, ex- RuHli
cept by reindeer, polar bears, while and blue foxes;
and on the coaft leals and walrufies. The iflands are
well fupplied with water, but are rocky and deltitute of
wood except a few Hunted butties. On the northern
fide they are encomp uTed with mountains of ice. In
thefe dreary regions the iun is not feen for nearly four
months, viz. from the middle of Oftober to February.
Bhering’s ifland is fituated in the fea of Kamtfchatka, jqier^<r>s
about 30 to the eaft of that peninfula, extending from ifland. °
55° to j6° °f N. Lat. It was difeovered by Rhering
in 1740. It confifts of a range of bald clifts and hills, run¬
ning north and ibuth, the higheft of which are nearly
1000 fathoms above the level of the fea. Thefe rocks
confift of granite in the middle ridge, and a fandttone
on each fide ; but fome of the lower appear to be cover¬
ed with clay. This ifland is entirely dellitute of wood,
but is otherwife not bare of vegetation. It contains
fprings of excellent water, and has feveral fine catara&s.
The cold is moderate, and thunder has never been
obferved, though it is faid fome (hocks of earthquakes
have been felt. There are no human inhabitants ; but
the ifland affords a dwelling tofea bears, arfiic foxes, feals,
and wralruffes. The Aleutian and Kurilian iflands have
already been deferibed under their refpeftive heads ; and
an account of Spitsbergen will be found under that ar¬
ticle.
Ruffia was fcarcely known as an independent date be- Origin of
fore the latter end of the 9th century. We know, indeed, the Ruffian
that long before that period, namely shout the 5th cen- empire,
tury, a horde of thofa nations that roved at large on the
banks of the Dnieper and the Volkhof, eftabliflied them-
felves in that part of the region bordering on the Dnieper,
where is now fituated the government of Kief or Kiow.
Thefe people w’ere called Slavi, or Slavonians, and had
advanced eaftward from the fnoresof the Danube. Thev
appear to have laid the firft foundation of the Ruffian
monarchy, and to have built Kief, where they fixed their
capital. It is probable that about the fame time another
tribe of Slavi had fettled ftill farther to the eaft, in the
province of Novgorod, where they built the city ftill
known by that name, as their metropolis. Of the go¬
vernment and tranfa&ions of thefe people we have no
regular accounts till the conclufion of the 9th century.
It appears, however, from a work of the emperor Con-
ftantine Porphyrogenitus on the adminiftration of the
empire, that in his time the city of Novgorod was a
place of great importance, and carried on an extenfive
commerce, both with Conftantinople and the countries
bordering on the Baltic. The government of the Nov-
gorodians appears to have been republican, but the
people were probably rather merchants than warriors.
We find them involved in frequent difputes with the
neighbouring nations, from whole ravages they fuffered
confiderable lofles.
If we may credit the Ruffian hiftorians, the Slavi s-tt'emer,t
that had fettled about Kief and Novgorod, mutt: have of the V*-
extended the boundaries of their territory northwards a$ragiansis
far as the fhores of the Baltic. We find that they were
much harafled by a piratical nation who dwelt on the
coafts of that fea, and were denominated Varages or
Varagians, and who made frequent defeents on the Ruf¬
fian coafts, and ravaged the country. It is not impro¬
bable that thefe Varagians formed a part of the Scandi¬
navian nations, vffio, under the names of Danes and
Y y 2 Saxons,
3*
An. 860.
Eftablifli-
 11 U S [35
Raffia. Saxons, lacccffively made themfelves mafters of Enp-'
~~V land. They were occafionally employed by the weaker
neighbouring Hates as mercenary auxiliaries, and in this
capacity they were once called to the afliltance of the
Novgorodians. As is ufual, where a weak people re¬
quires the afliilance of a warlike and powerful nation,
the auxiliaries, after having overcome the enemies whom
they were invited to combat, began to think of availing
themfelves of the advantages which their bravery had
given them over their employers. From allies and fer-
vants they foon became the mailers of the Slav! ; and
finding the country about Novgorod fuperior to that
which they had left, they began to think of taking up
their relidence in their new quarters.
Their leader Ruric built a town near the Volkhof,
and furrounded it with a rampart of earth. This town
monarch1*16 now ca^ed Old Ladoga. Here Ruric eftabliihed the
under Ku- ^eat government. This event appears to have ta-
rici ken place about the year 860 j and from this period we
may date the commencement of the Ruffian monarchy.
Ruric was affifted by two other chiefs of the Varages,
Sinaus and Truvor, who are fuppofed to have been his
brothers, and with whom he divided the territory of
which he had poffeffed himfelf. Of thefe, Sinaus took
up his relidence at Bielo Ofero, or the white lake, while
Truvor kept his court at Ifborfk, or according to feme,
at Tvvertzog, in the diftrift of Plefkow. The three
chiefs having thus divided among them the territories of
the Novgorodians, continued to reign in amity with each
23 other for feveral years.
Gppolition The Slavi, however, did not fubmit to the dominion of
ol the Slavi. their new mailers, without an effort to regain their inde¬
pendence. At firff, aftonilhment at the unexpected pro¬
ceedings of their auxiliaries overcame the fpirit of liberty
which had hitherto actuated their minds 5 but they foon
awakened from their lethargy, and determined to repel
by force thofe whom they new conlidered as the invaders
of their country. They flew to arms, and chofe for their
leader, Vadim, who by his feats in war had acquired the
honourable appellation of the valiant. A fierce engage¬
ment took place between the Novgorodians under Va¬
dim, and the Varages headed by Ruric and his brothers.
The conteft ended in favour of the latter, and the brave
Vadim, with feveral other chiefs of the Novgorodians,
loft their lives in the attempt to free their country from
its ambitious guefts. This new fuccefs emboldened Ruric
to extend his territories, and to change the feat of go¬
vernment from the infignificant town of Ladoga, to the
fpacious and opulent city of Novgorod. Soon after, by
the death of his partners in the government, Ruric be¬
came foie monarch of the conquered territory, where he
reigned without farther moleftation for 17 years, and
became the primogenitor of a long line of defendants,
who held the fovereignty without interruption for feve¬
ral centuries. Ruric appears to have been zealous for
the ftrift adminiftration of juftice in his dominions, and
iffued his command to all the boyars who held territories
under him, to fee it exercifed in an exaft and uniform
6 ]
R U S
manner. We are not infotmed of the nature of h’s in- Raffia,
ftitutions ■, nor is it known whether the laws then exifting '
in his territories were merely oral, or were committed to
writing.
Ruric affumed the title of grand prince. His domi¬
nions extended over the prelent governments ov Riga,
lleval, Polotlk, Pfcov, Vyborg, St Peterfburg, Nov¬
gorod, Smolenfk, Olonetz, Archangel, Vladimir, Ya-
roflavl, Koftroma, and Vologda.
As Ruric left only one fon, Igor, who was ftili a mi- ^11^879.
nor at his father’s death, Oleg, a kinfman of the de-Regency of
ceafed monarch, took on him the adminiftration of af- Oleg,
fairs. Either from the natural reftleffnefs of the Va¬
rages, or from the fpirit of rebellion manifefted by the
Novgorodians, which indicated the neceffity of employ¬
ing his people in fome attive enterprife, the new mo¬
narch did not long remain idle. He appears very early
to have projefted the extenfion of his territories, by an¬
nexing to them the fettlement which the Slavi had
formed about Kief, again!! which he foon undertook a
formidable expedition. He collefted a numerous army,
compofed of Slavi, Varages, and Tfchudes, carried with
him the young prince Igor, and opened the campaign
with the capture of Lubitch, and of Smolenlk the capi¬
tal of the Krivitfches. (e) 35
Having reduced feveral other towns of lefs confe-
quence, he advanced towards Kief, the poffeffion of^ Ru&aa
which formed the chief objedt of bis ambition, aspri1Kjpa.
through the Kievian territory he would have an eafylity.
paffage to the Grecian empire, by inroads into which he
could gratify the predatory difpofition of his followers.
Having advanced near the walls of Kief, he did not
think it advifable to hazard an open attack, and thus
leave to the precarious decifion of a battle the ultimate
fuccefs of his favourite projedt. He therefore had re-
courfe to artifice, and leaving behind him the greater
part of his troops, he concealed the remainder in the
barks that had brought them down the Dnieper from
Smolenfk. Oleg himfelf, difguifing his name and qua¬
lity, paffed for a merchant lent by Oleg and his ward
Igor on bufinefs of importance to Conftantinople 5 and
he difpatched officers to Ofkhold and Dir, the two
chieftains of the Kievians, requefting permiflion to pafs
through their territory into Greece, and inviting them
to vifit him as friends and fellow-citizens, pretending
that indifpofition prevented him from paying his refpedls
to them in perfon. The princes, free from miftruff,
and rjlying on thefe appearances of friendfhip, accepted
Oleg^s invitation, and fcarcely thought it neceffary to
take with them their ordinary attendants. They were
foon undeceived ; for when they arrived at the regent’s
encampment, they were quickly furrounded by the Va-
ragian foldiers, who fprung from their place of conceal¬
ment in the barks. Oleg taking Igor in his arms, and
calling on the fovereigns of Kief a fierce and threaten¬
ing look, exclaimed, “ You are neither princes nor of
the race of princes y behold the fon of Ruric.” Thefe
words, which formed the fignal that had been agreed
(c) The Krivitfches were a Slavonian tribe who inhabited the regions bordering on the upper parts of the ri¬
vers Volga, Dvina, Oka, and Dniepr, where are now the governments of Polotzk, Smolenlk and Minlk. The Tfchu¬
des whom we have mentioned as forming part of Oleg’s army, were a nation of Finnifh extraction, and inhabited
ftiofe diftriCls which form part of the prelent governments of Pfcov and Revah
3«
Firft Ruf-
fian expedi¬
tion againft
Conftanti-
aople.
R U S [3
Ruflia. on between ©leg and bis foldiers, wercfso fooner utter-
"" V- ' ed, than the latter rudied on the two princes, and laid
them proRrate at the feet of their mafter.
The inhabitants of Kief, thrown into confternation by
this bold and treacherous aft, made no refiftance, but
opened the gates of their city to the invader 5 and thus
the two Slavonian Rates were united under one head.
Having thus made himfelf mafter of the key to the
eaftern empire, Gieg prepared to carry into effeft his
ambitious defigns againft Conftantinopls. Leaving Igor
at Kief, he himfelf embarked on the Dniepr with 80,000
warriors, on board of not fewer than 2000 velfels.
Their paflage down the river met with no obftru&ion,
till they came to that part where its courfe is embarraf-
fed for nearly 15 leagues by feven rocks j and here be¬
gan a feries of perils, labours, and fatigues, which none
but barbarians could have overcome. They were obli¬
ged to unload their barks, and convey them over the
rocks; and in particular at the fourth rock, they car¬
ried their baggage for above 6000 paces, expofed to the
perpetual rifk of attack from the neighbouring nations
with whom they were at war, while thus hampered and
encumbered. Having at length paffed all the rocks,
and reached the mouth of the Dniepr, Oleg drew to¬
gether his fcattered veffels at a fmall ifland that lies be¬
tween the points of Otchakof and Kinburn, where he
caufed them to be refitted, and waited for a favourable
wind to carry him acrofs the Black fea to the mouth of
the Dniefter. Here the veffels were again refitted, and
hence the expedition coafting along the fhores of the
Euxine, foon arrived at the ftrait of Conftantinople.
The inhabitants of the imperial city, on difcovering
the approach of the barbarians, had drawn a mafly chain
acrofs the harbour, thus hoping to prevent their land¬
ing. In this hope, however, they w'ere deceived. The
invaders drew aftiore their barks, fitted wheels to their
flat bottoms, and converted them into carriages, which
by the help of fails they forced along the roads that led
to the city, and thus arrived under the wralls of Con¬
ftantinople. In their route they ravaged the whole
country, and pillaged and demolilhed the houfes, loaded
the inhabitants with irons, and committed other enormi¬
ties which generally attend the incurfions of a barbar¬
ous enemy. The earth that had been fertilized by the
fweat of the huftandman, was now drenched with his
blood, and the fea received, as in one vaft grave, both
the carcafes of the dead, and the bodies of the living.
The weak Leo, who then fwayed the fceptre of the
Grecian empire, inftead of making a manly refiftance,
is faid to have attempted carrying off his enemy by poi-
fbn •, but this not fucceeding, he was obliged to pur-
chafe from the conqueror an ignominious peace. 1 hus,
even at that early period, the fovereign of Ruflia tri¬
umphed over the emperor of Conftantinople, and Oleg
acquired the full completion of his wilhes, by the rich
booty which he carried off. He made his entrance in¬
to Kief on his return, laden -with the wealth acquir¬
ed by his viflory •, and the people, dazzled with fuch
fplenilid objefts, imagined their prince to be endowed
with fupernatural powers, and looked up to him with a
reverence approaching to adoration.
Soon after his return to his own dominions, the Ruf¬
fian monarch difpatched deputies to Conftantinople,
with the articles of a treaty which he required the
Greek emperor to fign *. This treaty, which is pre-
♦ Tooke's
Hijlory of
RuJJia, vol.
i. p, 154.
57 3 R U S
ferved in the Chronicles of Neftor, is extremely curious ; Ruflia.
and we learn from it many important particulars refpec-
ting the internal policy of the Ruffians at the beginning
of the tenth century. Several articles of this treaty
Ihew, that the Ruffian laws laid great ftrefs on oaths j
that they pronounced the fentence of death againft the
murderer, inftead of inffitfting on him only a pecuniary
fine, and thus allowing the rich to commit afiaffmation
with impunity j that wives were allowed a part of the
eftates of their hufbands •, that the punifhment of of¬
fences did not extend to the entire confifcation of goods,
and hence the widow and orphan did not fuffer for a
crime of which they were innocent; that robbery, which
attacks only property, was puniffied by the privation of
property, fo that the Ruffian laws maintained a juft pro¬
portion between the crime and the penalty ; that the
citizens, fecure in their poffeffions, were under no ap-
prehenfion that the fovereign would feize on their heri¬
tage, and might even difpofe of their effects in favour of
friends.
Oleg maintained the fovereign power for 33 years,
nor does it appear that Igor, even after he obtained the
age of majority, had any flrare in the government, till
the death of his guardian, in 9x3, left him in full pof-
feffion of the throne. 37
Igor had reached his 40th year before he entered on An. 913.
the government. He foon difcovered marks of the fame Accefiioa oi
warlike fpirit which had adtuated his predeceffor. A- I^or*
mong the nations that had been fubjugated by Oleg,
feveral, on the acceffion of a new fovereign, attempted
to regain their independence; in particular the Drev-
lians, who dwelt on the banks of the Ufcha, in the pre-
fent diftridl of Vrutfch, were the firft to rife in revolt.
They were, however, foon quelled, and puniihed by the
impofition of an increafed tribute. The Uglitches, who
inhabited the fouthern bank of the Dniepr, maintained
a longer conteft for their liberty. One of their princi¬
pal towns fuftained a fiege of three years, and at laft
fubmitted on condition of the trifling tribute of a mar¬
ten’s fldn blackened by fire 5 as thefe furs were valued
in proportion to the darknefs of their colour.
Igor foon had to contend with more formidable ene¬
mies. The Petchenegans, a nation hitherto unknown,
quitted their fettlements on the Yaik and the Volga,
and made incurfions into the Ruffian territory. Thefe
people appear to have been at leaft as powerful and war¬
like as the Varages 5 and Igor finding himfelf unable to
cope with them in arms, concluded a treaty of alliance.
About five years after, difputes arofe between the new
allies, and both had recourfe to arms. It appears that
the Ruffians were finally vidlorious, and the Petchene¬
gans wrere, for fome time, difabled from giving Igor any
farther moleftation. 33
The Ruffian monarch, in imitation of his guardian, An. 941.'
foon turned his attention towards the Grecian empire, Second ex-
where depredations might apparently be made with im-
punity. He equipped an immenfe armament, confirt-^onftanti^
ing, as we are affured by the Ruffian annals, of 10,000 nople.
barks, each carrying 40 men, thus forming an army of
400,000 warriors. With this immenfe force he fet tail
for Conftantinople, without any previous declaration of
war, and without anyoftenfible motive for thus infringing
the treaty that had been concluded fome years before be¬
tween Oleg and Leo. In his route he overran and ra¬
vaged the provinces of Paphlagonia, Pontus, and Bi-
thynia,.
R U S [ 358 ] R. U 3
•Ruffia.
39
An. 945.
Regency of
Olga.
thynia, plundering the towns, and butchering the inha¬
bitants. For fome time the barbarians met with no op-
poiition, as the imperial troops were engaged in diftant
provinces ; but the government of the empire was now
in very different hands from thofe which held it during
the former invalion. The Grecian forces were well ap¬
pointed, and commanded by two generals of approved
ability and courage. Thefe were Theophanes and
Phocas, of whom the former commanded the fleet, and
the latter the army. The Ruffians had foon caufe to
repent their temerity. Theophanes attacked them on
board their (hips, within fight of the Pharos, and throwr-
ing among them the unquenchable Grecian fire, with
the effedls of which they were wholly unacquainted,
threw them into fuch confufion, that many plunged in¬
to the fea to avoid the fires that threatened and pur-
fued them. Their veffels were difperfed, ffiattered,
or confirmed by flames, and great numbers of their crew s
periffied. The remainder reached the ffiores of Bi-
thynia; but before they could recover from their con-
fternation, they were met by Phocas, who fell upon them
with his troops, and made prodigious {laughter. So
great were the Ioffes fuftained by Igor in this unfortu¬
nate expedition, that he carried back with him fcarcely
a third of his army. This fecond naval expedition of
the Ruffians againft Conftantinople took place in 941.
Though difcouraged by the ill fuccefs which had at¬
tended his firft invafion of the Grecian empire, Igor was
too much ftimulated by the defire of plunder, not to
rilk a fecond attempt. Three years after, he collected
new forces, took into pay many of the Petchenegans,
and again fet out for Greece •, but before he had ad¬
vanced beyond the Taurican Cherfonefus, the emperor
Romanus, informed of his approach, and not choofing to
hazard the refult of an engagement, fent deputies to the
Ruffian leader, offering to pay him the fame tribute
W'hich had been given to his predeceffor. With this
offer Igor complied, and once more retired with his
army.
Igor was now far advanced in years ; but the infati-
able rapacity of his officers, ever craving freth fpoils
from vanquiffied nations, impelled him to turn his arms
againft the Drevlians, for the purpofe of obtaining from
them an increafe of their yearly tribute. In this unjuft
attack he was at firft fuccefsful, and returned loaded
with the contributions which he had levied from that
people *, but having difmiffed great part of his troops
with the fpoils of the vanquiffied, and marching with
the remainder too far into the country, he fell into an
ambufeade, which the Drevlians, now growm defperate,
had formed on his approach in the neighbourhood of
Koroften. The Ruffians w'ere foon overpowered, and
Igor being made prifoner, was put to death.
Before the death of Oleg, Igor had married a prin-
cefs of a bold and daring fpirit, named Olga, by whom
he had one fon, Sviatoflaf 5 but as he was very young at
the death of his father, the queen mother Olga affumed
the reins of government. Her firft care was to take
fignal vengeance on the unhappy Drevlians, for having
bravely defended themfelves againft the encroachments
of tyranny and oppreffion. Thefe people, fatisfied with
the death of their oppreffor, appeared defirous of renew’-
ing their amicable intercourfe with the Ruffians, and
their chief, Male, is even faid to have made an offer of
his hand to Igor’s widow. Olga, with that deep cun¬
2
ning and concealed malice that lo often mark the cha- Ruffia..
rafter of the delpotic leader of a barbarous people, pre-
tended to liften to their overtures, received the deputies
of Male, but immediately ordered them to be privately-
put to death. In the mean time fire invited a larger
deputation from the Drevlian chief, which flic treated
in the fame inhuman manner, taking care that no tid¬
ings of either murder ftrould be carried to the Drevli¬
ans. bhe then iet out, as if on an amicable vilit, to
conclude the new alliance, and having proclaimed a fo-
lemn entertainment, to which lire invited iome hund¬
reds of the principal inhabitants of the Drevlian towns,
fhe caui’ed them to be treacheroufly affaffinated. This
was but the firft ftep to the more dreadtul vengeance
which ihe had refolved Lo inflift on this deluded people.
She laid wafle the whole country of the Drevlians, and
in particular the town of Koroften, near which Igor had
loft his life. For a long time fire could not mailer the
place, as the inhabitants, dreading the horrible fate that
awaited them, from the revengeful fpirit of Olga, de¬
fended themfelves with the utmoft valour and fuccels.
At length, being affured of clemency, on condition of
fending to Olga all the pigeons of the town, they fub-
mitted ; but Olga caufing lighted matches to be faften-
ed to the tails of the pigeons, fet them at liberty. The
birds flew to their ulual places of refidence in the town,
which were fpeedily in a conflagration. The wretched
inhabitants endeavouring to efcape the flames, fell into
ihe hands of the Ruffian foldiers, planted round the town
for that purpofe, by whom they were put to the fvvord.
This was the only warlike tranfaftion, if it deferves
that name, which took place during the regency of Ol¬
ga. Though not uncommon in the annals of a barba¬
rous people, it would have been fufficient to hand down
her name with deteftation to pofterity, had fhe not, in
the opinion of her panegyrifts, atoned for the enormity,
by attempting to introduce into her dominions the Chri-
ftian religion.
Hitherto the Slavi, and the Scandinavian nations whoRei^°on 0£
had taken poffeffion of their territories, were Pagans, the Slavi.
and their religious ceremonies, like thofe of all the fur¬
rounding nations, were marked by an abfurd and cruel
fuperftition, which, under pretence of worfhipping the
Supreme Being, infulted his attributes, and increafed in-
ftead of leffening the miferies of human nature. Their
deities feem to have been borrowed, partly from the
Greeks and Romans, and partly from the Scythians-, but
were charafterized by peculiar names, and reprefenled
by idols of complex W’orkmanfhip and grotefque ap¬
pearance. Thus, the god Perune, or Perkune, who
was the chief among the Slavonian deities, analogous to
the Zeus of the Grecian, and the Jupiter of the Roman
mythology, w-as perfonated by an idol whole head was of
filver, his ears and muflachios of maffy gold, his legs of
iron, and his trunk of hard incorruptible wood. It was
decorated with rubies and carbuncles, and held in its
hand a ftone carved, to reprefent the fymhol of light¬
ning. The facred fire burnt continually before it; and
if the priefts fuffered this to be extinguiffied, they were
doomed to perifh in the flames, as enemies of the god.
Sacrifices of their flocks to this fuprenae deity were re¬
garded as trifling ; his altar fmoked with the blood of
captives, and even the children of his worfliippers were
fornetirres immolated to appeafe his wrath or propiti¬
ate his favour. Superftition has, in all ages, tinged the
hands
R u S [ 359 ] R U S
Rnflra hands of its pontifs with blood, and lias every where
reprefented the deity as a cruel and malignant being,
delighting in the fpeftacle of fuffering humanity.
Converfi.«n It is uncertain at what time the light of Chriftianity
ct Olga to began to beam on the nations that occupied the banks
Cnuftia- 0f X)niepr, nor are w7e acquainted with the circum-
flances that led to the converfion of the queen regent.
We find, how'ever, that about the middle of the loth
century, (he undertook a journey to Conftantinople for
the exprefs purpefe cf being initiated into the idigion
of Jefus. Conbantine Porphyrogenitus, who then fiat on
the imperial throne, received the royal convert with the
greateft honour and rd’pefl j himfelf conduified her to the
baptifmal font, and, in the character of her fponfor, gave
her the name of Helen. Pie difmified her loaded with
rich prefients, confiding chiefly of thofe fine duffs which
were then fabricated only in the end, and feveral coldly
vafes. In return for the honour die had received at
Conldantinoole, Olga promifed to fend the emperor a
quantity of furs and wax, and to furniih him with
troops ; but as die delayed the performance of her pro-
miie, Conldantine defpatched an embaffy to remind her
of her engagements. We are told that die treated the
ambalfiadors with difrefpeftful levity, and difmiffed them
.with frigid compliments •, fo little change had baptifm
effefled on the infidious difpofition of the Ruffian prin-
cefs! It is no tvonder, therefore, if her example had
little influence on her fon, or the nation at large. The
Ruffians do not feem to have been very ardent in their
religious obfervalions, or peculiarly attached to the opi¬
nions of their forefathers } but the nature of Chriltiani-
ty, and the charadler of its difciples, were not in their
eyes fufficiently linking or alluring to produce any
change in their religious fyflem. O’ga endeavoured to
perfuadc her fon Sviatcfluf to embrace her new’ religion ;
but either from his contempt for the un war like charac¬
ter of the Greek Chridians, or through fear of the ridi¬
cule to which his converfion might fubjeft him from
his young companions, he difregarded J'er follcilations.
He did not, however, prevent the people over whom he
■Teems by this time to have affumed the chief dominion,
from receiving baptifm, and a few profelyes were made.
Though the character of Olga, even after her conver-
fiion to Chriftianity, was by no means fuch as to intitle
her to the rank which fine afterwards attained among
the Ruffian faints, it appears that (he had given her fon
many wife and prudent inftruftions refpefling the go-
rernment of his future empire. She travelled with him
round the country 5 fuperintended the ereflion of bridges
and the making of roads, for the benefit of trade and
commerce; built feveral towns and villages, and found¬
ed fuch laudable inftitutkns, ns fufficiently evince her ta¬
lents for governing a nation. She died about the year
969, at a very advanced age.
It is probable that Olga retired from the adminiftra-
tion of affairs foon after her converfion to. Chriftianity j
Reign of for we find Sviatoflaf in full poffeffion of the govern-
Sviatoflaf. meat long before his mother’s death. This prince has
been covifidered one ©f the Ruffian heroes; and if a
third for blood, a contempt of danger, and difregatd of
the luxuries and conveniences of lire, be admitted as the
charafleriftics of a hero, he deferves the appellation.
His private life was fuch as to render him the favourite of
his army. Regarding the narrow inclofure of a palace
as little better than a fplendid prifon, he took up his
habitation in a camp, where he indulged himfelf in no- Ruflia.
thing more delicate or coftly than what could be pro- —v—
cured by the meaneft foldier in his army. Without
a utenfil for preparing his food, he contented himfelf
with cutting up the meat which was to form his meals,
and broiling it upon the coals ; and this meat often con-
fifted of horfe flelh. If he kept fo poor a table, he was
not more delicately lodged. He had no tent, but flept
in the open field, with a faddle for his pillow7, a horfe-
cloth for his covering, and lying on the bare ground,
or at moft on a piece of the coarfeft felt. How much
influence fuch a mode of life mutt have had on the
minds of the barbarous foldiers whom he commanded,
is fufficiently proved by the experience ©f times far po-
fterior to that of which we are now writing. The Swedifh
hero who, in the beginning of the iSthcontury, aftoniffi-
cd the whole of Europe with his. mad exploits, fared in
a fimilar manner, and, like Sviatoflaf, became the darling
of his troops. Soldiers willingly (hare dangers and death
with a leader who fubmits himfelf to every hardffiip, and
denies himfelf every accommodation, except what he can
enjoy in common with tbewftelves. 43
W hen Sviatoflaf had thus ingratiated himfelf with An ^5*
his troops, he prepared to employ them in thofe ambi¬
tious projefts which he had long been forming. His
firft expedition was againft the Kozares, a people who
had come from the fhores of the Cafipian, and the Tides
of Mount Caucafus, and had eftablifhed themfelves along
the eaftern coaft of the Black fea. Thefe people had
rendered tributary both the Kievians and the Viateches,
a Slavonian nation that dwelt on the banks of the Oka
and the Volga. Sviatoflaf, defirous of transferring to
himfelf the tribute which the Kozares derived from
the latter people, marched againft them, and appears to
have fucceeded in his defign. He defeated them in a
pitched battle, and took by ftorm their capital city Sar-
kel, or Belgorod. It is faid by feme hiftorians, that he
even annihilated the nation ; and certain it is, that from
that time no mention is made of the Kozares. 44
The martial fame of Sviatoflaf had extended to Con-alliance
ftantinople ; and the emperor NiCephorus Phocas, whovv,tl1 ',ie
was then haraffed by the Ungrians, affifted by his eni”
treacherous allies, the Bulgarians, applied for fuccours
to the Ruflian chieftain. A fubfidiary treaty was enter¬
ed into between them, and Sviatoflaf haftened with a
numerous army to the affiftance of his new ally. He
quickly made himfelf mafter of maft of the Bulgarian
towns along the Danube, and was fo elated with his
fuccefs, that he determined to remove the feat of go¬
vernment from Kief to the city of Pereiaflava% now
Yamboly, feated on the fhores of that river. lie was
foon obliged, however, to poftpone the completion of
this defign, on receiving intelligence that his old ene¬
mies the Petchenegans had affembled in great num¬
bers, ravaged ihe Kievian territory, and laid fiege to
the capital, within the walls of which were ihut up his
mother and his Tons. Sviatoflaf haliened to the relief
of his family, hut before he reached home, the Pet¬
chenegans had been induced to raife the fiege by an
artifice of the Kievian general. Sviatoflaf on his arri¬
val purfued the enemy, defeated them, and obliged them
to foe for peace. 3
He now refumed his defign of eilablifhing hmffeff onTT , j~.-
the banks of the Danube, and divided his heredhary'■» -
dominions among his children. He gave Kief to Ya- L'ali : -
ropoik,
Rultia.
46
An. 973.
Succeffion
•f Yaro-
jolk.
R U S [ 360 ] R U S
ropolk, the Drevlian territory to Oleg, and on Vladi¬
mir, a natural Ion, born to him by one of the attendants
of Olga, he bellowed the government of Novgorod.
On his return to Bulgaria, however, he found that his
affairs had affumed a very ditferent afpedl. The Bul¬
garians tailing advantage of his abfence with his troops,
had recovered mod of their towns, and feemed well
prepared to refill the encroachments of a foreign powxn
They fell on Sviatollaf as he approached the walls of
Peieiallavatz, and began the attack with fo much fury,
that at firlt the Ruffians were defeated with great
flaughter. They, however, foon rallied, and taking
courage from defpair, renewed the battle with fo much
firccefs, that they in their turn became mailers of the
field. Sviatoflaf took poffeffron of the town, and foon
recovered all that he had loft.
During thefe tranfaftions the emperor Nicephorus
had been aflaffmated, and John Zemifces, his murderer,
had fucceeded to the imperial diadem. The new em¬
peror fent ambaffadors to the Ruffian monarch, requir¬
ing him to comply with the ftipulations of his treaty
with Nicephorus, and evacuate Bulgaria, which he had
agreed to occupy as an ally, but not as a mafter. Svia-
toilaf refufed to give up his newly acquired poffeffions,
and prepared to decide the conteft by force of arms.
The particulars of this campaign, and the numbers of
the contending armies, are very differently related by
the Ruffian annalifts, and the hiftorians of the Grecian
empire ; the former ftating that Sviatoflaf had not more
than 10,000 men, and yet was victorious over the
troops of Zemifces j while the Grecian hiftorians affirm
that the Ruffians amounted to 300,000, but rvere de¬
feated, and compelled to abandon Bulgaria by the fu-
perior fkill and drfcipline of the imperial troops. As
far as refpects the iffue of the war, the Grecian writers
are probably correft, for it is certain that Sviatoflaf re¬
treated towards Ruffia with the fhattered remains of his
army. He did not, however, live to reach the capital,
for having, contrary to the advice of his moft experien¬
ced officers, attempted to return to Kief, up the dan¬
gerous navigation of the Dnieper, he was intercepted by
the Petchenegans near the rocks that form the catara&s
of that river. After remaining on the defenfive du¬
ring winter, expofed to all the horrors of famine and
difeafe, he on the return of fpring attempted to force
his way through the ranks of the enemy ^ but his troops
were defeated, and himfelf killed in the battle.
It is faid that Sviatoflaf extended the boundaries of
the Ruffian dominions by his conquefts in Bulgaria j
but if his expeditions in that quarter terminated in the
manner which we have related, this extenfion muft
have been merely temporary, and feems to have had
little effe£t in increafing the power and refources of his
fucceffors.
Yaropolk the fovereign of Kief may be confidered as
the fucceflfor of Sviatoflaf on the Ruffian throne •, but
his reign was fhort and turbulent. A war took place
between him and his brother Oleg, on account of a bafe
affaffination committed by the latter on the fon of his
father’s friend and privy counfellor Svenaid. Oleg
was defeated and {lain, and the other brother, Vladi¬
mir, dreading the increafed power and ambitious difpo-
fition of Yaropolk, abandoned bis dominions, which
were quickly feized on by the Kievian prince. Vladi¬
mir had retired among the Varagians, from whom he
X
47
An. pSr«?
foon procured fuch fuccours as enabled him to make Pvu£:fc,
effe£lual head againft the ufurper. While his natural
courage was thus increafed, his enmity againft Yaro¬
polk received an additional fpur from an affront put on
him by a lady whom he had fought in marriage, but
who defpifing the meannefs of his birth, as being the
fon of a flave, had rejedled his propofals, and offered
her hand to Yaropolk. The vindidlive Vladimir, on
being informed of this infult, attacked the poffeffions
of the lady’s father, put both him and his two Tons to
the fvvord, and obliged the princefs to accept his hand,
yet reeking with the blood of her father. He now ad¬
vanced towards Kief, where Yaropolk was by no means
prepared to oppofe him. The Kievian prince had in¬
deed been lulled into fecurity by the treacherous re¬
ports of one of his voyevodes, who was in the intereft
of Vladimir, and who not only prevented Yaropolk from
taking effedlual meafures for his fafety, but found means
to raife fufpicions in his breaft againft the inhabitants of
his capital, which he thus induced him to abandon*
The Kievians, left without a leader, opened their gates
to Vladimir J and the wretched Yaropolk, ftill milled by
the treachery of his advifer, determined to throw him¬
felf on the mercy of his brother. It is probable that
this would have availed him little, as Vladimir feems to
have determined on his death j but before he could
reach the arms of his revengeful brother, Yaropolk was
affaffinated by fome of his Varagian followers.
By this murder, which had probably been planned
by Vladimir, the conqueror acquired the undivided pof-
feffion of all his father’s territories, and maintained the
fovereignty during a long reign, refpe£led at home, and
feared abroad. Indeed, had not the commencement of
his reign been ftained with the blood of his father-in-
law and his brother, we might place him among the
moft diftinguifhed monarchs of the age in which he
lived, as he not only extended and enriched his empire,
but was the means of eftabliffiing in his dominions on a
firm and lafting bafis, the Chriftian religion, which
though introduced by Olga, appears hitherto to have
made but a very trifling progrefs. ^
The commencement of Vladimir’s reign formed but Reign of
a continuation of thofe enormities which had conduced Vladimir
him to the throne. He began with removing Blude, ^ Great,
the treacherous voyevode, by whom his brother had
been betrayed into his power, and to whom he had
promifed the higheft honours and dignities. Acoord-
ingly for three days he fuffered Blude to live in all the
fplendour of a prince. At the end of that period he
thus addreffed him. “ I have fulfilled my promife •, I
have treated thee as my friend ; the honours thou haft
received exceed thy moft fanguine wifhes. To day, as
the judge of crimes, and the executor of juftice, I con¬
demn the traitor, and puniffi the affaffin of his prince.”
Having uttered thefe words, he caufed Blude to be put
to death.
He difplayed ftill more the perfidioufnefs of his cha-
rafter in his behaviour towards the Varagians, who had
affifted in reinftating him on the throne of his anceftors j
for on their requefting permiffion to go and feek their
fortune in Greece, he granted their requeft, but private¬
ly advertifed the emperor of their approach, and caufed
them to be arrefted and fecured.
Vladimir engaged in numerous wars, and fubjefled
feveral of the neighbouring dates to his dominion. He
feized
R U S '[ 361 ] R U S
RutHa. feized on part of the Poliili territories, and compelled
v—-'j the Bulgarians who dwelt in the diftritts that now form
the government of Kazan, to do him homage. He fub-
dued the Petchenegans and Khazares, wTho lay in the
immediate neighbourhood of the Kievian date 5 he re¬
duced to his authority Halitfch and Vladimir, countries
which are now called Gallicia and Lubcmiria; he con¬
quered Lithuania as far as to Memel, and took poflef-
49 lion of a great part of the modern Livonia.
Originally a His conduct after thefe fuccefifes by no means prog-
VT^an rofticated his future zeal for the Chrillian religion.
’ None of the Ruffian monarchs appear to have been
more devout in the adoration of their heathen deities
than Vladimir. It was ufual for him to return thanks
to the gods for the fuccefs w’hich they had granted to
his arms j and to thew his gratitude by offering on their
altars a part of the prifoners he had taken in war. On
one occalion his piety extended fo far, that he refolved
on felefHng one of his own fubjefts as the object of his
facrifice, thinking that he Ihould thus more worthily
teffify his gratitude for the fignal favours he had re¬
ceived from heaven. His choice fell cn a young Va-
ragian, the fon of a Chriftian, and who had been
brought up in the new faith. The unhappy father re-
fufed the demanded vidlim j the people enraged at
deeming their prince and their religion infulted by the
refufal, affailed the houfs of the Chriftian, and having
burlt open the doors, butchered both the father and the
r fon, folded in mutual embraces.
Eftabhihes ^et furious Pagan, and bloody warrior, after-
Ghriftiari- "wards became a moll: zealous Chriftian, and a fhining
t7in K-Uf- example to his fubjedts of charity and benevolence.
*'a' The circumftances that led to thefe important changes
are, as well as the martial achievements of this favourite
prince, related with great minutenefs by the Ruffian
annalills, and give this part of their chronicles the air
rather of a hiflorical romance, than a narrative of fadts.
We are told that the fame of Vladimir’s military ex¬
ploits had rendered him fo formidable to the neighbour¬
ing nations, that each courted his alliance, and drove
to render this more lading by engaging him in the ties
of the fame religion with themfelves. In particular the
Grecian emperors lent to him a philofopher, whofe ex¬
hortations, though they did not at drd induce Vladimir
to embrace the Greek ritual, at lead fucceeded in
giving him a favourable opinion of it; fo that the phi¬
lofopher was entertained with refpedt, and returned
home loaded with prefents. We are alfo told, that, de¬
termined to adl in the mod impartial manner with re-
fpeft to the feveral religions which he had been invit¬
ed to embrace, he difpatched perfons remarkable for
their wifdom and fagacity, to vidt the furrounding na¬
tions, obferve the religious tenets and ceremonies that
didinguidred them, and report to him the refult of
their obfervations. On the return of thefe deputies,
the report of thofe who had vidled the churches of Con-
dantinople, and witneffed the impofing fplendour of re¬
ligious adoration, and the gorgeous decorations of the
Greek prieds, in the fuperb badlicum of St Sophia,
proved fo fatisfaftory to Vladimir, that he determined
on embracing the Chridian religion according to the
<jbfervances of the Greek church. Though he refol¬
ved on baptifm, he was too proud to feek from the
Greek emperor a pried, by whom the folemn ordinance
might be nerformed. With a favage ferocity worthy
VOL. XVIII. Part I.
of the times in which he lived, he determined to gain RuflTa.
by conqued what his haughty foul dildained to ac-
quire by requed. He affembled an army ftlefted from
all the nations of which his empire was compoied, and
marching to Taurida, laid dege to Theodolia, a town
even then of great repute, and which commanded the
whole Cherfonelus. On dtting down before the walls
of this pkee, he is faid to have offered up the following
charafleridic prayer: “ O God grant me thy help to
take this town, that I may carry from it Chridians and
prieds, to indrufl: me and my people, and convey the
true religion into my dominions.” His prayer was at
length granted } and, rather by dratagem than force, he
made himfelf mader of the town, and through it, of
the whole Crimea. He might now have received
baptifm j but his dedre of being initiated into the
Chridian faith feems to have been excited more by am¬
bition, than by true devotion. His ruling paffion pro-
mifed to be amply gratified by an alliance with the
Grecian emperors, as he would thus acquire fome legal
claim on the territories which they poffeifed. He there¬
fore demanded in marriage, Anna, the fider of Badlius
and Condantine, who jointly held the imperial dignity,
threatening, that if they refufed his proffered alliance,
he would lay fiege to Condantinople. After fome de¬
liberation, the emperors complied, on condition, that
Vladimir and his people ffiould become Chridians j and
thefe conditions being accepted, the Ruffian monarch
was baptized, took the name of Badlius, received the
Grecian princefs, and, as the reward of his vi&ories,
carried off feveral popes and archimandrites, together
with facred veffels and church books, images of faints,
and confecrated relicks. qt
Whatever might have been the condderations that His latter
fwayed with Vladimir in his converdon to the Chridian c^ara^aV
faith, it is certain that his new religion had the happied
induence on his future life and conduit. He not only
abjured idolatry himfelf, and dedroyed the idols which
he had caufed to be raifed in his dominions, but ufed
every exertion to perfuade and compel his fubjeits to
follow his example. Before his converfion, he is faid
to have pofftfi’ed five wives, and 800 concubines, but
alter he became a Chridian, he maintained an unlhaken
fidelity towards the imperial princefs. As a Pagan he
had been lavilh of human blood, and fet but a triding
value on the life of a man *, but after he had adopted the
religion of Jefus, he could fcarcely be perfuaded to fen-
tence to death a dngle highway robber. His former
delight had been in dorming towns and gaining battles j
but he now found his greated pleafure in building
churches, and endowing feminaries of education. He
encouraged the raifing of new cities and towns; peopled
the wade didridts of his country with the prifoners
whom he had taken in war 3 and not only condudled
himfelf as a fovereign who confulted the welfare of his
dominions, but difplayed many amiable qualities that
highly endeared him to his fubjedts. On great fedivals,
he was accudomed to give entertainments to the inhabi¬
tants of the capital, and to fend refrelhments to thofe
who were prevented, by deknefs or infirmity, from at¬
tending the public fead. By thefe marks of regard to
the general and individual intereds of his people, he
contributed to win them from the old religion, and to
give them a tade for the new dodtrines which he profel-
fed. By diowing that Chridianity had made him both
ft
It U S [ ] R U S
Ruflla. a milder and a wifer prince, he.infurcd from his people
" v_ '' a rtfpedt for the new religion, while the ftriking exam¬
ple of the fovereign and his nobles could not fail to in¬
fluence the minds of the inferior orders. Having one
day iffued a proclamation, ordering all the inhabitants
of Kief to repair next morning to the banks of the river
to be baptized, the people cheerfully obeyed the order,
obferving that if it were not good to be baptized, tire
prince and the bojars would never fubmit to the cere¬
mony.
An. 1015. The eftablilhment of Chrifiianity in the Rofhan domi-
51 nions, forms one of the mod prominent features in the
re*gn Vladimir, and gives him a much juder claim
of ViadI to the title of Great, which has been bellowed on him
mir. by hidorians, than all his numerous victories. We
have therefore dwelt on it with the greater minutenefs.
Indeed the latter tranfaftions of his reign afford but
little intered. His lad days were embittered by do-
medic vexations ; bis wife and one of his favourite ions
died long before him, and another of his fons, T aroflaf,
on whom he had bedewed the government of Novgo¬
rod, refufed to acknowledge him as his liege, and applied
io the Varagians for aifidance againd his father. The
aged Vladimir, compelled to march againd a rebellious
fon, died with grief upon the road, after a long and glo¬
rious reign of 35 years.
The character of this monarch may be eafdy colleft-
ed from the account we have given of the tranfcAfions
that marked his reign. He had certainly great, if not
amiable qualities; and if be failed in communicating to
his fubjecds the zeal for civilization and improvement
which he himfelf pof cifed, it was the fault rather of the
times, than of the inftru&or. His country remained
barbarous, becaufe barbarifm was the chara&eridic of
the age, and the monarch himfelf rote but little above
the charadler of a barbarian, becaufe the times in which
he lived did not admit of fuperior refinement. It has
been well obferved by an ingenious writer on the bidory
of RuiTia, that it is fcarcely pcflible for a man to rife far
above his cotemporaries, and that had Viadirmr lived
in the 17th century, the civilization and refinement of
Ruflia might have been imputed to him, as it is now
imputed to Peter the Great.
His im- Notvvithdanding the circumdances we have noticed,
provement the improvement which Ruffia owed to this piince was
of the Ruf- grreat and permanent. With the Chridian religion he
mon'U~imported from Greece the arts which then ilounrhed in
that empire, and a!mod entirely new-modelled the lan¬
guage of his country, by engrafting on it the more re¬
fined dialeft of the Greeks, and adopting, in a great
meafure, the letters of their alphabet. See Philo¬
logy.
The dominions of Ruffin, whi ch at fird confided of
two principalities, that of Novgorod, bordering on the
Baltic, and that of Kief, occupying no very large fpace
on the eadern bank of the Dniepr, were, by tbe victories
of Vladimir, extended wedward along the fhcres of the
Baltic, into Lithuania and Poland •, fouthward along
the (bores of the Euxine, fo as to include the Crimea
and great part of the Bulgarian territories •, while to the
ead it extended to the Oka, the Don and the Volga.
He dill maintained the feat of government at Kief, of
which he was dyled grand prince, wddle the other di-
dri£ls were either tributary to that principality, or held
of it as their fuperior.
Before Ins death, Vladimir had divided his extendve RuR'a.
territories among his twelve fons, referving to himfelf—v——
and his immediate heir, the grand principality of Kief,
’ibe contequences of this ill judged didribution were jp*
diiunion, contention, and almoit perpetual warfare among minions a-
the brothers. The mod refpedlable, and in the end meng his
the mod powerful of thefe, was Yaroflaf, or as he is^00*'
commonly called Jariflaus, piince of Novgorod. This
prince finding that Sviatopolk, who had raifed himfelf
to the fovereignly of Kief after his father’s death, at¬
tempted by affaflination, or force of arms, to take pcffef-
fion of the neighbouring principalities, determined to re¬
fid him in his incroachments. Collecting an army of
Novgorodians, he in 1016, drove Sviatopolk from Kief,
and forced him to feek an afylum, with his father-in-
law, JBoleflaus, duke of Poland. Boleflaus was eafily
perfuaded to engage in the caule of his fon-in-law, as he
hoped to reap advantage from the quarrels among the
defeendants of Vladimir, and not only regain that part
of his dominions which had been conquered by that
piince, but enlarge his lerritory by encroachments on
the Ruffian borders. He therefore accompanied Sviato¬
polk into Ruffia with an army, retook Kief, and obliged
the Novgorodian prince to retire with precipitation.
Virile he was endeavouring to colled fredr forces to re¬
new the war with Boltilaus_and Sviatopolk, the latter,
bv the treachery and perfidy with which he treated his
Polilh allies, contributed to his own downfall. He
caufed great numbers of the Poles to be fecretly
maffaertd, a tranfaClion by which Bcleflaus was fo ir-
cenfcd, that he plundered Kief, made himfelf maftcr of
feveral places on the Ruffian frontiers, and then left his
perfidious fon in-law to fhift for himfelf. Sviatcpolk
now fought affiftance from the Petchenegans, and with
an army of thefe auxiliaries, offered battle to Varofiat,
not far from the place, where he had, four years before,
caufed one of his brothers to be murdered. The con-
teft was long and bloody, but terminated in favour
of Yaroflaf. Sviatopolk was put to flight, and died foon
after. f „
By this .victory Yaroflaf acquired poffeffion of the Reig^of
greater part of his father’s dominions, and teflified hisYaroflaf.
gratitude for the affiflance given him by the Novgoro¬
dians, by the attention which he paid to the particular
improvement of that Rate. He drew up for it a code
of laws, which are ftill known by tbe appellation of the
municipal law of Novgorod. He alio exerted him¬
felf for the welfare of other towns, and of the country
at large.
Yaroflaf did not neglefh the advancement of the
Chriftian religion. He eftabliflied a metropolitan in
Kief, and thus gave to the Ruffian clergy a head, who
might watch over the mcrals of the inferior pallors, and
provide for the general diffemination of the Chriftian
doctrine. He collected feveral bocks in the Greek reli¬
gion, and caufed many of them to be tranflated into the
Ruffian language.
This monarch is fuppofed to have died in 1054, and An.
to have reigned 35 years. Pie follow’ed the example of
his father, in dividing his territories among his fons,
though he endeavoured to prevent the dilTenfions which
he himfelf had witneffed from fuch a partition, by ex¬
horting them on his deathbed, to the mod intimate
concord, and endeavouring to convince them that they
would be refpe&ed by their fubje&s, and feared by their
eneraie?,
Rttffn.
Diffenfions
among the
fuccefiors
of Yarotlat.
. ^7 ,
Origin of
tlte modern
tiivition of
Rufua.
53
State of
Novgorod.
h U S [3
eaemles, only wKile they continued to a£t with unani¬
mity.
We know little of the proceedings of Yaroflaf’s fuc-
cedbrs, except that Ifiaflaf, his elded fon, and grand
prince of Kief, had frequent difputes with his brothers,
in which he was a Hided by the Poles, and fupported by
the influence of the Roman pontiff. During thefe dif¬
putes he was once expelled from his dominions, but
again recovered them, and reigned till 1078.
From the death of Ifiaflaf to the beginning of the
f^th century, the hillory of Ruflia comprifes little elfe
than a continued feries of inteftine commotions and petty
warfares with the neighbouring dates. The fame fydem
of difmemberment was continued by the fucceeding
princes, and was attended with the fame refult. There
were during this period not fewer than 17 independent
principalities, though thefe were at length reduced to
feven, viz. thofe of Kief, Novgorod, Smolenlk, Vladi¬
mir, Tver, Halitch, and Mofkva (Mofco). Of thefe,
Kief and Novgorod long continued to be the mod
powerful, though they could not always maintain their
fuperiority over the other principalities } and towards
the latter end of the period which we have mentioned,
the didrict of Vladimir ere fled itfelf into a grand prin¬
cipality, and became at lead as powerful as Kief and
Novgorod.
In the lupremacy of thefe three great principalities,
we may trace the divifion of European Rufua into
Great, L'ttle, a-id White Raffia, a diftinclton which
long maintained its ground, and in later times gave to
the fovereign of this empire the title of monarch or
emperor of all the Ruflias. Great Raffia comprehended
the principality of Novgorod, and extended northward
t.o the White fea, eadward to the river Dvina, and the
entrance of the Petchora into the Uralian mountains ;
while bo the fouth it bordered on the didrief of Vladi¬
mir, as far as the Volga and the mouth of the Medre-
ditza, and to the wed on Lithuania and Pruffia, in¬
cluding the tributary tribes on the Baltic, as far as
Memel. Its capital was Novgorod. Little Rudia ex¬
tended along the river Ager to the north above the Do-
nelz and the Oka, on the eaft to the Polovlzes and the
Petchenegans, while to the fouth it dretched as far as
the Taurican Cherfonefus, or the Ciimea, and to the
wed along the banks of the river Goryn. This was
the principality of Kief, and in that city was held the
feat of government. The principality of Vladimir re¬
ceived the name of White Ruffia. It extended north¬
ward along the Volga, to the fouthern boundary of
Great Ruffia; to the ead it bordered on the poffeflions
of the Ugres, and the territory of the Mordvines,
dretching down the Volga to the mouth of the Oka;
to the fouth it extended along the Oka to the principa¬
lity of Riazan, and the Bulgarian territory. The me¬
tropolis of this divilion was at drd Shuia, afterwards
Rodof, Sufdal, and Vladimir, till at length the feat of
government was transferred to Mofco.
The principality of Novgorod appears, during this
interval, to have been the mod refpeftable for its commer¬
cial intercourfe with the neighbouring nations, and for
the independent fpirit of its internal government. This,
though nominally monarchical, feems to have poffeffed
much of a republican charafter. The princes were evi¬
dently dependent on the people, and fome ludicrous in-
dances of this dependence are related by the old hidori-
63 ] r, u s
ans. One of the grand princes had fo much difpleafed Ruffia.-
his people, that they refufed to pay him their ufual obedi-
ence. As the prince feems to have been aware of the
little influence which he poffeffed in the date, he em¬
ployed the metropolitan of the principality to negotiate
a reconciliation. This prelate accordingly wrote to the
Novgorodians in the following terms. “ The grand
prince has adled wrong towards you, but he is forry for
it, dVires you to forgive him, and will behave better * Tooke'-s
for the future. I w ill be furety for him, and befeech
you to receive him with honcuv and dignity. *”
During the intedine broils that attended the difmem- ^ ^
berment of the Ruffian monarchy, the ambition of its Inroads of
neighbours, and partly the folly of the contending;!ie i'oks,
princes, who fulicited their affidance againd their rivals,^*
contributed to diminiih the ftrength and refources of
the empire. In particular the Poles and the Hunga¬
rians availed themfefves of thefe circumdances. Invited
into Ruflia by the rival princes, and allured by the hope
of plunder, they readily lent their aid to any of the par¬
ties. By ravaging the towns and villages, carryipg off
the captives into flavery, and making a prey of whatever
appeared mod ufeful, they quickly recompenfed them-
felves for their aflidance. The Poles feem to have
been mod fueeefsful in their depredations, and to have
fully revenged themfeives for their former butnilia-
tion‘ . , , fo
It is not furpriling that a ft !e of anarchy and confu-Invafion of
fion, fuch as we have deferibed, ftioukl hold out a temp* d15 Tartars,
ta'don to any powerful nation to attempt at acquiring
the dominion of a people who fliowed that they were
incapable of governing tbcmfelves. Not far from the
confines of Vladimir and Kief, viz. in the neighbour¬
hood of the fea of Aral, the wandering hordes of Mon-
goles, or Mongol Tartars, had taken up their refldence.
Thefe people appear to have defeended horn the ancient
Scythians, and to have long dwelt on the confines of
the Chinefe empire. Pie nee they gradually inarched
we Award, and about 1223 arrived on the ftiores of the
fea of Aral, under the conduct of Tufchi, fon of the
famous Tfchjnghis Khan, chief of the Mogul empire,
many of whole warlike exploits have been recounted
under the article Mogul. From the Aral, Tufchi
conduced his horde along the fhores of the Cafpian,
and gradually approached the Dniepr. In his courfe
he attacked and overcame the Tfcherkefles, or Circaf-
fians, who on his approach had joined with the Polov-
tzes, to refill the terrible enemy. The defeated Polov-
tzes gave notice to their neighbours the Ruffians, of the
approaching ftorm, and invited them to form a common
caufe againft the enemy. In the mean time the Tartars
had fent ambaffadors to the Ruffians, hoping to prevent
their alliance with the Polovtzes, and thus the more
eafily fubdue the difunited nations. For this time,
however, the Ruffians were true to their own interefl,
and proved firm to their alliance. In concert with the
Polovtzes, they affembled an army, and prepared to re¬
fill the incurfions of the Tartars. Both parties met
near the fmall river Kalka, which flow's into the fea of
Afof, and a furious engagement took place. The
Ruffians fought with great intrepidity, but the Polovtzes
throwm into confternation at the furious onfet of the
Tartars, fuddenly betook themfeives 1?o flight. As they
formed the van-guard, their flight put the Ruffian army,
which was drawn up behind them, into fuch complete
Z z 2 diforder,
K U S [ 564 ] R U S
Ruffla. difordcr, that a total route enfued. The prince of Kief,
v 1 who had kept himfelf aloof during the engagement, at¬
tempted to refill the viftorious Tartars, but his army
was attacked and defeated with great daughter.
Had the princes who then {hared among them the
Ruffian territories firmly united againlt the common
enemy, there is little doubt that they might have Hem¬
med the torrent, which foon, from their Hate of rival-
Ihip and difunion, burll in and overwhelmed them.
About 13 years after the defeat on the Kalka, another
horde of Tartars, headed by Baaty Khan, the grandfon
of Tfchinghis-khan, penetrated into Ruffia, after having
attacked and defeated their neighbours the Bulgarians.
The Tartars foon fpread far and wide the terror of their
name. Wherever they came, the whole face of nature
was laid walle } towns and villages were deilroyed by
fire •, all the men capable of bearing arms were put to
the fword, and the children, women, and old men, car¬
ried into captivity. If the inhabitants of the towns to
which they approached offered a compromife, the faith-
lefs barbarians affedled to receive their fubmiffion ; but
immediately broke the agreement, and treated thofe who
lurrendered to their mercy with as much rigour as thofe
who had endeavoured to defend themfelves, and had
been overcome. If the inhabitants of the open towns
and villages came out to meet them, and to receive them
as conquerors and friends j death, torture, or the moll
ignominous bondage, was the reward of their fpontane-
ous fubmiffion.
The firll Hate which they attacked was Riazan, the
prince of which applied for affillance to Yury, commonr
ly called by hillorians, George Sevoloditch, grand prince
of Vladimir, who was then chief of the Ruffian princes.
He fent them a few auxiliaries, but they either came
too late, or their number was too fmall. The principa¬
lity of Riazan fell, and its fall was fucceeded by that of
Pereiallavl, Rollof, Sufdal, and feveral others. Like a
furious torrent rulhing down the mountain’s fide, and
irrefillibly carrying with it all that impedes its progrefs,
thefe barbarous hordes rolled their rapid courfe, carry¬
ing in their train fire and fword, ravages and defolation,
torments and death, and fweeping all before them in
one common devallation. They now approached the
principality of Vladimir, and no army appeared to refill
them on the frontiers. They advanced unimpeded to
the capital, which, left to its fate by the grand prince,
had nothing to expedl, but the fame cruel treatment
yjjhich the neighbouring cities had received. Yury,
with unpardonable negligence, was celebrating a mar¬
riage fealt, when he ought to have been employed in
colledling the means of defence againll the enemy, of
vvhofe approach to his borders he had received timely
intimation. The city of Vladimir, which contained the
princefs and two of her fons, was left to the proteflion
of a chieftain, totally unqualified for its defence, and
the inhabitants feemed to lhare the pufillanimity of their
governor. Inllead of annoying the enemy by occafion-
al excurfions, and preparing the means of defending the
walls againll a hidden attack, they gave themfelves up
to terror and defpair ; and as they conceived death to
be inevitable, they prepared for it, by taking the habits
of monks and nuns, in order to infure to themfelves a
blifsful departure. A prey to fear and defpondency,
the city foon fell into the hands of the Tartars. They
one morning fcaled the walls, and meeting with little
oppofition, quickly made themfelves mailers of the place } Ruflk.
when they call afide every feeling of humanity, and ——
like bealls of prey, glutted their appetite for blood a-
mong the wretched inhabitants. The grand princefs, and
other ladies of ditiin6lion, dreading the brutality of the
relentlefs conquerors, had taken refuge in the choir of
a church, an afylum which all the affurances of the
Tartars that they Ihould fuller no injury, could not pre¬
vail on them to abandon. It was therefore fet on fire
by the barbarians, who fealled their ears with the Ihrieks
and groans of the women, as the flames furrounded-
them.
Yury, incenfed almoft to defperation, at the fate of
his capital, and the horrible death of his wife and chil¬
dren, was determined to take fignal vengeance on the
affailants. He affembled all the forces which he could
draw together, and though his army was greatly infe¬
rior in numbers to the Tartars, he marched againft the
enemy, and attacked them with the moll determined va¬
lour. The ftruggle was Ihort, but bloody ; the Tar¬
tars were victorious, and the body of Yury was found
among the flain.
This appears to have been the only vigorous Hand
made by the Ruffian princes. The Tartars pulhed for¬
ward with rapidity, and fucceffively overpowered the
principalities of Novgorod and Kief. In the latter city
they found immenfe booty } but this circumftance did
not prevent them from repeating here the fame bloody
feenes which they had afted in the otl^er capitals. The
governor was preferved from the cruelties that had been
infiifted on the inhabitants, by the courage he had dis¬
played in defence of the city •, and his noble demeanour,
when he fell into the hands of the conqueror, acquired
the efteem and affedlion of that chief, and enabled him
to obtain a temporary repofe to his country.
The Tartars had now eftablilhed themfelves in the<;U(.C( ^ n
Ruffian territories, and their khan or chief, though 0f Ruffian
he did not himfelf affume the nominal fovereignty, princes un¬
reigned as paramount lord, and placed on the throne c*er t^ie
any of the native princes whom he found moll obfequious ^art<lli’
to his will, or who had ingratiated themfelves by the
magnificence of their prefents. The throne was fuc¬
ceffively occupied by Yarollaf II. Alexander Yaro-
llavitch, Yaroflaf Yarollavitch, Vafilii Yarollavitch,
Dimitri Alexandrovitch, Andrei, Daniil, both bro¬
thers of Dimitri, Mikaila Yaroflavitch, Yury Danilo-
vitch, Alexander Pvlikailovitch, Ivan Danilovitch, Si¬
meon Ivanovitch, and Ivan Ivanovitch.
Among the princes whom we have enumerated, west Alexan-
muft particularly notice Alexander the ion of Yarollaf derNeffskyi
II. This prince was inftalled grand prince of Ruffia
by the Tartar khan in 1252, and continued to reign
till 1264. remarkable chiefly for a decifive vic¬
tory gained by him over the Danes on the banks of the
Neva ;—a viflory which procured him the honourable
furname of Neffsky (the conqueror'). This viftoiy is
faid to have taken place in 1239, wffiile Alexander was
governor of Novgorod, under his father Yarollaf, who
then reigned at Vladimir. After his acceffion to the
throne on the death of his father, he engaged in a fuc-
cefsful war with Sweden. This prince is held in great
veneration by the Ruffians, and feveral miracles are at¬
tributed to him. In particular it is faid, that when the
prayer of abfolution was offered to his corpfe previous
to interment (a practice long cuflomary in Ruffia), the
hand
R U S
[ 365 ]
R U S
Pyles.
Ruffia. hand of the dead body opened to receive it. His re-
‘ v-— putation for fanclity occafioned him to be ranked among
the tutelary faints of the Greek church, where he frill
holds a diitinguilhed place, by the title of St Alexander
g NefFsky.
Subjug a.- During thefe feveral reigns, which all hiftorians have
tion of Kuf-paffed over for want of records concerning them, the
fia by the miferies of a foreign yoke were aggravated by all the
calamities of inteftine difcord and war ; whilft the
knights of Livonia, or brothers of the (hort-fvvord, as
they are fometimes called, a kind of military order of
religious, on one fide, and the Poles on the other, catch¬
ing at the opportunity, attacked Rufira, and took feveral
of its towns, and even fome confiderable countries. The
Tartars and Ruffians, whofe interefts were in this cafe
the fame, often united to oppofe their common enemy ;
but were generally worfted. The Livonians took Plef-
kow, and the Poles made themfelves mailers of Black
Ruffia, the Ukraine, Podolia, and the city of Kief. Ca-
fimir the Great, one of their kings, carried his conquefts
ftill farther. He afferted his pretenfions to a part of
Ruffia, in right of his relation to Bolefiaus duke of Ka-
litz, who died without iffue, and forcibly pofiefled him-
felf of the duchies of Perzemyflia, Kalitz, and Luckow,
and of the diftrifts of Sanock, Lubakzow, and Tre-
bowla j all which countries he made a province of Po¬
land.
The newly-conquered Ruffians were ill difpofed to
endure the government of the Poles, whofe laws and
cuftoms were more contrary to their own than thofe of
the Tartars had been. They joined the latter to rid
themfelves of the yoke, and affembled an army numer¬
ous enough to overwhelm all Poland, but dellitute of
valour and difcipline. Cafimir, undaunted by this de¬
luge of barbarians, prefented himfelf at the head of a
few troops on the borders of the Villula, and obliged
his enemies to retire.
About the year 1362 Dimitri Ivanovitch received
the fovereignty from the Tartar chief, and ellablilhed
Reign and 0f ^js government at Mofco. This prince pof-
DimitrT ^ confidefable ambition, and contrived to infpire the
Ivanovitch other Ruffian princes with fo much refpeft for his per-
fon and government, that they confented to hold their
principalities as fiefs under Dimitri. This increafed
the confequence of the Ruffian prince, excited the jea-
loufy of Mammal the Tartar khan, who determined to
take meafures for maintaining his fuperiority. He be¬
gan by demanding an increale of tribute, but when Di¬
mitri feemed to demur at confenting to this new en¬
croachment, the khan not only infilled on his demand,
but required the grand prince to appear before him in
perfon. This requifition Dimitri thought proper to re-
fufe, and prepared to fupport his refufal by force of
arms. The terror with which the Tartars had infpired
the inhabitants of Ruffia had now confiderably fubfided,
while the hatred which the Ruffians bore thefe haughty
mailers, was kept alive by the barbarity of their man¬
ners, and the difference of their religion. The Chri-
llian minilters, jullly dreading that the Tartars, in their
furious progrefs, might extirpate Chriilianity, contributed
all in their power to confirm the fpirit of revolt among
the people ; and they promifed the crown of martyr¬
dom to fuch as fhould fall in battle againil the infidels.
-Thus, the contell into which the grand prince deter¬
mined to enter in fupport of his authority, became in
An. 1362.
64
fome meafure a holy war, undertaken in defence of the Ruffia.
national religion. This combination of favourable cir-111,1 '
cumllances operated fo llrongly in favour of Dirnitri,
and the princes that had confederated with him, that
they foon collected an army of 200,000 men. With
this force the grand prince left Mofco, and marched to¬
wards the Don, on the fouthern bank of which the Tar¬
tars w^ere encamped. Arrived at this river, he left it
to the choice of his troops, either to crofs the river, and
encounter the enemy on the other fide, or to await the
attack where they were. The general voice declared
for palling over to the affault. The grand prince ac¬
cordingly tranfported his battalions acrofs the river,
that he might cut off all hope of efcaping by retreat.
The fight now commenced, and though the numbers of
the foe far exceeded their own, the Ruffians defended
themfelves valiantly againil the furious onfet of the Tar->
tars 5 but as thele barbarians were continually relieved
by frelh reinforcements, they appeared to be gaining
ground. Indeed, nothing but the impoffibility of re¬
treating acrofs the river, and the firm perfualion that
death would immediately tranfport them to the man-
fions of eternal blifs, reltrained the Ruffians from a ge¬
neral flight. At the moment when the day feemed en¬
tirely loll, a detachment of the grand prince’s army
which he had Rationed in referve, and had remained
out of the view of the enemy, came up with unabated
force, fell on the rear of the Tartars, threw them into
fuch terror and confufion, that they fled with Mammai
at their head, and left the Ruffians mailers of the field.
This con tell mull have been extremely bloody, as we
are told that eight days were employed by the remains
of the Ruffian army, in burying the bodies of their
flaughtered companions, while thofe of the Tartars were
left uninterred upon the ground.
This glorious vidlory, which took place in 1380, was
attended with numerous advantages to the Ruffian caufe.
In particular, it taught the native princes that the Tar¬
tars were not unconquerable ; that nothing was want¬
ing to relieve them from the galling yoke under which
they had long groaned, but mutual union, courage, and
prudence. The Tartars appear to have been fo much
humbled by this defeat, that for a time they left the
Ruffians to enjoy in peace their recovered liberty. This ■
forbearance, however, was not of long duration. Be¬
fore the death of Dimitri they returned with increafed
numbers, laid fiege to Mofco, which, after an obllinate
defence, was at length induced to furrender, and Ruflia
once more fubmitted to her old mailers.
Dimitri died in 1389, and was fucceeded by his fon An. 1389.
Vafilii Dimitrievitch. In the reign of this prince a new r .
incurfion of the Tartars took place, under the great y^j^0
Timur or Tamerlane, who after having fubdued all the
neighbouring Tartar hordes, extended his conquefts to
the Ruffian territories, carried Mofco by affault, and
carried off immenfe plunder. 66
The grand principality of Vladimir, or as it may now Compara-
be called, of Mofco, had, at the end of the 14th cen-1
tury, attained its greateft height, while that of Kief had gan princi_
proportionally declined. This latter principality was, parties at
at the time of which we are now writing, under the do- the end of
minion of the Poles, having been feized on in 1320 by1^6 1dt^1
Gedemin, duke of Lithuania. - 'centur^’
The latter end of the 15th century forms a fplendid
epoch in the Ruffian hiftory. At this time, viz, from
1463
RufTn.
67
-Acccfil^n
of Ivan Va-
liliivitch.
68
Incited by
Isis wife to
fkake off
tke Tartar
yoke.
69
His fuc-
ceffes a-
gainfl; tke
Tartars.
It US t 366 ] It U S
1462 to 1505, reigned Ivan Valiliivitcl), or, as lie is
commonly called, John Bafilovitz. This able prince,
by his invincible fpirit and refined policy, became both
. the conqueror and deliverer of his country, and laid the
firlt foundation of its future grandeur. Obferving with
indignation the narrow limits of his power at his accef-
fion to the throne, after the death of his father Vafiiiis
the Blind, he began immediately to refclve within him*
kif the means of enlarging his dominions. Marriage,
though he had in reality no regard or inclination for wo¬
men, teemed to him one of the bell expedients he could be¬
gin with 5 and accordingly he demanded and obtained
Maria, filler of Michael duke of Twer, whom he foon af¬
ter depofed, under pretence of revenging the injuries
done to his father, and added this duchy to his own ter¬
ritories of Mofco.» Maria, by whom he had a fon nam¬
ed Ivan, who died before him, did not live long; and
upon her death he married Sophia, daughter of Thomas
Paleologus, who had been driven from Conftantinople,
and forced to feck ihsiter at Rome, where the Pope por¬
tioned this pvincefs, in hopes of thus procuring great
advantage to the Romith religion ; but his expectations
were frutlrated, Sophia being obliged to conform to the
Greek church after her arrival in Rultia.
What could induce Ivan to feek a confort at fuch a
(fiftance is nowhere accounted for, unlefs it be, that he
hoped by this means to eftablilh a pretenfion to the em¬
pire of the eaft, to which her father was the next heir;
but however that may he, the Ruffians certainly owed
to this alliance their deliverance from the Tartar yoke.
Shocked at the fervile homage exacted by thefe proud
victors, her hulband going to meet their amhaffadors at
feme dillance from the city, and Handing to hear what
they had to fay, whillt they were at dinner; Sophia
told him that (he was furprifed to find that fhe had mar¬
ried a fervant to the Tartars. Nettled at this reproach,
Ivan feigned himfelf ill when the next deputation from
the Tartars arrived, and by means of this flratagem,
avoided a repetition of the humiliating ceremonial.
Another circumftance equally diipleafing to this prin-
cefs was, that the Tartars polTeiTed by agreement with¬
in the walls of the palace at Mofco, heufes in which
their minilfers refided, a ftijmlation which they had
made, at once to fhew their power, and watch the ac¬
tions of the grand prince. To rid her hulband and her-
felf of thefe unpleafant neighbours, Sophia fent a for¬
mal embaffy to the khan, to inform him, that as fine
had been favoured with a vifion from above, command¬
ing her to build a temple in the place where then ilood
the houfes of the Tartar miniflers, her mind could not
be at eafe till (he had fulfilled the divine command ;
Ihe therefore defired his leave to pull them down, and
give his oeople others. The khan confented ; the houfes
within the Kremlin (n) were demol:fhed,and no new ones
being provided, the Tartar relidents were obliged to leave
Mofco, an affront which their prince was not able to re¬
venge, as he w’as then engaged in a rvar with the Poles.
Ivan taking advantage of this circumftance, and hav¬
ing gradually increafed his forces, now openly difclaim-
cd all fubiedion to the Tartars, attacked their territo¬
ries, and made himfelf mafler of Kazan. Here he was Raflia,
folemnly crowned with a diadem w'hich is faid to be the
fame that is Hill ufed in the coronation of the Ruffian
fovereigns. This took place about the year 1470, and
led to a complete emancipation of Ruffia from the Tar¬
tar dominion. Ivan afterwards carried his arms againfl
the neighbouring (tales. The province of Permia, with
Aiiatic Bulgaria, and great part of Lapland, foon fub-
mitted to him, and the great Novgorod, a city then fo
famous that the Ruffians were accullomed to intimate
their idea of its importance by the proverbial expref-
(ion, Who can refill God and the great Novgorod? was'
reduced by his generals after a (even years fiege, and
yielded immenfe treafure. This place was fo wealthy,
that Alexander Witold, prince of Lithuania, to whom
the Novgorodians were then tributary, derived from it
a yearly contribution of 100,000 rubles. The booty
carried off by Ivan to Mofco, is faid to have confided
of 300 cart loads of gold, (liver, and precious (tones,
with a much greater quantity of furs, cloths, and other
merchandife. After he quitted the city, which had been
awed by his prefence, the difeontents excited at his
violent meafures broke cut into acils of mutiny, on
which he, in 14S1;, carried off 50 of the principal fa¬
milies, and didributed them through feveral of the Ruf¬
fian toums. He afterwards carried off feme thoufands
of the mod confiderable inhabitants, and replaced them
by more loyal fubje6ls from other places. By thefe pro¬
ceedings the fiourifhing commerce of this city received
a confiderable drock, and it differed dill more by the
imprifonment of all the German merchants, and the con-
fifeation of their effefts. Indeed from this period Nov¬
gorod never recovered its former fplendor.
After his redindion of Novgorod, Ivan invaded the Hisim-afron
territories of Livonia and Edhonia, in confequence, as 0f Livonia
we are told, of an affront offered to him by the inha-and Eftho-
bitants of Reval. Here, however, he met with a (lout nia*
refidance, and does not feem to have made much pro-
grefs. Towards the conclufion of his reign, the Kaza-
nian Tartars, who, though humbled, had continued to
inhabit that didrift, made a bard druggie to drake off
the Ruffian yoke that had been impofed on them ; but
Ivan had eftablHhed his authority too firmly for them to
accomplifh their purpofe during his life. He died in
1505, and wras fucceeded by his fon Vafilii Ivanovitch,
commonly called Bafilius HI.
The Tartarsof Kazan were dill fuffered to maintain a An. 1505.
drew' of independency, by elefting their own khans; but 71
a Ruffian noble, under the denomination of voivode
was affocialed with the khan in the government, and
took care that the adminidration fhould be condufted in
fuch a manner as to fecure the intereds of his mailer.
About 14 years after the death of Ivan, however, the
Tartars refolved to overturn fo humiliating an adurini-
dration. They murdered the Ruffian voivode, expel¬
led their nominal khan, and united themfelves with
their brethren of the Crimea. With their affidance
they affembled a mighty force, entered the Ruffian domi¬
nions, and carried their arms even to the gates of Mof¬
co. The grand prince Vafilii found himfclf at that time
unable
(d) The Kremlin, or Kretnl, is a particular quarter of Mofco, where (lands the palace of the tzars, £rd built
of done by Dimitri Ivanovitch Du did in 1367. See Masco.
3
Rnffl.i.
An. 1533.
V-
Ivan Vafi-
liivitch li.
An- 1547.
73
His cha-
Taclcr.
R U S [3
ar.able tc refill the barbarians, and therefore purchafed
an exemption from general pillage by great prefents, and
a promife cf renewed allegiance. The Tartars retired,
hot carried off immenfe booty, and nearly 300,000 pri-
foners, the greater part of whom they fent to Tljpodofia
in the Crimea, and fold them to the Turks. This hu¬
miliation of Vahid did not, however, long continue, and
he was foon enabled to make head againft the Tartars,
and to recover poiTefiion of the city Kazan, and of
Pfcove, a city which had been built by the princefs
Olga, and was the great rival of Novgorod in wealth
and commercial importance. Under this prince all the
principalities of Raffia were once more united, and they
have remained ever fince under the dominion of one fo-
vereign.
It was under the fon and facceffor of Vafilii, Ivan IV.
or, as he is ftyled by the Ruffian hillorians, Ivan Vafilii-
vitch II. that Ruffia completely emancipated herfelf from
her fubieiffion to the Tartars, and acquired a vaft accef-
fion of territory, which extended her empire into the
north-ead of Ada, and rendered her, for the fird time,
fuperior in extent to any date that had appeared fince
the Roman empire. Vafilii died in 1 ^33, having reign¬
ed 28 years, and lived 55. His fon Ivan was only
three years old when he fucceeded to the throne, and
the queen-mo.her was appointed regent during his mi¬
nority. During her adminidration the date became a
prey to anarchy and ccnfufion. She feems to have had
no talents for government, and devoted herfelf entirely
to the puvfiit of pleafure, fo that the ambitious nobles,
and in particular the uncles of the young prince, had
the mod favourable opportunity for aggrandizing them-
felves at the expence of the fovereign. The queen mo¬
ther died in 1 338 5 and though the names and charac¬
ters of ihofe who aflfumed the regency after her death
are not known, it appears that they mud have conduc¬
ed the adminidration with condderable prudence and
circumfpe&Ion, as, when Ivan attained his 17th year,
he was enabled to alTume the reins of government with¬
out opposition *, and from the important tranfactions in
which he immediately engaged, mud have been podeffed
oi confiderable rcfources.
In taking into his own hands the government of the
date, Ivan di‘played fo much prudence and manly for¬
titude, as foon raiied him very high in the eftimnlion of
his fubjedls. At the fame time he fhewed marks of a
tyrannical ddpofi.ion, and irritability of temper, which
made him rather feared than admired by his friends,
while they rendered him an ofcjedl of terror to his neigh¬
bours and his enemies. He faw himfelf furrounded on
all Tides by contending factions, and to fupprefs thefe
wars the hr ft obje£t of his care. In the choice of means
lor effecting this, he does not feem to have been very
fcvupulous, provided they tended to the accomplifhment
of his aim •, and in pimifhlng the offences of thofe who
oppofed his purpote, his violence of temper not unfre-
quently led him to confound the innocent with the
guilty. He was, however, fuccefsful in his great de-
fign, and having fecured the dorneftic tranquillity of his
dominions, he had leifure to direft his attention to the
more remote, but not lefs predominant objedfs of his
ambition. He refolved to attempt liberating his coun¬
try for ever from the dominion of the Tartars, and he
Succeeded. In 1553, he marched an army in the depth
67 ] 'R U S
of winter into the diftrift of Kazan, and laid fiege lo R uffia,
the capital, regardlefs of the murmurs of his troops, “~v
who loudly and openly expreffed their diflike to this
expedition, declaring that no good commander would
think of conducting his forces to fieges and battles dur¬
ing the inclemencies of winter, cr attempt at fuch a
feafbn to attack the enemy in their quarters. Exafpe-
rated at thefe murmurs, he determined to punilh fe-
verely the principal officers who had contributed to fo¬
ment the difeontents of the foldiers, and by this well-
timed feveiity he effefinally repreffed all oppofition to
his xvill.
Before entering ferioufly on the fiege of Kazan, he His liege
built leveral forts on the frontiers of the Tartar terri-°Uhe Tar-
tories, by which he hoped to awe thefe barbarians, and t:u caPlta^
prevent them from difturbing the peace of his domi¬
nions. He then invefted Kazan, and in the year 1552,
made himfelf mafter of it by the new, and, to the lar-
tars, unheard-of method of fpringing a mine below the
walls. We are told by fome hiftorians, that the city
had made an obftinate defence, and that, during the
fiege, which lafted above feven years, another alarm¬
ing mutiny broke out in the befieging army ; that Ivan
was in great danger of his life, and was obliged for a
time to abandon the enterprife, and retire to Mofco,
where he made an example of the chief mutineers, and
again returned to the fiege of Kazan. How far this
fialenient is to be relied on, it is difficult now to de^.
termine ; but perhaps this mutiny is confounded with
that which we have already noticed, as having taken
place at the commencement of the enterprife.
As Kazan was taken by ftorm, the inhabitants were
treated with much rigour; and the {laughter was fo
dreadful, that even the flinty heart of Ivan is find to
have relented at the heaps of dead bodies which {truck
Ids fight on entering the city. The inhabitants that
efcaped {laughter, and the remains of the Tartars, were
offered mercy, on condition that they ffiould embrace the
Chriflian faith. By this important conqueft the domi¬
nion of the Tartars, which had oppreffed the Ruffians
for more than three centuries, was completely and..per¬
manently overthrown. 7-
About two years after he had abolifhed the power cf ^ exten-
the Tartars, he extended his conquefts eaftvvard to the |lcnrof tne
(bores of the Cafpian, and took pofl'eflion of the terri-r
tory that lay on the right bank of the Volga, round the
city of Aftracan, which was alfo inhabited by the Tar¬
tar hordes.
Ivan, as well as his grandfather, had found it necef-His ievere
fary to chaftife the inhabitants of Novcgorod ; but in treatment
the year 1570, this city being fufpefled of forming a(>fNovgo-
plot for delivering itfelf and the furrounding territory rou’
into the hands of the king of Poland, felt fiill more
feverely the effcfls of his vengeance. AH who had been
in any degree implicated in the confpiracy, to the num¬
ber of 25,000, fuffered by the hands of the executioner.
The city of Pfcove was threatened with a fimilar pro-
feription ; but Ivan, on their voluntary fubmiffion, con¬
tented himfelf with the execution of a few monks, and
the confifcation of the property of the moft opulent inha¬
bitants. It is not furprifing that a<Rs like thefe ffiould
have given to this prince the names of terrible and ty¬
rant, by which hiftorians have occafionally dftinguiflied
him 3 though it is not a little extraordinary, that he
ffiould
R U 2T
[ 363 ]
R U S
Raffia.
77
Cultivates
an inter-
courfe with
the neigh¬
bouring
ilates.
78
War be¬
tween the
Ruffians
and Swedes,
An. 1553.
79
Firft inter-
courfe be¬
tween Eng¬
land and
Kuffia.
fliould have retained fo much intereft in theaffeclions of
his fubjects, that when, to try their attachment, hej in
j q'75, abdicated the government, and retained only the
title of Prince of Mofco, the majority of the nation
loudly exprefled their with for him to refume the admi-
niftration of affairs. We can account for this, only by
confidering the meafures which he had adopted for the
improvement and civilization of his people. Thefe
were of fuch a nature as in a great meafure to obliterate
the remembrance of his cruelty and opprefiion. He
promulgated a new code of laws, compofed partly of
fuch ancient ftatutes as ftill were in force, and wTere ca¬
pable of improvement, and partly of new regulations,
which he either contrived himfelf, or adopted from the
neighbouring dates. He found it neceflary, however,
to render many of thefe laws extremely fevere, though
their execution was mod; frequently exemplified in the
perfons of his nobles, wbofe perverfenefs and obflinacy
feemed unconquerable by more lenient meafures.
Ivan cultivated an intercourfe with feveral of the Eu¬
ropean dates, efpecially wTith Germany, for wdiich coun¬
try he feems to have had a very particular edeem.
Early in his reign, viz. in 1547, he fent a fplendid em-
bafly to the emperor Charles V. requeding him to per¬
mit a number of German artids, mechanics, and literary
men, to edablifh themfelves in Rudia. Charles readily
complied with his requed, and feveral hundred volun¬
teers were collefted and alfembled at Lubeck, whence
they were to proceed through Livonia to Mofco. The
Lubeckers, however, jealous that the improvement of
the Ruffians in arts and manufadlures might render them
independent of their neighbours, and diminidr the com¬
mercial intercourfe that had long fubfided between their
city and the principal towns of Ruffra, arreded the Ger¬
mans in their route, and in concert with the merchants
of Reval and Riga, fent a petition to Charles, requeding
him to recal the permiffion he had granted. In confe-
quence of thefe meafures, many of the German artids
returned home, but feveral of them efcaped the vigi¬
lance of the Lubeckers, and reached Mofco by a circui¬
tous route. Ivan endeavoured to revenge himfelf on the
Livonians by invading their country. This was drenu-
oufly defended by the Teutonic knights } and thefe
champions, finding at lad that they were unable to
maintain their ground, rather than fubmit to the Ruf¬
fian monarch, put their country under the protedlion of
Poland.
The Swedes alfo came in for a -hare of the Livonian
territories •, and this circumdance gave rife to a wrar be¬
tween them and the Ruffians. Ivan invaded Finland ;
’but that country was bravely defended by William of
Furdenberg, grand mader of the Livonian knights, w’ith
the affidance of the troops of Gudavus Vaza ; and it
does not appear that Ivan gained much m this expedi¬
tion,though we are-stold that the Livonian grand mader
ended his life in a Ruffian prifon.
In 15,53, an event happened which fird led to an in¬
tercourfe between Ruffia and England. Some Englifh-
men who wrere at that time on a voyage of difcovery,
landed on the fhores of the White fea, where foon after
was built the port of Archangel. They were hofpita-
bly received by the natives ; and intimation of the cir¬
cumdance being conveyed to Ivan, he fent for the dran-
gers, and was fo much pleafed with their abilities and
4
deportment, that he rsfolved to give every encoutage-
ment to the Englifh commerce, and thus open a newr
channel of intercourfe with a highly polifhed nation, by
which his fubjefts might obtain freth incitements to ac¬
tivity and indudry. We are told, that his affetfion for
the Englidr proceeded fo far, as to induce him to form
the defign of marrying an Englifh lady. He exprefled
the highed edeem for Queen Elizabeth, and requeded
by his ambafiador, that if the ingratitude of his fubjefts
flrould ever compel him to quit Ruffia, (a circumdance
by no means improbable), die would grant him an
alylum in her dominions. It was in confequence of this
accidental communication between the Ruffians and the
Englifh, that England fird engaged in a trade to Ruf¬
fia, and promoted this new' commerce by the eda-
blifhment of a company of Rudia merchants in Lon¬
don. So
About twenty years after Adracan had been annex-Ivan an-
ed to the Ruffian empire, a new acquifition of territory |iexes ^1_
accrued to it from the conqueds of a private adven-^g
turer, in the unknown regions of Siberia. The deps empire,
that led to the acquifition of this immenfe traft of the
Afiatic continent, are thus related by Mr Tooke.
“ The grand prince, Ivan III. had already fent out a
body of men, who penetrated acrofs the Ingrian moun¬
tains, and traverfed all the didridfs as far as the river
Oby. But, amidd the urgent affairs of government,
the difeoveries they made infenfibly fell into oblivion.
Some years afterwards a merchant, named Stroganof,
who was proprietor of fome fall-works on the confines
of Siberia, was curious to gain a farther knowledge of
that country, which was likewdfe inhabited by Tartars,
whofe khan refided in the capital Sibir. Perceiving,
among the perfons who came to him on affairs of trade,
men who belonged to no nation with which he was ac¬
quainted, he put feveral inquiries to them concerning
the place whence they came, and once fent a few of his
people with them back to their country. Thefe people
brought with them, at their return from the regions
they had now' explored, and which proved to be this very
Siberia, a great quantity of invaluable furs, and thus
opened to their mader a new road to wealth. How¬
ever, not fo covetous as to wifh to keep this treafure to
himfelf, he fent information of it to the court, and the
attention of government was once more diredled to this
country. But the conqued of it, and its conjundtion
with Rudia, was referved for an adventurer named Ti-
mofeyef Yermak. This Yermak, at the head of a gang
of Don Kozaks, had made it his pradlice to rob and
plunder the caravans and paffengers that occafionally
frequented the roads, as well as the inhabitants, where-
ever he came, and was fo fortunate as to efcape the
fearch of the Ruffian troops that had been fent out
againd bim and his band, which confided of not fewer
than 6000 men. On their dight, he and his people' ac¬
cidentally came to the dwelling of Stroganof, where,
hearing much talk about Siberia, and being peifons
who had nothing to lofe, and therefore might put all to
the hazard, they foon formed a plan to penetrate farther
into that country, and there feek at once their fafety
and their fortune. After numerous druggies and con-
flifts with the natives, which greatly reduced their num¬
bers, they at length conquered the capital, and diortly
after the whole country. Yermak new prefented the
fruit
HUS [ 309 ] R u S
Ruftls. fruit of his tollfome and perilous vi&orles to his tzar (e)
Ivan, in hopes of obtaining thereby a pardon for his
former depredations, which was granted him accord¬
ingly. By the building of feveral towns, and conilruft-
ing a number of forts, the pofieflion of this country was
foon permanently fecured. The lefs and the greater
Kabardey were alfo added to Raffia in the reign of
Ivan. This tzar, however, not only enlarged the cir¬
cumference of his empire, partly by force of arms and
partly by accident, but he refolved to reform his people,
to render them more polilhed, more fldlful, and induf-
trious j but this he found to be the mod arduous en-
terprife he could poflibly have undertaken. The infu-
perable impediments which threw themfelves in the way
of the execution of this grand work, were the principal
incitements to thofe frequent adfs of cruelty and defpo-
tifra which have covered his memory with fo deep a
^ St ^l:ain.,,
^Iis vi<fto- Towards the clofe of Ivan’s reign, a prodigious army
the Tar- of Turks and Tartars entered Ruffia, with a defign to
aars. fubdue the whole country. But Zerebrinoff, the tzar’s
general, having attacked them in a defile, put them to
flight with confiderable daughter. They then retired to¬
wards the mouth of the Volga, where they expetted a
confiderable reinforcement; but being clofely purfued
by the Ruffians and Tartars in alliance with them, they
were again defeated and forced to fly towards Azof on
the Black fea. But when they came there, they found
the city almoft entirely ruined by the blowing up of a
powder magazine. The Ruffians then attacked their
fhips there, took fome, and funk the reft j by which
means almoft the whole army perifhed with hunger or
8j by the fword of the enemy.
Deftrudlion From this time the empire of Ruffia became fo formi-
©f Mofco dable, that none of the neighbouring nations could hope
Tartm t0 ma^e a total conclueft The Poles and Swedes
indeed continued to be very formidable enemies j and,
by the inftigatlon of the former, the Crim Tartars, in
1571, again invaded the country with an army of
70,000 men. The Ruffians, who might have prevented
their paffing the Volga, retired before them till they
came within 18 miles of the city of Mofco, where they
Were totally defeated. The tzar no fooner heard this
uews, than he retired with his moft valuable effects to
a well-fortified cloyfter ; upon which the Tartars en¬
tered the city, plundered it, and fet fire to feveral
churches. A violent ftorm which happened at the
feme time foon fpread the flames all over the city ;
which was entirely reduced to afhes in fix hours, though
its circumference was upwards of 40 miles. The fire
likewife communicated itfelf to a powder magazine at
fome diftance from the city j by which accident up¬
wards of 50 rods of the city wall, with all the buildings
upon it, were deftroyed; and, according to the beft hi-
ftorians, upwards of 120,000 citizens were burnt or bu¬
ried in the ruins, befides women, children, and foreign-
Vol. XVIII. Part I.
ers. The caftle, however, which was ftrongly fortified, Ruff;:,
could not be taken j and the Tartars, hearing that a
formidable army was coming againft them under the
command of Magnus duke of Holftein, whom Ivan had
made king of Livonia, thought proper to retire. The
war, neverthelefs, continued with the Poles and Swedes j
and the tzar being defeated by the latter after fome
trifling fuccefs, was reduced to the neceffity of filing
for peace ; but the negociations being broken off, the
war was renewed with the gieateft vigour. The Livo¬
nians, Poles, and Swedes, having united in a league
againft the Ruffians, gained great advantages over them 5
and in 1579, Stephen Battori, who was then raifed to the
throne of Poland, levied an army exprefsly with a defign
of invading Ruffia, and of regaining all that Poland had
formerly claimed, which indeed was little lefs than the
whole empire. As the Poles underftood the art of war
much better than the Ruffians, Ivan found his undifeip-
lined multitudes unable to cope with the regular forces
of his enemies ; and their conquefts were fo rapid, that
he was foon obliged to fue for peace, which, however,
was net granted j and it is poffible that the number of
enemies which now attacked Ruffia might have over¬
come the empire entirely, had not the allies grown jea¬
lous of each other. The confequence of this was, that
in 1582 a peace was concluded with the Poles, in which
the Swedes were not comprehended. However, the
Swedes finding themfelves unable to effeft any thing of
moment after the delertion of their allies, were obliged
to conclude a truce j ftiortly after which the tzar, having
been worfted in an engagement with the Tartars, died
in the year 1584.
The eldeft fon of the late t£ar, Feodor (or as he is Al1> I5*4’
commonly called, Theodore) Ivanovitch, was by no.^ejf!130;f
means fitted for the government of an empire fo exten-peo|or
five, and a people fo rude and turbulent as had devolved IvancmtchV
to him by the death of his father. Ivan had feen the
incapacity of his fon, and had endeavoured to obviate
its effefts, by appointing three of his principal nobles as
adminiftrators of the empire ; while to a fourth he com¬
mitted the charge of his younger fon Dimitri. This
expedient, however, failed of fuccefs j and partly from
the mutual jealoufy of the adminiftrators, partly from
the envy which their exaltation had excited in the other
nobles, the affairs of the empire foon fell into confufion.
The weak Feodor had married a fitter of Boris Gudo-
nof, a man of confiderable ambition, immenfe riches, and
tolerable abilities. This man had contrived to make
himfelf agreeable to Feodor, by becoming fubfervient to
his capricious defires and childifh amufements ; and the
wealth he had acquired through his intereft with the fo-
vereign, enabled him to carry on his ambitious defigns.
He had long directed his wifties towards the imperial
dignity, and he began to prepare the way for its attain¬
ment by removing Dimitri the brother of Feodor. This
young prince fuddenly difappeared ; and there is every
3 A reafon
(e) Previous to the reign of Vafilii, the predeceffor of the monarch whofe tranfa&ions we are now relating, the
Ruffian fovereigns had held the title of Velikii Kniaz, which has been tranfiated great duke, though it more pro¬
perly denotes grand prince ; and by this latter appellation we have accordingly diftinguiflied the preceding mo-
narchs. Vafilii, near the conclufion of his reign, adopted the title of tzar, or emperor 5 but this title was not
fully eftabliftied till the fucceffes and increafing power of his fon Ivan enabled the latter to confirm it both at home
and abroad; and fince his time it has been univerfally acknowledged.
R U S
[ 37° 1
R U S
RuiSa.
Acceflion
reafon to believe that he was affafiinated by the order of
Boris. Feodor did not long furvive his brother, but
died in 1598, not without fufpicion of his having been
poifoned by his brother-in-law. We are told that the
tzaritza, Irene, was io much convinced of this, that
fhe never after held any communication with her bro¬
ther, but retired to a convent, and affumed the name of
Alexandra.
With Feodor ended the laft branch of the family of
of Boris, Ruric, a dynafty which had enjoyed the fupreme power
nationoT" *n Ruffia ever fmce the eflabliihment of the principality
the dynafty by the Varagian chief, viz. during a period of above
of Rime. 700 years. On the death of Feodor, as there was no
hereditary fucceffer to the vacant throne, the nobles af-
fembled to eledf a new tzar j and the artful Boris hav¬
ing, through the intereft of the patriarch, a man ele¬
vated by his means, and devoted to his views, procured
a majority in his favour, he was declared the objeft of
their choice. Boris pretended unwillingnefs to accept
the crown, declaring that he had refolved to live and
die in a monaftery ; bat when the patriarch, at the
head of the principal nobles, and attended by a great
concourfe of people, bearing before them the crofs, and
the effigies of ieveral faints, repaired to the convent,
where the artful ufurper had taken up his refidence.,
he was at length prevailed on to accompany them to
the palace of the tzars, and fuffer himfelf to be
crowned,
Boris affords another example, in addition to the nu¬
merous in dances recorded in hiftory, of a fovereign who
became beneficial to his fubje&s, though he had pro¬
cured the fovereignty by unjuftifiable means. If we
give implicit credit to the hiftorians of thofe times,
Boris was a murderer and a ufurper, though he had the
voice of the people in his favour; but by whatever
means he attained the imperial power, he feems to have
employed it in advancing the interefts of the nation,
and in improving the circumftances of his people. He
was extremely aftive in his endeavours to extend the
commerce, and improve the arts and manufa&ures of
the Ruffian empire 5 and for this purpofe he invited
many foreigners into his dominions. While he exerted
himfelf in fecuring the tranquillity of the country, and
defending its frontiers by forts and ramparts, againff the
incurfions of his neighbours, he made himfelf refpefted
abroad, received ambafladors from almoft all the powers
of Europe ; and after feveral attempts to enlarge his
territories at the expence of Sweden, he concluded
with that kingdom an honourable and advantageous al¬
liance.
Soon after the commencement of his reign, the city
of Mofco was defolated by one of the moft dreadful fa¬
mines recorded in hirtory. Thoufands of people lay
dead in the ftreets and roads •, and in many heuies the
fatteft of their inmates was killed, to ferve as food for
the reft. Parents are faid to have eaten their children,
and children their parents ; and we are told by one of
the writers of that time (Petrius), that he faw a woman
bite feveral pieces out of her child’s arm as (he was car¬
rying it along. Another relates, that four women ha¬
ving defired a peafant to come to one of their hpufes, on
pretence of paying him for fome wood, killed and de¬
voured both him and his horfe. This dreadful calamity
lafted three years ; and notwithftanding all the exertions
of Boris to provide for the neceffities of the inhabitants
An 1601.
85
Dreadful
famine at
Mofco.
of Mofco, we are allured that not fewer than 500,000 P-utlia.
perifhed by the famine. ' v"
During thefe diftreffes of the capital, the power of j v ^
Boris was threatened with annihilation by an adventurer the preten.
who fuddenly ftarted up, and pretended to be the young der Dinu-
prince Dimitri, whom all believed to have been affafh- tii«
nated, or, as Boris had given out, to have died of a
malignant fever. This adventurer was a monk named
Otrepief, who learning that he greatly refembled the
late Dimitri, conceived the project of paffing for that
prince, and endeavouring, in that charabter, to afeend
the Ruffian throne. He retired from Ruffia into Po¬
land, where he had the dexterity to ingratiate himfelf
with fome of the principal nobles, and perfuade them
that he was really Prince Dimitri, the lawful heir to
the crown of Ruffia. The better to inlure to bimfelf
the fupport of the Poles, he learned their language,
and profeffed a great regard for the Catholic religion.
By this laft artifice he both gained the attachment of
the Catholic Poles, and acquired the friendlhip of the
Roman pontiff, whofe bleffing and patronage in his
great undertaking he farther fecured, by promifing that,
as foon as he ftiould have eftablifhed himfelf on the
throne, he would make every exertion to bring the Ruf¬
fians within the pale of the Catholic church. To the
external graces of a fine perlon, the pretended Dimitri
added the charms of irrefiftible eloquence •, and by thefe
accompiiihments he won the affe&ions of many of the
moft powerful among the Polith nobility. In particular
the voivode of Scndomir was fo much captivated by his
addrefs, that he not only efpoufed his caufe, but pro-
mifed to give him his daughter in marriage, as focn as
he fhould be placed on the throne of his lathers. This
refpebtable man exerted himfelf fo warmly in behalf of
his intended fon-in-law, that he brought over even the
king of Poland to bis party. The Kozaks of the Don,,
who were epprefied by Boris, hoped to gain at leaft a
temporary advantage by the difturbance excited in fa¬
vour of the adventurer, and eagerly embraced the op¬
portunity of declaring in his favour. The news of
Prince Dimitri being Hill alive, foon penetrated into
Ruffia ^ and though Boris did all in his power to de-
ftroy the illufion, by prohibiting all intercourte between-
his fubjebfs and the Poles, and Ly appealing to the evi¬
dence of the murdered prince’s mother in proof of his
death, the caufe of the pretender continued to gain
ground. Many circumftances concurred to intereft the
Ruffian people in favour of Otrepief. lie had prepared
a manifefto, which he caufed to be difperfed through
the empire, and in which he affirmed himfelf to be the
fon of Ivan, and afferted his right to the throne then
ufurped by Boris. The courtiers of the ufurper, who
had long been jealous of his elevation, pretended to be¬
lieve thefe affertions \ while thofe who were perfuaded
that the young prince had been murdered by order of
the prefent tzar, regarded this event as a judgement
from heaven. The greater part of the nation appear to
have been perfuaded, that the pretender was the real
Dimitri 5 and as they believed that he had been ndra-
culoufly preferved, they pioufly refclvcd to concur with
the hand of Providence in aflifting him to recover his
juft rights. Thus, before he fet foot in Ruffia, a nu¬
merous party was formed in his behalf. PIc focn made
his appearance ®n the frontiers with a regiment of Po-
lilh troops, and a body of Kozaks. Boris fent an army
to
87
Mis fuccef-
fes.
R U S [37
Ru&a. to oppof^ him j but though the number of thefe troops
greatly exceeded the fmall force of Dimitri, thefe latter
were fo animated by the eloquence of their leader, and
the intrepidity and perfonal bravery which he difplayed
in the field of battle, that, after a bloody conflift, the
army of Boris was defeated, and the pretended Dimitri
remained mailer of the field.
This viflary, over a fuperior army, ferved ftill further
to ftrengthen the belief, that Dimitii was favoured by
heaven, and confequenlly could not be an importer.
To confirm the good opinion which he had evidently
acquired, the viclor treated his prifoners wuth great
kindnefs *, caufed the dead to be decently interred, and
gave Uriel injunctions to his troops to behave with hu¬
manity in the towns through which he parted. This
gentle behaviour, wdien contrafted with the horrible ex-
cefles committed by the foldiers of Boris, wherever the
people appeared to (hew any inclination towards the
caule of the invader, gained Dimitri more adherents
than even the perfuafion that he was the lawful fove-
reign of the country. Unluckily for Boris, the fuper-
ftition of the Ruffians rvas abwut this time direfled
againft him, by the appearance of a comet, and by
more than ufual corrufcations of the aurora borealis, phe¬
nomena which were immediately regarded as manifert
demonftrations that the Almighty was pouring out his
phials of wrath on the devoted country. It was almoft
univerfally believed, that the awful effefls of thefe
alarming appearances could be averted only by fupport-
ing the caufe of Dimitri, who had hitherto been fo fig-
nally protected, and brought to light by the hand of
heaven. Boris, unable to refill the torrent of public
opinion in favour of his rival, is faid to have taken poi-
fon, and thus haftened that fate which he forefaw
awaited him, if he (houid fall into the hands of his ene¬
mies.
An. 1505. The death of Boris took place in the year 1605 ; and
though the principal nobility at Mofco placed his fon
Feodor on the throne, the party of Dimitri was now fo
ilrong, that Feodor w-as dethroned and fent to prifon
with his mother and fifter, within fix weeks after his ac-
ceflion.
The fuccefsful monk had now attained the fummit of
the Ruflian his ambitious hopes, and made his entry into Mofco with
throne. the utmoft magnificence, attended by his Ruffian adhe¬
rents, and his Polilh friends. Not deeming himfelf fe-
cure, however, while the fon of Boris remained alive, he
is faid to have caufed him to be ftrangled, together with
one of his fillers. The new tzar, though he evidently
poflefled great abilities, feems to have been deficient in
point of prudence. Inrtead of conciliating the favour of
his fubjefls, by attention to their intererts, and by con¬
ferring on the chief men among them the titles and ho¬
nours that were at his difpofal, he openly difplayed his
prediledlion for the Poles, on whom he conferred high
ports and dignities, and even connived at the extrava¬
gance and enormities which they committed. This im¬
politic conduft, together with his partiality for the Ca¬
tholic religion ; his marked indifference towards the pub¬
lic worfhip of the national church, and his w7ant of re¬
verence for the Greek clergy ; his marrying a Polilh
lady ; his affedlation of Polilh manners j his inordinate
voluptuoufnefs, and the contempt with which he treated
the principal nobility ; fo irritated and exafperated the
Ruffin,
8S
Ke afeends
i ] R U S
Ruffians, that difeontents and infurre&ions arofe in every
quarter of the empire j and the joy with which he had '
been at firft received, was converted into indifference,
contempt, and deteffation. The Ruffians foon difco-
vered, from a curious circumftance, that their new fo-
vereign could not be fprung from the blood of their an¬
cient tzars. Thefe had been always lifted on their
horfes, and rode along with a flow and folemn pace,
whereas Dimitri beftrod a furious ftallion, which hs
mounted without the help of his attendants. In addi¬
tion to thefe fources of difeontent, it was rumoured that
a timber fort, which Dimitri had caufed to be conftruc-
ted before Mofco, was intended to ferve as an engine oi
deftrudlion to the inhabitants, and that at a martial
fpeftacle which the tzar was preparing lor the entertain¬
ment of his bride, the Poles, and other foreigners that
compofed his body guard, were, from this building to
cail firebrands into the city, and then (laughter the in¬
habitants. This rumour increafed their hatred to fury,
and they refolved to wreak their vengeance on the de¬
voted tzar. The populace were ftill farther incenfed
by the clergy, who declaimed againft Dimitri as a he¬
retic, and by Schuilkoy, a nobleman who had been
condemned to death by the tzar, but had afterwards
been pardoned. This nobleman put himfelf at the head
of the enraged mob, and led them to attack the tzarian
palace. This they entered by affault, put to the (word
all the Poles whom they found within its walls, and af¬
terwards extended their mafi’acre to fuch as were dilcov-
ered in other parts of the city. Dimitri himfelf, in at¬
tempting to efcape, was overtaken by his purfuers, and
thruft through with a fpear, and his dead body being-
brought back into the city, lay for three days betore
the palace, expofed to every infult and outrage that ma¬
lice could invent, or rage inflict. His father-in-law and
his wife efcaped with their lives, but were detained as
prifoners, and the tzaritza was confined at Yaroflavl.
Schuilkoy, who had pretended to be a<£iuatcd by noUnfettleA
other motives than the pureft patriotifm, now afpired to of
the vacant throne, and had fufficient interert to carry LV'3 ia'
his election. His reign was ftiort and unintererting,
and indeed from this time till the acceffion of the houfe
of Romanof in 1613, the affairs of Ruffia have little to
gratify the curiofity of our readers. Schuilkoy’s (hort
reign was difturbed by the pretenftons of two fictitious
Dimitris, who fucceffively darted up, and declared them-
felves to be either the late tzar, or the prince whom he
had perfonated ; and his neighbours the Swedes and
Poles, taking advantage of the internal diffenfions in
the empire, made many fuccefsful incurfions into Ruffia,
fet fire to Mofco, and maffacred above 100,000 of the
people. The Ruffians, diffatisfied with the reigning
prince, treated with feveral of the neighbouring poten¬
tates for the difpofal of the imperial crown. They offer¬
ed it to Vladirtaf, or Uladiflaus, fon of Sigifmund, king
of Poland, on condition that he (houid adopt the Greek
perfuafion •, but as he rejected this preliminary, they
turned their eyes, firft on a fon of Charles IX. of Swe¬
den, and laftly, on a young native Ruffian, Mikhail
Feodorovitch, of the houfe of Romanof, a family di-
ftantly related to their ancient tzars, and of which the
head was then metropolitan of Rortof, and was held
in great eftimation. Thus, after a long feries of confu-
fion and difafter, there afeended the Ruffian throne -a
3 A 2 new
*?
R U S [ 372 ] R U S
R.iuTia- v.t\x family, whofe defcendants have railed the empire to
a ^.,fe 0f grandeur and importance unequalled in any
former period.
We have i'een the calamities brought upon the empire
by the partitions of its early monarchs, and the wars to
which thefe partitions gave birth j by the invafions and
tyranny of the Tartars 5 and laftly, by the diiturbances
that prevailed from the machinations of the falfe Dimi¬
tris. We have obferved the depreflion which the em¬
pire fuft'ered under thefe calamities. W7e are nowT to
witnefs its fudden elevation among the powers of Eu¬
rope, and to accompany it in its hafty ftrides towards
that importance which it has lately affumed. But be¬
fore we enter on the tranfaftions that have enriched the
pages of the Ruffian annals fince the acceffion of the
houfe of Romanof, it may not be improper or uninter-
efting, to take a general view of the ifate of the empire
po at the beginning of the 17 th century.
State of the At this period the government of Ruffia may be con-
Ruffian fidered as a pure ariftocracy, as all the fupreme power
tlTbe b re^ec^ t^Ie hands of the nobles and the fuperior clergy,
r.hig of the 1° particular the boyars, or chief officers of the army,
17th cen- who were alfo the privy counfellors of the prince, pof-
tsry. felled a very confiderable (hare of authority. The elec¬
tion of the late princes Boris, Dimitri, and Schuifkoy,
had been conduced principally by them, in concert
with the inhabitants of Mofco, where was then held the
feat of government. The common people, efpecially
thofe of the inferior towns, though nominally free, had
no ffiare in the government, or in the election of the
chief ruler. The boors, or thofe peafants who dwelt
on the noblemen’s eftates, were almoft completely Haves,
and transferable with the land on which they dwelt. An
attempt to do awray this barbarous vaffalage had been
made, both by Boris and Schuilkoy, but from the oppo-
lition of the nobles it was abandoned.
The laws in force at the time of which we are now
fpeaking, confffied partly of the municipal laws drawn
jap for the ifate of Novgorod by Yaroflaf, and partly of
an amended code, called fudebnik, promulgated by
Ivan Vafiliivitch II. By this fudebnik the adminiftration
of the laws was made uniform throughout the empire,
and particular magiilrates were appointed in the feveral
towns and diftrifts, ;»il fubjecl to the tzar as their
chief. The fudebnik confided of 97 articles, all con¬
taining civil laws, as the penal ftatutes are only briefly
mentioned in fome articles, fo as to appear either con-
nedfed with the civil, or as ferving to illuftrate them.
The criminal laws were contained in a feparate code,
called gubnaia gramota, which is now loll, but is re¬
ferred to in the civil code. In neither of thefe codes is
there any mention of ecclefiaftical affairs; but thefe
Were regulated by a fet of canons drawn up in 1542,
under the infpedfion of Ivan Vaffiiivitch, in a grand
council held at Mofco. In the civil ftatutes of the
fudebnik, theft was puniffied in the lirft inftance by re-
ftituticn, or, if the thief were unable to reftore the pro¬
perty ftolen, he became the Have of the injured party,
till by bis labour he had made fufficient compenfation.
Of murder nothing is faid, except where the perfon flain
was a lord or mafter, when the murderer was to be pu-
niftied with death. There is no mention of torture, ex¬
sept in cafes of theft.
Before, tire acceffion of the houfe of Romanof, the
commercial intercourfe which the cities of Novgorod
and Pfcove formerly held with the Hans towns, had en¬
tirely ceafed j but this was in fome degree compenfated
by the newly eftabliihed trade between Ruffia and Eng¬
land, the centre of which was Archangel. This trade
had been lately increafed by the products derived from
the acquifition of Siberia, in exchange for which the
Engliftr principally fupplied the Ruffians with broad
cloth. In 1 $63, an Engliffi counting-houfe was eftab-
liflied at Mofco, and about the fame time the Ruffian
company was incorporated. Previous to the 15th cen¬
tury, the trade of the Ruffians had been carried on
merely by barter, but during that century the coinage
of money commenced at Novgorod and Pfcove 5 and
from this time their commerce was placed on an equal
footing with that of the other European nations.
Except in the article of commerce, the Ruffians
were deplorably behind the reft of Europe 5 and though
attempts had been made by Ivan I. Ivan Vafiliivitch
II. and Boris, to cultivate their manners and improve
the ftate of their arts and manufattures, thefe attempts
had failed of fuccefs. The following charadferiftic fea¬
tures of the ftate of Ruffia in the i6lh century, are given
by Mr Tooke.
The houfes were in general of timber, and badly con-
ftrudled, except that in Mofco and other great towns,
there were a fewT houfes built of brick.
That contempt for the female fex, which is inva¬
riably a charadteriftic of defedlive civilization, was con-
fpicuous among the Ruffians. The women were kept
in a ftate of perfedf bondage, and it was thought a great
inftance of liberality, if a ftranger were but permitted
to fee them. They durft feldom go to church, though
attendance on divine worffiip was confidered of the high-
eft importance. They were conftantly required to be
within doors, fo that they very feldom enjoyed the frefh
air.
The men of the middle ranks always repaired about
noon to the market, where they tranfadled bufinefs to¬
gether, converfed about public affairs, and attended the
courts of judicature to hear the caufes that were going
forward. This was undoubtedly a pradtice productive
of much good, as the inhabitants of the towns by thefe
means improved their acquaintance, interchanged the
knowledge they had acquired, and thus their patriotic
affedtions were nourifhed and invigorated.
In agreements and bargains the higheft affeveration
was, “ If I keep not my word, may it turn to my in¬
famy,” a cuftom extremely honourable to the Ruffians
of thofe days, as they held the difgrace of having for¬
feited their word to be the deepeft degradation.
If the wife was fo dependent on her hufband, the
child was ftill more dependent on his father; for pa¬
rents were allowed to fell their children.
Ruffia.
Mafters and fervants entered into a mutual contradE
refpedling the terms of their connedlion, and a written
copy of this contract was depofited in the proper court,
where, if either party broke the contradt, the other
might lodge his complaint.
Single combat ftill continued to be the laft refource
in deciding a caufe 5 and to this the judge reforled in
cafes which he knew not othenvife to determine : but
duels out of court were ftridtly prohibited $ and when
thefe took place, and either party fell, the furvivor was
regarded
R U S [ 373 ] R U S
Rnfiia. regarded as a '■murderer, and punlihed accordingly.
Perfonal vengeance was forbidden under the ftrifteft
penalties.
The nobles were univerfally foldiers, and were ob¬
liged to appear when fummoned, to afiifl the prince in
his wars.
Till the end of the 16th century, the boor w7as not
bound to any particular mailer. He tilled the ground
of a nobleman for a certain time on flated conditions.
Thus, he either received part of the harveft or of the
cattle, a portion of wood, hay, &c. 5 or he worked five
days for the mailer, and on the fixth was at liberty to
till a piece of ground fet apart for his ufe. At the ex¬
piration of the term agreed on, either party might give
up the contradl to the other ; the boor might remove to
another mailer, and the mailer difmifs the boor that did
9I not fuit him.
€ireumftan- During the troubles and difienfions in which the em-
ces that pire had been involved, fince the death of Feodor Iva-
eledlkm'of nov*t;c^» t^e °f were divided into
Mikhail feveral parties. Of thefe, one fought to elevate to the
Romanof. tin one a Polilh prince, while another rather favoured
the fucceflion of a Swede. A third, and by far the
llrongeft party, wTere defirous to place upon the throne a
native Ruffian; and they foon turned their eyes on
Mikhail Romanof, a dillant relation of the ancient fa¬
mily of the tzars, whofe father was metropolitan of
Roftof. The clergy feemed particularly interefted in
this choice, as they jullly concluded, that a Ruffian,
b»rn and brought up in the orthodox Greek faith,
would moll effeblually prevent the poifon of Catholic
opinions or Protellant herefy, the introduftion of which
was to be feared from the acceffion of a Polilh or a
Swedilh monarch. Accordingly, the voice of a fingle
ecclefialfic decided the eledlors in favour of Mikhail.
A metropolitan declared in the hall of eleflion, that it
had been announced to him by divine revelation, that
the young Romanof would prove the moft fortunate and
profperous of all the tzars who had filled the Ruffian
throne. This revelation had an immediate effedt on the
eledtors, as their reverence for the fuperior clergy was
fo great, that none could prefume to doubt the veracity
of a perfon of luch exalted rank and facred fundfion.
The revelation once made public, the people too ex-
preffed fo decidedly their defire to have the young
Romanof for their fovereign, that all foon united in
their choice- The young man himfelf, however, re-
fufed the proffered honour, and his mother, dreading
the fate that might arife from fo dangerous an elevation,
with tears implored the deputies to depart. The mo-
deft refufal of Mikhail ferved only to perfuade the
people, that he wms the moft worthy objedt on which
they could fix their choice ; and at length the deputies
returned to Mofco, bringing writh them the confent of
the monarch eledl. The coronation took place on the
nth of June 1613, and thus the views of Poland and
of Sweden, as well as the defigns of Marina, the widow
of the firft pretender Dimitri, who ftill contrived to
keep a party in her favour, were entirely fruftrated.
An. 1613. At the acceffion of Mikhail, the Sv/edes and Poles
9* were in polTeffion of feveral parts of the empire ; and to
peace^v^th d^odge invaders was the firft objedt of the new
the Swedes tzar. Aware of the difficulty of contending at once
and Foies, with both thefe formidable enemies, he began by nego-
ciating a treaty of peace with Sweden. This was not
effedled without confiderable facrifices. Mikhail agreed Ruflia.
to give up Ingria and Karilia, and to evacuate Efthonia
and Livonia. Thus freed from his moft dangerous ene¬
my, Mikhail prepared to oppofe the Poles, of whom a
numerous body had entered Ruffia, to fupport the claims
of their king’s fon, Vladiftaf. Mikhail proceeded,
however, in a very wary manner, and inftead of on-
pofing the invaders in the open field, he entrapped
them by ambufeades, or allured them into diftricts al¬
ready defolated, where they fuffered fo much from cold
and hunger, that in 1619 they agreed to a cefiatien of
hoftilities for fourteen years and a half, on condition
that the Ruffians fhould cede to Poland the government
of Smolenlk. ^
Thus freed from external enemies on terms which, His prudent
though not very honourable, were the beft that the conduit,
then pofture of his affairs admitted, Mikhail fet himfelf
to arrange the internal affairs of his empire. He be¬
gan by placing his father at the head of the church, by
conferring on him the dignity of patriarch, which had
become vacant. The eounlels of this venerable man
were of great advantage to Mikhail, and contributed to
preferve that peace and tranquillity by which the reign
of this monarch was in general diftinguilhed. The
tzar’s next Hep was to form treaties of alliance with,
the principal commercial Hates of Europe. He accord-
ingly fent ambaffadors to England, Denmark, Holland,
and the German empire 5 and Ruffia, which had hitherto
been confidered rather as an Afiatic than a European
power, became fo refpeffable in the eyes of her northern
neighbours, that they vied with each other in forming
with her commercial treaties.
Mikhail allb began thofe improvements of the laws
which we {hall prefently fee more fully executed by his
fon and fucceffor 5 but the tide of party ran fo high,
that he could do but little in the way of reformation.
He was alfo obliged to put his frontiers in a ftate of de¬
fence, to provide for the expiration of the truce with
Poland, which now drew nigh j and as no permanent
peace had been eftablilhed, both parties began to pre¬
pare for a renewal of hoftilities. Indeed the armiitice
was broken by the Ruffians, who, on the death of Sigif-
mund, king of Poland, appeared before Smolenfk, and
juftified the infringement of the treaty, on the pretext
that it was concluded with Sigifmund, and not with his
fucceffovs. Nothing of confequence, however, was done
before Smolenfk ; and the Ruffian commander, after ha¬
ving lain there in perfect indolence, writh an army of
50,000 men, for two years, at length raifed the fiege.
Mikhail attempted to engage the Swedes in an alliance
with him againft Poland j but failing in this negociation,
patched up a new treaty, which continued unbroken
till his death. This happened in 1645.
Mikhail was fucceeded by his fon Alexei ; but as the An'
young prince was only 15 years of age at his father’s ^ccf(20n
death, a nobleman named Morofof had been appointed 0f Alexei
his ^governor, and regent of the empire. This manMikhaif.
poffeffed all the ambition, without the prudence and ad-0VkcE
drefs of Boris, and in attempting to raife himfelf and
his adherents to the higheft ports in the ftate, he in¬
curred the hatred of all ranks of people. Though Mo¬
rofof, by properly organizing the army, provided for
the defence of the empire againft external enemies, he
fhamefully neglected internal policy, and connived at
the meft flagrant enormities in the adminiftration of*
juftice.
Ruffia.
* 95 •
war with
Poland and
Sweden.
It U S [ 37+ ] R U S
juftice. Thefe abufes went fo far, that the populace
once flopped the tzar as he was returning from church
to his palace, calling aloud for righteous judges. Though
Alexei promifed to make ftridl enquiry into the nature
and extent of their grievances, and to inflitf deferved
puniftiment on the guilty, the people had not patience
to await this tardy procefs, and proceeded to plunder
the houfes of thofe nobles who were molt obnoxious
to them. They were at length pacified, however, on
condition that the author of their oppreffion Ihould be
brought to condign punilhment. One of the moft ne¬
farious judges was put to death ; and the principal ma-.
giflrate of Mofco fell a vi&im to their rage. The life
of Morofof was fpared at the earneft entreaty of the
tzar, who engaged for his future good behaviour.
Similar diiturbances had broken out at Novgorod
and Pfcove j but they were happily terminated, chiefly
through the exertions of the metropolitan Nicon, a
man of low birth, but wdro, from a reputation for ex¬
traordinary piety and holinefs, had raifed himfelf to the
patriarchal dignity, and was high in favour with Alexei.
Thefe commotions were fcarcely afluaged, when the
internal tranquillity of the empire was again threatened
by a new pretender to the throne. This man was the
fon of a linendraper, but gave himfelf out at one time
for the fon of the emperor Dimitri, at another for the
fon of Schuifkoy. Fortunately for Alexei the Poles
and Swedes, whofe intereft it was to have fomented
thefe inteftine difturbances, remained quiet fpeftators of
them, and the pretender meeting with few adherents,
was foon taken and hanged.
The pacific conduft of the neighbouring ftates did not
long continue, though indeed wre may attribute the re¬
newal of hoftilities to the ambition of the tzar.
The war with Poland was occafioned by Alexei’s
fupporting the Kozaks, a military horde, who had left
the northern Ihores of the Dniepr, and retired further
to the fouth. Here they had eftablilhed a military de¬
mocracy, and during the dominion of the Tartars in
Ruflia, had been fubjedt to the khan of thofe tribes ;
but after the expulfion or fubjugation of the Tartars,
the Kozaks had put themfelves under the guardianfhip
of Poland, to which kingdom they formerly belonged.
As the Polifli clergy, however, attempted to impofe on
them the Greek faith, they threw oft' their allegiance to
the king of Poland, and claimed the patronage of Ruf-
fia. Alexei, who feems to have fought far a pretext to
break with Poland, gladly received them as his fubjedls,
as he hoped, with their afliftance, to recover the terri¬
tories that had been ceded to Poland by his father. He
began by negociation, and lent an embafly to the king
of Poland, complaining of fome Polifli publications, in
which refledlions had been call on the honour of his fa¬
ther, and demanding that by way of compenfation, the
Ruffian territories formerly ceded to Poland fliould be
reftored. The king of Poland of courfe refufed fo arro¬
gant a demand, and both parties prepared for war.
The Ruffians, affifled by the Kozaks, were fo fuccefsful
in this conteft, that the king of Sweden became jealous
of Alexei’s good fortune, and apprehenfive of an attack.
He therefore determined to trike an afb’ve part in the
war, efpecially as the Lithuanians, who were extremely
averfe to the Ruffian dominion, had fought his protec¬
tion. The war with Sweden commenced in 1656, and
continued for two years, without any important advan-
2
tage being gained by either party. A truce was con- Ruflia.
eluded in 1658, for three years, and at the termination u“'"v 1II”
of this period, a folid peace was eftablilhed. In the
mean time the war with Poland continued, but was at
length terminated by an armillice, which was prolonged
from time to time, during the remainder of Alexeife
reign.
The reign of this monarch is as remarkable for tur- *
bulence, as that of his predeceflor had been for tran¬
quillity. No fooner was peace eftabliflied with the
neighbouring ftates than freih commotions ffiook the
empire from within. The Don Kozaks, who now
formed a part of the Ruffian population, felt themfelves
aggrieved by the rigour with which one of their officers
had been treated, and placing at their head Radzin, the
brother of the deceafed, broke out into open rebellion.
Allured by the fpirit of licentioufnefs, and the hopes of
plunder, vaft: numbers both of Kozaks and inferior Ruf¬
fians flocked to the ftandard of Radzin, and formed an
army of nearly 200,000 men. This force, however,
was formidable merely from its numbers. Iladzin’s
followers were without arms, without difeipline, and
were quite unprepared to Hand the attack of regular
troops. Radzin himfelf feems to have placed no re¬
liance on the courage or fidelity of his followers, and
eagerly embraced the firft opportunity of procuring a
pardon by fubmiffion. Having been deceived into a
belief that this pardon would be granted on his fur¬
rendering himfelf to the mercy of the tzar, he fet out
for Mofco, accompanied by his brother j hut when he
was arrived within a fhort diftance of the capital,
whither notice of his approach had been fent, he was
met by a cart containing a gallows, on which he was
hanged without ceremony. His followers, who had af-
fembled at Aftracan, were furrounded by the tzar’s
troops, taken prifoners, and 12,000 of them hung on
the gibbets in the highways. Thus this formidable re¬
bellion, which had threatened to fubvert the authority
of Alexei, wras crufhed almoft at its commencement. ^
The influence which Alexei had obtained over the Comraenc'e-
Donlkoi Kozaks, excited the jealoufy of the Sublime rnent of a
Porte, who juftly dreaded the extenfion of the Ruffian war with
territory on the fide of the Crimea, a peninfula which at iUIKi y*
that time belonged to Turkey. After a fuecefsful at¬
tempt on the frontiers of Poland, a Turkifh army en¬
tered the Ukraine, and the Ruffians made preparations
to oppofe them. Alexei endeavoured to form a confe¬
deracy againfl: the infidels among the Chriftian poten¬
tates of Europe ; but the age of crufading chivalry
was over, and the tzar was obliged to make head againfl
the Turks, affifled by his fingle ally the king of Poland.
The Turkilh arms were for fome years victorious, efpe¬
cially on the fide of Poland, but at length a check was
put to their fucceffes by the Polilh general Sobieiki,
who afterwards afeended the throne of that kingdom.
Hoftilities between the Turks and Ruffians were not,
however, terminated during the reign of Alexei, and
the tzar left to his fucceffor the profecution of the war.
The reign of Alexei is rooft remarkable for the im- 97?
provements introduced by him into the Ruffian laws.. exei s
Before his time the emannoi ukafes, or perlbnal orders
of the fovereign, were almoft the only laws of the coun- theiaws
try. Thefe ediCfs were as various as the opinions, pre¬
judices, and paffions of men ) and before the days of
Alexei they produced endlefs contwations. To remedy
this
HUS [ 375 ] R U S
RuOIa. this evil, he made a felefUon from all the ediifts of his
predeceffors, df fuch as had been current for ice years j
prefuming that thcfe either were founded in natural
juftice, or during fo long a currency had formed the
minds of the people to confider them as juft. This
digefl, which lie declared to be the common law of
Rulfia, and which is prefaced by a fort of inftitute, is
known by the title of the Ulogenie or Selection, and was
long the llandavd law book} and all edi&s prior to it were
declared to be obfolete. He foon made his new code,
however, more bulky than the Selt&'ton ; and the addi¬
tions by his fuceeffors are beyond enumeration. This
was undoubtedly a great and ufeful work j but Alexei
performed another ftiil greater.
Though there were many courts of judicature in this
widely extended empire, the emperor was always lord
paramount, and could take a caufe from any court im¬
mediately before himfelf. But as fcveral of the old
nobles had the remains of principalities in their families,
and held their own courts, the fovereign or his minifters,
at a diftance up the country, frequently found it diffi¬
cult to bring a culprit out of one of thefe hereditary
feudal jurifdiftions, and try him by the laws of the em¬
pire. This was a very difagreeable limitation of im¬
perial power 5 and the more fo, that fome families, claim¬
ed even a right of replevance. A lucky opportunity
foon^offered of fettling the difpute, and Alexei embraced
it with great ability.
Some families on the old frontiers were taxed with
their defence, for which they were obliged to keep re¬
giments on foot; and as they were but fcantrly indem¬
nified by the ftate, it fometimes required the exertion
of authority to make them keep up their levies. When
the frontiers by the conqueft of Kazan were far extend¬
ed, thofe gentlemen found the regiments no longer
burdenfome, becaufe by the help of falfe mufters, the
formerly fcaniy alloivance much more than reimburfed
them for the expence of the eftablifliment. The confe-
quence was, that difpuies arofe among them about the
right of guarding certain diltrifts, and law fuits were
neceSary to fettle their refpeddive claims. Thefe were
tedious and intricate. One claimant (bowed the order
of the court, iffued a century or two back, to his an-
ceftor, for the marching of his men, as a proof that the
right was then in the family. His opponent proved,
that his anceftors had been the real lords of the marches;
but that, on account of their negligence, the court had
ifiued an eivmanoy uhafe to the other, only at that par¬
ticular period. The emperor ordered all the family ar¬
chives to be brought to Mofco, and all documents on
both fides to be collected. A time was fet for the exami¬
nation ; a fine wooden court-houfe was built, every paper
was lodged under a good guard ; the day was appointed
when the court ffiouid be opened and the claims heard $
hut that morning the houfe, with all its contents, was
In two hours confumed by fire. The emperor then
faid, “ Gentlemen, henceforward your ranks, your pri- Raffia,
vileges, and your courts, are the nation’s, and the na-
tion will guard itfelf. Your archives are unfortunately
loft, but thofe of the nation remain. I am the keeper,
and it is my duty to adminifter juftice for all and to all.
Your ranks are not private, but national •, attached to
the fervices you are adlually performing. Hencefor-
W'ard Colonel Buturlin (a private gentleman) ranks be¬
fore Captain Viazemlky (an old prince).” (f) 98
The Ruffians owe more to this prince than many of He extends
their hiftorians feem willing to acknowledge j and there
feems no doubt that fome of the improvements attribu- pvU£]a<
ted to Peter the Great, vrere at lead projefted by his fa¬
ther. Und«r Alexei a confiderable trade wras opened
with China, from which country filks, and other rich
fluffs, rhubarb, tea, &x. were brought into Rufiia, and
exchanged for the Siberian furs. The exportation of
Ruffian produfls to other countries -was alfo increafed ;
andjwe are allured that Alexei had even projecled the
formation of a navy, and would have executed the de-
fign, had he not been perpetually occupied in foreign
wars and domeftic troubles.
Alexei died in 1676, leaving three Tons and fix An. 1676.
daughters. Two of the fons, Feodor and Ivan were . 99
by a firft marriage j the third, Peter, by a fecond. The
two former, particularly Ivan, w^ere of a delicate confti-
tution, and fome attempts wrere made by the relations
of Peter, to fet them alide. Thefe attempts, how ever,
proved unfuccefsful, and Feodor wras appointed the fuc-
ceffor of Alexei.
The reign of this prince wTas flrort, and diflinguiihed
rather for the happinefs which the nation then experi¬
enced, than for the importance of the tranfadlions that
took place. He continued the wrar with the Turks for
four years after his father’s death, and at length brought
it to an honourable conclufion, by a truce for 20 years,
after the Turks had acknowledged the Ruffian right of
fovereignty over the Kozaks. Feodor died in 1682, but
before his death nominated his half-brother Peter his
fucceffor.
The fucceffion of Peter, though appointed by their ^n-
favourite tzar Feodor, w^as by no means pleafing to the j;ltrjoUCS
majority of the Ruffian nobles, and it wTas particularly 0f the prin.
oppofed by Galitzin, the prime minifter of the late tzar, cefs Sophia.
This able man had efpoufed the intereft of Sophia, the
lifter of Feodor and Ivan, a young w'oman of eminent
abilities, and the mole infinuating addrefs. Sophia, upon
pretence of afferting the claims of her brother Ivan, who,
though of a feeble conftitution and wreak intelleds, was
confidereu as the lawnul heir of the crown, had really
formed a defign of fecuring the fucceffion to herfelf;
and, with that view, had not only infinuated heifelf in¬
to the confidence and good graces of Galitzin, but had
brought over to her interefts the Strelitzes (g). Thefe
licentious foldiers afiembled for the purpoff, as was pre¬
tended, of placing on the throne Prince Ivan, whom
they
(f) This tranfa£lion is, by moft hiflorians, placed under the reign of Alexei, as we have related it j but
Mr Tooke, in his hiftory of Ruffia (vol. ii. p. 37.), attributes the burning of the records of fervice, by which
the nobles and chief courtiers held their offices, to Feodor. ,
(g) The Strelitzes compofed the handing army of Ruffia, and formed the body guard of the tzars. Ar this
time they amounted to about 14,000, and of courfe became a formidable engine in the hands of the entergrifing
prineefs.
Pt U S [3?6] R U S
Ruffia.
101
Joint reign
of Ivan
and Peter
r.
Aa. 1687.
102
The party
ef Peter
gains
ground.
they proclaimed tzar by acclamation. During three
days they roved about the city of Mofco, committing
the greateft excefles, and putting to death feveral of the
chief officers of date, who were fu!pe£led of being hof-
tile to the defigns of Sophia. Their employer did not,
however, entirely gain her point; for as the new tzar
entertained a fincere affedlion tor his half-brother Peter,
he indited that this prince ffiould ffiare with him the
imperial dignity. This was at length agreed toj and
on the 6th"of May 1682, Ivan and Peter were folemnly
crowned joint emperors of all the Ruffias, while the prin-
cefs Sophia was nominated their copartner in the govern¬
ment.
From the imbecility of Ivan and the youth of Peter,
who was now only 10 years of age, the whole power of
the government reded in Sophia and her minider Ga-
litzin, though till the year 1687 the names of Ivan and
Peter only were annexed to the imperial decrees.
Scarcely had Sophia edablidred her authority than lire
was threatened with depofition, from an alarming inlur-
re&ion of the Strelitzes. This rvas excited by their com¬
mander Prince Kovanfkoi, who had demanded of Sophia
that die would marry one of her fiders to hjs fon, but
had met with a mortifying refufal from the princefs. In
confequence of this inlurrecfion, which threw the whole
city of Mofco into terror and condernation, Sophia and
the two young tzars took refuge in a monadery, about
12 leagues from the capital} and before the Strelitzes
could follow them thither, a corffiderable body of fol-
liiers, principally foreigners, was affembled in their de*
fence. Kovanlkoi was taken prifoner, and indantly
beheaded *, and though his followers at fird threatened
dreadful vengeance on his executioners, they foon found
ihemfelves obliged to fubmit. From every regiment
was fele&ed the tenth man, who was to differ as an atone¬
ment for the red •, but this cruel punidiment was re¬
mitted, and only the mod guilty among the ringleaders
differed death.
The quelling of thefe didurbances gave leifure to the
friends of Peter to purfue the plans which they had
formed for fubverting the authority of Sophia; and
about this time a favourable opportunity offered, in con¬
fequence of a rupture with Turkey. The Porte was
now engaged in a war with Poland and the German em¬
pire, and both thefe latter powers had folicited the affid-
ance of Ruffia againd the common enemy. Sophia and
her party were averfe to the alliance j but as there were
in the council many fecret friends of Peter, thefe had
fufficient influence to perdiade the majority, that a
Turkiffi war would be of advantage to the date. They
even prevailed on Galitzin to put himfelf at the head
of the army, and thus removed their principal oppo¬
nent. It is difficult to conceive how a man, fo able in
the cabinet as Galitzin, could have differed his vanity
fo far to get the better of his good fenfe, as to accept a
military command, for which he certainly bad no talents.
Affembling an army of nearly 300,000 men, he marched
towards the confines of Turkey, and here confumed
two campaigns in marches and countermarches, and lod
nearly 40,000 men, partly in unfuccefsful fkirmiflies with
the enemy, but chiefly from difeafe.
While Galitzin -was thus trifling away his time in
the foutb, Peter, who already began to give proofs of
thofe great talents which afterwards enabled him to afts
fo confpicuous a part in the theatre of the north, was
I
drengthening his party among the Ruffian nobles. His Ruffia.
ordinary refidence was at a village not far from Mofco,l-3*—
and here he had affembied round him a conliderable num¬
ber of young men of rank and induence, whom he call¬
ed his play-mates. Among thefe were two foreigners,
Lefort a Genevefe, and Gordon a Scotchman, who af¬
terwards fignalized themfelves in his fervice. Thefe
young men had formed a fort of military company, of
which Lefort was captain, while the young tzar, be¬
ginning with the fituation of drummer, gradually rofe
through every fubordinate office. Under this appear¬
ance of a military game, Peter was fecretly edablithing
himfelf in the affe&ions of his young companions, and
effeftually lulled the fufpicions of Sophia, till it was too
late for her to oppofe his machinations*
About the middle of the year 1689, Peter, who had An. 16S9.
now attained his feventeenth year, determined to make p
an effort to deprive Sophia of all diare in the govern- tajns tjie
ment, and to fecure to himfelf the undivided fovereign- undivided
ty. On occafion of a folemn religious meeting thatfovereignty.
was held, Sophia had claimed the principal place as re¬
gent of the empire j but this claim was ftrenuoufly op-
pofed by Peter, who, rather than fill a fubordinate fitua¬
tion, quitted the place of affembly, and, with his friends
and adherents, withdrew to the monaftery of the Holy
Trinity, which had formerly flickered him and his co¬
partners from the fury of the Strelitzes. This was the
fignal for an open rupture. Sophia, finding that (he
could not openly oppofe the party of the tzar, attempt¬
ed to procure his affaffination j but as her defign was
difeovered, ffie thought proper to folicit an accommo¬
dation. This was agreed to, on condition that Ihe
fliould give up all claim to the regency, and retire to a
nunnery. The commander of the Strelitzes, who was
to have been her agent in the affaffination of Peter, was
beheaded, and the minifter Galitzin fent into baniffi-
ment to Archangel. 104
Peter now faw himfelf in undifputed poffeflion of the He efta-
imperial throne j for though Ivan was Hill nominally MAws a
tzar, he had voluntarily refigned all participation in
the adminiftration of affairs, and retired to a life of ob- forcc.
feurity. The firfl: objeft to which the tzar direfted his
attention was the eftabliffiment of a regular and well-dif-
ciplined military force. He had learned by experience
how little dependence was to be placed on the Strelitzes,
and thefe regiments he determined to difband. He
commiffioned Lefort and Gordon to levy new regiments,
which, in their whole conflitution, drefs, and military
exercifes, fliould be formed on the model of other Euro¬
pean troops. He next refolved to carry into execution
the defign which had been formed by his father, of con-
ftru&ing a navy. For this purpofe he firft took a jour¬
ney to Archangel, where he employed himfelf in ex¬
mining the operations of the ffiipwrights, and occafion-
ally taking a partin their labours-, but as he learned
that the art of fliip-building was praftifed in greater
perfeflion in Holland, and fome other maritime coun¬
tries of Europe, he fent thither feveral young Ruffians
to be initiated into the beft methods of conftnnRing
fliips of war. The other meafures taken by Peter for
eftabliffiing a navy, and the fuccefs with which they
were attended, have been already related under his life*,
to which we may refer our readers for feveral circum-1.
fiances relating to bis life and charafter} as our objeft
here is not to write a biography of this extraordinary
man,
R U S
RuSia. man, but briefly to nairate the tranfacHons
[
of
Ruflia»
reign.
His fuc-
ceffes a-
gainft the
Turks.
The war wltb Turkey ftill languiflied, but Peter was
refolved to profecute it with vigour, hoping to get pof-
leflion of the town of Azof, and thus open a paffage to
the Black fea. He placed Gordon, Lefort, and two of
his nobles at the head of the forces deftined for this ex¬
pedition, and himfelf attended the army as a private vo¬
lunteer. The fuccefs of the firit campaign was but trif¬
ling, and Peter found that his deficiency of artillery,
and his want of tranfports, prevented him from making
an effe&ual attack on Azof. Thefe difficulties, how¬
ever, were foon furmounted. He procured a fupply of
artillery and engineers from the emperor and the Dutch,
and found means to provide a number of tranfports. With
thefe auxiliaries he opened the fecond campaign, defeat¬
ed the Turks on the fea of Azof, and made himfelf ma¬
iler of the town. Peter was fo elated with thefe fuc-
cefles, that on his return from the feat of war, he march¬
ed his troops into Mofco in triumphal proceffion, in
which Lefort, as admiral of the tranfports, and Scheim
as commander of the land forces, bore the molt confpi-
cuous parts, while Peter himfelf was loll without dittinc-
tion in the crowd of fubaltern officers.
He now refolved to form a fleet in the Black fea ;
but as his own revenues were infufficient for this pur-
pofe, he iflued a uhafe, commanding the patriarch and
other dignified clergy, the nobility and the merchants,
to contribute a part of their income towards fitting out
a certain number of {hips. This proclamation was ex-
tremely.unpopular, and, together with the numerous inno¬
vations which Peter was every day introducing, efpecially
his fending the young nobles to vifit foreign countries,
and his own avowed intention of making the tour of
Europe, contributed to raife againfl him a formidable
party. The vigilance and prudence of the tzar, how¬
ever, extricated him from the dangers with which he
was threatened, and enabled him to carry into execu¬
tion his propofed journey. See Peter I.
On his return to his own dominions, Peter pafled
through Rawa, where Auguftus king of Poland then
was. The tzar had determined, in conjunction with
Auguftus and the king of Denmark, to take advantage
CharlesXII. °f the youth and inexperience of Charles XII. who had
oi Sweden, juft fucceeded to the Swedilh throne ; and in this inter¬
view with Auguftus, he made the final arrangements for
the part which each was to take in the war. Au¬
guftus was to receive Livonia as his part of the fpoil,
while Frederick king of Denmark had his eye on Hol-
ftein, and Peter had formed defigns on Ingria, formerly
a province of the Ruffian empire.
In the middle of the year 1700, Charles had left his
capital, to oppofe thefe united enemies. He foon com¬
pelled the king of Denmark to give up his defigns on
Holftein, and fign a treaty of peace and being thus at
liberty to turn his arms againft the other members of
the confederacy, he refolved firft to lead his army
againft the king of Poland *, hut on his way he received
intelligence that the tzar had laid fiege to Narva with
100,000 men. On this he immediately embarked at
Carlfcrona, though it was then the depth of winter,
and the Baltic was fcarcely navigable ; and foon landed
at Pernaw in Livonia with part of his forces, having
ordered the reft to Reval. His army did not exceed
20.000 men, but it was compofed of the beft foldiers in
Vol. XVIII. Part I.
An. 1700.
106
Peter en¬
gages in a
war with
107
Is defeated
by the
Swedes.
377 1 R U S
his Europe, while that of the Ruffians was little better
than an undifciplined multitude. Every poffible ob-'
ftruclion, however, had been thrown in the way of the
Swedes. Thirty thoufand Ruffians were ported in a de¬
file on the road, and this corps was fuftained by another
body of 20,coo drawn up fome leagues nearer Narva.
Peter himfelf had fet out to haften the march of a rein¬
forcement of 40,000 men, with whom he intended to
attack the Swedes in flank and rear ; but the celerity
and valour of Charles baffled every attempt to oppofe
him. He fet out with 4000 foot, and an equal num¬
ber of cavalry, leaving the reft of the army to follow at
their leifure. With this fmall body he attacked and
defeated the Ruffian armies fucceffively, and puftied his
way to Peter’s camp, for the attack of which he gave
immediate orders. This camp was fortified by lines of
circumvallation and contravallation, by redoubts, by a
line of 150 brafs cannons placed in front, and defended
by an army of 80,000 men ; yet fo violent was the at¬
tack of the Swedes, that in three hours the entrench¬
ments were carried, and Charles, with only 4000 men,
that compofed the wing which he commanded, purfued
the flying enemy, amounting to 50,000, to the river
Narva. Here the bridge broke down with the weight
of the fugitives, and the river was filled with their bo¬
dies. Great numbers returned in defpair to their camp,
where they defended themfelves for a fhort time, but
were at laft obliged to furrender. In this battle 30,000
were killed in the intrenchments and the purfuit, or
drowned in the river; 20,000 furrendered at diferetion,
and were difnaifted unarmed, while the reft were totally
difyerfed. A hundred and fifty pieces of cannon, 28
mortars, 151 pairs of colours, 20 ftandards, and all the
Ruffian baggage, fell into the hands of the Swedes; and
the duke de Croy, the prince of Georgia, and feven
other generals were made prifoners. Charles behaved
rvith the greateft generofity to the conquered. Being
informed that the tradefmen of Narva had refufed credit,
to the officers whom he detained prifoners, he fent loop
ducats to the duke of Croy, and to every other officer a
proportionable fum.
Peter was advancing with 40,000 men to furround
the Swedes, when hj received intelligence of the dread¬
ful defeat at Narva. He was greatly chagrined ; but
comforting himfelf with the hopes that the Swedes
would in time teach the Ruffians to beat them, he re¬
turned to his own dominions, where he .applied himfelf
with the utmoft diligence to the railing of another army.
He evacuated all the provinces which he had invaded,
and for a time abandoned all his great projefls, thus
leaving Charles at liberty to profecute the war againft:
Poland, t
As Auguftus had expeffed an attack, he endeavour¬
ed to draw the tzar jnto a clofe alliance with him. The
two monarchs had an interview at Birfen, where it was
agreed that Auguftus fhould lend the tzar 50,000 Ger¬
man foldiers, to be paid by Ruffia; that the tzar fhould
fend an equal number of his troops to be trained up to
the art of war in Poland ; and that he fhould pay the
king 3,000,000 of rixdollars in the fpace of two years.
Of this treaty Charles had notice, and, by means of his
minifter Count Piper, entirely fruftrated the fcheme. icg
After the battle of Narva, Charles became confident Renewed
and negligent, while the activity of Peter increafed with exertions of
his loiTes. He fupplied lus want of artillery by melting Peter.
3 B down
\
Ruff a.
ic©
R US [ 37
down the bells of the churches, and conftru&ed nume¬
rous fraall veffels on the lake of Ladoga, to oppofe the '
entrance of the Swedes into his dominions. He took
every advantage of Charles’s negligence, and engaged
in frequent ikirmidies, in which, though cfren beaten,
lie was fometimes victorious. Thus, he proved to his
foldiers, that the Swedes though conquerors, were not
invincible, and kept up the fpirit of his troops by libe¬
rally rewarding every inftance of courage and fuccefs.
He contrived to make himfelf matter of the river Neva,
and captured Nyenfcbantz, a fortrefs at the mouth of
that river. Here he laid the foundation of that city
which he had long projected, and which was to become
the future metropolis of his empire. At length in 17^4
he became maiter of Ingria, and appointed his favourite
Prince Menzikoff to be viceroy of that province, with
Itridt orders to make the building of the new city his
principal concern. Here already buildings were rifing
in every quarter, and navigation and commerce were in-
creafing in vigour and extent.
^TheSwedes In the mean time Auguftus king of Poland, though
dcR-ated. treating with Charles for the furrender of his dominions,
was obliged to keep up the appearance of war, which he
had neither ability nor inclination to conduCl. He had
been lately joined by Prince Menzikoff with 30,000
Ruffians •, and this obliged l ira, contrary to his inclina¬
tion, to hazard an engagement with Meyerfeldt, who
commanded 10,coo men, one half of whom were
Swedes. As at this time no difparily of numbers what¬
ever was reckoned an equivalent to the valour of the
Swtdes, Meyerfeldt did not decline the combat, though
the army of the enemy was four times as numerous as
his own. With his countrymen he defeated the enemy’s
firit line, and was cn the po.nt of defeating the lecond,
when Sianiflaus, with the Poles and Lithuanians, gave
way. Meyerfeldt then perceived that the battle was
loft ; but he fought defperately, that he might avoid
the difgrace of a defeat. At laft, however, he was ep-
preffed by numbers, and forced to furrender ; fuffering
the Swedes for the firft time to be conquered by their
enemies. Tire whole army were taken prifoners ex¬
cepting M jor-general Kraffau, who having repeatedly
rallied a body of horfe formed in?o a brigade, at laft
broke through the enemy, and efcaped to Pcfnania.
Auguftus had fcarcely fung Te Deum for this victory,
when his plenipotentiary returned from Saxony with the
articles of the treaty, by which he was to renounce all
claim to the crown of Poland in favour of his rival Sta-
niftaus. The king hefrtated and fcrupled, but at laft
frgned them ; after which he fet out for Saxony, glad at
any rate to be freed from fuch an enemy as the king of
Sweden, and from ft ch allies as the Ruffians.
The tz .r Peter was no foorser informed of this extra¬
ordinary treaty, and the cruel execution of his pleni¬
potentiary Patkul,* than he fent letters to every court
in Chriftendom, complaining of this grefs violation of
the law of nations. He entreated the emperor, the
queen of Britain, and the States General, to revenge
ten-nines to nJuk on humanity. He ftigmatized the compli-
the^var6 ame °- Auguftus with the opprobrious name of pufrlla-
nimity ; exhorted them rot to guarantee a treaty fo un¬
juft, but to deipife the menaces of the Swediftr bully.
So well, however, was the prowefs of the king of Swe¬
den known, that none of the allies thought proper to
irritate him-, by refufing to guarantee any treaty he
110
Aucuitus
obSig-ed to
r fi the
C i'OW-il of
PoiancL
# See Pat-
hul.
111
Peter de
3 ] It U S
thought proper. At firft, Peter thought of revenging Raff a.
Patkul’s death by maffacring the Swedilh prifoners at * ' J
Mofco; but from this he was deterred, by remembering
that Charles had many more Ruffian prifoners than he
himfelf had of Swedes. Giving over all thoughts of re- jpoy,
vengxng himfelf in this way, therefor e, in the year J 707 112
he entered Poland at the head ot 60,000 men. Ad-l’ft renters
vancing to Leopold, he made himielt mailer ot that^0'an“'
city, where he affembled a diet and folemnly depofed
Staniflaus with the lame ceremonies which had been ufed
with regard to Auguftus. The country was now re¬
duced to the molt miferable fituation ; one party,
through fear, adhered to the Swedes j another was
gained over, or forced by Peter to take part with him j
a violent civil war took place between the two, and
great numbers of people were butchered 5 while cities,
towns, and villages, were laid in allies by the frantic
multitude. The appearance of a Swedifh army under
King Stantflaus and General Lewenhaupt, put a Hop to
thele ditorders, Peter himielt not caring to ftand before
fuch enemies. He retired, therefore, into Lithuania,
giving out as the caufe oi his retreat, that the country
could not fupply him with proviiion and forage nectffary
for fo great an army. ' Ir^
During thefe tranfa£lions Charles had taken up his Charles
refidence in Saxony, where he gave laws to the court ofvifits Au~
Vienna, and in a manner intimidated all Europe. At §u^u5’
laft, fatiated with the glory oi having dethroned one
king, fet up another, and itruck all Europe with terror
and admiration, he began to evacuate Saxony in purfuit
of his great plan, the dethroning the tzar Peter, and
conquering the vaft empire of Ruffia. While the array
was on full march in the neighbourhood of Dreiden, he
took the extraordinary refolution oi viiiting King Auguf¬
tus with no more than five attendants. Though he had
no reafon to imagine that Auguftus either did or could
entertain any friendilrip for him, he was not uneafy at
the confequences of thus putting himfelf entirely in his
power. He got to the palace door of Auguftus before
it was known that he had entered the city. General
Fleming having ieen him at a diftance, had only time
to run and inform his mailer. What might be done in
the prelent cafe immediately occurred to the minifter,
but Charles entered the eleftor’s chamber in his boots
before the latter bad time to recover from his furprife.
He breakfafted with him in a friendly manner, and then
expreffed a defire of viewing the fortifications. While
he was walking round them, a Livonian, who had for¬
merly been condemned in Sweden, and ferved in the
troops of Saxony, thought he could never have a more
favourable opportunity of obtaining pardon. He there¬
fore begged of King Auguftus to intercede for him, being
fully affured that his majefty could not refufe fo flight
a requeft to a prince in whofe power he then was.
Auguftus accordingly made the requeft, but Charles
refiili d it in fuch a manner, that he did not think pro¬
per to afk it a fecond time. Having paffed foine hours
in this extraordinary vifit, he returned to his army, af¬
ter having embraced and taken leave of the king he had
dethroned.
The armies of Sweden, in Saxony, Poland, and Fin-and
land, now7 exceeded 70,000 men; a force more thanmar.c^es
fufficient to have conquered all the pow’er of Ruffia, had
they met on equal terms. Peter, who had his army
difperfed in fmall parties, inftantly affcmbled it on re¬
ceiving
Ruffia.
1I5
*Tlie Ruf^
fians a. ain
dsfeated.
116
Peter at¬
tempts to
make peace,
but is un
fuccefsful.
An. 1708.
117 ,
Charles ad¬
vances to¬
wards
Mofco.
t US [ 3
ceiving «otice of the king of Sweden’s march, was
making all poffible preparations for a vigorous rehft-
ance, and was on the point of attacking Staniilausj
when the approach of Charles ftruck his whole army with
terror. In the month of January 1708 Charles palled
the Niemen, and entered the fouth gate of Grodno juft
as Peter was quitting the place by the north gate.
Charles at this time had advanced fame diftance before
the army, at the head of 6oo horfe.
The tzar having intelligence of his fituation, fent
back a detachment of 2000 men to attack him, but
thefe were entirely defeated j and thus Charles became
polFclTed of the whole province of Lithuania, The king
purfued his flying enemies in the midil of ice and fnow,
»ver mountains, rivers, and moraffes, and through ob-
ftacles, which to furmount feemed impoflible to human
power. Thefe difficulties, however, he had fore-
feen, and had prepared to meet them. As he knew
that the country cobid not furnilh provifions fufficient
for the fublidence of his army, he had provided a large
quantity of bifeuit, and on this his troops chiefly iub-
fllted, till they came to the banks of the Berizine, in
view of Boriflow. Here the tzar was potted, and
Charles intended to give him battle, after which he
could the more eafily penetrate into Raffia. Peter,
however, did not think proper to come to an a it ion, but
retreated towards the Dniepr, whither he was purfued by
Charles, as foon as he had refrelhed his army. The
Ruffians had dellroyed the roads, and defolated the
country, yet the Swediffi army advanced with great
celerity, and in their march defeated 20,000 Ruffians,
though entrenched to the very teeth. This viilory,
confiderinp- the circumstances in which it was gained,
v,Tas one of the mofl: glorious that ever Charles had at-
chieved. The memory of it is preferved by a medal
ftruck in Sweden with this infeription } Si/hur, paiuc/es,
aggeres, liojles, viSii.
When the Ruffians had re-patTed the Dniepr, the
tzar, finding himfelf purfued by an enemy with whom
he could not cope, refolved to make propofals for an
accommodation ; but Charles anfwered his propofals
with this arrogant reply •, “ I will treat with the tzar at
Mcfco a reply which was received by Peter with the
coolnefs of a hero. “ My brother Charles, faid he, af¬
fects to play the Alexander, but he ffiall not find in me
a Darius.” He frill, however, continued his retreat,
and Charles purfued fo clofely, that daily fkirmiflies
took place between his advanced guard and the rear of
the Ruffians. In thefe a ft! or* s the Swedes generally had
the advantage, though their petty victories call them
dear, by contributing to weaken their force in a coun¬
try where it could not be recruited. The two armies
came fo clofe to each other at Smolenfk, that an en¬
gagement took place between a body of Ruffians com-
poled of xo,oco cavalry and 6000 Kalmuks, and the
Swediffi vanguard, compofed of only fix regiments, but
commanded by the king in perfon. Here the Ruffians
were again defeated, but Charles having been feparated
from the main body of his detachment, was expofed to
great danger. With one regiment only, he fought with
f'uch fury as to drive the enemy before him, when they
thought themfelves fure of making him prifoner.
By the 3d of Oflober 1708, Charles had approach¬
ed within 100 leagues of Mofco; but Peter had render¬
ed the roads impafiable, and had deftroyed the villages
79 ] Itus
on every fide, fo as to cut off every poffibility of fubfiff- RulTra.
ence to the enemy. The feafon was far advanced, and ' 
the feverity of winter was approaching, fo that the
Swedes were threatened with all the miferies of cold and
famine, at the fame time that they were expofed to the
attacks of an enemy greatly fuperior in number, who,
from their knowledge of the country, had almoff con-
ftant opportunities of haraffing and attacking them by
furprife. For thefe reafons the king refolved to pafs
the Ukraine, where MaZeppa, a Polith gentleman, was
general and chief of the nation. Mazeppa having been
affronted by the tzar, readily entered into a treaty with
Charles, whom he promifed to aflift with 30,000 men,
great quantities of provifions and ammunition, and with
all his treafures, which were immenfe. The Swediih
army advanced towards the river Difna, where they had
to encounter the greateff difficulties ; a foreft above 40
leagues in extent, filled with rocks, mountains, and
marfhes. To complete their misfortunes, they were
led 30 leagues out of the right way ; all the artillery
was funk in bogs and marfties ; the provifion of the fol-
diers, which confifted of bifeuit, was exhaufted ; and
the whole army fpent and emaciated when they arrived
at the Difna. Here they expected to have met Mazep¬
pa with his reinforcement; but inftead of that, they
perceived the oppofite banks of the river covered with
a hoftile army, and the paffage itfelf almoft impracti¬
cable. Charles, however, was ftill undaunted ; he let
his foldiers by ropes down the fteep banks ; they crof-
fed the river either by fwimming, 'or on rafts haflily
put together; drove the Ruffians from their port, and
continued their march. Mazeppa foon after appeared,
having with him about 6000 men, the broken remains
of the army lie had promifed. The Ruffians had got in¬
telligence of his deligns, defeated and difperfed his ad¬
herents, laid his town in affies, and taken all the provi¬
fions collected for the Swediffi army. However, he ftill
hoped to be ufeful by his intelligence in an unknown
country ; and the Kozaks, out of revenge, crowded
daily to the camp with provifions.
Greater misfortunes ff ill awaited the Swedes. When
Charles entered the Ukraine, he had fent orders to Ge¬
neral Lew'enhaupt to meet him with 15000 men, 6000
of whom were Swedes, and a large convoy of provi¬
fions. Againft this detachment Peter now bent his
whole force, and marched againft him with an army
of 65,000 men. Lewenhaupt had received intelligence
that the Ruffian army confiffed of only 24,000, a force
to which he thought 6000 Swedes fuperior, and there¬
fore difdained to entrench himfelf. A furious conteff
enfued. in which the Ruffians were defeated with the
lofs of 15,000 men. Now, however, affairs began to
take another turn. The Swedes, elated with victory,
profecuted their march into the interior ; but from the
ignorance or treachery of their guides, were led into a
marfhy country, where the roads were made impaffable
by felled trees and deep ditches. Here they were at¬
tacked by the tzar with his whole army. Lewenhaupt
had fent a detachment to difpute the paflage of a body
of Ruffians over a morafs ; but finding his" detachment
likely to be overpowered, he marched to fupport them
with all his infantry. Another defperate battle enfued ;
the Ruffians were once more thrown into diforder, and
were juft on the point of being totally defeated, when
Peter gave orders to the Kozaks and Kalmuks to fire
3 ® 2 upon
R uffia.
118
Battle of
BulUva.
R U S [ 580 ] It U S
upon all tliat fled 5 “ Even kill me, laid he, it I fliould
be fo cowardly as to turn my back.” The battle was
now renewed with great vigour j but notwithftanding the
tzar’s pofitive orders, and his own example, the day
would have been loft, had not. General Bauer arrived
with a ftrong reinforcement of freth Ruffian troops.
The engagement was once more renewed, and continu¬
ed without intermiffion till night. The Swedes then
took poffeffion of an advantageous poft, but were next
morning attacked by the Ruffians. Lewenhaupt had
formed a fort of rampart with his waggons, but was
obliged to fet fire to them to prevent their falling into
the hands of the Ruffians, while he retreated under co¬
ver of the fmoke. The tzar’s troops, however, arrived
in time to fave 500 of thefe waggons, filled with pro-
vifions deftined for the diftrefi'ed Swedes. A ftrong de¬
tachment was fent to purfue Lewenhaupt j but fo terri¬
ble did he now appear, that the Ruffian general offered
him an honourable capitulation. This was rejected with
difdain, and a frefh engagement took place, in which
the Swedes, now reduced to 4000, again defeated their
enemies, and killed 5000 on the Ipot. After this,
Lewenhaupt was allowed to purfue his retreat without
moleftation, though deprived of all his cannon and pro-
vifions. Prince Menzikoff was indeed detached with a
body of forces to harafs him on his march; but the
Swedes were now fo formidable, even in their diftrefs,
that Menzikoff dared not attack them, fo that Lewen¬
haupt with his 4000 men arrived fafe in the camp of
Charles, after having deltroyed nearly 30,000 of the
Ruffians.
This may be faid to have been the laft fuccefsful ef¬
fort of Swediffi valour againft the troops of Peter. The
difficulties which Charles’s army had now to undergo,
exceeded what human nature could fupport •, yet ftill
they hoped by conftancy and courage to fubdue them.
In the fevereft winter known for a long time, even in
Ruffia, they made long marches, clothed like favages,
in the Ikins of wild beafts. All the draught horfes pe-
liihed ; thoufands of foldiers dropt down dead through
cold and hunger ; and by the month of February 1709,
the whole army was reduced to x 8,coo. Amidft num-
berlefs difficulties thefe penetrated to Pultava, a town
on the eaftern frontier of the Ukraine, where the tzar
had laid up magazines, and of thefe Charles refolved to
obtain poffeffion. Mazeppa advifed the king to inveft
the place, in confequence of his having correipondence
with fome of the inhabitants, by whofe means he hoped
it would be furrendered. However, he was deceived ;
the befieged made an obftinate defence, the Swedes were
repulfed in every affault, and 8000 of them were defeat¬
ed, and almoft entirely cut off, in an engagement with
a party of Ruffians. To complete his misfortunes,
Charles received a (hot in his heel from a carabine,
which fhattered the bone. For fix hours after, he con¬
tinued calmly on horfeback, giving orders, till he faint¬
ed with the lofs of blood J after which he was carried
into his tent.
For fome days the tzar, with an army of 70,000
men, had lain at a fmall diftance, haraffing the Swe-
difli camp, and cutting off the convoys of provifion ; but
now intelligence was received, that he was advancing
as if with a def gn of attacking the lines. In this fitua-
tion, Charles, r ounded, diftreffed, and almoft furrounded
by enemies, is’faid to have, for the firft time, affembled a Ruflla.
grand council of war, the refuit of which was, that it ~
became expedient to march out and attack the Ruffians.
Voltaire, however, totally denies that the king relaxed
one jot of his wonted obftinacy and arbitrary temper j
but that, on the 7th of July, he fent for General Renf-
child, and told him, without any emotion, to prepare for
attacking the enemy next morning.
The 8th of July 1709 is remarkable for the battle
which decided the fate of Sweden. Charles having left
8000 men in the camp to defend the works and repel
the failles of the befieged, began to march againft his
enemies by break of day with the reft of the army, con-
fifting of 26,000 men, of whom 18,000 were Kozaks.
The Ruffians were drawn up in two lines behind their
entrenchments, the horfe in front, and the foot in the
rear, with chafms to fuffer the horfe to fall back in
cafe of neceffity. General Slippenbach was difpatched
to attack the cavalry, which he did with fuch impetuo-
fity that they were broken in an inftant. They, how¬
ever, rallied behind the infantry, and returned to the
charge with fo much vigour, that the Swedes were dif-
ordered in their turn, and Slippenbach made prifoner,
Charles w^as now carried in his litter to the fcene of con--
fufion. His troops, re-animated by the prefence of their
leader, returned to the charge, and the battle became
doubtful, when a blunder of General Creuk, who had
been difpatched by Charles to take the Ruffians in flank,
and a fuccefsful manoeuvre of Prince Menzikoff, decid¬
ed the fortune of the day in favour of the Ruffians.
Creuk’s detatchment was defeated, and Menzikoff, who
had been fent by Peter with a ftrong body to poft him-
felf between the Swedes and Pultava, fo as to cut off
the communication of the enemy with their camp, and
fall upon their rear, executed his orders fo much fuccefs,
as to cut off a corps de referve of 3000 men. Charles
had ranged his remaining troops in two lines, with the
infantry in the centre, and the horfe on the two wings.
They had already twice rallied, and were now again at¬
tacked on all fides with the utmoft fury. Charles in his
litter, with a drawn fword in one hand, and a piftol in
the other, feemed to be everywhere prefent; but new
misfortunes awaited him. A cannon ball killed both
horfes in the litter j and fcarcely were thefe replaced by
a frefh pair, when a fecond ball broke the litter in pieces,
and overturned the king. The Swedifh foldiers believ¬
ing him killed, fell back in confternation. The firil:
line was completely broken, and the fecond fled.
Charles, though difabled, did every thing in his power
to reftore order; but the Ruffians, emboldened by fuc¬
cefs, preffed fo hard on the flying foe, that it wras im-
poffible to rally them. Renfchild and feveral other ge¬
neral officers were taken prifoners, and Charles himfelf
would have (hared the fame fate, had not Count Ponia-
tofski (father of the future favourite of Catharine II.)
with 500 horfe, furrounded the royal perfon, and with
defperate fury cut his way through ten regiments of the
Ruffians. With his fmall guard the king arrived on the
banks of the Dniepr, and w^as followed by Lewenhaupt
with 4000 foot, and all the remaining cavalry. The
Ruffians took poffeffion of the Swedifh camp, where
they found a prodigious fum in fpecie 5 w’hile Prince
Menzikoff purfued the flying Swxdes ; and as they
were in want of boats to crofs the Dniepr, obliged them
to
nus
Ruffia. to forrender at difcretion. Charles efcaped with the ut-
—molt difficulty, but at length reached Otchakof on the
frontiers of Turkey. See SWEDEN.
By this decifive vi£tory, Peter remained in quiet pof-
feffion of his new acquifitions on the Baltic, and was
enabled to carry on, without moleftation, the improve¬
ments which he had proje£ted at the mouth of the
Neva. His haughty rival, fo long and fo juftly dreaded,
was now completely humbled, and his ally the king of
Poland was again eltabliihed on his throne. During
the eight years that had elapfed from the battle of
Narva to that of Pultava, the Ruffian troops had ac¬
quired the difcipline and fteadinefs of veterans, and had
at length learned to beat their former conquerors. If
Peter had decreed triumphal proceffions for his trifling
fuccefles at Azof, it is not furprifing that he fhould
commemorate a victory fo glorious and fo important
as that of Pultava by fimilar pageants. He made his
triumphal entry into Mofco for the third time, and the
public rejoicings on this occafxon far exceeded all that
had before been witneffed in the Ruffian empire.
The vauquiflied Charles had, in the mean time, found
a valuable friend in the monarch in whofe territories he
had taken refuge. Achmet II. who then filled the Ot-
[ 381 ]
R U S
An. 1711.
119
Dangerous
fuuation of
Peter at the toman throne, had beheld wuth admiration the warlike
Pmth. atchievements of the Swedifli hero, and, alarmed at the
late fucceffes of his rival, determined to afford Charles
the moft effectual aid. In 1711, the Turkifh emperor
affembled an immenfe army, and w^as preparing to in¬
vade the Ruffian territories, when the tzar, having inti¬
mation of his defign, and expediting powerful fupport
from Cantemir, hofpodar of Moldavia, a vaffal of the
Porte, refolved to anticipate the Turks, and to make
an inroad into Moldavia. Forgetting his ufual pru¬
dence and circumfpedftion, Peter croffed the Dniepr,
and advanced by rapid marches as far as Yaffy or Jaffy,
the capital of that provyrce, fituated on the river
Pruth ; but his temerity had nearly coft him his li¬
berty, if not his life. The particulars of his danger¬
ous fituation, with the manner in which he was ex¬
tricated from it, by the prudent counfel of his confort
Catharine, and the advantageous treaty of the Pruth,
which was the refult of that counfel, have been already
related under Catherine I.
By this treaty, in which the interefts of Charles had
been almoft abandoned, Peter faw himfelf delivered from
a dangerous enemy, and returned to his capital, to pro¬
peace with fecute thofe plans for the internal improvement of his
Sweden. empire wfiich juftly entitled him to the appellation of
Great. Before we enumerate thefe improvements,
however, wTe muft bring the Sw'edifh war to a conclu-
fion. The death of Charles, in 1718, had left the Swe-
difh government deplorably weakened, by the continual
drains of men and money, occafioned by his mad enter-
prifes, and little able to carry on a war with a monarch
fo powerful as Peter. At length, therefore in 1721,
this ruinous conteft, which had continued ever fince the
commencement of the century, was brought to a conclu-
llon by the treaty of Nyftadt, by which the Swedes
were obliged to cede to Ruflia, Livonia, Efthonia, In-
gria, a part ot Karelia, the territory of Vyborg, the
ifle of Oefel, and all the other iflands in the Baltic, from
Courland to Vyborg ; for which concelfior.s they receiv¬
ed back Finland, that had been conquered by Peter,
together with 2,000,90.0 of dollars, and the liberty of
An. 1721
I iO
Advan¬
tageous
exporting duty free, from Riga, Reval, and Arenfberg, Ruflia.
corn to the annual amount of 50,000 rubles. In confe- l—
quence of this great acceflion to the Ruffian empire,
Peter received from his fenate the title of emperor and
autocrator of all the RuJJias, and the ancient title of
tzar fell into difufe.
The improvements introduced by Peter into the in-peter’s na_
ternal policy of the empire, mult be acknowledged totional im-
have been numerous jnd important, tie organized a- provements,
new the legiilative affembly of the Hate ; he greatly
ameliorated the adminiftration of juftice; he new-mo¬
delled the national army ; entirely eredted the Ruffian
navy j rendered the ecclefiaftical government milder
and lefs intolerant j zealoufly patronifed the arts and
fciences 5 eredted an obfervatory at St Peterfhurg, and
by publicly proclaiming the approach of an eclipfe, and
the precife time at which it was to take place, taught
his iubjedls no longer to confider fuch a phenomenon as
an omen of difafter, or an awful menace of divine judge¬
ment. He enlarged the commerce of his empire, and
gave every encouragement to trade and manufadtures.
He formed canals, repaired the roads, inftituted regular
polls, and laid down regulations for a uniformity of
weights and meafures. Laftly, he in fomc meafure civi¬
lized his fubjedls, though it is evident that he could not
civilize himlelf.
It is the province of the hiftorian to delineate thechara(q.er
characters of the princes whofe tranfadtions he relates.of Peter.
Various have been the charadters given of Peter the
Great, by thofe who have detailed the events of his
reign. It is certain that to him the Ruffian empire is
indebted for much of that fplendour with which Ihe now
fhines among the powers of Europe. As a monarch,
therefore, he is entitled to our admiration, but as a pri¬
vate individual we muft confider him as an objedl of de-
teftation and abhorrence. His tyranny and his cruelty
admit of no excufe *, and if we were to fuppofe that in
facrificing the heir of his crown he emulated the patrio-
tifm of the elder Brutus, we mull remember that the
fame hand which figned the death warrant of his fon,
could, with pleafure, execute the fentence of the law, .
or rather of his own caprice, and, in the moments of dif-
fipaticn and revelry, could make the axe of juftice an
inftrument of diabolical vengeance, and of cool brutality.
Peter was lucceeded by his confort Catharine, in An. 1725,
whofe favour he had, fome years before his death, alter- .Iz3 •
ed the older of fucceffion. As the chara&er of thish’^lc j
princefs, and the tranfa&ions of her ftiort reign, have
been fully detailed under her life *, we (hall here only * See Ca-
notice in the moft curfory manner the events that iao^tberine 1. ■
place.
From the commencement of her reign, Catharine
conduced herfelf with the greateft benignity and gentle-
neft, and thus fecured the love and veneration of herfub-
jedfs, which Ihe had acquired during the life of the em¬
peror. She reduced the annual capitation tax j ordered
the numerous gibbets which Peter had eredled in various
parts of the country to be cut down, and had the bodies
of thofe who had fallen viefims to his tyranny decently
interred. She recalled the greater part of thofe whom
Peter had exiled to Siberia j paid the troops their ar¬
rears ; reftored to the Kozaks thofe privileges and im¬
munities of which they had been deprived during the
late reign ; and Ihe continued in office molt of the fer-
vants of Peter, both civil and military. She concluded
a w, •
HUS
Ruflia.
r as
An. 1717.
.1*4
Reign
of Peter II.
Ad. 1730.
i*S
Anne
duchefs of
Courland
fucceeds to
the impe¬
rial throne.
a tfealy with the German emperor, by which it was fti-
pulated that in cafe of attack from an enemy, either
party (hould aflift the other with a force of 30,000 men,
and Ihould each guarantee the poffeffions of the other.
In her reign the boundaries of the empire were extend¬
ed by the fubmiiTion of a Georgian prince, and the vo¬
luntary homage of the Kubinikian Tartars. She died on
the 17th of May 1727, having reigned about two
years. She had fettled the crown on Peter the fon of
the tzarovitch Alexei, who lucceeded by the title of
Peter II.
Peter was only 12 years of age when he fucceeded to
the imperial throne, and his reign was (hort and unin-
terefting. Pie was guided chiefly by Prince Menzikoff,
whofe daughter Catharine had decreed him to marry.
This ambitious man who, from the mean condition of a
pye-boy, had rifen to the flrfl: offices of the date, and
had, during the late reign, principally conduced the
adminiftration cf the government, was now, however,
drawing towards the end of his career. The number of
his enemies had greatly increafed, and their attempts to
work his downfall now fuccfeeded. A young nobleman
of the family of the Dolgorukis, who -was one of Peter’s
chief companions, was excited by his relations, and the
other enemies of Menzikoff, to inftil into the mind of
the young prince, fentiments hoitile to that minider.
In this ccmmiffion he fucceeded fo well, that Menzikod’
and his whole family, not excepting the young emprefs,
were banifhed to Siberia, and the Dolgorukis took into
their hands the management of affairs. Thefe artful
counfellors, indead of cultivalingphe naturally good abi¬
lities of Peter, encouraged him to wade his time and
exhaud his dlength in hunting, and other athletic exer-
cifes, for which his tender years were by no means calcu¬
lated. It is fuppofed that the debility confequent on
fuch fatigue increafed the natural danger of the fmall-
pox, with which he was attacked in January 1730, and
from which he never recovered.
Notwithdanding the abfolute power with which Peter
1. and the emprefs Catharine had fettled by will the fuc-
ccdion to the throne, the Ruffian fenate and nobility,
upon the death of Peter II. ventured to fet afide the or¬
der of fucceflion which thofe fovereigns had edablidi-
ed. The male iffue of Peter was now extinft •, and the
duke of Holdein. fon to Peter’s elded daughter, was by
tbe dedination of the late emprefs entitled to the crown ;
but the Rudians, for political reafons, filled the throne
with Anne duchefs of Courland, fecond daughter to
Ivan, Peter’s elded brother ; though her elded fitter
the duchefs of Mecklenburg was alive. Her reign was
extremely profperous ; and though die accepted the
crown under limitations that fome thought derogatory
to her dignity, yet (he broke them all, afferted the pre¬
rogative of her anceitars, and punifhed the afpiring Dol-
goruki family, who had impofed upon her limitations,
with a view, as it is faid, that they themfelves might
govern. She raifed her favourite Biren to the duchy of
Courland ; and was obliged to give "way to many fevere
executions on his account. Few tranfadlions of any im¬
portance took place during the reign of Anne. She
followed the example of her great predeceffor Peter, by
interfering in the affairs of Poland, where die had fuffi-
cient intereft to edablifn on the throne Augudus III.
This interference had nearly involved her in a war with
France, and die had already fent a confiderable army to
2 ] R tJ S
the banks of the Rhine, for the purpofe of a&ing a. Rrffin.
gaind that power, when the conclufion of a treaty of-v—
peace rendered them unnecellary. She entered into a
treaty with the fhah of Perfia, by which die agreed to
give up all title to the territories that had been feized
by Peter I. on the diores of the Cafpian, in cond-
deration of certain piivileges to be granted to the Ruf¬
fian merchants.
11SS^ a rupture took place between RufTia and
Turkey, occafioned partly by the mutual jealoufies that
had fubdded between thefe powers, ever fince the treaty
on the Pruth, and partly by the depredations of the
Tartars of the Crimea, then under the dominion of the
Porte. A Rudian army entered the Crimea, ravaged
part of the country, and killed a confiderable number
of Tartars 5 but having ventured too far, without a fuf-
ficient lupply of provilions, was obliged to retreat, aftsr
fudaining a lofs of nearly 10,000 men. This ill fuccefs
did not difeourage the court of St Peterfburgh ; and in
the following year another armament was fent into the
Ukraine, under the command of Marlhal Munich, while
another army under Larfcy proceeded againd Azof.
Both thefe generals met with confiderable fuccefs j the
Tartars were defeated, and the fort of Azof once more
fubmitted to the Ruffian arms. A third campaign took
place in 1737’ an<^ R’diiam were now aflified by a
body of Audrian troops. Munich laid degc to Otcba-
kof which foon furrendered, while Lafcy defolated the
Crimea.
No material advantages were, however, gained on ei¬
ther fide ; and dilputes arofe between the Audrian and
Ruffian generals. At length in 1739, Marfhal Munich
having eroded the Bog at the head of a confiderable
army, defeated the Turks in a pitched battle near Sta-
vutlhan, made bimfelf mader ofYaffy, the capital of
Moldavia, and before the end of the campaign reduced
the whole cf that province under his fubjeftion. Thefe
fucceffes of the Ruffian arms induced the Porte to propofe
terms of accommodation ; and in the latter end of 1739,
a treaty was concluded, by which Ruffia again gave up
Azof and Moldavia, and to compenfate the lofs of above
100,000 men, and vad fums of money, gained nothing
but permidion to build a fortrefs on the Don.
Upon the death of Anne, which took place in 1740, An
Ivan, the fon of her niece the princefs of Mecklen- 126
burg was, by her will, entitled to the fucceffion ; butAcceffion
being no more than two years old, Biron was appointedimPn”
to be adminidrator of the empire during his minority. jv3n yj
This nomination was difagreeable to the princefs of
Mecklenburg and her hufband, and unpopular among
the Ruffians. Count Munich was employed by the
princefs of Mecklenburg to arred Biren, who was
tried, and condemned to die, but was fent into exile to
Siberia.
The adminidralion of the princefs Anne of Mecklen¬
burg and her hufband was upon many accounts difa¬
greeable, not only to the Ruffians, but to other powers
of Europe 5 and notwithdanding a profperous vTar they
carried on with the Swedes, the princefs Elizabeth,
daughter by Catharine to Peter the Great, formed fuch
a party that in one night’s time die vras declared and
proclaimed emprefs of the Ruffias ; and the princefs of
Mecklenburg, her hufband, and fon, ivere made pri-
foners. The fate of this unhappy family was peculiarly
fevere. All but Ivan were fent into banifhment, to an
idand
RtiRla.
R U N
at i}:e mouth of the Dvina, in the
[ 38i ]
ifland at tTje mouth of the Dvina, in the White fea, of the
'where the princefs Anne died in child-bed in 1747.
Ivan’s father furvived till 1775, and at laft ended his
Miferable career in prifon. Tire young emperor Ivan
was for fome time {hut up in a monaitry at Oranienburg,
when, on attempting to efcape, he was removed to the
RuflU.
An 1741.
127
caille of Schlufielburg, where he was, as will hereafter
be related, cruelly put to death.
The chief inlfrument in roufing the ambition of Eli-
AcceffionorZabeth» an^ procuring her elevation to the throne, was
-Elizabeth. ^er phyhcian and favourite Letfoc, who, partly by his
infinualing addrefs, and partly by the afliftance of the
French amballador, brought over to Elizabeth’s intereil
rnoft of the royal guards. By their afliltance fne made
herfelf mi If refs of the imperial palace, and of the per-
fons of the young emperor and his family, and in a few
hours was eifabliihed without oppofilion on the throne
of her father.
During the fhort regency of Anne of Mecklenbure,
a new war had commenced between Ruilia and Sweden ;
and this war was carried on with confiderable acrimony
and fome fueccfs, by Elizabeth. T’he Ruffian forces
took poffeffion of Abo, and made themfelves mafters
of nearly all Finland. But at length in 1743, in con-
fequence ot the negociations that were carrying on re¬
lative to the fucceffion of the Swediih crown, a peace
was concluded between the tvvo powers, on the condi¬
tion that Elizabeth iliould reifure the greater part of
Finland.
Soon after her acceffion, Elizabeth determined to
nominate her fucccffor to the imperial throne, and had
Tfwr“l’ke ^>;scl 1ller eyes on Charles Peter Ulric, Ion of the duke
Gottorp6 ' H0hfein Guttorp, by Anne, daughter of Peter the
made grand Great, 'j his prince was accordingly invited into Ruf-
duke of lia, perfuaded to become a member of the Greek church,
and proclaimed grand duke of Ruffn, and heir of the
empire. I’he ceremony of his baptifm was performed
on the 18th November, 1742, and he received the name
of Peter Feodorovitch. He wTas at this time only four¬
teen years of age j but before he had attained his fix-
teenth year, his aunt had detlined him a confcrt in the
ptrlon of Sophia Augufta Frederica, daughter of Chri-
ftian Auguilus prince of Anhalt-zerbft-Dornburg. It
is unneceffaiy for us here to relate the circumftances that
led to this marriage, and the unhappy confequences that
refulted from it during the life of Elizabeth, as they
have already been fufficiently detailed *.
Having tluis ieftled the order of fucceffion, Elizabeth
began to lake an a£live part in the politics of Europe.
The death of Charles VI. emperor of Germany had left
his daughter, Maria Therefa queen of Hungary, at the
mercy of the enterprifing king of Pruffia, till a formid¬
able party, more from jealouiy of that monarch’s mili¬
tary fame than regard to the interefts or an injured
princefs, was formed in her behalf. To this confede¬
racy the emprefs of Ruffia acceded, and in 1747 fent
a considerable body of troops into Germany, to the af-
fifbmce of the emprefs queen. The events of this long
and bloody contelf have been fully detailed under the
article Prussia, from N° 18 to 64, and they comprife
the greater part of thofe t ran fa 61 ions in the reign of
Elizabeth that do not particularly regard the internal
policy of the empire. The more private Iranfaftions of
rg, as far as they are connedled
with the intrigues of her niece Catharine and the follies
*3*
An. 1742-
12S
Ruffia.
#See Ca¬
therine II.
129
Elizabeth
engages in
the feven
years war.
It U N
grand duke Peter, have alfo been related in our
life of Catherine II. Elizabeth died on the 5th Ja¬
nuary 1762, the vi6tim of riueaie brought on by intem¬
perance. V ith her charadfer as a private woman we
have Hi tie bufinefs here. Her merits as a lovercign will
appear from the following fummary drawn by Mr
Tooke.
Elizabeth, as emprefs, governed but little of herfelf j Char after
it being properly her mmiiters and favourites who dic- ofEliza*
tated her regulations and decrees. Of this number, be-^tt^’
fidcs Beftuchef, was alio Bazumoisky, to whom, it
been faid, the emprefs was even privately married. At
the beginning of her reign, it is true, flie went a few
times to the fitting of the fenate j but the matters tranf-
added there w-ere by much too ferious for her mind ;
and, accordingly, fne very foon left off that pradfice al¬
together, contenting herfelf by confirming with her fig-
nature the refolutions of that afitrnbly, and the deter¬
minations of her miniffer, or the corijerencc^ w’hich fup-
plied the place of the council.
Her charadler in general was mild, as wTas evident
from the tears it colt her whenever fhe received ac¬
counts from Prufiia even of vidtories gained by her own
army, on account of the human blood by which they
muff neceffarily have been purchafed. Yet even this
delicate fenfibility did not reitrain her from profecuting
the war into which fire bad entered from a fpecies of
revenge, and for the purpole of humbling the king of
Pruffia, and even on-her death-bed from exhorting the
pet tons who furrounded her to the moft vigorous con¬
tinuation of it. It alfo proceeded from this fenfibility,
that immediately on her acceffron to the government
lie made the vow never to put her fignature to a fen-
tence of death. A refolulion which fhe faithfully kept j
though it cannot be averred to have been for the bene¬
fit ot the empire 5 fince in conlequence of it the number
of maleiadlors who deferved to die was every day in-
creafing, infomuch that even the clergy requeffed the
emprefs to relradi her vow, at the fame time urging
proofs that they could releafe her from it. All the
arguments they could ufe, however, were of no avail to
move the confcientious monarch j fine would not give
effedt to any fentence of death, although the comman¬
ders in the army particularly would have been glad that
her confidence had yielded a little on that point. They
declared that the foldiers were not to be reffrained from '
their excefles by the fevereft corporal punilhments they
could employ j whereas fuch was their dread of a folenm
execution, that, a few7 examples of that nature would
have effedtually kept them in awe. j,r
Commerce and literature, arts, manufadtures, handi- Her im-
crafts, and the other means of livelihood, which had Provements -i
been foffered by the former fovereigns, continued their1" the em'
courfe under Elizabeth with increaiing profperity. The ^'re'
country produdfs were obtained and wrought up in
greater quantities, and feveral branches of profit were
more zaaloufly carried on. The fum appointed for the
fupport of the academy of fciences founded by Peter I.
at St Peterfiburgh, w7as confiderably augmented by Eli¬
zabeth : and fhe moreover eftablifibed in 1738 the aca¬
demy ftill fubfifting for the arts of painting and fculp-
ture, in wdiich a number of young perfons are brought
up as painters, engravers, ftatuaries, architedls, &c. At
the court of St Peterfburg, as far as they are connected Mofco file endowed a univerfxty and two gymnafia
with the intricmei; of hrr mGrp rf he emprefs Elizabeth herfelf having a good Voice,
mufic.
Rr.ffia.
4——y 
R U S
[ 384 ]
R U S
mufic, wKich Anne had already much encouraged, found
under her adminiftratxon a perpetual accelhon of dif-
ciples and admirers 5 fo that even numbers of perfons
of dillinction at St PeterPourgh became excellent per¬
formers. The art of afting plays was now alfo more
general among the Ruffians. Formerly none but French
or Italian pieces were performed on the Rage of St Pe-
terfburgh, w-hereas now Sumarokof obtained celebrity
as a dramatic poet in his native language, and in 1756
Elizabeth laid the foundation of a Ruffian theatre in
her refidence. Archite&ure likewife found a great admi¬
rer and patronefs in her, St Peterffiurgh and its vicinity
being indebted to her for great embelliffiments, and nu¬
merous ftruflures.
The magnificence which had prevailed under Anne at
the court of St Peterffiurgh was not diminiffied during
her reign, and the court efiablifhment therefore amount¬
ed to extraordinary fums. Elizabeth, indeed, in this
refpeft did not imitate her great father 5 and according¬
ly in the feven years w-ar the w'ant of a well ftored trea-
fury wTas already very fenfibly felt.
The population of the empire was confiderably in-
creafed under her reign j and fo early as I752> accord¬
ing to the ftatement in an account publifhed by an offi¬
cial perfon, it was augmented by one-fifth.
Elizabeth continued the praftice of her predeceffors
in encouraging foreigners to come to fettle in her em¬
pire. Emigrant Servians cultivated a confiderable tra£t
of land, till then almoft entirely uninhabited, on the
borders of Turkey, where they built the town of Eli-
-zabethgorod, and multiplied fo fall, that in the year
1764 a particular diftrift was formed of thefe improve¬
ments, under the name of New Servia. Only the Jews
.Elizabeth rvas no lefs refolute not to tolerate than her
father had been ; infomuch that, fo early in her reign
as 1743, they were ordered to quit the country on pain
of death.
The army w7as augmented under Elizabeth, but cer¬
tainly not improved. There were now no longer at the
head of it fuch men as the foreigners Munich, Keith, or
Loevendal, who, befides their perfonal courage and in¬
trepidity, poffefied the foundeft principles of the art of
war; and, what is of no lefs confequence in a commander,
kept up a ftrift difcipline, and took care that the lawTs
of fubordination were punflually obferved. The ex-
ceffive licence which the regiments of guards, particu¬
larly the life company of the Preobajerfkoy guards,
prefumed to exercife, under the very eyes of the emprefs
in St Peterffiurg, afforded no good example to the reft
of the army ; and Elizabeth, in appointing thofe fol-
diers of that life company, who had been moft guilty of
flagrant diforders, and the bafeft condudf, to be officers
in the marchiqg regiments, gives us no very high idea
of what was required in an officer, but rather ferves eafi-
]y to explain whence it arofe that fuch frequent com¬
plaints w’ere made of infubordlnation, A great number
of excellent regulations that had been introduced into
the army, and always enforced by foreigners, efpexially
by Munich, were fuffered by the Ruffian generals to
fall into total difufe. The bad effefts of this negli¬
gence were very foon perceived ; and it w7as undoubted¬
ly a circumftance highly favourable to the Ruffian
troops, that for feveral years fucceffively, in the wrar
which we have had occafion fo often to mention, they
Fad to engage with fuch a matter in the military art as
4
the king ox Pruffia, and by their confli&s with him, as Ruffir.,
well as by their connexion with t’^e Auftrians, and in J
the fequel with the Pruffian ffildiery, they had an op¬
portunity of learning io many things, and of forming
themfelves into regular combatants. r
Elizabeth tarnilhed her reign, however, by the infti- She efta-
tution of a political court of inquifition, under the name blifhes a _
of a fecret ftate chancery, empowered to examine into lJoilt'cal *n*
and punith all fuch charges as related to the expreffion^"
of any kind of difpleafure againft the meafures of go¬
vernment. This, as is ufual in fuch cafes, opened a
door to the vileft praftices. The loweft and moft pro¬
fligate of mankind were now employed as fpies and in¬
formers, and were rewarded for their denunciations and ^ ^
calumnies againft the moft virtuous chara&ers, if thefe j0lke^s
happened by a look, a ftirug of the flxoulders, or a few Rujjiat
harmlefs words, to fignify their difapprobation of the voi. ii.
proceedings of the fovereign *. P- 33°*
The grand duke afcended the throne by the name of An. 1762.
Peter III. This prince’s conduct has been varioufty re- ^ *3^
prefented. He entered on the government poffeffed of 0
an enthufiaftic admiration of the virtues of the king of
Pruflia, with whom 'he immediately made peace, and
whofe principles and praftice he feems to have adopted
as patterns for his imitation. He might have furmount-
ed the effefts even of thofe peculiarities, unpopular as
they then were in Ruffia 5 but it is faid that he aimed
at reformations in his dominions, which even Peter the
Great durft not attempt •, and that he even ventured
to cut off the beards of his clergy. He was certainly
a weak man, who had no opinions of his own, but chil-
dillily adopted the fentiments of any perfon who took
the trouble to teach him. His chief amufcment was
buffoonery j and he would fit for hours looking with
pleafure at a merry-Andrew finging drunken and vul¬
gar fongs. He was a ftranger to the country, its inha¬
bitants, and their manners j and fuffered himfelf to be
perfuaded by thole about him, that the Ruffians wTere
fools and beafts unworthy of his attention, except to
make them, by means of the Pruffian difcipline, good
fighting machines. Thefe fentiments regulated his whole
conduft, and prepared the way for that revolution which
improprieties of a different kind tended to haften.
Eecoming attached to one of the Vorontzoft ladies, Hisimpru-
fifter to the princefs Daflxkcff, he difgufted his wife, who dences.
wras then a lovely wmman in the prime of life, of great
natural talents and great acquired accomplifliments;
whilft the lady wffiom he preferred to her was but one
degree above an idiot. The princefs Daftffioff, who was
married to a man whofe genius was not fuperior to that
of the emperor, being dame d'honneur and lady of the
bed-chamber, had of courie much of the emprels’s com¬
pany. Similarity of fituations knit thefe two illuftri-
ous perfonages in the clofeft friendftxip. The princefs
being a zealous admirer of the French cecotiomi/les, could
make her converfation both amufing and inftru&ive.
She retailed all her ftatiftical knowdedge ; and finding
the emprefs a willing hearer, fhe fpoke of her in every
company as a prodigy of knowledge, judgement, and
philanthropy. Whilft the emperor, by his buffoonery
and attachment to foreign manners, was daily incurring
more and more the odium of his fubjedls, the populari¬
ty of his wife was rapidly increafing 5 and feme perfons
about the court expreffed their regret, that fo much
knowledge of government, fuch love of humanity, and
fuch
<1
R U S [ 38
Huifia. fuch ardent wifhcs for tire profpetity of Rufiia, fhould
 ' only furnifh converfations with Catharina Romanovna
(the princefs Daflikoff). The emprefs and her favourite
did not let thefe expreflions pafs unobferved, they con¬
tinued their ftudies in concert} and whilfl: the former
was employed on her famous code of laws, for a great
empire, the latter always reported progrefs, till the mid¬
dling circles of Mofco and St Peterlburgh began to
fpeak familiarily of the bletTmgs which they might en¬
joy if thefe fpeculations could be realized.
Meanwhile Peter III. was giving frelh caufe of dif-
content. He had recalled from Siberia Count Munirh,
who was indeed a fenfible, brave, and worthy man ; but
as he was fmarting under the effects of Ruffian defpot-
ifm, and had grounds of refentment againlt molt of the
great families, he did not much difcourage the emperor’s
unpopular conduft, but only tried to moderate it and
give it a fyftem. Peter, however, was impatient. He
publicly ridiculed the exercife and evolutions of the Ruf¬
fian troops j and haftily adopting the Pruffian difcipline,
without digefting and fitting it for the conflitution of
his own forces, he completely ruined himfelf by difguft-
,3(. ing the army.
Routed to 1° the midft of thefe imprudences, however, Peter
temporary was fometimes difturbed by the advice of virtuous coun-
reformation fellors. Among thefe Gudovitch, the vice-chamberlain,
«f Gudo Cl1 to kave reproached him in the following fpirited
vitcb! ’ addrefs:
“ Peter Feodorovitch, I now plainly perceive that
you prefer to us the enemies of your fame. You are
irrecoverably fubfervient to them •, you acknowledge
them to have had good reafon for faying that you were
more addicted to low and degrading pleafures, than fit
to govern an empire. Is it thus that you emulate your
vigilant and laborious grandfire, that Peter the Great
whom you have fo often fworn to take for your model ?
Is it thus that you perfevere in the wife and noble con-
duft, by which, at your acceffion to the throne, you me¬
rited the love and the admiration of your people ? But
that love, that admiration, is already forgotten. They
are fucceeded by difcontent and murmurs. Peterlburgh
is anxioufly enquiring whether the tzar has ceafed to
live within her walls ? The whole empire begins to fear
that it has cheriftied only vain fpeculations of receiving
laws that (hall revive its vigour and increafe its glory.
The malevolent alone are triumphant} and foon will
the intrigues, the cabals, which the firft moments of
your reign had reduced to filence, again raife their heads
with redoubled infolence. Shake off then this difgrace-
ftil lethargy, my tzar ! haften to (hew and to prove, by
fbme refplendent a6t of virtue, that you are worthy of
realizing thofe hopes that have been formed and che-
riffled of you.”
Catharine Thefe remonftrances, however, produced only a tem-
forms a par-porary gleam ®f reformation, and Peter foon relapfed
ty in herfa-jnto ^ accuftorne(j fenfuality. What he loft in popu-
lanty was foon gained by the emiftaries of Catharine.
Four regiments of guards, amounting to 8000 men,
were inftantly brought over by the three brothers Or-
loff, who had contrived to ingratiate themfelves with
their officers, The people at large were ifi a ftate of
indifference, out of which they were roufed by the fol¬
lowing means. A little marmfcript was handed about,
containing principles of legifiation for Ruffia, founded
on natural rights, and on tha claims of the different
Vol. XVIII. Part I.
5 ] k U 3
claffes of people which had infenfibly been formed, and Raffia-
became fo familiar as to appear natural. In that per- v—-oJ
formance was propofed a convention of deputies from
all the claffes, and from every part of the empire, to con-
verfe, but without authority, on the fubjefts of which it
treated, and to inform the fenate of the refult of then-
deliberations. It paffed for the work of her majefty,
and was much admired.
While Catharine was thus high in the public efteem
and affeftion, the emperor took the alarm at her popu¬
larity, and in a few days came to the refolution of con¬
fining her for Life, and then of marrying his favourite.
The fervants of that favourite betrayed her to her fitter,
who imparted the intelligence to the emprefs. Catha¬
rine faw her danger, and inftantly formed her reiolu-
tion. She muft either tamely fubmit to perpetual im-
prifonment, and perhaps a cruel and ignominious death,
or contrive to hurl her hufband from his throne. No
other alternative rvas left her, and the eonfequence was
what was undoubtedly expected. The proper fteps w-ere
taken 5 folly fell before abilities and addrefs, and in
three days the revolution w-as accomplifhed. ^
When the emperor faw that all was loft, he attempted Peter de-
to enter Cronftadt from Oranienbaum, a town on the throned.}
gulf of Finland, 30 verfts, or nearly 26 miles, from St
Peterfburgh. The fentinels at the harbour prefented
their mufkets at the barge ; and though they were not
loaded, and the men had no cartridges, he drew back.
The Englifh failors called from (hip to (hip for fome
perfon to head them, declaring that they would take
him in and defend him but he precipitately withdrew.
Munich received him again, and exhorted him to mount
his horfe, and head his guards, fwearing to live and die
with him. He faid, “ No, I fee it cannot be done with¬
out (bedding much of the blood of my brave Hol-
fteiners. I am not worthy of the facrifice.” It is un-
neceffary for us to be more particular in detailing the
progrefs of the revolution that placed Catharine on the
throne of Ruffia, as the principal circumftances attend¬
ing this event are given under the life of Catherine j but
as the conclufion of the tragedy has been there omitted,
we (hall relate it from the mod authentic fources which
we have been able to procure. 138
Six days had already elapfed fince the revolution, andan<*Putt0
that great event had been apparently terminated with- ath’
out any violence that might leave odious impreffions on
the mind of the public. Peter had been removed from
Peterhof to a pleafant retreat called Ropfcha, about 30
miles from St Peterftmrgh 5 and here he fuppofed he
(hould be detained but a (hort time previous to his being
fent into Germany. He therefore fent a meffage to Ca¬
tharine, defiring permiffion to have for his attendant a
favourite negro, and that (he wmuld fend him a dog, of
which he was very fond, together with his violin, a
bible, and a few romances, telling her that, difgufted
with the wickednefs of mankind, he was refolved hence¬
forth to devote himfelf to a philofophical life. How¬
ever reafonable thefe requefts, not one of them was
granted, and his plans of wifdom were turned into ridi¬
cule. . .
In the mean time the foldiers were amazed at what
they had done 5 they could not conceive by what fafei-
nation they had been hurried fo far as to dethrone the
grandfon of Peter the Great, in order to give his crown
to a German woman. The majority, without plan or
3 C fentiment
R U S [ 386 ] R U S
fentiment of what they were doing, had been mechani¬
cally led on by the movements of others •, and each indi¬
vidual now rededling on his bafenefs, after the pleafure
of difpofing of a crown had vanilhed, was filled only
with remorfe. The failors, who had never been enga¬
ged in the infiu reef ion, openly reproached the guards
in the tippling houfes with having fold their emperor for
beer. Pity, which juftifies even the greatefl criminals,
pleaded irrefifiibly in every heart. One night a band
of foldiers attached to the emprefs took the alarm, from
an idle fear, and exclaimed that their mother was in
danger, and that the mull be aw aked, that they might
fee her. During the next night there was a freih com¬
motion more ferious than the former. So long as the
life of the emperor left a pretext for inquietude, it tvas
thought that no tranquillity was to be expected.
On the fixtb day of the emperor’s imprifonment at
Ropfcha, Alexey Orlof, accompanied by an officer na¬
med Teploft, came to him with the news of his fpeedy
deliverance, and afked permiflion to dine with hun.
According to the cuffom of that country, wine glafles
and brandy were brought previous to’dinner 5 and while
the officer amufed the tzar with fome trifling difeourfe,
his chief filled the glafles, and poured a poifonous mix¬
ture into that which he intended for the prince. The
tzar, without any diltruff, fwallowed the potion, on
which he immediately experienced the moll fevere pains;
and on his being offered a fecond glafs, on pretence of
its giving him relief, he refufed it, whh reproaches
againff hirn that offered it.
He called aloud for milk, but the twm monffers of¬
fered liim poifon again, and prefied him to take it. A
French valet-de chambre, greatly attached to him,
now ran in. Peter threw himfelf into his arms, faying,
in a faint tone of voice, “ It w'as not enough then to
prevent me from reigning in Sweden, and to deprive me
of the crown of Ruffia ! I muff alfc be put to death.”
The valet-de-chambre prefumed to intercede for his
mafter ; but the two mifereants forced this dangerous
w’itnefs out of the room, and continued their ill-treat¬
ment of the tzar. In the midff of this tumult the
younger of the princes Baratinfky came in, and joined
the two former. OrlofF, who had already thrown down
the emperor, was preffing upon his breaft with both his
knees, and firmly griping his throat with his hand. Ihe
unhappy monarch, now7 ftruggling with that ffrength
which arifes from defpair, the two other aflaffins threw
a napkin round his neck, and put an end to his life by
fuffocation.
It is not known with certainty what ffiare the em¬
prefs had in this event; but it is affirmed that on the
very day on which it happened, while the emprefs was
beginning her dinner with much gaiety, an officer (iup-
pofed to be one of the affaffinsj precipitately entered
the apartment with his hair diffievelled, his face covered
with fweat and duff, his clothes torn, and his counte¬
nance agitated with horror and difmay. On entering,
his eyes, fparkling and confufed, met thofe of the em¬
prefs. She arofe in filence, and w7ent into a clofet,
whither he followed her ; a few moments aftewards flie
fent for Count Panin (the former governor of Peter), Raffia,
who was already appointed her minifter, and fhe in-
formed him that the emperor was dead, and confulted
him on the manner of announcing his death to the pu¬
blic. Panin advifed her to let one night pals over, and
to fpread the news next day, as if they had received it
during the night. This counfei being approved, the
empreis returned with the fame countenance, and comi-
nued her dinner with the fame gaiety. On the day
following, when it was publifhed that Peter had died of
an haemorrhoidal colic, fhe appeared bathed in tears, and
proclaimed her grief by an edibt.
The corpie was brought to St Peterfburgh, there to
be expofed. The face was black, and the neck excori¬
ated. Notwithflanding thefe horrible marks, in order
to aflfuage the commotions which began to excite appre-
henfion, and to prevent impeftors from hereafter di-
flurbing the empire, he was left three days, expofed to
all the people, with only the ornaments of a Piolltein of¬
ficer. H:s foldiers, difbandtd and dilaimed, mingled
with the crowd ; and, as they beheld their fovereign,
their countenances indicated a mixture or compafiion,
contempt, and ffiame. They were foon afterwards em¬
barked for their country ; but, as the fequel of their
cruel deftiny, almoft all of theie unfortunate men pe-
rithed in a ftorm. Seme of them had laved themleives
on the rocks adjacent to the coaft ; but they again fell
a prey to the waves, wffiile the commandant of Cion-
fladt difpatched a rceflenger to St Peterfburgh to know
•whether he might he permitted to fljftft them (n).
Thus fell the unhappy Peter Hi. in the 34th year of
his age, after having enjoyed the impeiial dignity only
fix months. Whatever may have been his faults or fol¬
lies, it mull be allowed that he fullered dearly for them.
Of the violent nature of his death there can icarcely be
a doubt, though there appear to be grounds for belie¬
ving that, however much Catharine mult have willed
for his removal, fne did not take an a&ive part in ins
death.
On her acceffion, Catharine behaved with great mag- Catll.^r.
nanimity and forbearance towards thole who had oppo-H. ai‘cerd»-
fed her elevation, or were the declared friends of the be- the imperi-
ceafed emperor. She gave to Prince George, in ex-al tlucr;8-
change for his title of duke of Courland conferred on
him by Peter, the government of Holftein. She rein¬
flated Biren in his dukedom of Courland ; received
into favour Marfhal Munich, who had readily tranf-
ferred his fidelity from the dead to the living, and even
pardoned her rival, the Coemtefs Vorontzoff, and permit¬
ted her to retain the tokens of her lover’s munificence.
She permitted Gudovilcb, who, as we have feen, was
high in the confidence of Peter, and had incurred her
particular difpleafure, to retire to his native country.
Perhaps the mofl unexpected part of her conduft to¬
wards the friends of Peter, w as her adhering to the treaty
of peace which that monarch had concluded with the
king of Pruffia fix months befoie. '1 he death of his in¬
veterate enemy Elizabeth had relieved Frederick frem
a load of folicitude, and had extiicated him from his
dangerous fituation. He now, as he thought, faw him¬
felf
(n) The above account of Peter’s aflfaffination is taken chiefly from M. Rulhiere’s Hiftoire ou Anecdotes fur .a
Revolution de RuJJie, with feme modifications from Tooke’s Life of Catherine ll.t
R U S
[ 387 ]
R U S
Rvjffia.
An. 1764.
140
Afiallina-
tion of the
dethroned
mr.
felf again involved in a war with the fame formidable
' power ; but to his great joy he found that Catharine,
from motives of policy, declined entering on a war at
the commencement of her reign.
In one particular the emprefs fliowed her jealoufy
and her fears. She increafed the vigilance with which
the young prince Ivan was confined in the caftle of
Schluffelburg, from which Peter III. had exprefi'ed a
refolution to releafe him. Not long after her acceflion,
this unfortunate prince was affaffinated j though whe¬
ther this event was to be imputed to the empreis or her
counfeliors, cannot be determined. The circumftances
of the afiafiination are thus related by Mr Tooke, from
documents fupplied by a manifefto publifhed by the
court of Peterfburgh, and fuppofed to be written by the
emprefs herfelf.
“ A lieutenant, named Mirovitch, thinking himfelf
ireglefted as an officer, conceived a plan to revenge him¬
felf on the emprefs Catharine II. by delivering the cap¬
tive Ivan from his dungeon, and replacing him on the
throne : a plan which, befides the exraordinary diffi¬
culties with which it muft be attended, feemed unlikely
to fucceed, as the manner of life to which that prince
had all along been condemned, difqualified him forever
for the flation of a ruler. Yet Mirovitch, capable of
any attempt, however inconfiderate, to which he was
prompted by his vindictive fpirit, found means to gain
•over a few accomplices to his rafh defign. The emprefs
having gone on a journey into Livonia in 1764, and he
happening to have a command at Schluflelburg, for
firengthening the guard at that fortrefs, whereby he
had frequent opportunities of making himfelf thoroughly
acquainted wuth the place of Ivan’s confinement, caufed
the foldiers of his command to be roufed in the night,
and read to them a pretended order from the enaprefs
commiffioning him to fet the prince at liberty.
“ The foldiers thus taken by furprife, were induced by
threats, promifes, and intoxicating liquors, to beliei7e
what, however, on the flighteft reflection, mull have
Itruck them as the grofleft abfurdity. Headed by Mi¬
rovitch, they proceeded to the cell of Ivan. The com¬
mandant of the fortrefs, waked out of his fieep by the
unexpected alarm, immediately on his appearing, recei¬
ved a blow with the butt end of a mulket, which Itruck
him to the ground 5 and the twro officers that had the
guard of the prifoner were ordered to fubmit. Here it
is to be obferved, that the officers whofe turn it was to
have the cultody of him, had uniformly, from the time of
Elizabeth, fecret orders given them, that if any thing
fiiould be attempted in favour of the prince, rather to
put him to death than fuffer him to be carried off. They
now thought themfelves in that dreadful predicament 5
and the prince who, when an infant of nine weeks, was
taken from the calm repofe of the cradle to be placed
on an imperial throne, was likewife faft locked in the
arms of fleep when that throne was taken from him only
one year afterwards, and now alfo enjoying a fhort re-
fpite from mifery by the fame kind boon of nature,
when he was awakened—by the thruft of a fword j and,
notwithftanding the brave refiftance which he made, clo-
fed his eyes for ever by the frequent repetition of the
flroke. Such was the lamentable end of this unfortu¬
nate prince ! of this Ruffian monarch! The event ex¬
cited great animadverfion throughout the refider.ee j
every unbiaffed perfon bewailed the y*uth fo innocently
An 175s.
142
. EftaUifli-
put to death ; and incefiant crowds of people Hocked to Ruffi*.
fee his body in the church of the fortrefs of Schluffel- v " r *
burg. The government was at length obliged to Real { Tooke's
it away by night for inhumation in a monaftery at a con-
fiderable dlftance from town. Mirovilch paid the for-^’’3^ ’
feit of this enterpiife with his head f.” 141
Were we to ofl'er a detailed account of the principal Ch'orolo-
tranfablions that took place during the long reign ofS^
Catharine, we finould far exceed the limits within which. ..rv
this article muft be confined, and ftiould at the fame fia during
time repeat much of what has already been given under the reign
other articles. As the events that dlftinguilhed the life0/ Ca^a'
of Catharine, however, are too important to be wholly11 !,c
omitted, we Ihall prefent our readers with the following-
chronological Iketch of them, referring for a more par¬
ticular account to Mr Tooke’s Life of Catherine II.
and to the articles Catherine II. Britain, France,
Poland, Prussia, Sweden, and Turkey, in this
work.
The year 1766, prefented at St Peterffiurgh the An
grandeft fpeftacle that perhaps wTas ever feen in Europe.
At an entertainment, which the emprefs chofe to name
a caraufal, the principal nobility appeared in the mull
fumptuous dreffes fparkling with diamonds, and mount¬
ed on horfes richly capariloned, in a magnificent theatre
erefted for that purpofe. Here all that has been read
of the ancient joufts and tournaments -was realized and
exceeded in the prefence of thoufands of fpeclators, who
feemed to vie with each other in the brilliancy of their
appearance.
In 1768, the emprefs compofed inftruftions for a new
code of laws for her dominions •, and the fame year ffie
fubmitted to the danger of inoculation, in order that her ^ ^ ^
fiib]e<5ls, to whom the praftice was unknown, might beC(i(je f “
benefited by her example; and the experiment, under laws.
Baron Bimfdale, having happily fucceeded, it was com¬
memorated by an annual thankfgiving.
In the fame year a ivar broke out with the Ottoman
Porte. The various events of this long and important
conffift, which continued for feven years, muft here be the Turks,
only briefly enumerated, as they will hereafter be more
particularly noticed under the article Turkey. In this
wTar, our countryman Greig, then an admiral in the Ruf¬
fian fervice, highly diftinguilhed himfelf by bis condudl
in a naval engagement with the Turks, in the harbour of
Tfchefme in the Archipelago, in which the Turkilh fleet
was entirely defeated, and their magazines deftroyed.
This took place on the 4th of November 1772.
In the beginning of the year 1769, the khan of the Kri- An. 175$.
mea made an attack on the territory of Bachmut on the I44
river Bog, where he was feveral times bravely repulfed, ^ro.£iei*,
with his army of Tartars and Turks, by Major-general Ro-p"!,^”1^*’'
manius and Prince Proforofskoi. At the fame time rvere war with
fought the battles of Zekanofca and Sorocaon the Dniepr, Turkey,
when the large magazines of the enemy were burned. In
February the Polilh Kozaks in the voyvodeffiip of Brac-
lau put themfelves under the Ruffian feeptre. In the fame
month the Nifovian Saparogian Kozaks gained a battle
in the deferts of Krim. In March the Polilh rebels were
fubdued, and their town taken by Major-general Ifma-
ilof. April 2. the fort of Taganrock, on the fea of Az¬
of, was taken. On the 15th the Ruffian army, under
the general in chief Prince Galitzin, croffed the Dnieftr.
On the 19th a viftory was gained by Prince Galitzin
near Chstzhn. On the 21ft the Turks were defeated
3 C 2 not
Rnflia.
r .388
R U S
ml r..r from Chotzim by Lieutenant-general Count Sol-
tikof. The 29th, an aftion was fought between the
Ruffian Kalmucks and the Kuban Tartars, to the difad-
vantage of the latter. June 8th, the Turks were de¬
feated at the mouth of the Dniepr near Otchakof.
19th, An action took place on the Dnieftr, when the
troops of Prince Proforofskoi forced the Turks to repafs
the river in great diforder. Chotzim was taken Sep¬
tember 19th. Yafly, in Moldavia, was taken 27th
September. Euchareft, in Vallachia, was taken, and
the hofpodar made prifoner, in November 17704 A vic¬
tory was gained by the Ruffians under Generals Podho-
riUhany and Potemkin, near Fokffiany. The town of
Shurffia was taken by Lieutenant-general Von Stoffeln,
Feb. 4. A Ruffian Heet appeared in the port of Maina
in the Morea, Feb. 17. Miftra, the Lacedaemon of
the ancients, and feveral other towns of the Morea,
w'ere taken in February. Arcadim in Greece furren-
dered, and a multitude of Turks were made prifoners,
in the fame month. The Turks and Tartars ivere dri¬
ven from their entrenchments near the Pruth, by Count
Romantzof, Prince Repnin, and General Bauer, nth—
16th June. Prince Proforofskoi gained feveral advan¬
tages near Otchakof, June 18. The Ruffian fleet, un¬
der Count Alexey Orlof, gained a complete victory
over the Turks near Tfcheme, June 24th ; the confe-
quence of this vitlory was the deftruftion of the whole
Turkilh fleet, near Tfchefme, where it was burned by
Admiral Greig, June 26. A battle was fought on the
Kagul, in which Count Romantzof defeated the Turk¬
ilh army, confining of 150,000 men, took their camp,
and all the artillery, July 21. The fortrefs Bender was
taken July 22. The town of Ifmail was taken by
Prince Repnin, July 26. Kilia by Prince Repnin, Au-
guft 21. and Ackerman in Odlober. Brailof was ta¬
ken, November 10. 1771. The fortrefs of Shurfha by
General Olitz, on February 23. j the town of Kaffa by
Prince Dolgoruckof, June 29. *, the fort of Kertchi,
July 2. ; the fort of Yenicali, July 3. 5 and numberlefs
other viftories were obtained by fea and land, till the
peace was concluded the 13th January 1775. By this
the Krimea was declared independent of the Porte, all
the vaft tra£l of country between the Bog and Dniepr
was ceded to Ruffia, befides the Kuban and the ifle of
Taman, with free navigation in all the Turkifh feas, in¬
cluding the paffage of the Dardanelles, privileges grant¬
ed to the moft favoured nations, and ftipulations in be¬
half of the inhabitants of Moldavia and Vallachia.
In 1779, the emprefs intending to divide the empire
Divifion of ’n*° viceroyalties, began in January with the viceroyalty
the empire °f Orlof. March 21. a new treaty was figned at Con-
ftantinople between Ruffia and the Porte. May 13. the
treaty of peace between the belligerent powers in Ger¬
many, and the French king, was figned under the medi¬
ation of her majefty. In June Ihe eftablifhed an hofpi-
tal for invalids at Mofco, to be confined to officers. In
July, General Bauer received orders to caufe a canal to
be cut to fupply Mofco with wholefome water. In Oc¬
tober, a (hip built at Taganrock, named the Prince
Conftantine, failed to Smyrna with Ruffian commodities.
December 3. the viceroyalty of Voronetfh was inftitu-
An. 1779.
*45
into vice-
myaities.
] R U S
ted 5 and the 27th, Count Romantzof Zadunaifki open- Rnflls.
ed the viceroyalty of Kurlk with great folemniiy. v"' 1,1
In 1780, February 28. appeared the memorable de- Anj
claration of her imperial majefty, relating to the fafety The emper-
ot navigation and commerce of the neutral powers, or of Ger-
May 9. the emprefs fet out on a journey to White Ruf-man> v^ts
fia from Zarfcoi Selo, vifited Narva, Plefcof, met the
emperor of Germany under the title of Count Falken-
ftein at Mohilef, and they purfued the journey together
to Smolenfk. June 6. Count Falkenftein arrived at
Mofco. The 17th, the emprefs returned to Zarfcoi
Selo, and the count Falkenftein arrived at St Peterlburgh.
July 8. the emperor returned to Vienna.
In 1781, March 1. the emprefs became mediatrix An-I78r<’
between England and Holland. April 5. inftituted the^^T^
firft public fchool in St Peterfburgh. Auguft 27. thementofpU-
grand dukes, Alexander and Conftantine, were inocu- blic fchools
lated by Baron Dimfdale. Auguft 31. the firft ftonein StPeterC.
of a cathedral was laid at Cherfon, dedicated to St Ca-bur^*
therine. September 19. the grand duke, Paul Petro-
vitch, and his confort, Maria Feodorovna, departed
from Zarfcoi Selo, through Plefcof, Mohilef, and Kief,
on a journey into foreign countries, under the title of
Count and Countefs of the North.
In 1782, by command of her majefty, dated Ja- An. 17S:,
nuary 18. a Roman Catholic archbifhop was inftalled in I4S
the city of Mohilef, with authority over all the Catho-
lie churches and convents in the Ruffian empire. Au- Great fi-
guft 7. the famous equeftrian ftatue of Peter the Great, nifhed.
being finifhed, was uncovered to the public in prefence
of the emprefs, on which occafion {he publifhed a pro¬
clamation containing pardons for feveral criminals,
&c. (g). November 22. the order of St Vladimir -was
inftituted. The 27th, the emprefs publiftied a new ta¬
riff. November 20. the grand duke and his duchefs,
having completed their travels through Germany, Italy,
France, Holland, the Netherlands, &c. returned to St
Peterfburgh.
In 1783, May 7. the emprefs inftituted a feminary An. 1783.
for the education of young perfons of quality at Kurlk. HP ^
June 21. a treaty of commerce concluded with the Otto- ce^on t0
man Porte. July, the inftitution of the other viceroyal-the Ruffian
ties of the empire followed in fucceffion. July 21. the empire,
emprefs publilhed a manifefto by her commander in
chief Prince Potemkin, in the Krim, in regard to the
taking poffeffion of that peninfula, the Kuban, and the
ifland of Taman. The 24th, a treaty was concluded
with Heraclius II. tzar of Kartalinia and Kachetti, by
which he fubmitted himfelf, his heirs and fucceffors for
ever, with his territories and dominions, to the feeptre
of her majefty, her heirs and fucceffors. The 29th, ac¬
count was received from the camp of Prince Potemkin
at Karas-Bafar, that the clergy, the beys, and other
perfons of diftinfrion, with the towns of Karas-Bafar,
Bachtflnferai, Achmetchet, Kaffa, Kofloff, with the di-
ftridls of Turkanflcoikut and Neubafar, and that of Pe-
rekop, in the peninfula of the Krim, together with the
hordes of Ediffank and Dfhambolufk, the fultan Alim
Girey, and his vafl'als, with all the Budftiaks and Baih-
kirs there, and all the tribes dwelling beyond the river
Kuban, the fultan Boatur Girey and his vaffals, took
the
(g) For a deferigtion of this extraordinary ftatue, fee Pjetersburgh.
Jluftia.
i to
Imperial a-
cadeiny of
St Peterf-
burgh o-
pened.
A*. 17S4.
ISJ
Georgia ati'
nexed to
the Ruffian
empire.
An. 1785.
JS*
Several pro¬
vincial
fchools efta-
blillied.
• U U S t 3
the oath of allegiance to her imperial majefty, and with
1 willing hearts fubmitted for ever to her glorious fway.
The 30th, the holpodar of Vallachia was depofed, and
Draco Sutzo fet up in his place. September 22. her
majerty raifed Gabriel, archbilhop of Novgorod and St
Peterlburgh, to the dignity of metropolitan. Ofto-
ber 21. in the great hall of tile Academy of Sciences,
the new inflitution of the Imperial Ruffian academy was
opened, after a moft folemn confecration by the metro¬
politan Gabriel, and others of the clergy, under the pre-
fidency of the princefs DaflikofF. November '7. the em-
prefs became mediatrix for accommodating the differ¬
ences between the king of Pruflia and the city of Dant-
zic. The fchool for furgery was opened at St Peterf-
burghon the 18th. December 13. a fchool commiffion
was inftituted for fuperintending all the public fchools.
The 28th, an aft was concluded with the Ottoman
Porte, by which the poffeflion and fovereignty of the
Krim, the Kuban, &c. were folemnly made over to the
emprefs.
1784. January 1. the fen ate molt humbly thanked
her majefty for the benefactions which fhe had graci-
oully beftowed on the whole empire in the preceding
year, in a fpeech by Tield-marlhal Count Razomofskoi.
The 18th, the Roman Catholic archbiffiop of Mohilef,
Stanillaus Tftiefrentiheviteh of Bogufh, conilituted by
her majefty, was, wuth a variety of church ceremonies,
folemnly invefted, in the Roman Catholic church at St
Peterfburgh, with the pallium from his holinefs the
pope, by the papal ambaffador Count Archetti, arch-
biftiop of Chalcedon. Oftober 14. the Lefgiers, hav¬
ing croffed the river Alafan, and invaded the dominions
of Georgia, were repulfed with great lofs by a detach¬
ment of Ruffian troops. December 29. Katolikos Mak-
fim, the ferdar and court-marflial Prince Zeretelli, and
the chief juftice Kuinichefe, ambaffador from David,
tzar of Imeretia, were admitted to a public audience of
her majefty, at which they fubmitted, in the name of
the tzar, him, and his fubjeffs, to the will and power¬
ful proteftion of her imperial majefty, as the rightful
head of all the fons of the orthodox eaftern church,
and fovereign ruler and defender of the Georgian na¬
tions.
1781;. January 1. the fenate, in the name of the
empire, humbly thanked her majefty for the benefits
fhe had beftoxved upon it during the preceding year.
The 8th and 15th, the emprefs in perfon, held a public
examination of the young ladies educated in the Devitza
Monaftery. The 12th, Mauro Cordato, hofpodar of
Vallachia, was depofed ; and Alexander Mauro Corda¬
to, his uncle, reftored to that dignity. The 21ft, the
emprefs vifited the principal national fchool, and paffed
a long time in examining the claffes, and the proficiency
of the youth in that feminary ; on which occafion a
marble tablet was fixed in the wall of the fourth clafs,
wit’n this infeription, in gold letters: Thou visitest
THE VINEYARD WHICH THY OWN HAND HATH PLANT¬
ED, Jan. 21. 1785. April 21. the privileges of the no¬
bility were confirmed $ and, on the fame day, the
burghers of towns conftituted into bodies corporate, by
a particular manifefto. The public fchool in Voronetfk
vras opened. The 24th of May, her majefty went to
infpeft the famous fluices at Vifhney Volotfhok, and
other water communications, and from thence proceed¬
ed to. Mofco. June 19. her majefty returned to St Pe-
89 ] nus
terfburgh. July 3. fhe vifited the hardware manufa£lo- Ruffia.
ries at Sifterbeck, in Finland. 14th, A manifelto was ' ^
iffued, granting full liberty of religion and commerce,
to all foreigners fettling in the regions of Mount Cau-
Cafus, under the Ruilian government. September 14.
the public febool at Nifhney Novgorod was opened.
Oflober 12. the Jefuits in White Riiffia, in a general
affembly, elefted a vicar-general of their order. No¬
vember I. a treaty of commerce was concluded with the
emperor of Germany. The 24th, the Ruflian conful,
in Alexandria, made his public entry on horfeback (an
honour never before granted to any power) ; erected
the imperial ftandard on his houfe, with difeharge of
cannon, &c. December 28. a Ruflian mercantile fri¬
gate, fully freighted, arrived" at Leghorn from Conftan-
tinople.
1786. January iff, the fenate returned thanks for the A.n. 17E&
benefits conferred on the empire. From the nth to
the 16th the new eledtion of perfons to the offices in the
Peterlburgh government, ending with mafquerade and
illuminations, took place. The 29th, the emprefs con¬
firmed the plan of a navigation fchool. February 12th,
by a decree, theufual fiaviih fubferiptions to petitions were
to be difeontinued ; and, inftead of them, only the words
humble or faithfulfubjeB; and, in certain cafes, only The roads
fubjeEl were ordained to be ufed. March 2d, the em- repaired at
prefs granted the univerfity of Mofco 125,000 rubles, tlieiexpencc
and all the materials of the palace Kremlin for increa-
ling its buildings. The 25th, a decree was paffed for
making and repairing the rotds throughout the whole
empire at the foie expcnce of the crown, and 4,000,000
of rubles w-ere immediately allotted for the road be¬
tween St Peterlburgh and Mofco. April 10th, a new
war eftablifhment for the army was figned : 23d, the
hofpodar of Vallachia was depofed, and Mavroyeni fet
up in his place. June 28th, the emprefs inftituled a
loan bank at St Peterlburgh, to the fund whereof Ihe al- Aloaribanfe
lotted 22,000,000 to be advanced to the nobility, and eftabliflie^,.
11,000,000 to the burghers of the town, on very advan¬
tageous terms. Auguft 5th, there were publilhed rules
to be obferved in the public fchools. Oflober 4th, a
large Ruffian fhip, with Ruffian produflions from St
Peterlburgh, arrived at Cadiz. November 24th, the
emprefs eredted public fchools at Tambof. December
14th, Prince Ypfilanti was appointed hofpodar of Mol¬
davia in the room of the depofed Mauro Cordato. De¬
cember 31ft, a treaty of commerce and navigation wras
concluded between Ruffia and France.
1787. January 7th, the emprefs departed from Zar- An. 1787.
Ikoi Selo on a journey to her fouthern dominions: 29th, 1S5
after having vifited the towns of Veleki-Luki, Smolenlk, ^roSiefs
Sterodub, Novgorod Severfkoi, Berefua, Tfhernigof, through' 6
&c. leaving teftimdnies of her clemency and bounty in part of the
each, arrived at Kief. February 6-7th, the depofed hof- empire,
podar of Moldavia, Mauro Cordato, thinking his life
not fafe in Yafli, found an opportunity privately to
efcape. March, public fchools were endowed and open¬
ed at Roftof, Uglitth, Molaga, and Romanof, in the vice¬
royalty of Yaroffavl; alfo at Uftiiig and Arafovitz in
the viceroyalty of Vologda. April 2ift, a maiiifefto
was iffued for promoting peace and concord among the
burghers of the empire. The 22d, her majefty purfiied
her journey from Kief to the Dniepr. The 25th, the
concerted interview between her and the king of Po¬
land, near the Polilh town of Kdnief, took place. The
qc-Uv
l
Ruffia.
1S6
R U S [ 590 ]
30th, tlie emprefs vifited Kreraenlftmk in the viceroy- 25,000}
ally of Katarinoflauf. The treaty of commerce with
England being expired, the Britifh faffory were in¬
formed that they muft henceforward pay the duties on
imports in filver money, like the other nations who had
no commercial treaty. May 7th, the emprefs hearing
that the emperor of Germany was at Cherfon, proceed¬
ed thither, and met him there on the 12th. The 17th,
{he profecuted her journey to the Krim. June 2d, the
emperor, after travelling with her majefly through the
Krim, took leave of her at Boriflauff, in the viceroyalty
of Katarinoflauf, on his way home. 23d, The emprefs
having returned from the Krim, through Krementikuk,
Puliava, Karfk, Orel, and Tula, arrived at the village
of Kolomenfk, feven verfts from Mofco. June 28th,
the 25th anniverfary of her reign, {he difplayed various
marks of her bounty. The debtors to the crown were
-forgiven, prifoners releafed, impoits taken off", foldiers
rewarded, &c. July 4th, returned over Tver, Tula,
Valdai, Vithnei-Volotlhok, and Novgorod, to Zarfkoi-
Selo, where flie arrived the nth. The 12th, the new
built fchool at Riga, called Lyceum, was folemnly de¬
dicated. Augult 5th, Bulgakoff, the Ruffian ambaffa-
lioftilities
with Tur¬
key.
An. 17 88.
*57
Wav with
Sweden.
R^ewalcf dor, at the Ottoman Porte, was imprifoned in the Seven
Towers, contrary to the law of nations, which the em¬
prefs regarded as a public declaration ofw-ar. 21ft, The
Turkilh fleet at Otchakof, attacked the Ruffian frigate
Skorui, and the {loop Bitingi, but was repulfed and put
to flight by the bravery of the latter. Many fignal ad¬
vantages w'ere gained over the Turks-, feveral public
fchools founded in various parts of the empire between
this and Auguft following; during which time the war
broke out with Sweden.
1788. Auguft 12th, in the expedition beyond the
Kuban, the Ruffian troops entirely routed a company
of 4000 Arutayans and Alcafinians j 800 of the enemy
were {lain, and five villages deftroyed. 15th, The
furrender of the Turkifh fortrefs of Dubitffia took
place. 18th, The Turks made a violent fortie from Ot¬
chakof, but wTere repulfed by the Ruffian yagers j and,
after a battle of four hours, were driven back with the
lofs of 500 men. 23d, A fierce battle was fought be¬
tween the Ruffian troops and Sacubanians, in which the
latter loft 1000 men. The Ruffian fleet kept the
Swedifli blocked up in Sveaborg, ever fince the battle
of July 6th. The Swediih army left the Ruffian ter¬
ritory in Finland. September 18th, the town and for¬
trefs of Chotzim furrendered to the Ruffians, with the
garrifon of 2000 men, 153 cannon, 14 mortars, and
much ammunition. 19th—29th, A fmall Ruffian fqua-
dron from the fleet at Ssvaftophol, cruifing along the
coaft of Anatolia, deftroyed many of the enemy’s vef-
fels, prevented the transporting of the Turkifh troops,
and returned with great booty. 20th, Uffenier Shama-
nachin, chief of the Blheduchovians, was, on his pe¬
tition, admitted a fubjeft of Ruffia. 26th, A numerous
hoft of Kubanians and Turks were beaten on the river
Ubin, with the lofs of 1500 men. November 7th,
Prince Potemkin, at the head of his Kozaks, took the
ifland Berefan, with many prifoners and much ammu¬
nition. December 6tb, the town and fortrefs of Ot¬
chakof were taken by Prince Potemkin Tavritlhefkoi;
9510 of the enemy were killed, 4000 taken prifoners,
j8o ftandards, 310 cannons and mortars. The whole
of the inhabitants were taken prifoners, amounting to
2
R U S
the Ruffians loft 956 killed and 1824 wound- Ruflia,
ed. December 19th, General Kamenlkoy gained con- ,uu"~ v ,l J
fiderable advantages over the Turks near Gangur.
1789. April 16th, Colonel Rimfkoy Korlakoff was An 1789.
furrounded by the Turks, who were beaten, with 8reat vvt,11!,5?0,js
{laughter, by Lieutenant-General Von Derielden. 17^ viclorits
—28th, Some Ruffian cruifers from Sevaftopol effect-0Ver the
ed a landing on Cape Karakarman, burnt fix mofques, Turks and
and carried off great booty. 20th, General DerfeldenSwe<ks.
drove the Turks from Galatfti, gained a complete vic¬
tory, killed 2000, took 1500 prifoners, with the fe-
raikier Ibrahim Paftia, and the whole camp. Several
fkirmifties took place between the Ruffians and Swedes
in Finland, always to the advantage of the former.
May 31ft, another vidlory was gained over the Swedes.
June 5th, Sulkof was taken from the Swedes, and fort
St Michael on the 8th. July, 15th, Admiral Tchkcha-
goff engaged the Swedifti fleet under the command of
the duke of Sudermania 5 but no (hip was loft on either
fide. 21 ft, A battle was fought at Fokftiany to the
great lofs of the Turk% and Fokftiany was taken. Au¬
guft 13th, the Ruffian galley fleet fought the Swedifti
under Count Ehrenfchwerdt, the former took a frigate
and five other {hips, and 2000 prifoners. Auguft 2ift,
another fea fight took place, and Prince Naffau Sie-
gen made good his landing of the Ruffian troops in fight
of the king of Sweden at the head of his aemy. Sep¬
tember 7th, Prince Repnin attacked the ferafkier Haf-
fan Pallia near the river Seltlka, and took his whole
camp. 1 ith, Count Suvaroff and prince of Saxe Co-
bourg engaged near the river Kymnik the grand Turk-
ifli army of nearly 100,000 men, and gained a com¬
plete victory j from which Count Suvaroff received the
furname Kymnikfkoi. 14th, The Ruffian troops under
General Ribbas, took the Turkifii citadel Chodlhabey, in
the fight of the whole of the enemy’s fleet. 30th, The
fortrefs Palanka being taken, the town of Belgorod or
Akcrmann furrendered to Prince Potemkin 1 avritflief-
koi. November 4th, the town and caftle of Bender fub--
mitted at difcretion to the fame commander.
i790,A.pril 24. General Numfen gained a vi&ory An. 179#.
over the Swedes near Metnel. May 2. a fea fight 159
took place off Reval, in which the Ruffians took the
Prince Charles of 64 guns, from the Swedes j and inl'v'tu
this engagement thofe two gallant Enghfii officers,
captains Trevennin and Denifon were killed. 23^> the
fleet under Vice admiral Crufe engaged the Swedifli
fleet near the ifland Silkar, in the gulf of Finland,
without any advantage being gained on either fide,
though they fought the whole day. 24th, an adtion
was fought at Savataipala, when the Swedes were
forced to fly. June 6. the Swedes were defeated by
Major Buxhovden, on the ifland Uranfari. June 22.
the whole Swedifli fleet, commanded by the duke of
Sudermania, w7as entirely defeated by Admiral I chilhagcff
and the prince of Naffau Siegen ; on this occafion 5000
prifoners were taken, amongft whom were the centre ad¬
miral and 200 officers. 28. General Denifoff defeated
the Swedes near Davidoff. July 9th, Admiral Uftiakcff
obtained a vidlory over the Turkilh fleet commanded by
the capudan pallia, at the mouth of the ftraits of Yeni-
kali. Auguft 3. peace w-as concluded wdth Sweden,
without the mediation of any other powder. Auguft 28,
29. an engagement took place on the Euxine, not far
from Chodfllabey, between the Ruffian admiral Uflia-
koff
An 1791.
160
The Tuiks
repeatedly
defeated,
R U S [
Ri koiF and the capndan paflia, ttlien the principal Turkifh
fliip, of 80 guns, was burnt, one of 70 guns, and three
taken, the admiral Said Bey being made prifoner, and
another {hip funk } the relt made off. September 30. a
great victory was obtained over the Turks by General
Germann, with much (laughter, and the feralkier Batal
Bey, and the whole camp, were taken. October 18.
Kilia futrendered to Major Bibbas. November 6, 7.
the fortrefs Cultiha and the Turkifh flotilla were taken.
December 1 r. the important fortrefs of Ifnaail, after
a (toiming for feven hours without intermiflion, furrend-
ered to Count SuvarofF, with the garrifon of 42,000
men : 30,816 were (lain on the fpot, 2OO0,ditd of their
wounds, 9000 were taken prifoners, with 265 pieces of
cannon, an incredible {lore of ammunition, ike. The
Ruffians loft only 1815 killed, and 2450 wounded.
1791, March 25—31. the campaign opened by the
troops under Prince Potemkin, not far from Brailof,
when the Turks were defeated in fever al battles, in
which they loll upwards of 4000 men. June 5. the
troops under General Golenitflaef Kutufoff, near Tult-
iha, drove the Turks beyond the Danube, and at Ba-
bada entirely routed a body of 15,000 men, of whom
1500 were left dead upon the field. 22. The fortrefs
Anapuas was taken by ftorm, when the whole garrifon,
confifting of 25,000 men, were put to the Iword, ex¬
cepting 100O W'ho were taken prifoners. 28. The
troops under Prince Repnin attacked the Turkiih army,
confiiting cf nearly 80,000 rnen, commanded by the
grand vizir Yuffuf Palha, eight paffras, two Tartar ful-
tans, and two beys of Anatolia ; and alter a bloody
battle of fix hours, entirely routed them : 5000 Turks
were killed in their flight. June 28. Sudlkuk Kale
161 was taken. July 31, Admiral Ulhakoft’beat the Turkifli
and obliged on coafts Qf Ramelia. Prince Repnin and
Yufifuf Palha figmd the preliminaries of peace between
*iC C ’ the Ruffian empire and the Ottoman Porte, by which the
Dnieftr was made the boundary of the two empires,
wfith the cefiion of the countries lying between the
Bog and the Dnieffr to Ruflia. Auguff: 15, 16. at
Pilnitz near Drelden, a congrefs wTas held by the em¬
peror of Germany, the king of Pruflia, the eledlor of
Saxony, the count d’Artois, &c. &c. One of the moll
important events in this year was the death of Prince-
Potemkin at YaiTy in Moldavia on the 15th October.
An 1792. ' 1792. Early in this year BulgakofF, the Ruffian mi-
162 niffer at Warfaw, declared w^ar againft Poland ; and the
Frtfh inva- pofifti patriots raifed an army in which Thaddeus Kof-
tu.n 01 ro- ciu{k0 ^or according to fome Kofchiefsky) foon bore
a confpicuons part.
In 1788, the diet of Poland had abrogated the con-
flitution which the emprefs of Ruflia had, in 1775,
compelled that nation to adopt, and had formed an alli¬
ance with the king of Pruflia, by w^ay of defence
againft the further encroachments of the Ruffian defpot.
Three years after, viz. on the 3d of May 179T, the
new conftitution which was intended further to dellioy
the ambitious hopes of Catharine, wras decreed at War¬
faw. See Poland, N° 125. Thefe were affronts
which the Ruffian emprefs could not forgive, and in one
of the conciliabula, in which the minifters of {late, and
the favourite for the time being, fat to regulate the af¬
fairs of the north of Europe, and to determine the fate
of the furrounding nations, the annihilation of the Polilh
monarchy was refolved on.
91 ] R u s
I he declaration of war above mentioned w7as de- Ruffia.
nounced by BulgakofF at an affembly of the diet. See ^
Poland, N° 148. That body received the declara¬
tion with a majeftic calmnefs, and relolved to take
meafures for the defence of the nation. The generous
enthufialm of liberty foon fpread throughout the repub¬
lic, and even the king pretended to (hare in the general
indignation. An army was haftiiy colledted, and the
command of it bellowed on Prince Jofeph Poniatofsky,
a general whole inexperience and frivolous purfuits were
but ill adapted to fo important a charge.
in the mean time ieveral Ruffian armies were pre¬
paring to overwhelm the frnall and difunited forces of
the foies. A body of 80,00c Ruffians extended itfelf
along the Bog ; another of 10,000 was collected in the
environs of Kief, and a third of 30,000 penetrated into
Lithuania. While thefe armies were carrying murder
and defolation through the Polith territories, Catharine
was employing all her arts to induce the neighbouiing
powers to join in the partition of Poland, and in this (he
was but too fuccefsful. A treaty was accordingly con¬
cluded between the emprefs and the king of Pruffia, by
which either appropriated to itfelf a certain {have of the
remains of Poland. Staniilaus Augullus, the powerlefs
head of that republic, was prevailed on to make a public
declaration, that there was a neceflity for yielding to
the fuperiority of the Ruffian arms.
1793. On the 9th of April the Polifti confederation An. 1793.
of the partizans of Ruffia affembled at Grodno j and on
. this occafion the Ruffian general placed himfelf under
the canopy of that throne wdiich he was about to de¬
clare for ever vacant, and the Ruffian minifter Sievers,.
produced a manifelto, declaring the intention of his
miff refs to incorporate with her domains all the Polifh
territory which her arms had conquered.
The Ruffian foldiers difperfed through the provinces,
committed depredations and ravages of which hiitory
furnifhes but few examples. Warfaw became efpecially
the theatre of their exceffes. Their general Igelftrom,
who governed in that city, connived at the diiorders of
the foldiers, and made the wretched inhabitants feel tire
whole weight of his arrogance and barbarity. The pa¬
triots of Poland had been obliged to difperfe ; their pro¬
perty was confifcated, and their families reduced to fer-
vkude. Goaded by fo many calamities, they once
more took the refoluPon to free their country from the
oppreflion of the Ruffians, or periftr in the attempt.
Some of them affembled, and fent an invitation to Kof-
ciufko, to come and lead them ou againil the invaders
ol their freedom.
Kofciufko had retired to Leipfic with Kolontay, Za-
gonchek, and Ignatius Pottocky, all eminent for patrio-
tifm and military ardour. Thefe four Poles hefitated
not a moment in giving their approbation to the refolu-
tion adopted by their indignant countrymen j but they
were fenfible that, in order to fucceed, they muff begin
by emancipating the peafants from the Hate of lervitude
under which they then groaned. Kofciufko and Zagom*
chek repaired with all expedition to the frontiers of Po¬
land, and the latter proceeded to Warfaw, where he
held conferences with the chief of the confpirators, and
particularly with feveral officers who declared their de-
teftation of the Ruffian yoke. All appeared ripe for a
general infurre&ion, and the Ruffian commanders whofs
fufpicionj had been excited by the appearance of Kof.
ciulko
R U S
[ 392 1
R U S
the in-
croach-
nients of
Ruffia.
Ruflia ciufko on the frontiers, obliged that leader and his con-
federates to poftpone for a time the execution of their
plan. To deceive the Ruffians, Kofciuiko retirid into
Italy, and Zagonchek repaired to Drefden, whither Igna¬
tius Potolki and Kolontay had gone before him.
On a hidden, however, Zagonchek appeared again at
Warfaw, but was impeached by the king to General
Igelllrom, and, in a conference with the general, was
ordered to quit the Polilh territory. He mult now
have abandoned his enterprile altogether, or immediate¬
ly proceeded to open inlurre61ion. He chofe the latter.
An. 1794. 1794. Kolciulko was recalled from Italy, and ar-
l65 rived at Cracow, where the Poles received him as their
^patriots deliverer. Here he was joined by fome other officers,
to oppofe and took the command of his little army, confifting of
about 3000 infantry, and 1 200 cavalry. On the 24th
of March was publiffied the manifefto of the patriots, in
which they declared the motives for their infurre&ion,
and called on their countrymen to unite in the glorious
attempt to free the republic from a foreign yoke. Kof¬
ciuiko was foon joined by 300 peafants armed with
fcythes, and fome other fmall reinforcements gradually
eame in. A body of 7000 Ruffians had colle&ed to op¬
pofe the movements of this little army, and a battle
took place, in which the patriots were fuceelsful.
While the infurre&ion had thus aufpicioully com¬
menced on the frontiers, the confederates of the capital
were nearly crulhed by the exertions of the Ruffian ge¬
neral. Hearing at Warfaw of the fuccefs of Kofciuiko,
Igelftrom caufed all thofe whom he fufpe&ed to have
any concern in the infurre&ion, to be arrefted j but
thefe meafures ferved only to irritate the confpirators.
On the 18th of April they openly avowed their confe¬
deracy with the patriots of the frontiers, and proceeded
in great numbers to attack the Ruffian garrifon. Two
thoufand Ruffians were put to the fword, and the general
being belieged in his houfe, propofed a capitulation j
but "profiting by the delay that had been granted him,
he efcaped to the Pruffian camp, which lay at a little
diftance from Warfaw.
Wilna, the capital of Lithuania, followed the example
of Warfaw, but the triumph of the infurgents w>as there
lefs terrible, as Colonel Yafinlky, who headed the pa¬
triots, condufted himfelf with fo much Ikill, that he
made all the Ruffians prifoners without bloodlhed. The
inhabitants of the cantons of Chelm and Lublin, alfo de¬
clared themfelves in a Hate of infurredion, and three
Poliffi regiments who w^ere employed in the fervice of
Ruffia, efpoufed the caufe of their country. Some of the
principal partizans of Ruffia were arrefted, and fentenced
to be hanged.
Kofciuiko exerted himfelf to the utmoft to augment
his army. He procured recruits among the peafants,
and to infpire them wdth the more emulation, he adopted
their drefs, ate with them, and diftributed rewards a-
mong fuch as appeared moft to merit encouragement.
AH his attempts to infpire the lower orders of the Poles
with the ardour of patriotifm were, however, unavailing.
A mutual diftruft prevailed between the nobles and the
peafants, and this was fomented by the arts of Stanillaus
and the other partizans of Ruffia.
The emprefs bad fent into Poland two of her heft ge¬
nerals, Suvaroff and Ferfen. For fome time Kofciuiko
fucceeded in preventing the junftion of thele generals,
Rufii;
and ieveral engagements took place between the Ruf¬
fians and patriots, in which the former were generally *>r~T'='
fuccefsful. At length, on the 4th of O&ober the fate
of Poland was decided by a fanguinary conflift between
Kofciulko and Ferlen, at Macieyovitch, a fmall town
of Little Poland, about 60 miles from Warfaw. The
talents, the valour, and defperation of Kofciuiko, could
not prevent the Poles from yielding to fuperior number?.
AlmOlt the whole of his army was either cut in pieces,
or compelled to lurrender at deferetion, and the hero him ¬
felf, covered with wounds, fell fenlelefs on the field of
battle, and was made prifoner.
The fmall number that efcaped fled to Warfaw, and Final dif-
Ihut themfelves up in the fuburb of Praga. Hither nie<nber-
they were purfued by Suvaroff, who immediately laid ^
fiege to the fuburb, and prepared to carry it by ftorm.
On the 2d of November, the brutal Suvaroff gave the
affault, and having made himfelf mafter of the place, put
to the fword both the foldiers and the peaceable inhabi¬
tants, without diftimftion of age or fex. It is computed
that 20,000 perfons fell vi£lims to the favage ferocity of
the Ruffian general $ and, covered with the blood of the
llaughtered inhabitants, the barbarian entered Warfaw
in triumph.
Thus terminated the feeble refiftance of the Poliffi
patriots. The partition of the remaining provinces was
foon effe&cd, and Staniflaus Auguftus, who had long
enjoyed merely the fliadow of royalty, and had degrad¬
ed himfelf by becoming the inftrument of Ruffian ufur-
pation, retired to Grodno, there to pafs the remainder
of his days on a penfion granted him by the emprefs.
1705. On the 18th of February, a treaty of defen- An. 1795.
five alliance between the emprefs of Ruffia and his Bri¬
tannic majefty was figned at St Peterfburgh. I he
oftenfible object of this treaty was to maintain the gene¬
ral tranquillity of Europe, and more efpecially of the
north j and by it Ruffia agreed to furniffi Great Britain
with 10,000 infantry and 2000 horfe in cafe of invafion j
while Great Britain was, under fimilar circumftances,
to fend her imperial majefty a fquadron confifting of two
ffiips of 74 guns, fix of 60, and four of 50, with a com¬
plement of 4560 men. On the 18th March was figned
the a£t by which the duchies of Courland and Semigal-
lia, together with the circle of Pilten, all which had
lately belonged to the duke of Ccurland, but had long
rejiained only Hhe ftiadow of independence, fubmitted
themfelves to the Ruffian dominion. 165
In this year there took place between the courts of Difpute
St Peterlburgh and Stockholm, a difpute which threat- Swc“
ened to terminate in a war. Guftavus III. had been af- e
faffinated by Ankerftroem at a mafquerade, on the 15th
March 1791, and the young king Guftavus Adolphus
being ftill a minor, the duke of Sudermania, his uncle,
had been appointed regent of the kingdom. The regent
had determined to effeft a marriage between his nephew
and a piincefsof the houfe of Mecklenburg; but Catharine
publicly declared that the late king had betrothed his
fon to one of her granddaughters. The mifunderftand-
ing hence originating, was increafed by the rude and inde¬
corous behaviour of the baron Von Budberg, the Ruf¬
fian charge des affaires at Stockholm, and matters feem-
ed tending to an open rupture ; when in 1796, a
French emigrant named Chriftin tffe6fed a reconci¬
liation, and General Budberg, the baron’s uncle, was
fent
x
RuiH a.
An. 1796.
166
Reign of
Raul.
R U S [3
Tent as ambaflador to Stockholm fiom tlie Ruffian court.
In confequence of this reconciliation, the young king, at¬
tended by the regent, and a numerous train of Swedifh
courtiers, let out on a vilit to St Peterfburgh, where
they arrived on the 24th of Auguft, and an interview
took place between the emprefs and her royal vHItors,
for the purpofe of finally adjufling the proje&ed matri¬
monial alliance. Gultavas Adolphus was much pleafed
with the appearance of the grahd duchefs Alexandra ;
but informed the emprefs, that by the fundamental laws
of Sweden he could not fign the marriage contrail: be¬
fore the princefs had abjured the Greek religion ; and
as neither the folicitations nor the flatteries of Catharine
could prevail on the young monarch to depart from the
received cuftom of his country, the negoeiation ended,
and the next day Guftavus and his retinue quitted St
Peterlburgh.
The laft tranfaftion of importance in the reign of
Catharine was her invafion of the Perfian territories, un¬
dertaken for the purpofe of acquiring certain pofleffions
on the iliqres of the Cafpian. A Ruffian army entered
Dagheltan, and made itfelf mailer of Derbent, but
was afterwards defeated by the Perfians under Aga
Mahmed.
The death of the emprefs took place, as we have elfe-
where Hated, on the 9th of November of this year ; and
the grand duke Paul Petrovitch afeended the throne un¬
der the titk of Paul I.
Paul Petrovitch had attained his 42d year before the
death of his mother placed him on the imperial throne 5
but for many years before her death, he had lived in a
Hate of comparative obfeurity and retirement, and had
apparently been confidered by the emprefs as incapable
of taking any active part in the adminiftration of affairs.
It is well known that Catharine never admitted him to
any participation of pow?er, and kept him in a Hate of
the moll abje£f and mortifying feparation from court,
and in almoll total ignorance of the affairs of the em¬
pire. Although by his birth he was generaliffimo of
the armies, prefident of the admiralty, and grand admi¬
ral of the Baltic, he was never permitted to head even
a regiment, and was interdifled from vifiting the fleet
at Cronlladt. From thefe circumftances it is evident
that the emprefs either had conceived feme jealoufy of
her fon, or faw in him fome mental imbecillity, that
appeared to her to difqurdify him for the arduous con¬
cerns of government. There is little doubt, from the
circumftances which diftinguifhed his fliort reign, that
Catharine had been chiefly influenced in her treatment
of the grand duke, by the latter confideration. There
were certainly times at which Paul difplayed evident
marks of infanity, though he occafionally gave proofs
of a generous and tender dil’pofition, and even of in-
tclleftual vigour. /-
It is generally believed that, a fliort time before her
death, Catharine committed to Plato Zuboff, her lafl: fa-
vourite, a declaration of her will, addreffed to the fena^,
defiring that Paul fliould be faffed over in the -luc-
ceffion, and that on her death the grand duke Alex¬
ander Ihould afeend the vacant throne. As foon as
Zuboff wras made acquainted w:ith the fudden death of
the emprefs-, he flew ta Pavlovlk,. about 23 miles from
St Peterihurgh, where Paul occafionally refided, but
meeting the grand duke on the road, he, after a fhort
Vol, XVIII. Part I.
93 J R U S
explanation, delivered up the important document. R-uflia.
Paul, charmed with his zeal and loyalty, rewarded the ^
late favourite, by permitting him to retain the wealth
and honours which had been heaped on him by his
miflrefs, while a general and rapid difperfion foon took
place among the other adherents of the late fovereign.
On the day following the death of his mother, Paul
made his public entry into St Peterfburgh, amidft the
acclamations of all ranks of people. 1g
One of the firft meafures adopted by thev new empe-Singular fu¬
ror excited confiderable furpr’fe, and divided the opi-neral of Ps-
nions of the public with refpett to the motives by whichter
it had been fuggefted ; fome attributing it to his refpefh
for the memory of his late father 5 others to a culpable
refleffion on that of his mother. He ordered the re¬
mains of Peter III. to be removed from the fepulchre
in which they had been depofited in the church of St
Alexander Nefski, and caufed them to lie in Hate for
three weeks, while they were,watched night and day
by the only two remaining confpirators who had affifted
at his affaffination. After this dreadful mark of his
juflice on the murderers of his father (furely more ter¬
rible to the guilty mind than death itfelf), he configned
the allies to the fepulchre of Catharine II. in the cathe¬
dral of St Peter and St Paul, obliging the affaffins to
walk in the proceffion as chief mourners.
Few political events of any importance marked the
reign of Paul previous to the year 1798, when, in con¬
fequence of a treaty between Paul and the emperor of
Germany, a Ruffian army of 45,000 men under Field-
marfhal Suvaroff, joined the imperialifts in the Auftrian
territories in Italy. The progrefs of Suvaroff, his iuc-
ceffes over Moreau, and his final recal by his mailer,
have already been related in the article France, from
498 to 506.
In 1799, Paul entered into a treaty of offenfive and An. 1799.
defenfive alliance with his Britannic majelly. This ^ ^
treaty was figned at St Peterlburgh on the 22d of June, ai^,^'be¬
having been preceded by a provifional treaty between iWeen Ruf-
the fame powers at the end of the year 1798. By the fia and Bri-
proviuonal treaty it had been ftipulated that Paul Ihouldtaln-
affill the king of Pruffia, if the latter could be per-
fuaded to join his arms to the allied powers againft
France, with 45,000 men ; and that the king of Great
Britain fliould pay to Ruffia a fubfidy of 75,000!. fter-
ling per month •, and in cafe the king of Pruffia fhould
refufe to join the coalition, the fame number of troops,
in confideration of the fame fubfidy, (hould be employed
as occafion might require, to affilt the common caufe.
By the new treaty, the emperor of Ruffia, inllead of the
45,000 troops, engaged to furnifh 17,593,, "Ah the ne-
ceffary artillery, to be employed in an expedition againft:
Holland 5 and he engaged to furniih fix Ihips, five fri¬
gates, and two tranlports, for the purpofe of tranlport-
ing part of the invading army from Britain to the con¬
tinent. In confideration of thefe fuccours, the court of
London engaged to advance to Ruffia a fubfidy of
44,00c! fterling per month ; to pay the fum of 58,999k
10s fterling for the expences of equipping the fleet; and
after the period of three months had elapfed from fuch
equipment, to pay a further fubfidy of 19,642k 10s.
fterling per month, fo long as the fleet fliould remain un¬
der the command of his Britannic majefty.
In confenuence of this treaty, a Ruffian fleet joined
3 D that
4
R U S
E 394 ]
R U S
Rufiia.
An. i8ox.
169
Paul’s chal¬
lenge to the
fave reigns
of Europe !
1 '/O
Other
marks of
the tmpe
ror’s de-
rangement.
that of Britain in Yarmouth roads, and took part in the
unfortunate expedition to the coaft of Holland, under¬
taken in the fummer of 1799. See Britain, N° 1069.
In the beginning of the year 1801, all Europe was
thrown into the greateft alioniihment by the appearance
of a paragraph in the Hamburgh gazette of the 16th of
January. The paragraph was dated from Peterfburgh
the 30th December, 1800, and is as follows.
“ We learn from Peterfburgh, that the emperor of
Ruffia, finding that the powers of Europe cannot agree
among themfelves, and being defirous to put an end to
a war which has defolated it for 11 years pad, intends
to point out a fpot, to which he will invite all the other
fovereigns to repair and fight in Angle combat j bring¬
ing with them as feconds and fquires, their moft en¬
lightened minifiers, and their moll able generals, fuch as
Meflrs Thugot, Pitt, BernfiorlT, &c. and that the empe¬
ror himfelf propofes being attended by generals count de
Pahlen and Khutofof: We know not if this report be
worthy of credit; however, the thing appears not defti-
tute of fome foundation, and bears ftrong marks of what
he has been often taxed with.”
This paragraph was immediately copied or tranilated
into all the public papers, and it was flrongly affirmed
by many, that it was the compofition of Paul himfelf.
This has fince been confirmed by the poet Kotzebue,
who was employed by the emperor of Ruffia to tranflate
the original into German, for the exprefs purpofe of its
being inferted in the Hamburgh gazette (h).
This was not the only mark of mental derangement
difplayed by the unhappy monarch. His favours and
his difpleafure were alternately experienced by fome of
his moll diftinguifhed courtiers and adherents. Stanif-
laus, the depofed king of Poland, partook by turns of
his beneficence and his feverity 5 and at length on the
death of that monarch, Paul aflifled at his funeral, com¬
manded in perfon the guards that attended on the cere¬
mony, and uncovering himfelf with the utmoll emotion,
faluted the coffin as it paffed. To the memory of the
hoary Suvaroff, who is faid to have fallen a broken¬
hearted viblim to the diflraftion of his imperial mailer,
he railed a coloffal flatue of bronze j and on the days
wrhen he reviewed his troops in the fquare where the
flatue had been eredted, he ufed to command them to
march by in open order, and face the flatue. Notwith-
flanding the important fervice that had been rendered
him by Zuboff, the emperor foon became difguffed with
him ; fpoke of him to his friends with great afperity ;
at length denounced him as a defaulter to the imperial
treafury of half a million of rubles •, and convinced of
the juflice of the allegation, proceeded to fequeflrate the
vafl eflates which belonged to him and his two brothers.
Driven to defperalion by fuch conduft, the fecond bro- Ruffia.
ther of the favourite one day walked up boldly to the v—,,J
emperor upon the parade, and with manly eloquence
reprefented the injuftice of his meafures. Paul received
him without anger, heard him without interruption, and
reflored the property j but foon after he ordered Plato
Zuboff to refide on his eflate. He formed an adulterous
connexion with Madame Chevalier, a French a£lrefs,
through whole influence Zuboff was again recalled to
court, and reflored to favour.
It is not furprifing that thefe inflances of folly and Confpiracy
caprice fliould alarm and difgufl many of the nobles, formed
In particular, Count P , the governor of St Petcrf- aSain^ ^
burgh, a fon of the celebrated general P——— P- ^empergr.
who fo eminently diftinguifhed himfelf in the laft Turkifh
war, Prince Y , with fome other men of rank,
entered into a confederacy with Zuboff, to prevent
the final ruin of their country, by removing the pre-
fent emperor. In their conferences, which wTere ma¬
naged with great prudence and diferetion, it was re-
folved that Paul fhould die, and the day of the feftival
called Maflaintza, the eleventh of March O. S. fhould
be the day for executing the awful deed. At the
time of this confederacy, the emperor and his family
refided in the new palace of St Michael, an enormous
quadrangular pile Handing at the bottom of the fum¬
mer gardens. As Paul was anxious to inhabit this
palace as foon after he was crowned as poffible, the
mafons, carpenters, and various artificers, toiled with
incredible labour by day and by torch light, under the
fultry fun of the fummer, and in all the feverity of a
polar winter, and in three years this enormous and mag¬
nificent fabric was completed. The whole is moated
round, and when the ftranger furveys its baftions of
granite, and numerous draw bridges, he is naturally
led to conclude, that it was intended for the laft afylum
of a prince at war with his fubje£ls. Thofe who have
feen its nvaffy w^alls, and the capacioufnefs and variety
of its chambers, will eafily admit that an a£l of vio¬
lence might be committed in one room, and not be
heard by thofe who occupy the adjoining one ; and
that a maffacre might be perpetrated at one end, and
not known at the other. Paul took poffeflion of this
palace as a place of ftrength, and beheld it with rapture,
becaufe his imperial mother had never even feen it.
While his family were here, by every a£l of tendernefs,
endeavouring to foothe the terrible perturbation of his
mind, there were not wanting thofe who exerted every
ftratagem to inflame and increafe it. Thefe people
were conftantly infinuating that every hand was armed
againft him. With this impreffion, which added fuel to
his burning brain, he ordered a fecret ftaircafe to be con-
ftru£led.
(11) This paragraph is fuch a curious tnorceau of witty infanity, that we ftrall here give the original French, as
written by Paul himfelf, and publiflied by Kotzebue, in his account of his exile into Siberia. “ On apprend de
Peterfbourg, que PEmpereur de Ruffle, voyant que les puiffances de PEurope ne pouvoient s’accorder entr’ elles, et
voulant mettre fin a une guerre qui la defoloit depuis onze ans, vouloit propofer un lieu ou il inviteroit tous les
autres Souverains de fe rendre et y combattre en champ clos, ayant avec eux pour ecuyer juge de camp et heros
des armes leurs miniftres les plus eclaires et les generaux les plus habiles, tels, que M. M. Thugot, Pitt, Bernftorff j
lui meme fe propofant de prendre avec lui les generaux C. de Pahlen et Khutofof. On ne fijait fi on doit y ajouter
foix; toute fois la chofe ne paroit pas deftituee de fondement, en portant Pempreinte de ce dont il a fouveftt
tax£.”
Rufiio.
171
His airafli-
■ation.
R U S [39
ftrufted, which, leading from his own chamber, paffed
’ under a falfe ftove in the anti-room, and led by a fmall
door to the terrace.
It was the cuftom of the emperor to deep in an apart¬
ment next to the emprefs’s, upon a fopha, in his regi¬
mentals and boots, whilft the grand duke and duchei's,
and the rett of the imperial family, were lodged at va¬
rious diftances, in apartments below the ftory which he
occupied. On the 10th March, 1801, the day preced¬
ing the fatal night, whether Paul’s apprehenfion, or
anonymous information, fuggefled the idea, is not known,
but conceiving that a ftorm was ready to burft upon
him, he fent to Count P  —the governor of the
city, one of the noblemen who had refolved on his de-
ftru&ion : I am informed, P  , faid the emperor,
that there is a confpiracy on foot againft me, do you
think it neceffary to take any precaution ? The count,
without betraying the lead emotion, replied, Sire, do
not fuflfer fuch apprehenfions to haunt your mind 5 if
there were any combinations forming againft your ma-
jefty’s perfon, I am fure I (liould be acquainted with it.
Then I am fatisfied, faid the emperor, and the gover¬
nor withdrew. Before Paul retired to reft, lie, beyond
his ufual cuftom, expreffed the moft: tender folicitude
for the emprefs and his children, killed them with all
the warmth of farewell fondnefs, and remained with
them for a conlxderable time. He afterwards vifited
the cenlinels at their different polls, and then retired to
his chamber. Soon after the emperor had retired, the
guard that was always placed at his chamber door was,
by fome pretext, changed by the officers who had the
command for the night, and who were engaged in the
confpiracy. One man only remained. This was a huf-
far whom the emperor had honoured with particular
marks of attention, and who always ftept at night in
the antichamber, at his fovereign’s bed-room door.
This faithful foldier it wras found impoffible to remove,
except by force, which at that time the confpirators did
not think proper to employ. Silence now reigned
throughout the palace, difturhed only by the pacing of
the centinels, or by the diftant murmurs of the Neva ;
and only a few ftraggling lights were to be feen, irre¬
gularly gleaming through the windows of the palace.
In the dead of the night, Z -, and his friends, a-
mounting to eight or nine perfons, paffed the draw¬
bridge, afeended ibe ftaircafe that led to the emperor’s
apartments, and met with no oppofition till they reach¬
ed the antichamber, where the faithful huffar, awakened
by the noife, challenged them, and prgfented his fufee.
Though they muft have admired the brave fidelity of
the guard, neither time nor circumftanees would admit
of an a£t of generofity, which might have endangered
their whole plan of operations. Z———— drew his
fabre, and cut the poor fellow down. In the mean
time Paul, roufed by the unufual buftle, fprang from
his couch. At this moment the whole party ruffied into
his chamber. The unhappy fovereign anticipating their
defign, at firft: endeavoured to entrench himfelf behind
the chairs and tables; but foon recovering fome {hare of
his natural courage, he affumed a high tone, told them
they were his prifoners, and required them to furrender.
Finding that they fixed their eyes fteadily and fiercely
upon him, and continued to advance, he implored them
to fpare his life, declared his willrngnefs inftantly to re-
liftquifh the feentre, and to accept of any terms which
5 ] R U S
they might di&ate. He even offered to make them
princes, and to confer on them orders and eftates. Re-
gardlefs alike of his threats and promifes, they now be¬
gan to prefs on him, when he made a convulfive effort
to reach the window, but failed in the attempt •, and, in¬
deed, had he fucceeded in his endeavour to efcape that
way, the height from the window to the ground was fo
great, that the expedient would probably have only put
a more fpeedy period to his exiftence. As the confpi¬
rators drew him back, he grafped a chair, with which
he knocked down one of the affailants, and a defperate
conflift now took place. So great was the node, that
notwithftanding the maffy walls, and double folding
doors that divided Paul’s apartments from thefe of the
emprefs, fire was difturbed, and began to call for help,
when a voice whifpered in her ear, commanding her to
remain quiet, and threatening that if ftie uttered another
word, fire firould inftantly be put to death.
Paul was now making his Lift ftruggle, when the
prince Y- ftruck him on the temple with his fill,
and laid him proftrate on the floor. Recovering from
the blow, the unhappy monarch again implored his life.
At this moment the heart of one of the confpirators re¬
lented, and he was obferved to hefitate and tremble, when
a young Hanoverian, who was one of the party, exclaim¬
ed, We have paffed the Rubicon; if we fpare his life, we
fliall, before the fetting of to-morrow’s fun, become his
victims; on faying which he took off his fafir, turned it
twice round the naked neck of the emperor, and giving
one end to Z , himfelf drew the other, till the
objedt of their attack expired *.
R utfia.
* See Carr's
. Northern
The affaffins retired from the palace without the leaft ^ rnmer
moleftation, and returned to their refpedtive homes. As
foon as the dreadful calaftrophe was difeovered, medical
affiftance was called in, in the hope of reftoring what
might be only fufpended animation ; but thefe attempts
proved fruitlefs. At feven o’clock on the morning of
the 12th, the intelligence of the death of Paul, and the
acceffion of the grand duke Alexander were announced
to the capital. By eight o’clock the principal nobility
had paid their homage to the new emperor, in the cha¬
pel of the winter palace ; and the great officers of ftate
being affembled, Alexander was folemnly proclaimed
emperor of all the Ruffias. The emperor prefented
himfelf at the parade on horfeback, and was hailed by
the troops with loud and cordial acclamations. 173
The emperor Alexander was in his 24th year when Acceflion
he afeended the throne, and from his amiable difpofition ^ Alexan-
had acquired the love and refpeft of all his fubjedts,
The firft meafure which he adopted, his proclamation,
and his firft imperial orders, all tended to encourage
and confirm the confidence with which the people be¬
held him afeend the throne of his forefathers. He fo¬
lemnly promifed to tread in the fteps of Catharine’II. :
he allowed every one to drefs according to their own
fancy; exonerated the inhabitants of the capital from
the trouble and duty of alighting from their carriages
on the approach of the imperial family ; difmiffed the
court advocate, who was univerfally and juftly deteft-
ed ; fuppreffed the fecret inquifition that had become
the fcourge of the country ; reftored to the fenate its
former authority ; fet at liberty the ftate prifoners, and
recalled from Siberia feveral of the exiles. He even
extended his mercy to the affaffins of the late emperor.
Zuboff was ordered not to approach the imperial refi-
3 D 2 dence.
Ruffia.
174 ,
Amicable
clifpofitton
of Alexan-
tier towards
Britain.
Pi U S [ 33
deuce, and the governor of the cily was transferred to
Riga.
It is not eafy to explain the motives that induced
Alexander to forego that vengeance which juftice ieem-
ed to demand on the heads of his father’s afiaffins. It
has been attributed by one of his panegyriits to a forlorn
and melancholy convuftion that the murderers had been
prompted to commit the bloody deed, folely by a regard
for the falvation of the empire. This convi&ion might
have induced the young monarch to diminilh the weight
of that punilhment which piety and juftice called on
him to inflift, but can fcarcely account for his total for¬
bearance.
The emperor Alexander, on his acceffion to the
throne, appeared deftrous to cultivate the friendihip of
the neighbouring ftates, and eipecially that of Great
Britain. His late father, among other projects,^ had
procured himfelf to be elefted grand matter of the knights
of Malta, and had laid claim to the fovereignty of that
jlland. This claim, which had nearly produced a rup¬
ture between the courts of London and St Peterfburgh,
Alexander confented to abandon, though he expreffed
a wiih to be eledled grand mailer of the order, by the
free fuffrages of the knights. In the mean time a con¬
federacy had been formed among the northern powers
of Europe, with a view to oppofe the x»rilifh claim to
the fovereignty of the feas ■, but by the Ipirited inteifa¬
ience of the Britifti court, efpecially with the cabinet of
St Peterlhurgh, the good underftanding between Britain
■and the northern ftates was re-eftablifhed, and the em¬
bargo which had been laid 'on Britifh veffels in the Ruf¬
fian ports was taken off.
On the 19th of June, Alexander caufed to be pub-
liftied the following circular letter, {bowing his difpofi-
tion to be on terms of amity with the Trench republic.
“ All the relations of policy, commerce, and correfpon-
dence with France, which were interrupted, in come-
quence of the revolution in that country, have not yet
been re-eftabhfhed in their full extent } but as at the
prefent moment negociations are going on to efTefl a
reconciliation with that power by every means confident
with the dignity of the emperor and the interefts of his
people, his majefty has been pleafed to charge his mini-
fters to apprize his foreign ambafl'adors and agents, inat
he is willing to renew the ufual courfe of conneftion
with the government, and that the conferences refpect-
ing that objeft are in full afhvity. In the fituation in
which this matter Hands, therefore, it is no longer pro¬
per that the ambaftadors of his imperial majefty fliould
continue to obferve any diftance towards the ambafla-
IMS dors of the French government.”
Treaty of Early in the fame month there was figned at. St Pe-
amiiy and terfburgh, a treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation,
commerce between Ruflia and Sweden, to continue for 12 years,
with Swe- - - -- ’ • . • . t> nr-
den.
by which Sweden was allowed to import into Ruffia,
alum, fait herrings, and fait, on the payment of one-
half of the duties then exafted, and into Ruffian Fin¬
land the produce of Swedifh Finland, duty free ; while
the importation from Ruffia into Sweden, of hemp, , li¬
nen, and tallow, was allowed at one-half of the exiftmg
duties, and of linfeed at two-thirds. The moft remark¬
able part of this treaty was the recognition, by the court
of St Peterlhurgh, of the northern confederacy, which
the amicable adjuftment with Britain appeared to have
done away.
5 ] R U S
The commerce of Ruffia had now recovered its for- Rufibi.
mer fplendour. The exports from the city of Riga '
alone for the year ending in July 1801, amounted to Profpgreas
6,770,638 rubles 5 and of thefe exports, England aloneftate oftke
imported to the value of 2,509,853 ruoles. . Ruffian
On the 25 th of March 1802 was figned at Amiens commerce,
the definitive treaty of peace between the belligerent An,Il8oz*
powers of Europe, by one material article of which the Ruff,a glia.
iHands of Malta, Gozo and Comimo, were to be reftor-rantees the
ed to the knights of St John of Jerufalem, under the fovereignty
protettion and guarantee of France, Great Britain, Au-^^^ ^
ftria, Spain, Ruffia, and Pruffia 5 and his Sicilian majctly ^'St jJ}jn
was invited to furnilh 2000 men, natives of his ftates, toof jernfa-
ferve in garrifons at the different forlreffes of the faidlem.
i{lands, for one year after their reftitution to the knights,
or until they ftiould be replaced by a force deemed fuf-
ficient by the guaranteeing powers. Some time after
the conclufion of this treaty, difputes arofe among
the contradling powers relative to the fovereignty of
Malta, which the emperor of Ruffia infilled Ihould be
yielded to Naples, otherwife he would not undertake
to guarantee the order, and would ieparate from it the
priories of Ruffia. The refult of thefe difputes is well
known, as they afforded a reafon for renewing the
bloody conteft which has fo long defolated the face of
Europe. % 17S
During the ftiort interval of peace that was enjoyed Prudent re-
by Europe, the emperor of Ruffia made feveral prudent guiations of
regulations in the internal adminiftration of his empire.
On the 12th of September 1801, a manifefto had been^'
publifhed, proclaiming the union of Georgia or Ruflian
Grufinia with the empire, and on the ift April 1802,
Alexander fent a deputation to eftablifti the new go¬
vernment at Teffis, the capital of the province. This
deputation was received by the natives with enthufiauic
joy, efpecially as they brought back the image of St
Nina, which their prince Wachtang at his death had
left at Mofco. On the 28th May, the emperor wrote
a letter to the chamberlain Wittoftoff, prefident of the.
commiffion for ameliorating the condition of the poor of
St Peterffiurgh, in which he recommended the ccmmiC-
fion to follow the example of a fimilar eftabliihment at
Hamburgh, in fele&ing proper objefts for their chari¬
table bequefts, preferring the humble and induftrious
pauper to the idle and fturdy beggar. He alfo offered
confiderable premiums to perfons who fticuld intro¬
duce any new or advantageous mode of agriculture, or
who {hould bring to perfe&ion any old invention, open
any new branch of commerce, cftablifli any new manu-
fa&ure, or contrive any machine or procefs that might
be ufeful in the arts.
Early in the year 1803, the emperor fitted out at his An. 1S03.
own expence, two veffels lor a voyage of difeovery round 179
the world, under the command of Captain Krucenftern. A voyage
Thefe (hips were provided with every neceffary for ac- fet ou footj
complifhing the objea of the voyage 5 and feveral men
of eminence for fcience and literature, among whom
was Churchman the American aftronomer, volunteered
their fervices on this occafion. The veffels failed in the
latter end of t8^3’ and about a year after, intelligence
was received from M. Krucenftern, who was then lying
at Kamtfchatka. They had touched at the Marquefas
ifiands, where they had found a Frenchman and an
Engliffiman, who had been left there feveral years be¬
fore. The Engliftmian had completely forgotten hf
An. 1S04.
180
Eftabiifli-
ment of an
univerfity
in Lithu¬
ania.
181
Emancipa¬
tion of the
Jews in
Ruffia.
182
Difpute
with
France.
R U 3 r 397 i n U 3
native language, and-the Frenchman, who had ior fe-
ven years fpoken nothing but the language of the na¬
tives, fcarcely retained fufficient French to inform M.
Krucenftern that he had made part of the crew of an
American veiled which w7as wrecked on thofe coatts.
The expedition was then preparing to fail for Japan,
to carry thither M. de Raftnnoft", who had been ap¬
pointed ambaffador extraordinary from the court of
Ruffia to that of Japan.
In the beginning of 1804, the emperor eftabliflied a
univerffiy at Kharkof in Lithuania, for the cultivation
and diffuiion of the arts and fciences in that part of the
Ruffian empire, and. Mr Fletcher Campbell, a Scots
gentleman, was employed to procure mailers for this new
inilitution. Some time after, the emperor ordered that
meteorological obfervations Ihould be regularly made
at all the univeriities and public fchools, and the refults
publifhed. It appears that at the end of this year the
fums allotted by the Ruffian government, for defraying
the expences of thefe inftitutions amounted to 2,149,213
rubles, befides a gift of nearly 60,000 rubles towards
erecting the new univeriity.
About this time an imperial ukafe was publiihed,
granting to the Jews a complete emancipation from the
fhackles under which that devoted people had long
groaned, and allowing them the privileges of ed»eating
their children in any of the fchools and univerfities of
the empire, or eftablithing fchools at their own expence.
For feme time the genius of difeord, which had again
a&uated the minds of the European fovereigns, failed
to extend her baleful influence over the Ruffian em¬
pire 5 but it was fcarcely poffible that tire emperor
fhould long remain an impartial fpeftator of the renew¬
ed difputes between his more powerful neighbours. An
important change had, in the latter end ot 1802, taken
place in the miniftry of the empire and Count Woronz-
off, brother to the late ambaflador at London, had
been appointed great chancellor in chief of the depart¬
ment of foreign affairs, with Prince Adam Tzartorifki
for his afliftant. How far this change in the councils
of the empire influenced the political meafures of the
court of St Peterfburgh, it is not eafy to determine ; but
in the latter end of 1803, Alexander appeared to view
with a jealous eye the prefumption and violence exercif-
ed by France among the German ftates, and the en¬
croachments which (he appeared defirous of making on
the freedom of the Baltic. Alexander had offered his
mediation between Great Britain and France, but with¬
out effect, and both thefe parties ftrove to bring over
the Ruffian emperor to their alliance. France feems to
have held out to the ambition of Alexander the bait of
a partition of the Turkifh territories, the difmember-
ment of which had long been a favourite object with
his predeceffors. At length, however, the court of
London prevailed, and the Ruffian ambaffador, by his
mafter’s orders, took leave of the Firft Conful of the
French republic, though without demonflrating any
intentions of immediate hoftility. A new levy of
100,000 men was immediately ordered, to recruit the
Ruffian army, and to prevent any jealoufy on the fide
of Turkey, affuranees were given to the Sublime Porte
of the amicable intentions of Ruffia towards that power.
On the 1 t th April a treaty of concert was conclud¬
ed between Great Britain and Ruffia, in which the two
governments agreed to adopt the moll efficacious means
for forming a general league of the ftates of Europe, Puiffia.
to be dire&ed againft the power of France. The ob- v
jefts of this league were undoubtedly of great import-
ance to the welfare of Europe j and it is deeply to- be Treaty of
regretted that the circumftances of the times did not ad-concert be-
mit of their being carried into execution. From thetween .
terms of the treaty, thefe objects appear to be,~Firft, Grea^^r1'
The evacuation of the country of Hanover and the ^ufiia.
north of Germany. Secondly, The eftablilhment of the
independence of the republics of Holland and Switzer¬
land. Thirdly, The re-eftablifliment of the king of
Sardinia in Piedmont, with as large an augmentation
of territory as circumftances would allow7. Fourthly,
The future fecurity of the kingdom of Naples, and the
complete evacuation of Italy, the ifland of Elba includ¬
ed, by the French forces. Fifthly, The eftablilhment of
an order of things in Europe, which might effeftually
guarantee the fecurity and independence of the different
ilates, and prefent a folid barrier againft future ufurpa-
tion.
For the profecution of the great objefls of this treaty,
it was propofed by the firft article that an army of 500,000
men Ihould be levied j but in a fubfequent feparate ar¬
ticle, the contracting parties, after obferving that it was
more defirable than eafy to affemble fo large a force,
agreed that the treaty Ihould be carried into execution
as foon as it ftrould be poffible to oppofe to France an
aftive force ot 400,000 men. It was underftood and
ftipulated that thefe troops Ihould be provided by the
powers of the continent who Ihould become parties to the
league, and fubfidies Ihould be granted by Great Bri¬
tain in the proportion of 1,250,000k Sterling for every
100,000 men, befides a confiderable additional fum for
the neceffary expence occirfioned in bringing them into
the field.
About this time the occupation of Genoa by the „ 1
-r- i 1 1 it J r Open rup»
rrencir, on the pretence tiiat that republic was too tee-ture
ble to fupport itfelf againft the attacks of Great Bri-France,
tain, wa's communicated to the different courts of Eu¬
rope, and excited in every quarter the higheft indigna¬
tion. The emperor Alexander, in particular, was in-
cenfed at this new outrage. Such an open violation of
thole principles which were juftly regarded as effential
to the general fafety, committed not only during the
peace ol the continent, but when paffports had been
delivered to bis ambaffador, in order that a negociation
might be commenced for the purpofe of providing for
the permanent iccurity and repofe of Europe, he confi-
dered as an indecent infult to his perfon and crown.
He iffued immediate orders for the recall of M. Novo-
filtzoff; and the meffenger dilpatched upon this occa-
fion was commanded to repair with theutmoft diligence
to Berlin. M. Novofiltzoff had not yet left that city j -
he immediately therefore returned Lis pafiports to the
Pruffian minifter of ftate, Laron de Hardenberg, and at
the fame time delivered, by order of his court, a memo¬
rial explanatory of the object of his miffion, and of
the circumftances which had led to its termination.
It ftated that the emperor bad, in compliance w7ith
the withes of his Britannic majefty, fent his ambaffador
to Bonaparte, to meet the pacific overtures which he had
made to the court of London that the exifling difa-
greement between Ruffia and France might have placed
infurmountable cbftacles in the way of a negociation '
for .peace by a Ruffian miaifter 3 but that his imperil
majefty .
R U S
t 398 1
n u s
Ruffia. majefty of Raffia did not for a moment hentate to pafs
v ' over all perfonal difpleafure, and all the ufual formali¬
ties j that he had declared he would receive the paff-
ports only on condition that his minifter thould enter
diredlly upon a negociation with the chief of the French
government, without acknowdedging the new title
which he had affumed ; and that Bonaparte fhould give
explicit nffiirances that he was ftill animated by the
fame wifh for a general peace, which he had appeared
to fhew' in his letter to his Britannic majefty ; that af¬
ter his Pruffian majefty had tranfmitted the pofitive an-
fvver of the court of the Thuilleries, that it perfevered
in the intention fincerely to lend its hand to a pacific
negotiation, the emperor had accepted the paffports *,
but that by a frefti tranfgreffion of the moft folemn trea¬
ties, the union of the Ligurian republic with France
had been effedfted •, that this event of itfelf, the circum-
ftances which had accompanied it, the formalities
which had been employed to haften the execution of it,
the moment which had been chofen to carry the fame
into execution, had formed an aggregate which muft
terminate the facrifices which the emperor wrould have
made at the preffing requeft of Great Britain, and in the
hope of reftoring tranquillity to Europe by the means of
negotiation.
The recall of the Ruffian envoy appeared to be the
fignal of hoftilities on the part of Ruffia and Auftria againft
France. Thefe hoftilities may be faid to have com¬
menced and terminated in the autumn of this year.
The military operations that diftinguifned this fhort but
bloody conflift, the rapid fucceffes of the French, the
capitulation of Ulm on the 1 7th of Oftober, the occu¬
pation of Vienna by the French on the I2lh of the fame
month, and the fanguinary battle of Aufterlitz on the
27th of November, have been already noticed under
France, N° 552—555, and are frefh in the memory
of our readers. The confequences of thefe difaftrous
events were, firft a ceflfation of hoftilities, and at length a
treaty of firm alliance between Ruffia and France.
Before Alexander finally ftooped to the imperial ea¬
gles of Napoleon, however, he was determined to make
one more effort to preferve his independence. fhe
Ruffian envoy at Paris, d’Oubril, had haftily conclud¬
ed a preliminary treaty of peace between his mafter and
the emperor of the French, which he figned at Paris on
the 8th of July 1806, and inftantly fet out for St Pe-
terfburgh to procure the ratification of his mafter. 'Ihe
terms of this convention were laid before the privy coun¬
cil by Alexander ; but they appeared fo derogatory to
the interefts of Ruffia, that the emperor refufed them
his fanftion, and declared that the counfellor of (late,
d’Oubril, when he figned the convention, had not only
departed from the inftru&ions he had received, but had
afted dire&ly contrary to the fenfe and intention of the
commiffion with which he had been intrufted. His
imperial majefty, however, figmfied his willingnefs to
renew the negociations for peace, but only on fuch
terms as were ccnfiftent with the dignity of his crown,
and the interefts of his empire.
i8| In the mean time, the king of Pruffia began, when it
Alliance was too late, to fee the folly and imprudence of the neu-
with t'fufila trality which he had fo long maintained, and he at
^Ttre length prepared to oppbfe his now feeble efforts to the
growing power of France. He brought together in the
fummer of this year, an army of at leaft 200,000 men,
3
As. 18c 6.
near Weimar and Jena, while the French myriads af- Ru&a.
fembled in Franconia, and on the frontiers of Saxony.t,,n
Previous to the commencement of hoftilities, his Pruf¬
fian majefty iffued a fpirited manifefto, in which he ex¬
plained his motives for abandoning his plan of neutra¬
lity, and appealed to Europe for the juftice of his caufe.
The king of Pruffia entered into an alliance with the
emperor Alexander, and with the king of Sweden, and
it was expefted, that thefe united forces would at length
hurl the tyrant of Europe from his throne, or at leaft
compel him to liften to equitable terms of pacification.
Thefe expectations were, horvever, miferably difap-
pointed. The fame extraordinary fuccefs was ftill to
attend the arms of France, and the north of Europe
was again condemned to fubmit in filence to her
yoke.
On the 13th October, tbe Pruffians received a dread¬
ful check at tbe battle of Jena, where, according to
the French accounts, their lofs amounted 20,000 in
killed and wounded, and above 30,000 prifoners ; and
on the 27th of the fame month, Napoleon entered Ber¬
lin. While the French were thus fuccefsful, the troops
of the emperor Alexander entered Pruffian Poland, and
took up their refidence at Warfaw 5 but they werefoon
attacked by the French under the grand duke of Berg *. * Mufttf.
On the 26th of November, the outpofts of the refpec-
tive armies fell in with each other, and a {kirmifti took
place, in which the Ruffians were thrown into feme con-
fufion, and a regiment of Kozaks was made prifoners.
On the 28th the grand duke of Berg entered Warfaw
-with his cavalry, and the Ruffians retreated acrofs the
Viftula, burning the bridge over which they had paf-
fed. On the 26th of December, a dreadful engage¬
ment took place between the Ruffians, commanded by
General Benningfen, and the French under generals
Murat, Davouft and Lafnes. The feene of aftion was
at Oftralenka, about 60 miles from Warfaw, and the
fighting continued for three days. The lofs was im-
menfe on both fides, though the advantage appears to
have been on the fide of the French. According to
French accounts, the Ruffian army loft x 2,000 men
in killed and wounded, together with 80 pieces of
cannon, and all its ammunition waggons, while the
Ruffian account ftates the lofs of the French at 5000
men.
In the beginning of February 1807, the Ruffians ob- An. 1S07.
tained a partial advantage in the battle of Eylau. Ac- .
cording to the account of this battle, given by General
de Budberg, in a difpatch to the Marquis of Douglas,
the Britilh ambaffador at St Peterfhurgh, the Ruffian
general Benningfen, after having fallen back, for the
purpofe of choofing a pofition which he judged well
adapted for manoeuvring the troops under his command,
drew up his army at Preuffifch Eylau._ During four
days fucceffively his rear guard had to withftand feveral
vigorous attacks ; and on the 7th of February at three
o’clock in the afternoon, the battle became general
through the whole line of the main army. The conteft
was deftru&ive, and night came on before it could fee
decided. Early on the following morning, the French
renew-ed the attack, and the aftion was contefted with
obftinacy on both fides, but towards the evening of
that day the affailants were repulfed, and the Ruffian
general remained mafter of the field. In this aftion,
Napoleon commanded in perfon, having under him An-
gereai*,
IS7
B ■.tie ( f
J'iiedlancl.
188
War decla¬
red againft
Ruflia by
Turkey.
1S9
Treaty of
Tillit.
R U S _ [3
gereau, Davouft, Soult, Ney, arid BefTieres, at the head
oi the imperial guards. The lofs of the Ruffians in that
engagement, was by themfelves Rated at above 6000
men, while they eflimated that of the French at nearly
double that number.
This was the latt important Rand made by the Ruffian
army. Sever.;! a ft ions fucceeded at Spanden, at La-
mitten, at Gultoladt, and at Heilsberg, in all of which
the French had the advantage, till at length on the
14th of June, the Ruffians appeared in confiderable
force on the bridge of Friedland, whither the French
army under Napoleon was advancing. At three in the
morning, the report of cannon was firft heard, and at
this tunc Marfhals Lafnes and Mortier were engaged
with the Ruffians. After various manoeuvres, the Ruf¬
fian troops received a check, and fled off towards Kon-
ningffierg. In the afternoon, the French army drew up
in order of battle, having Marffial Ney on the right,
Lafnes in the centre, and Mortier on the left, while
Viftor commanded a corps de referve, confiding of the
guards. At half paft five the attack began on the fide
of Marffial Ney; and notwithfianding the different
movements of the Ruffians to effefl a diverfion, the
French foon carried all before them. The lofs of the
Ruffians, according to the ufual exaggerations of the
French bulletins, w?as efiimated at from 10,000 to 15,000
men, and 25 of their generals -were faid to have been
killed, wounded, or taken. In confequence of this
viffory, the French became mafiers of all the country
round Konningfberg, and Marfiial Soult entered that ci¬
ty in triumph.
Thus concluded the campaign in Germany, in which
the Ruffians fuftained a lofs of at leafi 30,000 of their
choicefi troops.
While thefe military operations were going forward
on the continent of Europe, the emiffaries of France were
bufily employed at Conflantinople, in exciting the di¬
van to declare againft their ancient enemies. They at
length fuccaeded : and on the 30th of December war
with Ruffia was proclaimed, and 28 regiments of janif-
faries affetnbled under the command of the grand vizir 5
but the difturbances which broke out in the latter end
of May 1807, prevented any operations of importance
from taking place, and the pacification which was foon
concluded between Ruffia and France, though it did
not entirely put a Ron to the war between the former
powder and Turkey, in fome meafure diminiftied their
hofiile preparations.
The defeats which the allied armies had fufiained in
Pruffia and Poland, rendered peace, almoR on any
terms, a defireable objeift 5 and Alexander found him-
felf conftrained to meet, at leafi with the appearance of
friendship, the conqueror of his armies. Propofitions
for an armifiice had been made by the Pruffian general
to the grand duke of Berg near Tilfit, and after the
battle of Friedland, the Ruflian prince Labanoff had a
conference, on fimilar views, with the prince of Neuf-
chatel, foon after which an armifiice was concluded be¬
tween the French and Ruffians. On the 25th of June
99 ] R U S
an amicable meeting took place on the river Niemen, RufKa.
between the emperors of France and Ruffia, and adjoin-
ing apartments were fitted up for the reception of both
courts in the town of Tilfit. This conitrained friend-
fhip was foon after cemented by the treaty of Tillit,
concluded between the emperor cf the French on the
one part, and the emperor of Ruffia and the king of
Pruffia on the other, on the 7th and I2lh of July in this
year.
The conclufion of the treaty of Tilfit was notified to Rnpture
the court of London on the lit of Auguft by M. Alo-wnh Briv
peus, minifier plenipotentiary from the emperor oftaiir.
Ruffia •, and at the fame time a propofal was made
from his imperial majefty for mediating a peace be¬
tween France and Britain. This mediation, however,
was declined on the part of Great Britain, until his Bri¬
tannic majefty Should be made acquainted wfith the fti-
pulations of the treaty of Tilfit, and Ibould find them
Rich as might afford him a juft hope of the attainment
of a fecure and honourable peace. This declining of
the mediation of Ruffia was no doubt expe&ed by
the court of St Pelerlburgh ; but it ferved as a pretext
for binding more clofely the alliance between that power
and France, by breaking off her ccnnedHon with Great
Britain. Accordingly, in Oftober, Lord Granville Le~
vefon Gower, who had fucceeded the Marquis of Doug¬
las as Britifti envoy, received a note from the govern¬
ment, intimating that, as a Britifii ambaffador, he could
be no longer received at the court of St Peterfburgh,
which he therefore foon after quitted. An embargo
was laid on all Britifii veffels in the ports of Ruffia,
and it was peremptorily required by Napoleon and Alex¬
ander, that Sweden Should abandon her alliance with
Great Britain.
An additional ground of complaint againff the Britilh
court was furnished by the attack on Copenhagen, and
the feizure of the Danifti fleet in the beginning of Sep¬
tember 5 and though Lord Gower had attempted to juf-
tify thefe meafures on the plea of anticipating the
French in the fame tranfaftion, the emperor of Ruffia
exprefled, in the warmeft terms, his indignation at what
he called an unjuft attack on a neutral power. A con¬
fiderable Ruflian fleet joined the French, but the com¬
bined fquadrons were compelled to feek for Shelter in
the Tagus, where they remained blocked up by the
British 5 and another fleet of 15 fail of the line that
proceeded up the Mediterranean, and advanced as far
as Triefte, Shared a limilar fate (1).
On the 26th of October the emperor of Ruffia publish¬
ed a declaration, notifying to the powers of Europe that
he had broken off all communication between his empire
and Great Britain, until the conclufion of a peace be¬
tween this power and France. In a counter-declara¬
tion, published at London on the 10th of December,
his Britannic majefiy repels the accufations of Ruffia,,
while he regrets the interruption of the friendly inter-
courfe between that power and Britain. His majefty
juftifies his own conduft, and declares, that when the
opportunity for peace between Great Britain and Ruffia
Shall
(1) By the unfortunate convention of Cintra, concluded on the 3d of September 1808, the Ruffian fleet in the
I agus was furrendered to the Britilh, to be held as a depofit, till fix months after the figning of a definitive treaty
of peace.
R U S
[ 4°° 1
R U S
Raffia.
An. iSoS.
lyi
Renewed
negocia-
tions with
Britain.
(hall arrive, be will embrace it with eagerriefs; fatis-
' fied, if Kuffia fliall manifeit a difpofition to return to
her ancient feeling of friendihip towards Great Britain,
to a juft confideration of her own true interefts, and to a
fenfe of her own dignity as an independent nation.
In October 1808, a meeting took, place at Erfurtn
between the emperors of France and Ruiiia, and a letter
Y/as drawn up under their iignature, addtelieu to iiiS
Britannic majefty. Ihe object of this letter was, to
induce the king of Great Britain to enter into negocia-
tions for a general peace, and with that view it was dif-
patched by Gount Itomanzoff, tire itufnan mimtiei at
Erfurth, to Mr Canning the Britilh fecretary of ftate
^or foreign affairs. As this letter, and the official note
of the Britiffi government in anfwer to it, fupply twro
ivery important documents in the later hiftory oi the pre¬
sent war, we {hall here introduce them. The letter of
the two emperors is as follows.
“ Sire. The prefent circumftances of Europe have
brought us together at Erfurth. Our firft thought is to
yield to the wiftv and the wants of every people, and to
feek, in a fpcedy pacification with your majefty, the
moft efficacious remedy for the miferies which opprefs all
nations. We make known to your majefty our fincere
defire in this refpeft by the prefent letter.
The long and bloody war which has torn the con¬
tinent is abandoned, without the peffibility of being re¬
newed. Many changes have taken place in Europe*,
many fiates have been overthrown. The caufe is to be
found in the ftate of agitation and mifery in which the
ft agnation of maritime commerce has placed the greateft
nations. Still greater changes may yet take place, and
all of them contrary to the policy of the Engliffi nation.
Feace, then, is at once the intereft of the continent, and
that of the people of Great Britain.
“ We unite in entreating your majefty toliften to the
voice of humanity, filencing that of the paffions *, to
feek, with the intention of arriving at that objeft, to
conciliate all interefts, and by that means to preferve all
the powers which exift, and fo enfure the happinefs. of
Europe and of this generation, at the head of which
Frovidence has placed us.”
(Signed) ALEXANDER. —NAPOLEON.
In anfwer to this letter the following official note,
figned by Mr Secretary Canning, w'as difpatched to
Erfurth *, and as the imperial correfpondents refufed to
accede to the requifitions it contained, all hopes of pre¬
fent accommodation were at an end.
“ The king has uniformly declared his readinefs and
defire to enter into negociations for a general peace, on
terms confiftent with the honour ot his majefty s crown,
with fidelity to his engagements, and with the perma¬
nent repofe and fecuiity of Europe. Jus majefty re¬
peats that declaration.
“ If the condition of the continent be one of agita¬
tion and of wretchednefs j if many ftales have been
overthrowm, and more are ftill menaced with fubverfion *,
it is a confolation to the king to refled!, that no part of
the convulficns which have been already experienced,
or of thefe which are threatened for the future, can be
in any degree imputable to bis majefty. Ihe king is
' moft willing to acknowledge that all fuch dread.el
changes arc indeed contrary to the policy oi Great Bri¬
tain. 4
Rr.flia.
“ If the caufe of fo much mifery is to be found in the
flagnation of commercial intercourfe, although his ma-
jelty cannot be expected to hear, with unqualified rc-
gret, that the fyfiem devifed for the deftrudtion of the
Commerce of his fubjedls has recoiled upon its authors,
or its inftruments, yet it is neither in the dilpofition of
his majefty, nor in the charadler of the people over
whom he reigns, to rejoice in the privations and unhap-
pinefs even of the nations which are combined againil
him. His majefly anxioufly defires the termination of
the fufferings of the continent.
“ The war in which his majefty is engaged, was en¬
tered into by his majefty for the immediate objedt of
national fafety. It has been prolonged only becaule no
fecure and honourable means oi terminating it ha\e hi¬
therto been afforded by his enemies.
“ But in the progrels of a war, begun for felfidefence,
new obligations have been impofed upon his majefty, in
behalf of powers whom the aggreffions of a common
enemy have compelled to make common caufe with his
majefty, or who have lolicited his majefty’s affiftance
and fupport in the vindication of their national indepen¬
dence. “ ,
“ The interefts of the crown of Portugal and of his
Sicilian majefty are confided to his majefty’s fiiendfhip
and protedlion.
“ With the king of Sweden his majefty is connedled
by the tfes of the clofefl alliance, and by ftipulations
which unite their counfels for peace as well as for
w7ar.
“ To Spain his majefty is not yet bound by any for¬
mal inftrument *, but bis majefty has, in the face of the
world, contradled with that nation engagements not let's
facred, and not Itfs binding, upon bis majeily s mind,
than the molt folemn treaties.
“ His majefty, therefore, affumes that, in an overture
made to his majefly for entering into negociations for a
general peace, the relations fubfifting between his ma¬
jefty and the Spanifti monarchy have been diflindtly ta¬
ken into confideration ; and that the government aefting
in the name of his Catholic majefty, Ferdinand VII. is
underftood to be a party to any negociation in which his
maiefty is invited to engage.” 192
The demand of concurrence in the view’s of France War with
and Ruffia made on Sweden w7as formally repeated in aSweden‘
declaration of the emperor Alexander, publiftied at St
Peterfburgh on the 10th February in this year. In
this declaration his imperial majefty intimated to the
king of Sweden, that he was making preparations to in¬
vade his territories j but that he was ready to change the
meafures he was about to take, to meafures of precau¬
tion onlv, if Sweden would, without delay, join Ruffia
and Denmark in fhutting the Baltic again!! Great Bri¬
tain, until the conclufton of a maritime, peace. He
profeffed that nothing could be more painful to him,
than to fee a rupture take place be tween. Sweden and
Ruffia j but that his Swediffi majefty had it ftill in his
power to avoid this event, by refolving without delav,
to adopt that courfe which could alone preferve ftncl
union and perfeft harmony between the two ftates. .
The king of Sweden, however, determined to abide
by the meafures which he had for fome time j.urfried,
and to accede to the terms of the convention which had
juft been concluded between him and the. king of Great
Britain. In confequence of this determination, a Ru.~
fian
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